truthout--2020-05-08--One Mardi Gras Story Lays Bare How COVID-19 Is Devastating Black People

We look at the deadly disparate impact of the pandemic on African Americans as told through an in-depth story for The New York Times Magazine by writer Linda Villarosa in her new piece , “ ’ A Terrible Price ’ : The Deadly Racial Disparities of Covid-19 in America , ” that tells what happened to the Zulu club , a Black social organization in New Orleans , during and after Mardi Gras .
She reports that the experience is usually a joy , but the coronavirus made it a tragedy .
This is a rush transcript .
Copy may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ AMY GOODMAN : This is Democracy Now !
, democracynow.org , The Quarantine Report .
I ’ m Amy Goodman .
We turn now to look at the deadly disparate impact of the pandemic on African Americans as told through an in-depth story for The New York Times Magazine about what happened to the Zulu club , a Black social organization in New Orleans , during Mardi Gras .
Usually the experience is a joy .
The coronavirus made it a tragedy .
As reporter Linda Villarosa writes , quote , “ When @ @ @ @ @ @ @ onto Jackson Avenue to kick off Mardi Gras festivities on Feb. 25 , the party started for black New Orleans .
Tens of thousands of people lined the four-and-a-half-mile route , reveling in the animated succession of jazz musicians , high-stepping marching bands from historically black colleges and universities and loose-limbed dancers dressed in Zulu costumes , complete with grass skirts and blackface makeup , an homage to the Zulu people of South Africa and , for some , a satirical spit in the eye to the past , when Mardi Gras was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who barred black people from taking part , ” Villarosa writes .
Linda Villarosa reports that at the same time the Mardi Gras festivities brought over a million visitors from around the world to New Orleans , the Trump administration was repeatedly downplaying the risk of COVID-19 , even as the president was being warned by advisers about the potential of half a million deaths and an economic meltdown .
Members of the Zulu club paid a terrible price .
A recent study shows African Americans represent 13 % of the U.S. population @ @ @ @ @ @ @ account for more than half of all COVID-19 cases and almost 60 % of deaths .
For more , Linda Villarosa joins us .
She directs the journalism program at City College of New York and contributing writer for The New York Times Magazine , where her recent cover story appeared , “ ’ A Terrible Price ’ : The Deadly Racial Disparities of Covid-19 in America.
” Welcome back to Democracy Now !
, Linda .
An amazing piece .
Take us back to that day where the Zulu club gathered .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ for having me again .
It ’ s nice to hear you and see you .
Well , that was — first of all , Carnival begins in early January in New Orleans .
And so there had been a whole bunch of very large-scale events and activities , parties , leading up to the Mardi Gras Day parade on the 25th .
And that was where so many people gathered along the streets .
And the Zulu club is known for throwing golden-painted coconuts out , and that ’ s the prize @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , everyone was standing shoulder to shoulder , you know , arm in arm almost , trying to catch the coconuts and seeing — standing on the sidelines , being part of the parade .
So it was — AMY GOODMAN : You ’ re freezing a bit .
I think you ’ re going to come back in just one second .
We ’ re speaking with Linda Villarosa , who wrote this amazing New York Times Magazine cover story called “ ’ A Terrible Price.
’ ” Linda , are you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ price we pay , by the way , one of the smaller prices , but in this pandemic , people are , in order to ensure and stop community spread , reporting to us from home .
We ’ re going to turn right now back to Linda .
Linda , continue to tell us your story .
LINDA VILLAROSA : So , people were standing shoulder to shoulder , arm in arm , along the parade route , as well as taking part in the parade .
So it became , because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a joyful time and a wonderful time .
My daughter was there , and she was telling me about it .
It became a coronavirus hothouse , just because no one knew what was brewing .
AMY GOODMAN : So , then talk about what happened .
What were the warnings at the time in New Orleans ?
And tell us then what unfolded .
LINDA VILLAROSA : So , behind the scenes at the Louisiana Department of Health , and even the local Department of Health , there was worry , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government for direction .
So , no one at the time knew that it was bad enough to cancel the parade or cancel any of the festivities .
And also , they were more worried about people bringing it in , you know , visitors coming in , not what was actually happening .
So , now , looking back , we realize that coronavirus was already there .
But it was just the people on the ground didn ’ t know , especially the people from the Zulu club , who were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government , but who were taking direction from the federal government .
AMY GOODMAN : And so , what transpired after that ?
Just tell us the Zulu club ’ s story .
LINDA VILLAROSA : So , what happened was , with the Zulu club men , it ’ s 800 mostly African American men who are from all walks of life .
And they do this club all year round , but the Carnival , the Mardi Gras season , is the height of their fun and , you know , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parties and their festivals .
So , they were — after the 25th of February , some of them started getting ill. And they were communicating with each other .
You know , it ’ s a close-knit group .
Sometimes they were learning about each other on Facebook , who was getting ill , and also they were communicating with each other .
So , when I started reporting the piece in early April , six men had died , and another 30 — 20 had been infected with COVID .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more had died , and 30 had been infected .
AMY GOODMAN : So the overall number , by the time you finish the story , of people in the Zulu club who died as a result of COVID-19 , that started with them just not being told at the time of the true dangers of COVID-19 and the threat in New Orleans .
LINDA VILLAROSA : Exactly .
So , it was — when I started , it was six men had died , and 20 had been infected .
When I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a total of eight — and 30 had been infected .
And that ’ s the ones that they knew about , with the 30 .
And the organizers of the Zulu club think it ’ s more .
AMY GOODMAN : And so , then , Linda Villarosa , talk about the messages of the Trump administration , why what the president says matters .
At the time when all of this started , he was in India poo-pooing what was happening in the United States , saying it wasn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then talk about the racial disparities ?
This is an issue you focus on in so many cases .
The last time we had you on , it was the racial disparities in the death of women who give birth , and the problem with African American women who die in childbirth or after childbirth .
But if you can talk about this issue that has become so significant in this country now in the pandemic ?
LINDA VILLAROSA : So , even as the federal government was downplaying COVID , behind the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ American Medical Association , the American Academy of Pediatrics , the NAACP , different lawyers ’ groups , and even politicians , were knowing that these racial disparities that exist in the United States that make Black people more vulnerable to serious illnesses — and other people of color — existed and were going to intersect with COVID in the worst kind of way .
And so , Black people are more likely to have the kinds of underlying conditions that make COVID more serious .
And that just is a fact .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ it was what some people have called the perfect storm of terribleness , with people already with underlying conditions being hit with this really serious , confusing virus .
AMY GOODMAN : And can you talk about the distrust that African Americans have of the healthcare system , and the historical context for that ?
LINDA VILLAROSA : So , we ’ ve known for , I mean , centuries , decades , years , that Black people and other people of color are treated unfairly in our current medical system .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I don ’ t think doctors and other healthcare providers go into medicine in order to do harm , but it happens because of mostly unconscious bias .
And so , it ’ s been very well documented that Black people and other people of color , but specifically Black people , have unfair treatment , whether it ’ s in pain management , whether it ’ s — and it ’ s in the emergency room .
It ’ s when getting C-sections during birth .
It ’ s all kinds of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t treated well .
So , if there ’ s a distrust among Black people of the healthcare system , it ’ s real , and it ’ s evidence-based that there is a problem , that people should be distrustful .
And — AMY GOODMAN : Speaking of history , I wanted to go to Nikole Hannah-Jones , who just won a Pulitzer Prize for her lead essay for The New York Times ’ 1619 Project .
She spoke to MTV last month about the racial disparities in COVID-related deaths .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Linda Villarosa , you were a contributor to the acclaimed 1619 Project with an essay titled “ Myths about physical racial differences were used to justify slavery — and are still believed by doctors today.
” As we wrap up , if you could comment on the significance of The 1619 Project , that you were a part of , and also not only the Pulitzer going to Nikole Hannah-Jones , but to Ida B .
Wells , as well , in a special citation and award for her outstanding and courageous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against African Americans during the era of lynching ?
If you can take us full circle ?
LINDA VILLAROSA : Well , first of all , we are so proud of Nikole , and I was honored to be part of that project .
And I think that it speaks to the power of Black women journalists , Nikole and Ida B .
Wells , and I ’ m really proud to be a part of that group .
I think that what 1619 did , the project , was take us back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And , you know , there ’ s always people saying , “ Oh , slavery was so long ago .
That ’ s not part of our experience.
” But it is .
And our charge was to prove that what happened during enslavement still lingers today .
AMY GOODMAN : Linda Villarosa , I want to thank you for being with us .
She directs the journalism program at City College of New York , contributing writer for The New York Times .
We ’ re going to link to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The New York Times Magazine , “ ’ A Terrible Price ’ : The Deadly Racial Disparities of Covid-19 in America.
” And we ’ ll also link to The 1619 Project .
This is Democracy Now !
When we come back , Dr. Leana Wen joins us , the former health commissioner of Baltimore , an emergency room doctor , who just gave birth .
She ’ ll talk about , well , while President Trump gets tested every day at the White House , he downplays the need for regular testing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
AMY GOODMAN : “ Mío ” by the Puerto Rican band Buscabulla .
The song is about the corporations that use the island as an unsustainable tax haven .

We look at the deadly disparate impact of the pandemic on African Americans as told through an in-depth story for The New York Times Magazine by writer Linda Villarosa in her new piece, “’A Terrible Price’: The Deadly Racial Disparities of Covid-19 in America,” that tells what happened to the Zulu club, a Black social organization in New Orleans, during and after Mardi Gras. She reports that the experience is usually a joy, but the coronavirus made it a tragedy.
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The Quarantine Report. I’m Amy Goodman. We turn now to look at the deadly disparate impact of the pandemic on African Americans as told through an in-depth story for The New York Times Magazine about what happened to the Zulu club, a Black social organization in New Orleans, during Mardi Gras. Usually the experience is a joy. The coronavirus made it a tragedy.
As reporter Linda Villarosa writes, quote, “When the Krewe of Zulu parade rolled out onto Jackson Avenue to kick off Mardi Gras festivities on Feb. 25, the party started for black New Orleans. Tens of thousands of people lined the four-and-a-half-mile route, reveling in the animated succession of jazz musicians, high-stepping marching bands from historically black colleges and universities and loose-limbed dancers dressed in Zulu costumes, complete with grass skirts and blackface makeup, an homage to the Zulu people of South Africa and, for some, a satirical spit in the eye to the past, when Mardi Gras was put on by clubs of white men who barred black people from taking part,” Villarosa writes.
Linda Villarosa reports that at the same time the Mardi Gras festivities brought over a million visitors from around the world to New Orleans, the Trump administration was repeatedly downplaying the risk of COVID-19, even as the president was being warned by advisers about the potential of half a million deaths and an economic meltdown. Members of the Zulu club paid a terrible price.
A recent study shows African Americans represent 13% of the U.S. population, but counties with higher Black populations account for more than half of all COVID-19 cases and almost 60% of deaths.
For more, Linda Villarosa joins us. She directs the journalism program at City College of New York and contributing writer for The New York Times Magazine, where her recent cover story appeared, “’A Terrible Price’: The Deadly Racial Disparities of Covid-19 in America.”
Welcome back to Democracy Now!, Linda. An amazing piece. Take us back to that day where the Zulu club gathered.
LINDA VILLAROSA: Well, thank you for having me again. It’s nice to hear you and see you.
Well, that was — first of all, Carnival begins in early January in New Orleans. And so there had been a whole bunch of very large-scale events and activities, parties, leading up to the Mardi Gras Day parade on the 25th. And that was where so many people gathered along the streets. And the Zulu club is known for throwing golden-painted coconuts out, and that’s the prize that people want to catch. So, everyone was standing shoulder to shoulder, you know, arm in arm almost, trying to catch the coconuts and seeing — standing on the sidelines, being part of the parade. So it was —
AMY GOODMAN: You’re freezing a bit. I think you’re going to come back in just one second. We’re speaking with Linda Villarosa, who wrote this amazing New York Times Magazine cover story called “’A Terrible Price.’”
Linda, are you back with us? This is the price we pay, by the way, one of the smaller prices, but in this pandemic, people are, in order to ensure and stop community spread, reporting to us from home. We’re going to turn right now back to Linda. Linda, continue to tell us your story.
LINDA VILLAROSA: So, people were standing shoulder to shoulder, arm in arm, along the parade route, as well as taking part in the parade. So it became, because it was so crowded — and it was a joyful time and a wonderful time. My daughter was there, and she was telling me about it. It became a coronavirus hothouse, just because no one knew what was brewing.
AMY GOODMAN: So, then talk about what happened. What were the warnings at the time in New Orleans? And tell us then what unfolded.
LINDA VILLAROSA: So, behind the scenes at the Louisiana Department of Health, and even the local Department of Health, there was worry, but they were looking to the federal government for direction. So, no one at the time knew that it was bad enough to cancel the parade or cancel any of the festivities. And also, they were more worried about people bringing it in, you know, visitors coming in, not what was actually happening.
So, now, looking back, we realize that coronavirus was already there. But it was just the people on the ground didn’t know, especially the people from the Zulu club, who were taking direction from all the levels of government, but who were taking direction from the federal government.
AMY GOODMAN: And so, what transpired after that? Just tell us the Zulu club’s story.
LINDA VILLAROSA: So, what happened was, with the Zulu club men, it’s 800 mostly African American men who are from all walks of life. And they do this club all year round, but the Carnival, the Mardi Gras season, is the height of their fun and, you know, what they’re doing, their parties and their festivals. So, they were — after the 25th of February, some of them started getting ill. And they were communicating with each other. You know, it’s a close-knit group. Sometimes they were learning about each other on Facebook, who was getting ill, and also they were communicating with each other.
So, when I started reporting the piece in early April, six men had died, and another 30 — 20 had been infected with COVID. And by the time I finished, two more had died, and 30 had been infected.
AMY GOODMAN: So the overall number, by the time you finish the story, of people in the Zulu club who died as a result of COVID-19, that started with them just not being told at the time of the true dangers of COVID-19 and the threat in New Orleans.
LINDA VILLAROSA: Exactly. So, it was — when I started, it was six men had died, and 20 had been infected. When I finished, two more had died — a total of eight — and 30 had been infected. And that’s the ones that they knew about, with the 30. And the organizers of the Zulu club think it’s more.
AMY GOODMAN: And so, then, Linda Villarosa, talk about the messages of the Trump administration, why what the president says matters. At the time when all of this started, he was in India poo-pooing what was happening in the United States, saying it wasn’t a problem. But if you could then talk about the racial disparities? This is an issue you focus on in so many cases. The last time we had you on, it was the racial disparities in the death of women who give birth, and the problem with African American women who die in childbirth or after childbirth. But if you can talk about this issue that has become so significant in this country now in the pandemic?
LINDA VILLAROSA: So, even as the federal government was downplaying COVID, behind the scenes there were organizations, including the American Medical Association, the American Academy of Pediatrics, the NAACP, different lawyers’ groups, and even politicians, were knowing that these racial disparities that exist in the United States that make Black people more vulnerable to serious illnesses — and other people of color — existed and were going to intersect with COVID in the worst kind of way. And so, Black people are more likely to have the kinds of underlying conditions that make COVID more serious. And that just is a fact. And so, when COVID came, it was what some people have called the perfect storm of terribleness, with people already with underlying conditions being hit with this really serious, confusing virus.
AMY GOODMAN: And can you talk about the distrust that African Americans have of the healthcare system, and the historical context for that?
LINDA VILLAROSA: So, we’ve known for, I mean, centuries, decades, years, that Black people and other people of color are treated unfairly in our current medical system. And how I think of it is, I don’t think doctors and other healthcare providers go into medicine in order to do harm, but it happens because of mostly unconscious bias.
And so, it’s been very well documented that Black people and other people of color, but specifically Black people, have unfair treatment, whether it’s in pain management, whether it’s — and it’s in the emergency room. It’s when getting C-sections during birth. It’s all kinds of different treatments where Black people just aren’t treated well. So, if there’s a distrust among Black people of the healthcare system, it’s real, and it’s evidence-based that there is a problem, that people should be distrustful. And —
AMY GOODMAN: Speaking of history, I wanted to go to Nikole Hannah-Jones, who just won a Pulitzer Prize for her lead essay for The New York Times’ 1619 Project. She spoke to MTV last month about the racial disparities in COVID-related deaths.
NIKOLE HANNAH–JONES: What we’re starting to see as we learn that Black people are disproportionately dying from this is this blaming of Black communities and saying that, “Well, that’s just because Black people don’t take care of themselves. Black people don’t take care of their health.” The truth is that Black people are living in a constructed environment that is designed to actually produce exactly the disparities that we see. It is not accidental that Black people are the most likely to live near toxic sites, the most likely to live in polluted neighborhoods, the most likely to live in areas where there is a lot of highway and freeway traffic. And so, what that means is Black people have been intentionally placed in the most vulnerable positions.
AMY GOODMAN: That was Nikole Hannah-Jones. Linda Villarosa, you were a contributor to the acclaimed 1619 Project with an essay titled “Myths about physical racial differences were used to justify slavery — and are still believed by doctors today.” As we wrap up, if you could comment on the significance of The 1619 Project, that you were a part of, and also not only the Pulitzer going to Nikole Hannah-Jones, but to Ida B. Wells, as well, in a special citation and award for her outstanding and courageous reporting on the horrific and vicious violence against African Americans during the era of lynching? If you can take us full circle?
LINDA VILLAROSA: Well, first of all, we are so proud of Nikole, and I was honored to be part of that project. And I think that it speaks to the power of Black women journalists, Nikole and Ida B. Wells, and I’m really proud to be a part of that group. I think that what 1619 did, the project, was take us back and look at the legacy of enslavement. And, you know, there’s always people saying, “Oh, slavery was so long ago. That’s not part of our experience.” But it is. And our charge was to prove that what happened during enslavement still lingers today.
AMY GOODMAN: Linda Villarosa, I want to thank you for being with us. She directs the journalism program at City College of New York, contributing writer for The New York Times. We’re going to link to your piece, that cover story of The New York Times Magazine, “’A Terrible Price’: The Deadly Racial Disparities of Covid-19 in America.” And we’ll also link to The 1619 Project.
This is Democracy Now! When we come back, Dr. Leana Wen joins us, the former health commissioner of Baltimore, an emergency room doctor, who just gave birth. She’ll talk about, well, while President Trump gets tested every day at the White House, he downplays the need for regular testing throughout the country. Stay with us.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: “Mío” by the Puerto Rican band Buscabulla. The song is about the corporations that use the island as an unsustainable tax haven.


truthout--2020-05-08--After Months of Inaction, 2 White Men Are Charged With Murder of Ahmaud Arbery

The two white men caught on camera shooting and killing Ahmaud Arbery , an unarmed 25-year-old African American man , were arrested and charged Thursday with murder .
The arrests came two days after video of the attack in February was shared with the public , sparking widespread outrage .
Today would have been Arbery ’ s 26th birthday .
We speak with civil rights attorney Benjamin Crump , who represents the Arbery family and formerly represented Trayvon Martin .
This is a rush transcript .
Copy may not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : The two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shooting and killing Ahmaud Arbery , an unarmed 25-year-old African American man , in February , were arrested and charged with murder , two days after the video was shared with the public , sparking widespread outrage .
Retired police officer Gregory McMichael and his son Travis were both charged with murder and aggravated assault , and booked in Glynn County , Georgia , where the killing took place more than two months ago .
Their arrests follow days of protest over the details of the case and the fact that the two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Arbery .
The disturbing video that emerged Tuesday shows Ahmaud Arbery jogging down a narrow road in Brunswick , Georgia , in broad daylight , when he ’ s confronted by the two armed men .
As Arbery jogs , Travis McMichael can be seen waiting for him in the road with a shotgun while his father stands in the back of a pickup truck with a revolver .
After a brief confrontation , Arbery is shot at three times .
The Georgia Bureau of Investigations said in a news briefing Travis McMichael @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ahmaud Arbery .
The video was filmed by a third White man , William Bryan .
Journalist Shaun King said on Twitter Friday Bryan is also being charged but has not yet been arrested .
The Brunswick police reportedly had a copy of the shocking video since February , but before Thursday no charges had been filed against the McMichaels , who claimed they chased Arbery because he looked like a burglary suspect .
Gregory McMichael is a former officer with the Glynn County Police Department , who also worked as an investigator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there .
This is Ahmaud Arbery ’ s mother , Wanda Cooper , in an exclusive interview last week with activist and journalist Shaun King for his new podcast , The Breakdown .
AMY GOODMAN : Today would have been Ahmaud Arbery ’ s 26th birthday .
The local NAACP chapter will protest outside the Brunswick courthouse in Georgia today .
Under the hashtag # IRunWithMaud , people are pledging to run 2.23 miles today to mark the day Ahmaud Arbery was killed , February 23rd , and send pictures .
We ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ civil rights attorney representing the family of Ahmaud Arbery .
He is the author of Open Season : Legalized Genocide of Colored People .
Welcome back to Democracy Now !
, Ben Crump .
Can you explain what exactly happened ?
We are seeing this video for the first time this week , but Ahmaud was murdered on February 23rd .
What happened ?
BENJAMIN CRUMP : Well , Amy , it is clear from the video that this murderous duo , this father and son , the McMichaels , profiled Ahmaud Arbery @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of his race .
They claim that , like with Trayvon Martin , that he was burglarizing a home or he had committed a burglary , yet there ’ s no burglary mask , there ’ s no burglary tools , there ’ s no burglary bag .
I mean , he has a T-shirt and shorts on .
But yet they claim that ’ s the reason they stopped him .
And when you look at the video , it harkens back to yesteryears , things we thought we had overcome in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like it ’ s a lynch mob chasing a young Black man .
And when they kill him , there is no accountability .
They go home and sleep in their beds at night .
And it takes 74 days before there is an arrest .
And the arrest was not because the police or the law enforcement individuals saw the video , because they had it on day one , in February .
It ’ s because we saw the video , Amy .
That ’ s why we got an arrest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , even though these men chased him with a shotgun and a .357 Magnum , and they executed Ahmaud Arbery in broad daylight .
AMY GOODMAN : I mean , this is just an astounding story .
Maud , as he was known , his nickname , was a well-known jogger in the community , ran almost every day .
And can you then explain — this was a Sunday afternoon , in broad daylight .
And then , take us on that journey , as you understand it at this point .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the middle of the road , coming upon this pickup truck with the retired White police officer in the back — you wouldn ’ t know he was a police officer , of course — and his son holding the shotgun next to it .
But the question of the man who is following Arbery , filming this .
BENJAMIN CRUMP : Yes .
William Bryan , who we believe is an accomplice to this murder , he should be charged with aiding and abetting the McMichaels in their execution of Ahmaud @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unbelievable , Amy , that they would want to film this .
And , you know , it shocks the conscience .
You just can ’ t believe it .
But it ’ s real , in 2020 .
We ’ re not talking about 1920 .
We ’ re talking about in 2020 .
They can do this , there could be ocular proof on that video , but yet the law enforcement officials who came out to investigate this matter let them leave and go home and sleep in their beds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s so outrageous to us , people in communities of color , because we know if the shoe was on the other foot and it was Ahmaud and his father Marcus in that pickup truck , and they had a shotgun and a .357 Magnum and they chased Greg McMichael ’ s son in broad daylight and end up killing him , they know they would have been arrested from day one , and they know they would not have been given a bond .
Nobody would have had to justify @ @ @ @ @ @ @ systems in America , one for Black America and one for White America ?
We ’ re the United States of America .
And even though us Black people understand the Constitution wasn ’ t written for us , as my hero Thurgood Marshall said , we ’ re going to make the Constitution ours anyway , because we are Americans .
AMY GOODMAN : I want to go to a piece that talks about , “ Shortly after the shooting , the prosecutor for the Brunswick Judicial Circuit , Jackie Johnson , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in her office .
The case was [ then ] sent to George Barnhill , the district attorney in Waycross , Ga. , who later recused himself from the case after Mr. Arbery ’ s mother argued that he had a conflict because his son also works for the Brunswick district attorney .
But before he relinquished the case , … Barnhill wrote a letter to the Glynn County Police Department .
In the letter , which was obtained by The Times , he argued that there was not sufficient probable cause to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This is an astounding story .
Explain the conflicts here .
Again , McMichael , a retired police officer , an investigator .
BENJAMIN CRUMP : Yes , ma ’ am , Amy .
He was a police officer and an investigator for the District Attorney ’ s Office and had worked for them for over 30 years .
So we are very distrustful of any legal or law enforcement agencies in that southeastern part of Georgia , because we feel they all know the McMichaels , and they are going to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of those relationships .
And even the current prosecutor , we don ’ t have trust for him , because he has revealed his perspective .
He had that video .
He could have issued an arrest warrant based on just the video , like the Georgia Bureau of Investigations finally did when they took over the investigation , because it was probable cause in the video .
You didn ’ t have to do — I mean , it ’ s probable cause .
Black people are arrested on far less in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have a video , and they still said there was not enough evidence just to arrest them .
And that ’ s why we want a special prosecutor appointed , and we want to make sure that if these are individuals who currently work at the law enforcement agencies there in and around Brunswick , Georgia , who failed to arrest them either because of incompetence or intentional , they should not have anything at all to do with the prosecution of this case .
AMY GOODMAN : Ben Crump , what forced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
I mean , and it comes at the same time that Georgia has lifted its lockdown , so there was immediate protest .
I mean , it ’ s clear it ’ s the protesters and the outcry across the country that have led to this — to the arrests of the McMichaels .
Talk about what forced this video release .
And it also was just released on a local website .
BENJAMIN CRUMP : Yes , ma ’ am .
Apparently , a lawyer or a former lawyer associated with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ son duo who executed Ahmaud Arbery , released the video .
And apparently he said he released it because he felt that it would somehow exonerate these killers .
And it makes no sense to me .
It ’ s asinine how they feel this hunting party , this hunting posse , chasing this unarmed , young African American throughout that community was something that would exonerate them .
Amy , they teach us in first year law school about malice of forethought .
That is , you know , what is in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we believe when they got in that truck with all that firepower going to confront this young Black man , that they had evil intent , that you can look at their intentions and conclude that they should be held liable for murder , because we know , again , if the shoe was on the other foot and it was two African American men who got in their trucks with this kind of firepower and killed an unarmed , young White man in broad daylight , that they would be charged and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ AMY GOODMAN : So , you have , at the time of this broadcast , in a little bit , the Georgia Department of Investigation is going to hold a news conference .
Then a major protest is going to be held .
If you can explain what the Georgia Department of Investigation had to say ?
Now the Georgia governor says there will be justice .
And also , you represented Trayvon Martin ’ s family .
Trayvon Martin would have been the same age of Ahmaud if he had lived and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And again , today is Ahmaud ’ s 26th birthday .
So , if you can talk about what this means , that the Georgia Department of Investigation is involved , and your comparisons ?
BENJAMIN CRUMP : Certainly .
The similarities between Trayvon Martin and Ahmaud Arbery are eerie .
Both of them were killed in the month of February — Trayvon on February 26 , 2012 , and Ahmaud on February 23rd , 2020 .
And then both of them were accused of burglary , you know , Trayvon in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Satilla Shores community .
And then , both of the killers , who were armed , claimed that they had to kill these young unarmed , Black men because they were in fear of their lives .
And then , both of the killers , after they killed these two unarmed , young Black men , Trayvon and Ahmaud , they both got to go home and sleep in their beds at night .
And then , you had the prosecutors in Sanford , Florida , with Trayvon , having alleged conflicts of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prosecutors in Brunswick , Georgia , have a alleged conflict of interest .
And then , you didn ’ t get an arrest for weeks in Trayvon ’ s case ; you didn ’ t get an arrest for weeks in Ahmaud ’ s case .
In Trayvon ’ s case , the state police , the Florida Department of Law Enforcement , had to take over the investigation before there was an arrest , and in Ahmaud ’ s case , the Georgia Bureau of Investigations had to take over the investigation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in both cases , you had objective evidence of a pursuit .
In Trayvon , we had audio .
We heard the pursuit , and we heard the gunshot .
But in Ahmaud ’ s case , we visually see the pursuit with our own eyes , and we see the gunshots .
And so , it ’ s so eerily similar .
And the fact that they both would be 26 years old today , had they lived , tells us all we need to know , that in America , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ better .
AMY GOODMAN : Ben Crump , what happens next , as we wrap up ?
BENJAMIN CRUMP : We ask that there ’ s a special prosecutor brought in , because we have great distrust in anybody working in that southeast Georgia law enforcement community .
And we want to make sure that we have a diverse jury panel , because we don ’ t want a repeat of cases past where you have no diversity on the jury and they don ’ t understand the culture or the common life @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : We want to thank you so much , Ben Crump , for joining us , civil rights attorney representing the family of Ahmaud Arbery , the author of Open Season : Legalized Genocide of Colored People .
He represented the family of Trayvon Martin .
And , of course , we ’ ll continue to follow this story as it unfolds .
When we come back , we look at the deadly disparate impact of the pandemic on African Americans as told through the story of Linda Villarosa , looking at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in New Orleans , during and after Mardi Gras .
Stay with us .
AMY GOODMAN : “ I ’ ll Fly Away ” by Brass-a-Holics featuring Mecca Notes .
The song is traditionally played during New Orleans funerals .

The two white men caught on camera shooting and killing Ahmaud Arbery, an unarmed 25-year-old African American man, were arrested and charged Thursday with murder. The arrests came two days after video of the attack in February was shared with the public, sparking widespread outrage. Today would have been Arbery’s 26th birthday. We speak with civil rights attorney Benjamin Crump, who represents the Arbery family and formerly represented Trayvon Martin.
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: The two White men who were caught on film shooting and killing Ahmaud Arbery, an unarmed 25-year-old African American man, in February, were arrested and charged with murder, two days after the video was shared with the public, sparking widespread outrage. Retired police officer Gregory McMichael and his son Travis were both charged with murder and aggravated assault, and booked in Glynn County, Georgia, where the killing took place more than two months ago. Their arrests follow days of protest over the details of the case and the fact that the two men walked free for months after slaying Arbery.
The disturbing video that emerged Tuesday shows Ahmaud Arbery jogging down a narrow road in Brunswick, Georgia, in broad daylight, when he’s confronted by the two armed men. As Arbery jogs, Travis McMichael can be seen waiting for him in the road with a shotgun while his father stands in the back of a pickup truck with a revolver. After a brief confrontation, Arbery is shot at three times. The Georgia Bureau of Investigations said in a news briefing Travis McMichael is the one who shot and killed Ahmaud Arbery.
The video was filmed by a third White man, William Bryan. Journalist Shaun King said on Twitter Friday Bryan is also being charged but has not yet been arrested. The Brunswick police reportedly had a copy of the shocking video since February, but before Thursday no charges had been filed against the McMichaels, who claimed they chased Arbery because he looked like a burglary suspect. Gregory McMichael is a former officer with the Glynn County Police Department, who also worked as an investigator in the District Attorney’s Office there.
This is Ahmaud Arbery’s mother, Wanda Cooper, in an exclusive interview last week with activist and journalist Shaun King for his new podcast, The Breakdown.
WANDA COOPER: He was killed, and he was killed in the street, after he was chased down and cut off by two vehicles. And nobody went to jail. SHAUN KING: Right. WANDA COOPER: Nobody went to jail behind it. You know, they were able to go home, and my baby was placed in a body bag. You know, that’s not — that’s not fair.
AMY GOODMAN: Today would have been Ahmaud Arbery’s 26th birthday. The local NAACP chapter will protest outside the Brunswick courthouse in Georgia today. Under the hashtag #IRunWithMaud, people are pledging to run 2.23 miles today to mark the day Ahmaud Arbery was killed, February 23rd, and send pictures.
We’re joined now by Benjamin Crump, civil rights attorney representing the family of Ahmaud Arbery. He is the author of Open Season: Legalized Genocide of Colored People.
Welcome back to Democracy Now!, Ben Crump. Can you explain what exactly happened? We are seeing this video for the first time this week, but Ahmaud was murdered on February 23rd. What happened?
BENJAMIN CRUMP: Well, Amy, it is clear from the video that this murderous duo, this father and son, the McMichaels, profiled Ahmaud Arbery, we believe, because the basis of his race. They claim that, like with Trayvon Martin, that he was burglarizing a home or he had committed a burglary, yet there’s no burglary mask, there’s no burglary tools, there’s no burglary bag. I mean, he has a T-shirt and shorts on. But yet they claim that’s the reason they stopped him.
And when you look at the video, it harkens back to yesteryears, things we thought we had overcome in America. I mean, it looks like it’s a lynch mob chasing a young Black man. And when they kill him, there is no accountability. They go home and sleep in their beds at night.
And it takes 74 days before there is an arrest. And the arrest was not because the police or the law enforcement individuals saw the video, because they had it on day one, in February. It’s because we saw the video, Amy. That’s why we got an arrest, finally, after all these days, even though these men chased him with a shotgun and a .357 Magnum, and they executed Ahmaud Arbery in broad daylight.
AMY GOODMAN: I mean, this is just an astounding story. Maud, as he was known, his nickname, was a well-known jogger in the community, ran almost every day. And can you then explain — this was a Sunday afternoon, in broad daylight. And then, take us on that journey, as you understand it at this point. Not only are we following Maud jogging in the middle of the road, coming upon this pickup truck with the retired White police officer in the back — you wouldn’t know he was a police officer, of course — and his son holding the shotgun next to it. But the question of the man who is following Arbery, filming this.
BENJAMIN CRUMP: Yes. William Bryan, who we believe is an accomplice to this murder, he should be charged with aiding and abetting the McMichaels in their execution of Ahmaud Arbery.
And it’s just unbelievable, Amy, that they would want to film this. And, you know, it shocks the conscience. You just can’t believe it. But it’s real, in 2020. We’re not talking about 1920. We’re talking about in 2020. They can do this, there could be ocular proof on that video, but yet the law enforcement officials who came out to investigate this matter let them leave and go home and sleep in their beds at night.
That’s why it’s so outrageous to us, people in communities of color, because we know if the shoe was on the other foot and it was Ahmaud and his father Marcus in that pickup truck, and they had a shotgun and a .357 Magnum and they chased Greg McMichael’s son in broad daylight and end up killing him, they know they would have been arrested from day one, and they know they would not have been given a bond. Nobody would have had to justify anything.
So why the two justice systems in America, one for Black America and one for White America? We’re the United States of America. And even though us Black people understand the Constitution wasn’t written for us, as my hero Thurgood Marshall said, we’re going to make the Constitution ours anyway, because we are Americans.
AMY GOODMAN: I want to go to a piece that talks about, “Shortly after the shooting, the prosecutor for the Brunswick Judicial Circuit, Jackie Johnson, recused herself because Gregory McMichael had worked in her office. The case was [then] sent to George Barnhill, the district attorney in Waycross, Ga., who later recused himself from the case after Mr. Arbery’s mother argued that he had a conflict because his son also works for the Brunswick district attorney. But before he relinquished the case, … Barnhill wrote a letter to the Glynn County Police Department. In the letter, which was obtained by The Times, he argued that there was not sufficient probable cause to arrest … Arbery’s pursuers.” This is an astounding story. Explain the conflicts here. Again, McMichael, a retired police officer, an investigator.
BENJAMIN CRUMP: Yes, ma’am, Amy. He was a police officer and an investigator for the District Attorney’s Office and had worked for them for over 30 years. So we are very distrustful of any legal or law enforcement agencies in that southeastern part of Georgia, because we feel they all know the McMichaels, and they are going to be biased in favor of the McMichaels because of those relationships.
And even the current prosecutor, we don’t have trust for him, because he has revealed his perspective. He had that video. He could have issued an arrest warrant based on just the video, like the Georgia Bureau of Investigations finally did when they took over the investigation, because it was probable cause in the video. You didn’t have to do — I mean, it’s probable cause. Black people are arrested on far less in America every day. But they actually have a video, and they still said there was not enough evidence just to arrest them.
And that’s why we want a special prosecutor appointed, and we want to make sure that if these are individuals who currently work at the law enforcement agencies there in and around Brunswick, Georgia, who failed to arrest them either because of incompetence or intentional, they should not have anything at all to do with the prosecution of this case.
AMY GOODMAN: Ben Crump, what forced the release of this video this week? I mean, and it comes at the same time that Georgia has lifted its lockdown, so there was immediate protest. I mean, it’s clear it’s the protesters and the outcry across the country that have led to this — to the arrests of the McMichaels. Talk about what forced this video release. And it also was just released on a local website.
BENJAMIN CRUMP: Yes, ma’am. Apparently, a lawyer or a former lawyer associated with the McMichaels, the murderous father and son duo who executed Ahmaud Arbery, released the video. And apparently he said he released it because he felt that it would somehow exonerate these killers. And it makes no sense to me. It’s asinine how they feel this hunting party, this hunting posse, chasing this unarmed, young African American throughout that community was something that would exonerate them.
Amy, they teach us in first year law school about malice of forethought. That is, you know, what is in the mind of the killer. And we believe when they got in that truck with all that firepower going to confront this young Black man, that they had evil intent, that you can look at their intentions and conclude that they should be held liable for murder, because we know, again, if the shoe was on the other foot and it was two African American men who got in their trucks with this kind of firepower and killed an unarmed, young White man in broad daylight, that they would be charged and convicted with murder, day one.
AMY GOODMAN: So, you have, at the time of this broadcast, in a little bit, the Georgia Department of Investigation is going to hold a news conference. Then a major protest is going to be held. If you can explain what the Georgia Department of Investigation had to say? Now the Georgia governor says there will be justice. And also, you represented Trayvon Martin’s family. Trayvon Martin would have been the same age of Ahmaud if he had lived and not been killed by George Zimmerman. And again, today is Ahmaud’s 26th birthday. So, if you can talk about what this means, that the Georgia Department of Investigation is involved, and your comparisons?
BENJAMIN CRUMP: Certainly. The similarities between Trayvon Martin and Ahmaud Arbery are eerie. Both of them were killed in the month of February — Trayvon on February 26, 2012, and Ahmaud on February 23rd, 2020. And then both of them were accused of burglary, you know, Trayvon in the gated community and then Ahmaud in the Satilla Shores community. And then, both of the killers, who were armed, claimed that they had to kill these young unarmed, Black men because they were in fear of their lives. And then, both of the killers, after they killed these two unarmed, young Black men, Trayvon and Ahmaud, they both got to go home and sleep in their beds at night.
And then, you had the prosecutors in Sanford, Florida, with Trayvon, having alleged conflicts of interest, and then you had the prosecutors in Brunswick, Georgia, have a alleged conflict of interest. And then, you didn’t get an arrest for weeks in Trayvon’s case; you didn’t get an arrest for weeks in Ahmaud’s case. In Trayvon’s case, the state police, the Florida Department of Law Enforcement, had to take over the investigation before there was an arrest, and in Ahmaud’s case, the Georgia Bureau of Investigations had to take over the investigation before there was an arrest.
And in both cases, you had objective evidence of a pursuit. In Trayvon, we had audio. We heard the pursuit, and we heard the gunshot. But in Ahmaud’s case, we visually see the pursuit with our own eyes, and we see the gunshots.
And so, it’s so eerily similar. And the fact that they both would be 26 years old today, had they lived, tells us all we need to know, that in America, we must do better. We must do better.
AMY GOODMAN: Ben Crump, what happens next, as we wrap up?
BENJAMIN CRUMP: We ask that there’s a special prosecutor brought in, because we have great distrust in anybody working in that southeast Georgia law enforcement community. And we want to make sure that we have a diverse jury panel, because we don’t want a repeat of cases past where you have no diversity on the jury and they don’t understand the culture or the common life experiences of Ahmaud Arbery.
AMY GOODMAN: We want to thank you so much, Ben Crump, for joining us, civil rights attorney representing the family of Ahmaud Arbery, the author of Open Season: Legalized Genocide of Colored People. He represented the family of Trayvon Martin. And, of course, we’ll continue to follow this story as it unfolds.
When we come back, we look at the deadly disparate impact of the pandemic on African Americans as told through the story of Linda Villarosa, looking at the Zulu club, a Black social organization in New Orleans, during and after Mardi Gras. Stay with us.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: “I’ll Fly Away” by Brass-a-Holics featuring Mecca Notes. The song is traditionally played during New Orleans funerals.


truthout--2020-05-08--Jared Kushner Reportedly in Charge of Push for Vaccine — What Could Go Wrong?

President Trump has turned to Jared Kushner , his son-in-law and senior adviser — whose shadow White House coronavirus task force is currently the subject of a congressional whistleblower complaint — to captain the administration ’ s effort to fast-track a coronavirus vaccine .
The project , titled “ Operation Warp Speed , ” yokes Kushner together with senior White House adviser Peter Navarro , who first floated the idea to the administration in February , the Daily Beast reports .
Kushner , whose ludicrously overstuffed portfolio and maladroit management routinely draw fire from critics , was reportedly tapped to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an alleged Kushner strength that is also the main focus of the whistleblower complaint filed to Congress in early April .
“ Jared has been vocal in meetings about wanting to engage the private sector on the development of a vaccine in a similarly successful way that the administration did on ventilators , PPE , and others , ” a White House official told the Beast .
That complaint alleges that Kushner ’ s team of private-sector volunteers , tasked with securing personal protective equipment for hospitals around the country , had little @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assigned them , and had been directed to prioritize outside requests from Trump loyalists , such as Fox News personalities .
“ Americans are facing a crisis of tragic proportions , and there is an urgent need for an effective , efficient and bold response .
From my few weeks as a volunteer , I believe we are falling short , ” the complaint says .
The administration has officially acknowledged Operation Warp Speed — technically under the purview of the Department of Health and Human Services — but its plans and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are murky , beyond vague promises to pull resources from private companies and the Pentagon , and to use those connections to somehow speed up testing .
Kushner has long been dogged by his many conflicts of interest in the private sector , in ventures both domestic and foreign , such as in Saudi Arabia and an early project in China .
That track record has , perhaps unsurprisingly , extended into the administration ’ s coronavirus response .
Trump routinely gripes about the necessary tedium of developing a safe and effective vaccine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decade or longer , and has said he wants a COVID-19 vaccine to become available by year ’ s end .
“ I mean , I like the sound of a couple months better , if I must be honest , ” Trump said , seemingly oblivious to the fact that the “ couple months ” timeframe mentioned by some pharmaceutical executives merely referred to a vaccine being ready for trials .
Dr. Anthony Fauci , coronavirus task force adviser and head of the National Institute for Allergy and Infectious Diseases , has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s hopes , pegging the earliest date for a vaccine between 12 and 18 months .
That in itself is a rosy timeline .
Reached for comment , an NIAID representative pointed to the institute ’ s direct involvement in the development of a COVID-19 vaccine , including at least three projects that have recently dipped a toe into clinical trials .
In the private sector , Moderna has said it could have a shot ready this fall , for trial in certain high-risk patients .
Pfizer thinks it can have one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , with the potential to “ supply millions of vaccine doses by the end of 2020 ” and “ rapidly scale up the capacity to produce hundreds of millions of doses in 2021.
” Sanofi and GlaxoSmithKline say their collaborative effort likely won ’ t be available until the second half of 2021 .
“ We just do not see it happening [ that soon ] , ” a senior Trump administration official who works with the task force told the Beast .
Many public health and investment experts also believe these timelines @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and vaccine expert Robert van Exen told the New York Times that the accelerated research timelines for vaccines currently in the works might make them more likely to fail .
He projects a vaccine won ’ t be approved until 2021 or 2022 , but cautions that even this estimate “ is very optimistic and of relatively low probability.
” He added , however , that the severity of the emergency makes fast-tracking “ worth the try — maybe we will get lucky.
” Kushner might find the private sector even more bearish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an analyst at health care capital investment firm SVB Leerink , has pointed out that timelines for more than 10 of the most important and widely used vaccines — from pathogen discovery to approval — have ranged from more than a decade to more than a century .
( The mumps vaccine had one of the shortest development times , and that still took four years . )
Trials alone for recently approved inoculants have taken longer than three years , Porges says .
Trump made his “ couple months ” remark at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in early March .
One exec had used that phrase in reference to a vaccine ’ s readiness for clinical trials , not public distribution , as the president apparently interpreted it .
Trump then asked why scientists couldn ’ t simply use the flu vaccine to inoculate against the coronavirus , asking no one in particular , “ You take a solid flu vaccine , you don ’ t think that could have an impact , or much of an impact , on corona ?
” “ President Trump made it clear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ business as usual wasn ’ t good enough in the fight against the coronavirus , and vaccines are no exception , ” Michael Caputo , recently hired assistant secretary of public affairs at Health and Human Services , told The Daily Beast .
“ It ’ s not impossible and yet the scientists are right : it ’ s going to be very difficult , ” Caputo told the Beast .
“ When it happens , it will be an historic victory for all of America , led by a president who just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ answer when it mattered most .
Come to think of it , maybe that ’ s what President Trump ’ s critics really dislike about it.
” Last month Trump fired Richard Bright , the scientist in charge of the federal vaccine response .
Bright alleges he was forced out because he refused to acquiesce to the president ’ s demands that he push hydroxychloroquine , an anti-malarial drug that became an object of Trump ’ s obsession , but whose effectiveness against COVID-19 is disputed .
A government retro-study trial found that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deadly , in coronavirus patients .
HHS referred questions about Operation Warp Speed to the White House .
The White House did not immediately reply to Salon ’ s request for comment .

Kushner has long been dogged by his many conflicts of interest in the private sector.
President Trump has turned to Jared Kushner, his son-in-law and senior adviser — whose shadow White House coronavirus task force is currently the subject of a congressional whistleblower complaint — to captain the administration’s effort to fast-track a coronavirus vaccine.
The project, titled “Operation Warp Speed,” yokes Kushner together with senior White House adviser Peter Navarro, who first floated the idea to the administration in February, the Daily Beast reports.
Kushner, whose ludicrously overstuffed portfolio and maladroit management routinely draw fire from critics, was reportedly tapped to “engage the private sector,” an alleged Kushner strength that is also the main focus of the whistleblower complaint filed to Congress in early April.
“Jared has been vocal in meetings about wanting to engage the private sector on the development of a vaccine in a similarly successful way that the administration did on ventilators, PPE, and others,” a White House official told the Beast.
That complaint alleges that Kushner’s team of private-sector volunteers, tasked with securing personal protective equipment for hospitals around the country, had little experience or understanding of the issues Kushner assigned them, and had been directed to prioritize outside requests from Trump loyalists, such as Fox News personalities.
“Americans are facing a crisis of tragic proportions, and there is an urgent need for an effective, efficient and bold response. From my few weeks as a volunteer, I believe we are falling short,” the complaint says.
The administration has officially acknowledged Operation Warp Speed — technically under the purview of the Department of Health and Human Services — but its plans and the means available to execute on those plans are murky, beyond vague promises to pull resources from private companies and the Pentagon, and to use those connections to somehow speed up testing.
Kushner has long been dogged by his many conflicts of interest in the private sector, in ventures both domestic and foreign, such as in Saudi Arabia and an early project in China. That track record has, perhaps unsurprisingly, extended into the administration’s coronavirus response.
Trump routinely gripes about the necessary tedium of developing a safe and effective vaccine, a process that often demands a decade or longer, and has said he wants a COVID-19 vaccine to become available by year’s end.
“I mean, I like the sound of a couple months better, if I must be honest,” Trump said, seemingly oblivious to the fact that the “couple months” timeframe mentioned by some pharmaceutical executives merely referred to a vaccine being ready for trials.
“I told the pharmaceutical companies that they have to do a better job on that vaccine” — Trump admits he just learned that the flu can be deadly and says he wants the pharmaceutical companies to do something about it pic.twitter.com/7jPDsi7WAX — Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) March 3, 2020
Dr. Anthony Fauci, coronavirus task force adviser and head of the National Institute for Allergy and Infectious Diseases, has repeatedly thrown cold water on the president’s hopes, pegging the earliest date for a vaccine between 12 and 18 months. That in itself is a rosy timeline.
Reached for comment, an NIAID representative pointed to the institute’s direct involvement in the development of a COVID-19 vaccine, including at least three projects that have recently dipped a toe into clinical trials.
In the private sector, Moderna has said it could have a shot ready this fall, for trial in certain high-risk patients. Pfizer thinks it can have one ready by the end of the year, with the potential to “supply millions of vaccine doses by the end of 2020” and “rapidly scale up the capacity to produce hundreds of millions of doses in 2021.” Sanofi and GlaxoSmithKline say their collaborative effort likely won’t be available until the second half of 2021.
“We just do not see it happening [that soon],” a senior Trump administration official who works with the task force told the Beast.
Many public health and investment experts also believe these timelines are optimistic at best.
Cell biologist and vaccine expert Robert van Exen told the New York Times that the accelerated research timelines for vaccines currently in the works might make them more likely to fail. He projects a vaccine won’t be approved until 2021 or 2022, but cautions that even this estimate “is very optimistic and of relatively low probability.”
He added, however, that the severity of the emergency makes fast-tracking “worth the try — maybe we will get lucky.”
Kushner might find the private sector even more bearish than the scientists. Geoffrey Porges, an analyst at health care capital investment firm SVB Leerink, has pointed out that timelines for more than 10 of the most important and widely used vaccines — from pathogen discovery to approval — have ranged from more than a decade to more than a century. (The mumps vaccine had one of the shortest development times, and that still took four years.) Trials alone for recently approved inoculants have taken longer than three years, Porges says.
Trump made his “couple months” remark at a White House gathering of pharmaceutical executives in early March. One exec had used that phrase in reference to a vaccine’s readiness for clinical trials, not public distribution, as the president apparently interpreted it.
Trump then asked why scientists couldn’t simply use the flu vaccine to inoculate against the coronavirus, asking no one in particular, “You take a solid flu vaccine, you don’t think that could have an impact, or much of an impact, on corona?”
“No,” one expert replied.
“President Trump made it clear to the task force weeks ago that business as usual wasn’t good enough in the fight against the coronavirus, and vaccines are no exception,” Michael Caputo, recently hired assistant secretary of public affairs at Health and Human Services, told The Daily Beast.
(Caputo, a former Trump campaign aide and a witness in Robert Mueller’s investigation into the campaign’s connections with Russian election interference, was recently revealed to have blasted out conspiratorial, misogynistic and racist tweets in the context of the coronavirus.)
“It’s not impossible and yet the scientists are right: it’s going to be very difficult,” Caputo told the Beast. “When it happens, it will be an historic victory for all of America, led by a president who just wouldn’t take no for an answer when it mattered most. Come to think of it, maybe that’s what President Trump’s critics really dislike about it.”
Last month Trump fired Richard Bright, the scientist in charge of the federal vaccine response. Bright alleges he was forced out because he refused to acquiesce to the president’s demands that he push hydroxychloroquine, an anti-malarial drug that became an object of Trump’s obsession, but whose effectiveness against COVID-19 is disputed. A government retro-study trial found that the treatment might be deleterious, even deadly, in coronavirus patients.
HHS referred questions about Operation Warp Speed to the White House. The White House did not immediately reply to Salon’s request for comment.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-05-08--Communities Forced to Fight Planned School Closures, Privatization Amid COVID-19

Since mid-March , public school students in Minnesota have had to stay home because of the COVID-19 pandemic .
Now , according to the state ’ s governor , Tim Walz , schools will remain closed until the end of this school year , with no guarantee that they will reopen in the fall for anything other than online teaching and learning .
This hasn ’ t stopped the Minneapolis Public Schools from attempting to push forward with a dramatic restructuring plan , known as the Comprehensive District Design .
Under this plan , nearly all of the city ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would be reassigned to new schools , beginning in the fall of 2021 .
The proposal includes the closure of several popular , long-standing magnet school programs , as well as the dismantling of existing community schools in favor of new school configurations .
The narrative surrounding the plan is one of crisis and urgency .
Advocates for the shake-up , including administrators within the Minneapolis Public Schools , insist the reorganization will not only save money — a key issue for the cash-strapped district — but also ensure access to a “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regardless of their background .
More than half of all district students live in poverty , according to federal guidelines , and many require special education services or English language support .
Educational disparities that fall along racial and economic lines are a persistent problem in Minneapolis , and the pursuit of greater equity in achievement is a key argument being used in defense of the plan .
The rapid expansion of charter schools has also become a divisive issue in the district , and many strong supporters of the redesign are also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In a recent interview with the Minneapolis Star Tribune , district superintendent Ed Graff insisted that it was necessary to keep moving forward with a comprehensive overhaul because students can not “ afford to wait any longer.
” We must act now to reshape the district for future success , Graff argued , even as the coronavirus epidemic continues to spread doubt and uncertainty .
Another problem Graff must contend with is an ongoing decline in enrollment .
More than a thousand students left the district in the last school year alone , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ growing number of charter schools in and around Minneapolis or enrolling in a neighboring district .
An exodus of students from the Minneapolis Public Schools means the district is left with aging infrastructure and fewer per-pupil dollars with which to serve all students , especially those with special education needs .
The crisis rhetoric puts the Minneapolis schools plan squarely in line with other disaster-driven public school upheavals , including those in New Orleans , Puerto Rico , Indianapolis , and Denver .
In New Orleans and Puerto Rico , hurricanes struck , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ privatization advocates to swoop in and institute dramatic changes to public education .
In places like Chicago , Denver , Memphis , and Jackson , Mississippi , however , the threat has been driven less by a natural disaster and more by a desire to force change onto vulnerable communities from the top down , at the expense of democratic governance and community input .
Often , the pattern goes something like this .
After years of struggling along with budget cuts and underfunding , districts are declared failures due to low student @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between white students and students of color .
Then , a crisis is declared , thereby opening the door to state control of public schools , perhaps , or a push for school choice schemes .
Such schemes include tax credits for private school tuition and the proliferation of publicly funded , privately managed charter schools .
Meanwhile , the public to whom the school system belongs is typically shut out of such machinations and forced to fight to have a say in how their schools are run .
The Little Rock , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ example of this .
In 2015 , Little Rock schools were subject to a state takeover against the wishes of parents and community members .
At the same time , the city ’ s school board was also dissolved , leaving citizens with no local representation regarding the governance of their district .
The reasons cited for the takeover included the need for steep funding cuts and the prevalence of low test scores in several schools .
Although the problems had been growing for years , according to news reports , state education @ @ @ @ @ @ @ urgency on behalf of Little Rock .
The sense of urgency , it seems , provided cover for the drastic action of putting the schools under state oversight .
Community members fought back and were granted some control over the Little Rock schools earlier this year .
An additional lawsuit was filed recently on behalf of residents , however , in order to challenge the ongoing restrictions the state has put on the district .
Now , we can add Minneapolis to the list of communities fighting for greater authority over their public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the Minneapolis Public Schools and a background as a teacher in his home country of El Salvador .
He emigrated to the United States in the 1990s and has been working since then to help the Latino community in Minneapolis navigate the public school system .
Today , he serves as director of an advocacy group known as COPAL , or Communities Organizing Latinx Power and Action .
Through this work , which is centered on helping immigrants gain agency and leadership roles , Segovia first learned of the Minneapolis Public Schools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he noticed that district meetings targeted to the Latino community were often one-way information drops rather than interactive listening sessions .
Segovia observed parents sitting passively while district administrators shared details of the district redesign with them , and that bothered him .
Eventually , he suggested to a fellow parent that they should take over the district ’ s meetings .
This led to the formation of a Latino parent collective that operated outside the purview of the Minneapolis Public Schools .
The goal was agency and systems change driven from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Through the parent collective , Segovia and others worked to identify the concerns that mattered most to the Latino community , including the desire for better communication from the schools and more support for bilingual education programs .
One issue that really stuck out to Segovia was that the district frequently seemed to rely on very small samplings of Latino parents in the schools , and then used their insights to create policies that impacted the entire community .
This became very important when Minneapolis school administrators started presenting their comprehensive redesign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plan were many elements Segovia and his network had identified as key issues , including bilingual education .
“ We need to reframe how the system functions , ” Segovia stated , “ so that we are not asking a favor of the district but advising it instead .
The educational system actually belongs to us.
” Silvia Ibáñez , a Minneapolis parent and bilingual educator , would likely agree with this sentiment .
In a recent virtual town hall organized by a local racial justice group , Ibáñez pointed out that 75 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ K-8 stand to be displaced , should the Minneapolis schools ’ reorganization plan go forward .
These students will lose their schools and be sent elsewhere , Ibáñez warned , which would further the feeling of invisibility she says many Latino parents already have .
It often seems as though various communities are being pitted against one another as well .
In one case , Minneapolis administrators are proposing moving a popular Spanish dual-language immersion school into a building that already serves as a beloved community school for a diverse group of students @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forced to move in this scenario , despite protests from parents and staff .
Another community that stands to face tremendous upheaval under the Minneapolis schools reorganization plan is Somali families .
Minnesota is home to the largest Somali diaspora in the United States , and nearly 10 percent of all Minneapolis Public Schools have roots in this community .
Many of them want to send their children to K-8 schools , according to district parent and employee Zeinab Omar , but under the district ’ s plan , most would no longer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the final version of the redesign , the number of K-8 options in Minneapolis shrinks from eleven to two .
K-8s provide stability for immigrant and refugee families , Omar and others have said , partly because many prefer to have their children in school together for as long as possible .
Omar sends her children to Minneapolis ’ s Barton Open School , a K-8 magnet program that has become popular with Somali families in recent years .
Many in fact put their names on a waiting list and “ went through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Omar noted via email .
Under the district ’ s new plan , however , Barton will become a K-5 community school serving a much whiter , wealthier demographic .
The thought of losing access to Barton has triggered a PTSD response in some families , Omar said , who experienced trauma on their journey to the United States .
Many spent time in refugee camps , where families were often split up and left behind after being told by officials that not everyone could come along to this country .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school here feels similar , Omar stated .
For local civil rights attorney Nekima Levy Armstrong , the level of division and disruption present in the Minneapolis Public Schools plan is troubling .
Armstrong is the founder of an advocacy group called the Racial Justice Network , and she is the former head of the Minneapolis NAACP .
Armstrong is a prominent activist for racial justice in the Twin Cities , and , as such , she says she was asked to lend her support to the Minneapolis schools redesign .
When she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , however , she didn ’ t like what she saw .
“ The whole premise of it is backwards , ” Armstrong noted over the phone , maintaining that it began as a way to save money and simplify transportation routes rather than improve academic outcomes .
This is an allegation made by others , especially since the district sought input on the plan from outside consultants known for advancing such efficiency-minded priorities .
Pursuing cost savings and a smaller district footprint is understandable , as many Minneapolis schools are under capacity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ schools and open enrollment policies .
Still , Armstrong believes the plan should not go forward in its current form if , as the district claims , the actual goal of it is the pursuit of more equity for students of color .
She pointed out that “ Concerns about disparities and the lack of community engagement within the district have been raised for years , ” with little follow-through or support .
Minneapolis administrators and some board members have “ focused only on selling this plan , ” in Armstrong ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she said decisively , how you build trust with marginalized communities .
Instead , she would like to see a more comprehensive approach that centers on a deep dive into policies and practices — including discipline disparities , literacy instruction , and special education programming — that impact students and teachers directly .
Just shuffling students and staff around to different buildings while dismantling well-regarded community schools and magnet programs won ’ t lead to better results , Armstrong insisted .
And now , she and others have pointed out , families and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fears and concerns brought by the COVID-19 crisis , leaving little time for engagement in the Minneapolis schools ’ redesign .
It has been more than three weeks since the district began online learning for all K-12 students , and parents and district staffers have said that many kids still do not have access to a working digital device or adequate Wi-Fi .
So far , however , the Minneapolis school board is still planning to vote on the Comprehensive District Design plan on May 12 , citing the urgent need to push @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the future .
“ A lot of folks are latching onto the district ’ s language about equity , ” Armstrong pointed out , “ but we have to make sure we aren ’ t being hoodwinked and bamboozled.
” The nine-member Minneapolis school board was scheduled to vote on the plan in April .
Due to COVID-19 closures , the vote has been pushed back to May 12 , and public comment has been taken primarily via voicemail since in-person meetings are not permitted now .
This article was produced by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Independent Media Institute .

Since mid-March, public school students in Minnesota have had to stay home because of the COVID-19 pandemic. Now, according to the state’s governor, Tim Walz, schools will remain closed until the end of this school year, with no guarantee that they will reopen in the fall for anything other than online teaching and learning.
This hasn’t stopped the Minneapolis Public Schools from attempting to push forward with a dramatic restructuring plan, known as the Comprehensive District Design.
Under this plan, nearly all of the city’s 34,000 public school students and teachers would be reassigned to new schools, beginning in the fall of 2021. The proposal includes the closure of several popular, long-standing magnet school programs, as well as the dismantling of existing community schools in favor of new school configurations.
The narrative surrounding the plan is one of crisis and urgency. Advocates for the shake-up, including administrators within the Minneapolis Public Schools, insist the reorganization will not only save money — a key issue for the cash-strapped district — but also ensure access to a “well-rounded education” for all students, regardless of their background.
More than half of all district students live in poverty, according to federal guidelines, and many require special education services or English language support. Educational disparities that fall along racial and economic lines are a persistent problem in Minneapolis, and the pursuit of greater equity in achievement is a key argument being used in defense of the plan.
The rapid expansion of charter schools has also become a divisive issue in the district, and many strong supporters of the redesign are also proponents of the charter school industry.
In a recent interview with the Minneapolis Star Tribune, district superintendent Ed Graff insisted that it was necessary to keep moving forward with a comprehensive overhaul because students cannot “afford to wait any longer.” We must act now to reshape the district for future success, Graff argued, even as the coronavirus epidemic continues to spread doubt and uncertainty.
Another problem Graff must contend with is an ongoing decline in enrollment. More than a thousand students left the district in the last school year alone, snagging spots either in one of the growing number of charter schools in and around Minneapolis or enrolling in a neighboring district.
An exodus of students from the Minneapolis Public Schools means the district is left with aging infrastructure and fewer per-pupil dollars with which to serve all students, especially those with special education needs.
Disaster Leads to Opportunity
The crisis rhetoric puts the Minneapolis schools plan squarely in line with other disaster-driven public school upheavals, including those in New Orleans, Puerto Rico, Indianapolis, and Denver.
In New Orleans and Puerto Rico, hurricanes struck, paving the way for school choice and privatization advocates to swoop in and institute dramatic changes to public education.
In places like Chicago, Denver, Memphis, and Jackson, Mississippi, however, the threat has been driven less by a natural disaster and more by a desire to force change onto vulnerable communities from the top down, at the expense of democratic governance and community input.
Often, the pattern goes something like this. After years of struggling along with budget cuts and underfunding, districts are declared failures due to low student test scores or a gap in outcomes between white students and students of color. Then, a crisis is declared, thereby opening the door to state control of public schools, perhaps, or a push for school choice schemes.
Such schemes include tax credits for private school tuition and the proliferation of publicly funded, privately managed charter schools.
Meanwhile, the public to whom the school system belongs is typically shut out of such machinations and forced to fight to have a say in how their schools are run. The Little Rock, Arkansas, school system offers a stark example of this.
In 2015, Little Rock schools were subject to a state takeover against the wishes of parents and community members. At the same time, the city’s school board was also dissolved, leaving citizens with no local representation regarding the governance of their district.
The reasons cited for the takeover included the need for steep funding cuts and the prevalence of low test scores in several schools. Although the problems had been growing for years, according to news reports, state education officials declared the need to act with urgency on behalf of Little Rock.
The sense of urgency, it seems, provided cover for the drastic action of putting the schools under state oversight.
Community members fought back and were granted some control over the Little Rock schools earlier this year. An additional lawsuit was filed recently on behalf of residents, however, in order to challenge the ongoing restrictions the state has put on the district.
Now, we can add Minneapolis to the list of communities fighting for greater authority over their public schools.
Minneapolis Pushes Back
Francisco Segovia has a child in the Minneapolis Public Schools and a background as a teacher in his home country of El Salvador. He emigrated to the United States in the 1990s and has been working since then to help the Latino community in Minneapolis navigate the public school system.
Today, he serves as director of an advocacy group known as COPAL, or Communities Organizing Latinx Power and Action. Through this work, which is centered on helping immigrants gain agency and leadership roles, Segovia first learned of the Minneapolis Public Schools’ reorganization plans.
Right away, he noticed that district meetings targeted to the Latino community were often one-way information drops rather than interactive listening sessions. Segovia observed parents sitting passively while district administrators shared details of the district redesign with them, and that bothered him.
Eventually, he suggested to a fellow parent that they should take over the district’s meetings. This led to the formation of a Latino parent collective that operated outside the purview of the Minneapolis Public Schools.
The goal was agency and systems change driven from the bottom up, not the top down. Through the parent collective, Segovia and others worked to identify the concerns that mattered most to the Latino community, including the desire for better communication from the schools and more support for bilingual education programs.
One issue that really stuck out to Segovia was that the district frequently seemed to rely on very small samplings of Latino parents in the schools, and then used their insights to create policies that impacted the entire community.
This became very important when Minneapolis school administrators started presenting their comprehensive redesign plan to parents. Missing from the plan were many elements Segovia and his network had identified as key issues, including bilingual education.
“We need to reframe how the system functions,” Segovia stated, “so that we are not asking a favor of the district but advising it instead. The educational system actually belongs to us.”
Silvia Ibáñez, a Minneapolis parent and bilingual educator, would likely agree with this sentiment. In a recent virtual town hall organized by a local racial justice group, Ibáñez pointed out that 75 percent of native Spanish speakers in grades K-8 stand to be displaced, should the Minneapolis schools’ reorganization plan go forward.
These students will lose their schools and be sent elsewhere, Ibáñez warned, which would further the feeling of invisibility she says many Latino parents already have.
It often seems as though various communities are being pitted against one another as well.
In one case, Minneapolis administrators are proposing moving a popular Spanish dual-language immersion school into a building that already serves as a beloved community school for a diverse group of students. The community school students would be forced to move in this scenario, despite protests from parents and staff.
Somali Families Are Concerned
Another community that stands to face tremendous upheaval under the Minneapolis schools reorganization plan is Somali families. Minnesota is home to the largest Somali diaspora in the United States, and nearly 10 percent of all Minneapolis Public Schools have roots in this community.
Many of them want to send their children to K-8 schools, according to district parent and employee Zeinab Omar, but under the district’s plan, most would no longer be able to do so. In the final version of the redesign, the number of K-8 options in Minneapolis shrinks from eleven to two.
K-8s provide stability for immigrant and refugee families, Omar and others have said, partly because many prefer to have their children in school together for as long as possible.
Omar sends her children to Minneapolis’s Barton Open School, a K-8 magnet program that has become popular with Somali families in recent years. Many in fact put their names on a waiting list and “went through a lot to get into Barton,” Omar noted via email.
Under the district’s new plan, however, Barton will become a K-5 community school serving a much whiter, wealthier demographic. The thought of losing access to Barton has triggered a PTSD response in some families, Omar said, who experienced trauma on their journey to the United States.
Many spent time in refugee camps, where families were often split up and left behind after being told by officials that not everyone could come along to this country. The threat of being forced out of their school here feels similar, Omar stated.
Division and Disruption
For local civil rights attorney Nekima Levy Armstrong, the level of division and disruption present in the Minneapolis Public Schools plan is troubling. Armstrong is the founder of an advocacy group called the Racial Justice Network, and she is the former head of the Minneapolis NAACP.
Armstrong is a prominent activist for racial justice in the Twin Cities, and, as such, she says she was asked to lend her support to the Minneapolis schools redesign. When she took a closer look at the proposal, however, she didn’t like what she saw.
“The whole premise of it is backwards,” Armstrong noted over the phone, maintaining that it began as a way to save money and simplify transportation routes rather than improve academic outcomes.
This is an allegation made by others, especially since the district sought input on the plan from outside consultants known for advancing such efficiency-minded priorities. Pursuing cost savings and a smaller district footprint is understandable, as many Minneapolis schools are under capacity, thanks to the impact of charter schools and open enrollment policies.
Still, Armstrong believes the plan should not go forward in its current form if, as the district claims, the actual goal of it is the pursuit of more equity for students of color.
She pointed out that “Concerns about disparities and the lack of community engagement within the district have been raised for years,” with little follow-through or support. Minneapolis administrators and some board members have “focused only on selling this plan,” in Armstrong’s view, and that is not, she said decisively, how you build trust with marginalized communities.
Instead, she would like to see a more comprehensive approach that centers on a deep dive into policies and practices — including discipline disparities, literacy instruction, and special education programming — that impact students and teachers directly.
Just shuffling students and staff around to different buildings while dismantling well-regarded community schools and magnet programs won’t lead to better results, Armstrong insisted.
And now, she and others have pointed out, families and teachers are having to adjust to new fears and concerns brought by the COVID-19 crisis, leaving little time for engagement in the Minneapolis schools’ redesign.
It has been more than three weeks since the district began online learning for all K-12 students, and parents and district staffers have said that many kids still do not have access to a working digital device or adequate Wi-Fi.
So far, however, the Minneapolis school board is still planning to vote on the Comprehensive District Design plan on May 12, citing the urgent need to push forward in order to serve students better in the future.
“A lot of folks are latching onto the district’s language about equity,” Armstrong pointed out, “but we have to make sure we aren’t being hoodwinked and bamboozled.”
The nine-member Minneapolis school board was scheduled to vote on the plan in April. Due to COVID-19 closures, the vote has been pushed back to May 12, and public comment has been taken primarily via voicemail since in-person meetings are not permitted now.
This article was produced by Our Schools, a project of the Independent Media Institute.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-05-08--Trump Says Lost Jobs “Will All Be Back” Very Soon. Economists Disagree.

Amid dire unemployment numbers that were released Friday morning , President Donald Trump made a bold promise that “ those jobs will all be back and be back very soon ” — an outcome that many economists over the past few weeks have said is highly unlikely .
Unemployment figures for April were released on Friday morning , detailing the economic impact of the coronavirus pandemic in the United States up to this point .
According to those figures , 20.5 million Americans lost their jobs last month , bringing the unemployment rate up to 14.7 percent , the highest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Depression .
The total loss in jobs last month is a record , the highest jump ever seen in a single month .
The rise in the total number of people losing their jobs is so significant that it ’ s 25 times greater than the rise even in the worst month observed during the Great Recession more than a decade ago .
During a Fox News interview on the network ’ s morning program “ Fox & Friends , ” Trump was quick to make a lofty claim that jobs would recover @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year , we ’ re going to have one of the best years we ’ ve ever had .
We created the best economy in the history of the world… ” Trump said .
“ People are ready to go.
” Economists are more skeptical about a fast recovery .
Positive transitions away from economic downturn typically take one of three different paths — a fast recovery ( like what Trump is suggesting will happen ) is called a V-shaped curve , as the economy shrinks but then comes back just as fast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a longer , more gradual transition back to where things were .
And a W-shaped curve is where the economy shrinks , gets better , then shrinks again , continuing that pattern sometimes more than once , before a full recovery is made .
Researchers at Oxford Economics predicted in April that a longer recovery is most likely to happen .
“ Looking ahead , we foresee a U-shaped rebound given the severity of the economic and labor market shock and the expectation for a gradual and uneven resumption of activity , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ light switch that ’ s flipped on instantly , this recovery will resemble a dimmer that ’ s gradually eased up over months.
” But a W-shaped curve could also happen , especially if economies in a number of states end their stay-at-home orders too swiftly , resulting in a greater spread of COVID-19 and the need to close economies down again in order to deal with a second wave of the disease .
Indeed , the Oxford researchers ’ assumptions were made based on the belief that social distancing measures would continue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sooner , as some states have begun doing .
Other economists are saying it will take years before the economy returns to where it once was .
Mark Zandi , chief economist at Moody ’ s Analytics , has suggested that a recovery could begin next year , but that it won ’ t be resolved by the time Trump is saying it will be .
“ The second half of next year should be strong in terms of growth , and I expect 2022 to be a very good year for growth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back to full employment until well into 2023 , ” Zandi said to CNBC in early April .
Even if the economy recovers next year , it will be a slow and painful return to normal for much of the American workforce .
Zandi is predicting that 10 percent of small businesses ( defined as companies with 500 or less workers employed ) could fail completely due to the economic downturn .
With small businesses making up 49.2 percent of all private-sector employment in the country , that means Trump ’ s promise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and be back very soon ” is highly unlikely to come to fruition .

Unemployment jumped to 14.7 percent last month, and the economic crisis may not ease until 2023, some economists warn.
Amid dire unemployment numbers that were released Friday morning, President Donald Trump made a bold promise that “those jobs will all be back and be back very soon” — an outcome that many economists over the past few weeks have said is highly unlikely.
Unemployment figures for April were released on Friday morning, detailing the economic impact of the coronavirus pandemic in the United States up to this point. According to those figures, 20.5 million Americans lost their jobs last month, bringing the unemployment rate up to 14.7 percent, the highest it’s been since the Great Depression.
The total loss in jobs last month is a record, the highest jump ever seen in a single month. The rise in the total number of people losing their jobs is so significant that it’s 25 times greater than the rise even in the worst month observed during the Great Recession more than a decade ago.
During a Fox News interview on the network’s morning program “Fox & Friends,” Trump was quick to make a lofty claim that jobs would recover at a quick pace.
“Next year, we’re going to have one of the best years we’ve ever had. We created the best economy in the history of the world…” Trump said. “People are ready to go.”
Economists are more skeptical about a fast recovery.
Positive transitions away from economic downturn typically take one of three different paths — a fast recovery (like what Trump is suggesting will happen) is called a V-shaped curve, as the economy shrinks but then comes back just as fast. A U-shaped curve tends to be a longer, more gradual transition back to where things were. And a W-shaped curve is where the economy shrinks, gets better, then shrinks again, continuing that pattern sometimes more than once, before a full recovery is made.
Researchers at Oxford Economics predicted in April that a longer recovery is most likely to happen.
“Looking ahead, we foresee a U-shaped rebound given the severity of the economic and labor market shock and the expectation for a gradual and uneven resumption of activity,” those researchers wrote. “Unlike a light switch that’s flipped on instantly, this recovery will resemble a dimmer that’s gradually eased up over months.”
But a W-shaped curve could also happen, especially if economies in a number of states end their stay-at-home orders too swiftly, resulting in a greater spread of COVID-19 and the need to close economies down again in order to deal with a second wave of the disease. Indeed, the Oxford researchers’ assumptions were made based on the belief that social distancing measures would continue on through May, not be relaxed sooner, as some states have begun doing.
Other economists are saying it will take years before the economy returns to where it once was. Mark Zandi, chief economist at Moody’s Analytics, has suggested that a recovery could begin next year, but that it won’t be resolved by the time Trump is saying it will be.
“The second half of next year should be strong in terms of growth, and I expect 2022 to be a very good year for growth. But we won’t get back to full employment until well into 2023,” Zandi said to CNBC in early April.
Even if the economy recovers next year, it will be a slow and painful return to normal for much of the American workforce. Zandi is predicting that 10 percent of small businesses (defined as companies with 500 or less workers employed) could fail completely due to the economic downturn.
With small businesses making up 49.2 percent of all private-sector employment in the country, that means Trump’s promise that all jobs will “be back and be back very soon” is highly unlikely to come to fruition.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.