truthout--2020-06-27--Bree Newsome Took Down the Confederate Flag 5 Years Ago. She’s Still Organizing.

Five years ago today , 30-year-old activist Bree Newsome Bass shocked the world by climbing a 30-foot flag pole and taking down the Confederate battle flag at the South Carolina State Capitol Building — a flag that state leaders had first raised in 1961 to tell the budding civil rights movement to “ stay out !
” Almost 55 years later , Newsome put her boots , courage and backpack on , and defied those racist warnings in the most daring and audacious way possible , head-on .
After taking the flag down with her bare hands , Newsome was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eventually posted bail .
Her defiant act of Black resistance had a worldwide impact that can still be felt today .
That was half a decade ago now .
Five years later she ’ s still organizing , still showing up for her community , and even more radical now than she was then .
In this exclusive Truthout interview , Newsome discusses her personal journey and political evolution , Black womanhood , the recent mass protests and the continued road forward for the Black Freedom Struggle .
Lamont Lilly : Bree , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ How have you been doing ?
Bree Newsome Bass : I ’ ve been doing just about as well as I feel anyone can be doing in these current circumstances .
I think the concept of safety is largely an illusion , especially for Black folk here in the U.S.
I ’ m not even sure what it means to be safe anymore .
In terms of am I fed ?
Do I have stable housing ?
Is my family good ?
I ’ m doing OK.
I ’ m blessed , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has those things .
I know you ’ re an organizer , Bree .
Do you work with an organization ?
For the last few years , the work has been mostly independent .
That ’ s a choice I ’ ve made since about 2015 .
After taking down the Confederate flag , I decided to move more independently , not only for my livelihood , but also in regards to my political work .
It also worked out that facilitating workshops and public speaking afforded me the freedom to organize politically @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I do a lot of advising and consulting .
With the housing coalition we built in Charlotte , we ’ re now transitioning that leadership into a different model .
I was a facilitator helping us as a community to think through this process .
The goal was to have a functioning and independent Black housing coalition .
My work is revolution , one step at a time .
You got married in late 2018 .
You ’ re Bree Newsome Bass now .
How has the other side of the broom been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ good !
I met my husband in the movement .
We met at a vigil for Jonathan Ferrell .
This isn ’ t just organizing for me .
This is how I exist in the world .
We understand that about each other and we support that .
When we got married in October 2018 , my husband was in full swing , working on electoral organizing here in North Carolina .
Two grassroots activists , getting married during the midst of election season in North Carolina can be very intense .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in our community .
While we ’ re doing the work , we ’ re also in love .
In the summer of 2015 , you climbed a 30-foot flag pole to take down the confederate flag at the South Carolina State Capital Building in Columbia .
Does it feel like it ’ s been five years ?
Yes , and no .
I view all of that period as just a prelude to what we are in right now .
I do commemorate that moment , as I have every year .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ not been resolved .
The Black Freedom Struggle is still unfolding .
You were on the front lines of Movement for Black Lives organizing during the 2013-2018 period .
What was it like living the movement from day-to-day ?
The early years almost felt like a constant cycle of rapid response .
We were just responding to cases as they unfolded , mostly because of these new devices called camera phones .
In 2013 , I was involved in Moral Mondays and was arrested at the North Carolina General Assembly .
The next @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , several of us drove down to Florida and met with the Dream Defenders , who were protesting and organizing around Trayvon Martin .
We come back home and then there was the police killing of Jonathan Ferrell .
There was also a group of us who went up to Ohio and did an 11-mile march for John Crawford who was murdered by the police at a Walmart in Beavercreek .
There was this new energy , particularly among young people , pushing for our own movement .
It was young people who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violence .
Young people were having their clothing criminalized .
Hoodies were being profiled as a threat to the police .
These topics have become more mainstream now , as well as the overall resistance .
But seven years ago , we had to fight just to have an honest conversation , not only with the state but with traditional Black leadership .
For the Black community , the disparities in health care and proper medical attention during the COVID-19 pandemic have been dreadfully glaring .
How do we organize as a community @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be willing to pool resources , from the churches to the community groups .
It ’ s about developing mutual aid components — from fresh food to protective face cover .
This individualistic mindset is so antithetical to African societies and Black culture .
We know how to check on our elders .
We should be checking on each other and taking care of each other .
Do our elders have the groceries they need ?
Does Ms. Jefferies have her needed gloves and face masks ?
Does Ms. Brown have transportation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our community stay informed ?
It ’ s about having a spirit of collectivism and communalism .
Many folks are already doing this .
This is what the work looks like , but I do think we ’ re missing that internalized philosophy of Black self-reliance .
We do have to meet needs but we also have to politicize folks .
Helping to provide basic needs right now is certainly what ’ s most pressing .
The George Floyd and Breonna Taylor protests… .
What does this moment really mean ?
This moment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and 2015 .
This moment is building on everything that came before it .
The last several years have been critical .
Ferguson was the seed .
A lot of us had seen this before .
So no , folks were not going to be so patient this time .
We ’ re also seeing that same wave consciousness from six , seven years ago take hold of a new generation now .
For those who may have been too young to understand the significance of Freddie Gray and Sandra Bland , now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Taylor .
What ’ s different in this particular moment is the compounded effects of the collapse of capitalism .
Not only did folks witness a public lynching for eight minutes and 46 seconds , almost half the country is underemployed or unemployed .
Resources are being allocated to more policing and militarization , yet during the coronavirus outbreak , we had doctors and nurses who couldn ’ t get protective gear to do their jobs .
Police have tanks and rubber bullets , but hospitals can ’ t even get ventilators and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make ?
That ’ s capitalism .
The billionaires made more billions .
We got a one-time check for $ 1,200 — that is , if you qualified .
This contradiction of capitalism and humanity was really made clear to a lot of people .
This is the empire crumbling and I think people can really see this for themselves now .
We ’ re also at the point where people are like , “ Man , what do I have to lose ?
I might as well get involved.
” It almost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ revolution and the true toppling of the old systems .
This is a very sensitive topic , Bree , but a critical one indeed .
When I hear names like Oluwatoyin Salau , Amber Evans or even Erica Garner , I just don ’ t feel like they were properly cared for and protected .
These women were all activists fighting for us .
I ’ m also reminded of something : There can be no Black Liberation without the liberation of Black women .
Any thoughts on this ?
Modern American society @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social dynamics of the plantation , and the economics of the plantation .
That ’ s what built U.S. capitalism .
On the plantation , there was a hierarchy and an intersection of that hierarchy .
The white male patriarch was always at the very top — the owner , the slave master .
When he wasn ’ t there , the white woman would step into that role .
She was number two in this hierarchy .
Then came Black men and Black women , but we were at the bottom of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The question was always whose labor and body is most disposable in the production of the cash crop .
Not only did Black women cut sugar cane and pick cotton , we also produced more slaves by giving birth .
Our bodies were units of capital , used and exploited at anyone ’ s disposal .
This was the social order of the slavocracy .
Many of us as descendants of the enslaved , internalized this slavocracy .
We internalized white supremacy .
We internalized white male patriarchy .
They became a byproduct @ @ @ @ @ @ @ really talking about is a kind of ingrained and accepted hostility toward Black women in general , or anyone that is considered Black and feminine .
Are Black men guilty of patriarchy ?
Of course , as are most men .
But let ’ s not forget to discuss the root of this problem , its historical origin .
White male patriarchy was the root of this then and it ’ s still the root today , along with racial capitalism .
This system is still alive because we ’ ve all been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still unlearning things myself .
But let ’ s be clear about something , Black women did not create this system and neither did Black men .
We were the victims of this system .
This history is still playing out .
Even when we look at the essential workers and who is being hit by COVID-19 and the most vulnerable at their places of employment .
In large-part , it ’ s Black women , nurses , caretakers , cashiers .
A lot of these workers are Black mothers — underpaid , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ capitalism , patriarchy and the slavocracy .
When I think of the story of Oluwatoyin Salau , if you ’ re asking was she cared for , the answer is no , on several levels !
She was failed by the system from every angle — racism , poverty , homelessness , patriarchy , sexism , misogyny , and most of all , a lack of resources , support and safety .
This general violence , though , against Black and African girls must be named .
Truth is , this system doesn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ safety .
That ’ s why when Black women and girls show up dead , it ’ s not as much of a shock to the nation ’ s conscience .
Violence against white women will stop the world , though .
We have to process all of these nuances .
While folks are taking up the conversation around defunding and abolishing the police , we should also be having this conversation as well .
We know there ’ s love and care in our communities because some of us are helping to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are also people who take great pride in being protectors of our community .
I say this to say , we can do more .
We can do better .
I do believe our very lives depend on it , as a people .
You got that right , brother .
There ’ s no Black Liberation without Black women !
Movements leave behind history and hard-earned lessons .
What were some of the lessons you learned ?
The massive amounts of untapped power we have .
Whenever we do get worked up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the street , it can be very powerful .
From Minneapolis , Minnesota , protests have sparked all over the world .
What that shows is the power that we have in numbers when we organize .
It also shows is that these kinds of short-term reactionary mobilizations are not enough to take on a highly organized system of mass oppression .
We can riot for days .
We can mount a rebellion even for a couple of weeks .
Mass marches and protests are great , but eventually , they ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in and of itself , is not enough to combat the system .
I think all of us from several ago realized that .
We have to answer the question of what does it mean to have independent Black political power ?
That ’ s easier to say than do , but I do believe we can get there , collectively .
That ’ s the work going forward .
Some of us have to imagine first and know that we can .
Some of us are already laying the foundation and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is happening right now .
We ’ re living it !

Five years ago today, 30-year-old activist Bree Newsome Bass shocked the world by climbing a 30-foot flag pole and taking down the Confederate battle flag at the South Carolina State Capitol Building — a flag that state leaders had first raised in 1961 to tell the budding civil rights movement to “stay out!”
Almost 55 years later, Newsome put her boots, courage and backpack on, and defied those racist warnings in the most daring and audacious way possible, head-on. After taking the flag down with her bare hands, Newsome was quickly arrested and jailed, and she eventually posted bail. Her defiant act of Black resistance had a worldwide impact that can still be felt today.
That was half a decade ago now. Five years later she’s still organizing, still showing up for her community, and even more radical now than she was then. In this exclusive Truthout interview, Newsome discusses her personal journey and political evolution, Black womanhood, the recent mass protests and the continued road forward for the Black Freedom Struggle.
Lamont Lilly: Bree, so good to talk with you. How have you been doing?
Bree Newsome Bass: I’ve been doing just about as well as I feel anyone can be doing in these current circumstances. I think the concept of safety is largely an illusion, especially for Black folk here in the U.S. I’m not even sure what it means to be safe anymore. In terms of am I fed? Do I have stable housing? Is my family good? I’m doing OK. I’m blessed, but the key is to make sure everyone has those things.
I know you’re an organizer, Bree. Do you work with an organization?
For the last few years, the work has been mostly independent. That’s a choice I’ve made since about 2015. After taking down the Confederate flag, I decided to move more independently, not only for my livelihood, but also in regards to my political work. It also worked out that facilitating workshops and public speaking afforded me the freedom to organize politically however I wanted, for free. I do a lot of advising and consulting. With the housing coalition we built in Charlotte, we’re now transitioning that leadership into a different model. I was a facilitator helping us as a community to think through this process. The goal was to have a functioning and independent Black housing coalition. My work is revolution, one step at a time.
You got married in late 2018. You’re Bree Newsome Bass now. How has the other side of the broom been for you?
[Laughing] Very good! I met my husband in the movement. We met at a vigil for Jonathan Ferrell. This isn’t just organizing for me. This is how I exist in the world. We understand that about each other and we support that. When we got married in October 2018, my husband was in full swing, working on electoral organizing here in North Carolina. Two grassroots activists, getting married during the midst of election season in North Carolina can be very intense. We’re very active people and involved in our community. While we’re doing the work, we’re also in love.
In the summer of 2015, you climbed a 30-foot flag pole to take down the confederate flag at the South Carolina State Capital Building in Columbia. Does it feel like it’s been five years?
Yes, and no. I view all of that period as just a prelude to what we are in right now. I do commemorate that moment, as I have every year. But the issues of our people have not been resolved. The Black Freedom Struggle is still unfolding.
You were on the front lines of Movement for Black Lives organizing during the 2013-2018 period. What was it like living the movement from day-to-day?
The early years almost felt like a constant cycle of rapid response. We were just responding to cases as they unfolded, mostly because of these new devices called camera phones. In 2013, I was involved in Moral Mondays and was arrested at the North Carolina General Assembly. The next week after getting arrested at Moral Mondays, several of us drove down to Florida and met with the Dream Defenders, who were protesting and organizing around Trayvon Martin. We come back home and then there was the police killing of Jonathan Ferrell. There was also a group of us who went up to Ohio and did an 11-mile march for John Crawford who was murdered by the police at a Walmart in Beavercreek.
There was this new energy, particularly among young people, pushing for our own movement. It was young people who were being disproportionately impacted by this police violence. Young people were having their clothing criminalized. Hoodies were being profiled as a threat to the police. These topics have become more mainstream now, as well as the overall resistance. But seven years ago, we had to fight just to have an honest conversation, not only with the state but with traditional Black leadership.
For the Black community, the disparities in health care and proper medical attention during the COVID-19 pandemic have been dreadfully glaring. How do we organize as a community to keep ourselves safe?
We have to be willing to pool resources, from the churches to the community groups. It’s about developing mutual aid components — from fresh food to protective face cover. This individualistic mindset is so antithetical to African societies and Black culture. We know how to check on our elders. We should be checking on each other and taking care of each other. Do our elders have the groceries they need? Does Ms. Jefferies have her needed gloves and face masks? Does Ms. Brown have transportation to the clinic? Are we helping our community stay informed? It’s about having a spirit of collectivism and communalism. Many folks are already doing this.
This is what the work looks like, but I do think we’re missing that internalized philosophy of Black self-reliance. We do have to meet needs but we also have to politicize folks. Helping to provide basic needs right now is certainly what’s most pressing.
The George Floyd and Breonna Taylor protests…. What does this moment really mean?
This moment is definitely a little different from 2014 and 2015. This moment is building on everything that came before it. The last several years have been critical. Ferguson was the seed. A lot of us had seen this before. So no, folks were not going to be so patient this time. We’re also seeing that same wave consciousness from six, seven years ago take hold of a new generation now. For those who may have been too young to understand the significance of Freddie Gray and Sandra Bland, now it’s George Floyd and Breonna Taylor.
What’s different in this particular moment is the compounded effects of the collapse of capitalism. Not only did folks witness a public lynching for eight minutes and 46 seconds, almost half the country is underemployed or unemployed. Resources are being allocated to more policing and militarization, yet during the coronavirus outbreak, we had doctors and nurses who couldn’t get protective gear to do their jobs. Police have tanks and rubber bullets, but hospitals can’t even get ventilators and enough beds. What sense does that make? That’s capitalism.
The billionaires made more billions. We got a one-time check for $1,200 — that is, if you qualified. This contradiction of capitalism and humanity was really made clear to a lot of people. This is the empire crumbling and I think people can really see this for themselves now. We’re also at the point where people are like, “Man, what do I have to lose? I might as well get involved.” It almost feels like the early stages of a revolution and the true toppling of the old systems.
This is a very sensitive topic, Bree, but a critical one indeed. When I hear names like Oluwatoyin Salau, Amber Evans or even Erica Garner, I just don’t feel like they were properly cared for and protected. These women were all activists fighting for us. I’m also reminded of something: There can be no Black Liberation without the liberation of Black women. Any thoughts on this?
Modern American society is best understood first by studying the social dynamics of the plantation, and the economics of the plantation. That’s what built U.S. capitalism. On the plantation, there was a hierarchy and an intersection of that hierarchy. The white male patriarch was always at the very top — the owner, the slave master. When he wasn’t there, the white woman would step into that role. She was number two in this hierarchy. Then came Black men and Black women, but we were at the bottom of this hierarchy — the most disposable.
The question was always whose labor and body is most disposable in the production of the cash crop. Not only did Black women cut sugar cane and pick cotton, we also produced more slaves by giving birth. Our bodies were units of capital, used and exploited at anyone’s disposal. This was the social order of the slavocracy.
Many of us as descendants of the enslaved, internalized this slavocracy. We internalized white supremacy. We internalized white male patriarchy. They became a byproduct of colonization. What we’re really talking about is a kind of ingrained and accepted hostility toward Black women in general, or anyone that is considered Black and feminine. Are Black men guilty of patriarchy? Of course, as are most men. But let’s not forget to discuss the root of this problem, its historical origin. White male patriarchy was the root of this then and it’s still the root today, along with racial capitalism.
This system is still alive because we’ve all been ingrained with it. I’m still unlearning things myself. But let’s be clear about something, Black women did not create this system and neither did Black men. We were the victims of this system. This history is still playing out.
Even when we look at the essential workers and who is being hit by COVID-19 and the most vulnerable at their places of employment. In large-part, it’s Black women, nurses, caretakers, cashiers. A lot of these workers are Black mothers — underpaid, undervalued, under the same system of capitalism, patriarchy and the slavocracy.
When I think of the story of Oluwatoyin Salau, if you’re asking was she cared for, the answer is no, on several levels! She was failed by the system from every angle — racism, poverty, homelessness, patriarchy, sexism, misogyny, and most of all, a lack of resources, support and safety. This general violence, though, against Black and African girls must be named. Truth is, this system doesn’t provide Black women with any safety. That’s why when Black women and girls show up dead, it’s not as much of a shock to the nation’s conscience. Violence against white women will stop the world, though. We have to process all of these nuances.
While folks are taking up the conversation around defunding and abolishing the police, we should also be having this conversation as well. We know there’s love and care in our communities because some of us are helping to create that love and care. There are also people who take great pride in being protectors of our community.
I say this to say, we can do more. We can do better. I do believe our very lives depend on it, as a people. You got that right, brother. There’s no Black Liberation without Black women!
Movements leave behind history and hard-earned lessons. What were some of the lessons you learned?
The massive amounts of untapped power we have. Whenever we do get worked up to the point where we all converge in the street, it can be very powerful. From Minneapolis, Minnesota, protests have sparked all over the world. What that shows is the power that we have in numbers when we organize. It also shows is that these kinds of short-term reactionary mobilizations are not enough to take on a highly organized system of mass oppression. We can riot for days. We can mount a rebellion even for a couple of weeks. Mass marches and protests are great, but eventually, they’ll just wait you out. That, in and of itself, is not enough to combat the system. I think all of us from several ago realized that.
We have to answer the question of what does it mean to have independent Black political power? That’s easier to say than do, but I do believe we can get there, collectively. That’s the work going forward. Some of us have to imagine first and know that we can. Some of us are already laying the foundation and doing the work. Some of that is happening right now. We’re living it!
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truthout--2020-06-28--The Confederate Flag Represents Sexual Violence

As a Black woman born in Louisiana , I was elated by NASCAR ’ s and the U.S. Navy and Marine ’ s decision to ban the Confederate flag because those are three fewer places where a flag that represents systematic torture is flown .
Supporters of the stars and bars love to argue that the flag stands for rebellion , and that flying the flag is not “ about slavery , ” but about the pride of being from the South .
However , the flag makes me think of something else : violence — sexual violence , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Louisa , Ann , Henrietta , and Florence , who refused to let their trauma die in silence .
Sam and Louisa Everett did not have a beautiful floral June wedding .
Louisa , on her wedding day , did not wear a white dress with flowers decorating her hair .
Sam did not wear a nice suit .
There was no dancing , deep kisses , or smiling family members .
Sam and Louisa were brought together by their owner “ Big Jim ” McClain to reproduce .
In 1936 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Florida , by Pearl Randolph as part of the Negro Writers Unit .
The goal was to collect as many firsthand accounts as possible from those who were formerly enslaved .
Now permanently housed in the Library of Congress , Louisa ’ s recollection of her wedding night is something out of a horror story : “ Master Jim called me and Sam ter him and ordered Sam to pull off his shirt—that was all the McClain niggers wore—and he said to me : Nor [ nickname of Louisa ] , ‘ do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nigger ?
’ He had that old bull whip flung acrost his shoulder and Lawd , that man could hit so hard !
So I jes said ‘ yassure , I guess so , ’ and tried to hide my face so I couldn ’ t see Sam ’ s nakedness , but he made me look at him anyhow .
Well , he told us what we must git busy and do in his presence , and we had to do it .
After that we were considered man and wife.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ specific to the Everetts .
He did this as a businessman and for his own sick pleasure .
The Everetts also recalled that Jim McClain would often force those he ’ d enslaved to have sex in his presence to assure they bred healthy offspring .
Other times , he would invite friends to watch them have forced intercourse , allowing his friends to rape young women as their husbands or lovers watched , unable to save them .
I remember sitting in silence after reading Louisa ’ s words about her “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been like to be told that you would reproduce with a man , under penalty of violence , for the purpose of creating additional income for your owner ?
To know that child was not being created to be loved , but to expand the budget line of the plantation .
By my calculations , Louisa , who was 90 at the time of the interview , would have been in her early to mid-20s when she and Sam were forced to have sex .
Just a bit younger than I am now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ What must it have been like to be introduced to a woman and then told after one forced experience , where your master observed you , that this was to be your wife ?
How did Sam and Louisa navigate that trauma and build a life together ?
When we talk about slavery , we tend to water down the experience to images of a slave being whipped a couple times or picking cotton for long hours .
It is easier that way .
Slavery was , in the mind of many White @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who cling to mythical interpretations of the antebellum South actively search for exceptions such as kind masters who were misguided by the times they lived in .
Our diluted , oversimplified view of slavery and reluctance to center slave narratives within history has led to the delusion that slavery was a bit bad , and not the traumatic experience filled with physical abuse , rape , and torture that it actually was .
We know this from the stories left to us by those who were enslaved .
Harriet Jacobs wrote extensively about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her book , Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl .
Her master ’ s harassment eventually motivated her to go into hiding for seven years in her grandmother ’ s house .
Jacobs was extremely open about her master ’ s harassment .
However , not everyone used the same candidness as Jacobs and the Everetts .
Understandably , when many talked about the sexual violence , they were cautious .
According to a 2016 Slate article , the survivors of chattel slavery were being interviewed in the middle of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their masters ’ descendants would have been living .
While retelling their trauma , they also had to worry about White Southerners who did not wish to see their antebellum fantasy tarnished .
Other times , the painful memories were too much to recall .
As Ann Odom Boyd of Alabama told her interviewer , “ Slavery was a sad life .
Can ’ t tell it like it was.
” Many clues about the lack of sexual freedom in slavery can be found in former slaves ’ testimonies about the rigidness of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1935 as part of a project run by Professor John B. Cade , at Southern University , Bailey was a “ house slave ” in Mississippi .
Remembering her time of bondage , she commented that , “ There was no marriage during slavery .
The master would just tell a certain man or woman to go and live together , it didn ’ t matter whether they were in love or not the first time they met each other.
” Those in slavery did not have the luxury of personal lives or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ existence was controlled by their master , especially their genitals , which were viewed as an economic asset .
This is shown in a narrative by Henrietta Butler in 1940 , when interviewed by the Louisiana Works Progress Administration : “ She [ her mistress ] made me have a baby by one of dem demmens on de plantation .
I gets mad every time I think about it… ” In a 2018 article , Professor Stephanie Jones-Rogers argues that sexual coercion was a key element of slavery .
Recalling one mistress who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s bodies , she stated , “ She knew all too well that pairing enslaved male and female bodies together was the key to increasing her economic investments… ” Marriage and sex for the enslaved was not about their happiness , it was a long-term investment for their masters .
The topic of sexual violence is often left out of the history of chattel slavery because it makes us uncomfortable .
Its presence completely derails all rosy narratives we carry of the antebellum South and makes us reckon with a violent past .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ such a romantic Southern belle when we realize she knew Mammy was being forced bred like a cow .
It is hard to claim your flag represents rebellion when it also stands for a nation-state where White men raped women as their husbands watched .
It is difficult to put a stars and bars sticker on your truck when you think about the frightened girl who hid in an attic for seven years to avoid being raped .
Reflecting on these narratives , I think about all the Black women and men on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sexual interactions by their owners .
I think about the Black women who bore children under threats of violence , only to have those children torn away from their arms to be sold .
As a born Southerner , the stars and bars is part of my history .
And I find nothing beautiful about this history , nor do I see anything about it in which to claim pride .
I find myself disgusted by the argument that it is a rebellious flag for the South .
The Confederate flag represents one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time when Black people “ knew their place.
” It represents their longingness for the days of beautiful plantations , Southern belles , and negroes singing in the field .
The stars and bars is a symbol in the racist mythology of many White Americans that the world was a bit easier when someone with a whip in their hand watched Black people .
The idea that one can “ pick the good parts ” of Southern history to be prideful in is privileged .
It means you can happily ignore the legacy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ represents never hurt you or your family .
The flag is heavily embraced by many White people because it centers privilege , the White race , and power .
As a Southerner , I can not abide by the usage of this flag as one of a beloved heritage .
I was born in Opelousas , Louisiana .
Half of my family is White and the other half is Black .
My White family has been in Louisiana since the 1700s .
They would have seen the birth of the United States , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the Civil War .
On the other side , my Black ancestors came to this nation in chains .
My Southern roots are long and deep .
As such , I do believe the flag should be displayed , but not at NASCAR , in the U.S. military , in college dorms , or at political rallies , but in a place where all representations of violent history belong : in a museum .
And next to it , centered for the world to see , are the stories and images of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Confederate flag

As a Black woman born in Louisiana, I was elated by NASCAR’s and the U.S. Navy and Marine’s decision to ban the Confederate flag because those are three fewer places where a flag that represents systematic torture is flown.
Supporters of the stars and bars love to argue that the flag stands for rebellion, and that flying the flag is not “about slavery,” but about the pride of being from the South. However, the flag makes me think of something else: violence — sexual violence, in particular. It reminds me of Sam, Louisa, Ann, Henrietta, and Florence, who refused to let their trauma die in silence.
Sam and Louisa Everett did not have a beautiful floral June wedding. Louisa, on her wedding day, did not wear a white dress with flowers decorating her hair. Sam did not wear a nice suit. There was no dancing, deep kisses, or smiling family members. Sam and Louisa were brought together by their owner “Big Jim” McClain to reproduce.
In 1936, the two were interviewed in Mulberry, Florida, by Pearl Randolph as part of the Negro Writers Unit. The goal was to collect as many firsthand accounts as possible from those who were formerly enslaved. Now permanently housed in the Library of Congress, Louisa’s recollection of her wedding night is something out of a horror story:
“Master Jim called me and Sam ter him and ordered Sam to pull off his shirt—that was all the McClain niggers wore—and he said to me: Nor[nickname of Louisa], ‘do you think you can stand this big nigger?’ He had that old bull whip flung acrost his shoulder and Lawd, that man could hit so hard! So I jes said ‘yassure, I guess so,’ and tried to hide my face so I couldn’t see Sam’s nakedness, but he made me look at him anyhow. Well, he told us what we must git busy and do in his presence, and we had to do it. After that we were considered man and wife.”
Jim McClain’s cruelness was not specific to the Everetts. He did this as a businessman and for his own sick pleasure. The Everetts also recalled that Jim McClain would often force those he’d enslaved to have sex in his presence to assure they bred healthy offspring. Other times, he would invite friends to watch them have forced intercourse, allowing his friends to rape young women as their husbands or lovers watched, unable to save them.
I remember sitting in silence after reading Louisa’s words about her “wedding night.” What must it have been like to be told that you would reproduce with a man, under penalty of violence, for the purpose of creating additional income for your owner? To know that child was not being created to be loved, but to expand the budget line of the plantation. By my calculations, Louisa, who was 90 at the time of the interview, would have been in her early to mid-20s when she and Sam were forced to have sex. Just a bit younger than I am now. I also thought about Sam. What must it have been like to be introduced to a woman and then told after one forced experience, where your master observed you, that this was to be your wife? How did Sam and Louisa navigate that trauma and build a life together?
When we talk about slavery, we tend to water down the experience to images of a slave being whipped a couple times or picking cotton for long hours. It is easier that way. Slavery was, in the mind of many White Americans, bad but manageable. Those who cling to mythical interpretations of the antebellum South actively search for exceptions such as kind masters who were misguided by the times they lived in. Our diluted, oversimplified view of slavery and reluctance to center slave narratives within history has led to the delusion that slavery was a bit bad, and not the traumatic experience filled with physical abuse, rape, and torture that it actually was.
We know this from the stories left to us by those who were enslaved.
Harriet Jacobs wrote extensively about avoiding her master’s advances in her book, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl. Her master’s harassment eventually motivated her to go into hiding for seven years in her grandmother’s house. Jacobs was extremely open about her master’s harassment. However, not everyone used the same candidness as Jacobs and the Everetts. Understandably, when many talked about the sexual violence, they were cautious.
According to a 2016 Slate article, the survivors of chattel slavery were being interviewed in the middle of the Jim Crow era, when many of their masters’ descendants would have been living. While retelling their trauma, they also had to worry about White Southerners who did not wish to see their antebellum fantasy tarnished. Other times, the painful memories were too much to recall. As Ann Odom Boyd of Alabama told her interviewer, “Slavery was a sad life. Can’t tell it like it was.” Many clues about the lack of sexual freedom in slavery can be found in former slaves’ testimonies about the rigidness of marriage.
Florence Bailey was interviewed in 1935 as part of a project run by Professor John B. Cade, at Southern University, Bailey was a “house slave” in Mississippi. Remembering her time of bondage, she commented that, “There was no marriage during slavery. The master would just tell a certain man or woman to go and live together, it didn’t matter whether they were in love or not the first time they met each other.” Those in slavery did not have the luxury of personal lives or boundaries. Every part of slaves’ existence was controlled by their master, especially their genitals, which were viewed as an economic asset. This is shown in a narrative by Henrietta Butler in 1940, when interviewed by the Louisiana Works Progress Administration: “She [her mistress] made me have a baby by one of dem demmens on de plantation. I gets mad every time I think about it…”
In a 2018 article, Professor Stephanie Jones-Rogers argues that sexual coercion was a key element of slavery. Recalling one mistress who strategized her finances on Black women’s bodies, she stated, “She knew all too well that pairing enslaved male and female bodies together was the key to increasing her economic investments…” Marriage and sex for the enslaved was not about their happiness, it was a long-term investment for their masters.
The topic of sexual violence is often left out of the history of chattel slavery because it makes us uncomfortable. Its presence completely derails all rosy narratives we carry of the antebellum South and makes us reckon with a violent past. Scarlett O’Hara isn’t such a romantic Southern belle when we realize she knew Mammy was being forced bred like a cow. It is hard to claim your flag represents rebellion when it also stands for a nation-state where White men raped women as their husbands watched. It is difficult to put a stars and bars sticker on your truck when you think about the frightened girl who hid in an attic for seven years to avoid being raped.
Reflecting on these narratives, I think about all the Black women and men on those plantations, who were denied healthy sexual interactions by their owners. I think about the Black women who bore children under threats of violence, only to have those children torn away from their arms to be sold. As a born Southerner, the stars and bars is part of my history. And I find nothing beautiful about this history, nor do I see anything about it in which to claim pride. I find myself disgusted by the argument that it is a rebellious flag for the South.
The Confederate flag represents one thing: A White nostalgia for a time when Black people “knew their place.” It represents their longingness for the days of beautiful plantations, Southern belles, and negroes singing in the field. The stars and bars is a symbol in the racist mythology of many White Americans that the world was a bit easier when someone with a whip in their hand watched Black people. The idea that one can “pick the good parts” of Southern history to be prideful in is privileged. It means you can happily ignore the legacy of that flag because the history it represents never hurt you or your family. The flag is heavily embraced by many White people because it centers privilege, the White race, and power.
As a Southerner, I cannot abide by the usage of this flag as one of a beloved heritage.
I was born in Opelousas, Louisiana. Half of my family is White and the other half is Black. My White family has been in Louisiana since the 1700s. They would have seen the birth of the United States, the acquisition of the Louisiana Purchase, and the Civil War. On the other side, my Black ancestors came to this nation in chains. My Southern roots are long and deep.
As such, I do believe the flag should be displayed, but not at NASCAR, in the U.S. military, in college dorms, or at political rallies, but in a place where all representations of violent history belong: in a museum. And next to it, centered for the world to see, are the stories and images of the violence suffered by Black lives under the Confederate flag
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
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truthout--2020-06-28--Whole Foods Is Quietly Telling Workers Not to Show Black Lives Matter Support

This week , a group of Whole Foods workers in Cambridge , Massachusetts , walked out after being told they couldn ’ t wear Black Lives Matter masks because they weren ’ t part of “ the company dress code.
” Prior to the incident , wearing masks with other symbols or logos , including ones that featured the New England Patriots , were reportedly acceptable .
This is according to a report in the Boston Globe , which details how Whole Foods worker Savannah Kinzer and a few of her colleagues wore BLM-themed masks on Wednesday .
A manager @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the masks or go home .
Seven of them walked out .
On Thursday , Kinzer showed up and passed out more masks , but they were met with the same fate .
Dozens of workers were sent home again .
Visitors to the Whole Foods Market website are greeted with a prominent message that reads : “ We support the Black community and meaningful change in the world.
” “ Racism has no place here , ” the site ’ s headline states .
The story from Boston is merely one of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ workers being sent home for wearing masks featuring the phrase or iconography of “ Black Lives Matter.
” There are similar reports from workers at Whole Foods stores in New Hampshire and Seattle , Washington .
In Philadelphia , protesters protested in front of one Whole Foods after a similar incident occurred .
In a statement to Salon , a Whole Foods Market spokesperson said : Whole Foods is one of several companies that pays lip service to the civil rights movement publicly while taking action against workers donning Black Lives Matter apparel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Boycott Starbucks ” trended on Twitter after BuzzFeed published a report on how the coffee retailer stated its employees were also prohibited from wearing BLM attire because of the company ’ s “ dress code policy.
” “ My skin color incites violence at Starbucks .
Should I not come to work ?
” Calvin Bensen , a 22-year-old barista , told BuzzFeed News .
“ It is silencing and Starbucks is complicit .
Now more than ever , Starbucks needs to stand with us.
” After the backlash , Starbucks announced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attire .
The company also announced it would provide 250,000 Starbucks-branded Black Lives Matter shirts for baristas and other employees .
“ Until these arrive , we ’ ve heard you want to show your support , so just be you , ” the company stated in a letter .
“ Wear your BLM pin or t-shirt .
We are so proud of your passionate support of our common humanity.
” More recently , as Salon previously reported , the Trader Joe ’ s grocery store in Seattle ’ s Capitol Hill neighborhood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ closed “ indefinitely ” after dozens of the store ’ s clerks had , that very week , asked permission to take time off to attend Black Lives Matter protests .
Workers told Salon their manager appeared to be OK with the request at the time .
“ We were told that our participation would be kind of an excused absence , and we wouldn ’ t be punished or anything for going to the protest — and like I said , myself and others were directly approached by management , ” Trader @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told Salon .
“ It was like this idea that ‘ this is okay , we want you to go , that this is something you should do , and it ’ s good to support this movement . '
” Since the store closure , employees have gathered nearly 25,000 signatures to reopen the store , which is said to be happening on July 1st .
The company ’ s spokesperson denies that the surprise closure was retaliatory or had anything to do with the employees ’ approved time off to attend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s employees believe the company is not telling the truth and that the inexplicable closure was suspect .
“ There ’ s a gross lack of transparency between management and crew that has caused me unnecessary anxiety which prevents me from performing my job to the best of my abilities , ” Or said at a Thursday press conference this week .
She added that she has been singled out and faced consequences that her white coworkers have not .
“ Because of the lack of communication and inconsistent disciplinary policy , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work can lead to me losing my job.
” Indeed , transparency around job expectations and disciplinary processes are one of the five demands workers at the store are asking for in writing .
Outside of Seattle , there have been more reports of workers facing repercussions for wearing BLM attire .
These reports follow other stories of labor unrest at assorted Trader Joe ’ s around the country ; many workers believe the company has been putting customer comfort before worker safety during the pandemic .
These stories speak to another social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appear to have more political capital than they did pre-pandemic , which has driven more of them to publicly speak out about corporate hypocrisy and inadequate conditions .
In the case of corporations “ supporting ” Black Lives Matter , many observers believe cases such as Whole Foods ’ epitomize performative allyship .

Whole Foods workers are reportedly being sent home for wearing masks with the words or symbols of Black Lives Matter.
This week, a group of Whole Foods workers in Cambridge, Massachusetts, walked out after being told they couldn’t wear Black Lives Matter masks because they weren’t part of “the company dress code.”
Prior to the incident, wearing masks with other symbols or logos, including ones that featured the New England Patriots, were reportedly acceptable.
This is according to a report in the Boston Globe, which details how Whole Foods worker Savannah Kinzer and a few of her colleagues wore BLM-themed masks on Wednesday. A manager told them they either had to remove the masks or go home. Seven of them walked out. On Thursday, Kinzer showed up and passed out more masks, but they were met with the same fate. Dozens of workers were sent home again.
Visitors to the Whole Foods Market website are greeted with a prominent message that reads: “We support the Black community and meaningful change in the world.” “Racism has no place here,” the site’s headline states.
The story from Boston is merely one of many reports of many of Whole Foods workers being sent home for wearing masks featuring the phrase or iconography of “Black Lives Matter.” There are similar reports from workers at Whole Foods stores in New Hampshire and Seattle, Washington. In Philadelphia, protesters protested in front of one Whole Foods after a similar incident occurred.
In a statement to Salon, a Whole Foods Market spokesperson said:
In order to operate in a customer-focused environment, all Team Members must comply with our longstanding company dress code, which prohibits clothing with visible slogans, messages, logos or advertising that are not company-related. Team Members with face masks that do not comply with dress code are always offered new face masks. Team Members are unable to work until the comply with dress code.
Whole Foods is one of several companies that pays lip service to the civil rights movement publicly while taking action against workers donning Black Lives Matter apparel or protesting.
Earlier this month, “Boycott Starbucks” trended on Twitter after BuzzFeed published a report on how the coffee retailer stated its employees were also prohibited from wearing BLM attire because of the company’s “dress code policy.”
“My skin color incites violence at Starbucks. Should I not come to work?” Calvin Bensen, a 22-year-old barista, told BuzzFeed News. “It is silencing and Starbucks is complicit. Now more than ever, Starbucks needs to stand with us.”
After the backlash, Starbucks announced it would allow employees to wear BLM attire. The company also announced it would provide 250,000 Starbucks-branded Black Lives Matter shirts for baristas and other employees.
“Until these arrive, we’ve heard you want to show your support, so just be you,” the company stated in a letter. “Wear your BLM pin or t-shirt. We are so proud of your passionate support of our common humanity.”
More recently, as Salon previously reported, the Trader Joe’s grocery store in Seattle’s Capitol Hill neighborhood put signs up stating that they had closed “indefinitely” after dozens of the store’s clerks had, that very week, asked permission to take time off to attend Black Lives Matter protests. Workers told Salon their manager appeared to be OK with the request at the time.
“We were told that our participation would be kind of an excused absence, and we wouldn’t be punished or anything for going to the protest — and like I said, myself and others were directly approached by management,” Trader Joe’s Crew Member Erin Or told Salon. “It was like this idea that ‘this is okay, we want you to go, that this is something you should do, and it’s good to support this movement.'”
Since the store closure, employees have gathered nearly 25,000 signatures to reopen the store, which is said to be happening on July 1st. The company’s spokesperson denies that the surprise closure was retaliatory or had anything to do with the employees’ approved time off to attend a march.
Yet the store’s employees believe the company is not telling the truth and that the inexplicable closure was suspect.
“There’s a gross lack of transparency between management and crew that has caused me unnecessary anxiety which prevents me from performing my job to the best of my abilities,” Or said at a Thursday press conference this week. She added that she has been singled out and faced consequences that her white coworkers have not. “Because of the lack of communication and inconsistent disciplinary policy, I feel that any error or miscommunication at work can lead to me losing my job.”
Indeed, transparency around job expectations and disciplinary processes are one of the five demands workers at the store are asking for in writing.
Outside of Seattle, there have been more reports of workers facing repercussions for wearing BLM attire. These reports follow other stories of labor unrest at assorted Trader Joe’s around the country; many workers believe the company has been putting customer comfort before worker safety during the pandemic.
These stories speak to another social shift: Service workers and grocery clerks appear to have more political capital than they did pre-pandemic, which has driven more of them to publicly speak out about corporate hypocrisy and inadequate conditions. In the case of corporations “supporting” Black Lives Matter, many observers believe cases such as Whole Foods’ epitomize performative allyship.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-06-28--Siberian Forest Fires Increase by Fivefold in Week Since Record High Temperature

The number of fires in the vast north Asian region of Siberia increased fivefold this week , according to the Russian forest fire aerial protection service , as temperatures in the Arctic continued higher than normal in the latest sign of the ongoing climate crisis .
The news of the increase comes a week after the small Siberian town of Verkhoyansk reported a high temperature of 100.4° F on June 20 , a reading that , if confirmed , would mark the hottest day ever recorded in the region .
“ While fires are common at this time of year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ making the situation particularly worrying , ” the European Union ’ s Earth Observation Programme , which is monitoring the situation , said in a statement .
As the Associated Press reported : According to figures reported Saturday by Avialesookhrana , Russia ’ s agency for aerial forest fire management , 1.15 million hectares ( 2.85 million acres ) were burning in Siberia in areas that can not be reached by firefighters .
The worst-hit area is the Sakha Republic , where Verkhoyansk is located , with 929,000 hectares ( 2.295 million acres @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s fire service reported 127 natural fires in the Russian federal sector .
The fires and heat are due to the climate crisis , Weather Channel meteorologist Carl Parker told Newsweek .
“ What climate change is doing is moving the distribution of weather events , such that historically low-frequency , extreme events occur more frequently , ” said Parker .
“ Had the climate not changed due to man-made greenhouse gases , the heat we ’ ve seen in parts of Siberia would have been a 100,000-year event.
” Parker warned that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ feedback loop in the northern region .
“ What ’ s scary about the warming in Siberia is that there are huge quantities of carbon in permafrost , which can be unleashed during periods like this , particularly as fires develop in the region , ” said Parker .
Jonathan Overpeck , University of Michigan environmental school dean , told AP in an email on June 24 that the situation in the Arctic region is unprecedented .
“ The Arctic is figuratively and literally on fire , ” wrote Overpeck .
“ It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thought it would in response to rising levels of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases in the atmosphere , and this warming is leading to a rapid meltdown and increase in wildfires.
” “ The record warming in Siberia is a warning sign of major proportions , ” he added .
Temperatures in Siberia for the first five months of 2020 were an average 14° F over normal .
“ That ’ s much , much warmer than it ’ s ever been over that region in that period of time , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scientist , told AP .

Temperatures in Siberia for the first five months of 2020 were an average 14 degrees Fahrenheit over normal.
The number of fires in the vast north Asian region of Siberia increased fivefold this week, according to the Russian forest fire aerial protection service, as temperatures in the Arctic continued higher than normal in the latest sign of the ongoing climate crisis.
The news of the increase comes a week after the small Siberian town of Verkhoyansk reported a high temperature of 100.4° F on June 20, a reading that, if confirmed, would mark the hottest day ever recorded in the region.
“While fires are common at this time of year, record temperatures and strong winds are making the situation particularly worrying,” the European Union’s Earth Observation Programme, which is monitoring the situation, said in a statement.
As the Associated Press reported:
According to figures reported Saturday by Avialesookhrana, Russia’s agency for aerial forest fire management, 1.15 million hectares (2.85 million acres) were burning in Siberia in areas that cannot be reached by firefighters. The worst-hit area is the Sakha Republic, where Verkhoyansk is located, with 929,000 hectares (2.295 million acres) burning.
The Sakha Republic’s fire service reported 127 natural fires in the Russian federal sector.
The fires and heat are due to the climate crisis, Weather Channel meteorologist Carl Parker told Newsweek.
“What climate change is doing is moving the distribution of weather events, such that historically low-frequency, extreme events occur more frequently,” said Parker. “Had the climate not changed due to man-made greenhouse gases, the heat we’ve seen in parts of Siberia would have been a 100,000-year event.”
Parker warned that the fires are part of a dangerous feedback loop in the northern region.
“What’s scary about the warming in Siberia is that there are huge quantities of carbon in permafrost, which can be unleashed during periods like this, particularly as fires develop in the region,” said Parker.
The situation is getting much worse in Siberia.. #WeDontHaveTime https://t.co/XZ3EN1WueB — We Don’t Have Time (@WeDontHaveTime) June 27, 2020
Jonathan Overpeck, University of Michigan environmental school dean, told AP in an email on June 24 that the situation in the Arctic region is unprecedented.
“The Arctic is figuratively and literally on fire,” wrote Overpeck. “It’s warming much faster than we thought it would in response to rising levels of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases in the atmosphere, and this warming is leading to a rapid meltdown and increase in wildfires.”
“The record warming in Siberia is a warning sign of major proportions,” he added.
Temperatures in Siberia for the first five months of 2020 were an average 14° F over normal.
“That’s much, much warmer than it’s ever been over that region in that period of time,” Zeke Hausfather, a Berkeley Earth climate scientist, told AP.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-06-28--When War Against Black Americans Represents “Peace,” We Must Redefine the Word

The world now knows about police brutality , what we American Negroes* have experienced as a matter of course since the slave patrols .
The “ peace officers ” that purportedly swore to uphold and defend the Constitution by serving and protecting citizens like George Floyd , murdered him .
Maybe “ peace officer ” seems absurd .
The term evokes the Orwellian phrase “ war is peace.
” But it makes sense if we deconstruct “ peace.
” The Pax Romana ( “ Roman Peace ” ) denoted Roman Empire ; the king ’ s peace spans British dominion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Antebellum slave patrols and state police powers have made the U.S. ’ s Aryan peace since the 1600s .
American historian Ira Berlin described colonial Virginia and other colonies as “ societies with slaves ” during the first few decades , when Negroes were as likely indentured servants as slaves .
By “ society with slaves , ” he meant that slavery was marginal to GDP and was one form of labor among many .
But King Charles II founded the Royal African Company to monopolize the slave trade in 1660 and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that emerged during the 1660s .
In this type of society slavery was central to GDP and the master-slave relationship modeled all relationships .
Slavery ended in 1865 , but white containment and control of Black people persists in our apartheid society .
Aryanism thus defines the law of the land as expressed by the Supreme Court decision Dred Scott v. Sandford ( 1857 ) : “ the negro has no rights which the white man is bound to respect.
” Hence the four-man judge , jury and executioner of citizen Floyd .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the news .
But the time is nigh for a transformation of policing .
The real issue is : Who makes peace ?
Who defines disorderly conduct ?
Who projects law and order ?
Who makes war ?
Who is sovereign ?
The answer , of course , is We the People .
As new democratic vistas open up in these interesting times , I say to those descended from former slaves and freedmen and freedwomen — be free men and free women .
Be sovereign citizens .
Defer to the Aryan no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make the civic peace .
The idea of “ law and order ” is thought to be synonymous with peace .
But to find the meaning of peace on the ground , ask : Cui bono ?
( Who benefits ? )
For example , when the colonies declared independence on July 4 , 1776 , they breached the king ’ s peace once and for all .
They replaced the king ’ s dominion with a white republic .
The American Revolution made the Aryan peace by unmaking the king ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dictated national agenda .
Two events in particular catalyzed their peace-making counterrevolution : first , the Somerset case of 1772 , in which Lord Mansfield held that slavery was unsupported by common law ; and second , Lord Dunmore ’ s Proclamation of 1775 , whereby the governor of Virginia declared that every Negro would be free who joined the British Army in its fight against American rebellion .
One might say that the slave lord ’ s peace displaced the king ’ s peace , at least through 1865 .
Now in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the People are sovereign .
The sovereign sets the paradigm of peace .
We citizens must therefore make the civic peace .
To that end , We the People should appropriate the peace sign which originated from the British nuclear disarmament movement in 1958 .
We should thus command redistribution of our federal tax dollars , 54 percent of which went to the military in 2019 .
Better to spend most of our tax dollars on public goods such as health care and especially , on public education .
By 18 , people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a republican form of government means , at least well enough to consent to it .
Citizens should understand that standing armies — whether the Pentagon or our nation ’ s 18,000 law enforcement agencies — diametrically oppose republican values .
Citizens should read “ law and order ” in terms of republic , not empire .
With the peace sign our symbol , we must defund all standing armies within our mandate , not just police .
We must unmake perpetual war if we would make peace .
President Nixon and President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Their reference was property rights , especially of the 1 percent .
Nixon declared “ war on drugs , ” which implicitly meant the Black ghetto .
Trump calls for more “ stop and frisk , ” a euphemism for anti-Black fascism .
“ Law and order ” thus denotes the Aryan peace .
We the People must reframe “ law and order ” in terms of natural rights and human rights .
We must command our public servants to work for us and for the public good rather than praetorian prerogative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officers must protect and serve us and stop framing us as “ vagrants ” or “ criminals.
” They must respect our constitutional rights and stop worshiping the divine right of wealthy white men .
We the People must remind our public servants that the Constitution is an employee handbook .
The Preamble is a statement of purpose from the collective boss .
Articles 1-3 spell out the duties and limitations of our federal employees .
Article 4 focuses on our state-level employees .
The Bill of Rights protects employers from employees prone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public servitude .
The 15th Amendment makes Black men the boss too .
Women get this right thanks to the 19th Amendment .
The 26th Amendment gives American-born citizens the right to be the boss on their 18th birthday .
Employees of the state murdered citizen Floyd even though his tax dollars paid their salaries .
Their commission as police officers was to apprehend the suspect with minimal violence .
They were supposed to take him before the magistrate .
Properly understood , the police officer ’ s role is errand-person for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only the judge or jury are qualified to judge questions of guilt or innocence — in this case , whether or not Floyd knowingly faked a $ 20 bill .
When the cops murdered him , they breached the civic peace whereby all persons are presumed innocent unless and until proven guilty in a court of law .
They respected neither his right to presumed innocence nor his right to life .
They betrayed the public trust .
But in so doing they enforced the Aryan peace wherein the Negro ’ s rights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many reasons that We the People do “ ordain and establish ” the Constitution , perhaps the most important one is “ to establish Justice.
” Note the present tense .
Every generation must “ ordain and establish ” the Constitution anew .
As legal scholar Edward Corwin explained , “ As a document the Constitution came from the generation of 1787 ; as a law it derives its force and effect from the present generation of American citizens , and hence should be interpreted in the light of present conditions and with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The latest I Can ’ t Breathe martyr symbolizes our present condition .
We mean to establish justice .
But what is justice ?
According to Black ’ s Law Dictionary , it means “ the constant and perpetual disposition to render every man his due.
” The dictionary further distinguishes commutative justice and distributive justice .
Commutative justice governs contracts : “ It consists in rendering to every man the exact measure of his dues , without regard to his personal worth or merits , i.e.
, placing all men on an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of rewards and punishments .
It discriminates between the more deserving and the more blameworthy : “ It assigns to each the rewards which his personal merit or services deserve , or the proper punishment for his crimes.
” Commutative justice treats everyone according to the same standard , whereas distributive justice treats people by different standards according to their perceived merits .
The distinction originates with Greek philosopher Aristotle .
Unfortunately , he defined distributive justice in racist terms .
He thought that his fellow Greeks were free men more meritorious than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whom he deemed “ natural slaves.
” Distributive justice largely explains his Greek/barbarian double standard .
Like so , distributive justice largely explains our constitutional white/Black double standard .
Now ’ s the time to remake our social contract according to a single human standard .
To shift its paradigm to commutative justice .
Now ’ s the time to make true the engraving at the Supreme Court building in Washington , D.C. : “ equal justice under law.
” Dred Scott summarizes the 350 years of distributive justice and Aryan peace that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we want ?
Commutative justice !
When do we want it ?
Now !
What do we want ?
The civic peace !
When do we want it ?
Now !
* Author ’ s note : I use “ Negro ” as a semantic protest against euphemism , which , to me , exacerbates the problem of white supremacy .

The world now knows about police brutality, what we American Negroes* have experienced as a matter of course since the slave patrols. The “peace officers” that purportedly swore to uphold and defend the Constitution by serving and protecting citizens like George Floyd, murdered him. Maybe “peace officer” seems absurd. The term evokes the Orwellian phrase “war is peace.”
But it makes sense if we deconstruct “peace.” The Pax Romana (“Roman Peace”) denoted Roman Empire; the king’s peace spans British dominion. Both suggest that peace reflects sovereignty. Antebellum slave patrols and state police powers have made the U.S.’s Aryan peace since the 1600s.
American historian Ira Berlin described colonial Virginia and other colonies as “societies with slaves” during the first few decades, when Negroes were as likely indentured servants as slaves. By “society with slaves,” he meant that slavery was marginal to GDP and was one form of labor among many. But King Charles II founded the Royal African Company to monopolize the slave trade in 1660 and thus sanctioned the “slave society” that emerged during the 1660s. In this type of society slavery was central to GDP and the master-slave relationship modeled all relationships.
Slavery ended in 1865, but white containment and control of Black people persists in our apartheid society. Aryanism thus defines the law of the land as expressed by the Supreme Court decision Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857): “the negro has no rights which the white man is bound to respect.” Hence the four-man judge, jury and executioner of citizen Floyd.
The issue of police reform now dominates the news. But the time is nigh for a transformation of policing. The real issue is: Who makes peace? Who defines disorderly conduct? Who projects law and order? Who makes war? Who is sovereign?
The answer, of course, is We the People.
As new democratic vistas open up in these interesting times, I say to those descended from former slaves and freedmen and freedwomen — be free men and free women. Be sovereign citizens. Defer to the Aryan no more. Unmake the Aryan peace; make the civic peace.
Peace Defined
The idea of “law and order” is thought to be synonymous with peace. But to find the meaning of peace on the ground, ask: Cui bono? (Who benefits?) For example, when the colonies declared independence on July 4, 1776, they breached the king’s peace once and for all. They replaced the king’s dominion with a white republic.
With the peace sign our symbol, we must defund all standing armies within our mandate, not just police. We must unmake perpetual war if we would make peace.
The American Revolution made the Aryan peace by unmaking the king’s peace. Henceforth, the slave lords dictated national agenda. Two events in particular catalyzed their peace-making counterrevolution: first, the Somerset case of 1772, in which Lord Mansfield held that slavery was unsupported by common law; and second, Lord Dunmore’s Proclamation of 1775, whereby the governor of Virginia declared that every Negro would be free who joined the British Army in its fight against American rebellion. One might say that the slave lord’s peace displaced the king’s peace, at least through 1865.
Now in 2020 the following syllogism applies:
We the People are sovereign. The sovereign sets the paradigm of peace. We citizens must therefore make the civic peace.
To that end, We the People should appropriate the peace sign which originated from the British nuclear disarmament movement in 1958. We should thus command redistribution of our federal tax dollars, 54 percent of which went to the military in 2019. Better to spend most of our tax dollars on public goods such as health care and especially, on public education.
By 18, people should understand what the constitutional guarantee of a republican form of government means, at least well enough to consent to it. Citizens should understand that standing armies — whether the Pentagon or our nation’s 18,000 law enforcement agencies — diametrically oppose republican values. Citizens should read “law and order” in terms of republic, not empire. With the peace sign our symbol, we must defund all standing armies within our mandate, not just police. We must unmake perpetual war if we would make peace.
President Nixon and President Trump both invoked “law and order.” Their reference was property rights, especially of the 1 percent. Nixon declared “war on drugs,” which implicitly meant the Black ghetto. Trump calls for more “stop and frisk,” a euphemism for anti-Black fascism. “Law and order” thus denotes the Aryan peace.
We the People must reframe “law and order” in terms of natural rights and human rights. We must command our public servants to work for us and for the public good rather than praetorian prerogative and the military-industrial complex. Our peace officers must protect and serve us and stop framing us as “vagrants” or “criminals.” They must respect our constitutional rights and stop worshiping the divine right of wealthy white men.
The Constitution as Employee Handbook
We the People must remind our public servants that the Constitution is an employee handbook. The Preamble is a statement of purpose from the collective boss. Articles 1-3 spell out the duties and limitations of our federal employees. Article 4 focuses on our state-level employees. The Bill of Rights protects employers from employees prone to step out of their place of public servitude. The 15th Amendment makes Black men the boss too. Women get this right thanks to the 19th Amendment. The 26th Amendment gives American-born citizens the right to be the boss on their 18th birthday.
Properly understood, the police officer’s role is errand-person for the judge. In our current system, only the judge or jury are qualified to judge questions of guilt or innocence
Employees of the state murdered citizen Floyd even though his tax dollars paid their salaries. Their commission as police officers was to apprehend the suspect with minimal violence. They were supposed to take him before the magistrate. Properly understood, the police officer’s role is errand-person for the judge.
In our current system, only the judge or jury are qualified to judge questions of guilt or innocence — in this case, whether or not Floyd knowingly faked a $20 bill. When the cops murdered him, they breached the civic peace whereby all persons are presumed innocent unless and until proven guilty in a court of law. They respected neither his right to presumed innocence nor his right to life. They betrayed the public trust. But in so doing they enforced the Aryan peace wherein the Negro’s rights do not warrant respect.
No Justice, No Peace
Among the many reasons that We the People do “ordain and establish” the Constitution, perhaps the most important one is “to establish Justice.” Note the present tense. Every generation must “ordain and establish” the Constitution anew. As legal scholar Edward Corwin explained, “As a document the Constitution came from the generation of 1787; as a law it derives its force and effect from the present generation of American citizens, and hence should be interpreted in the light of present conditions and with a view to meeting present problems.” The latest I Can’t Breathe martyr symbolizes our present condition. We mean to establish justice. But what is justice?
According to Black’s Law Dictionary, it means “the constant and perpetual disposition to render every man his due.” The dictionary further distinguishes commutative justice and distributive justice. Commutative justice governs contracts: “It consists in rendering to every man the exact measure of his dues, without regard to his personal worth or merits, i.e., placing all men on an equality.”
Distributive justice governs the distribution of rewards and punishments. It discriminates between the more deserving and the more blameworthy: “It assigns to each the rewards which his personal merit or services deserve, or the proper punishment for his crimes.” Commutative justice treats everyone according to the same standard, whereas distributive justice treats people by different standards according to their perceived merits.
The distinction originates with Greek philosopher Aristotle. Unfortunately, he defined distributive justice in racist terms. He thought that his fellow Greeks were free men more meritorious than “barbarians” (non-Greeks), whom he deemed “natural slaves.” Distributive justice largely explains his Greek/barbarian double standard. Like so, distributive justice largely explains our constitutional white/Black double standard.
Now’s the time to remake our social contract according to a single human standard. To shift its paradigm to commutative justice. Now’s the time to make true the engraving at the Supreme Court building in Washington, D.C.: “equal justice under law.”
Dred Scott summarizes the 350 years of distributive justice and Aryan peace that we Negroes have suffered. What do we want? Commutative justice! When do we want it? Now! What do we want? The civic peace! When do we want it? Now!
* Author’s note: I use “Negro” as a semantic protest against euphemism, which, to me, exacerbates the problem of white supremacy.
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