truthout--2020-06-13--Corporations Claiming to Love Black Lives Fight Against Living Wages and Unions

Never underestimate the American business community ’ s capacity for hypocrisy .
That ’ s one of the lessons to be drawn from the explosive reaction to George Floyd ’ s murder .
As demonstrators began flooding streets , corporate PR departments flew into rapid response mode , issuing a flurry of agonized , apologetic pledges to do more to combat racism and inequality .
Such statements may , on a personal level , be sincere : the depth of righteous pain and anger expressed by African Americans has induced widespread soul-searching , even in executive suites .
Yet this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outpouring of outrage from capitalist practices that are now , and always have been , at the intertwined roots of racial and economic injustice .
As they nimbly co-opted the language of the protests , moreover , corporate leaders offered up “ solutions ” to structural racism that won ’ t diminish managerial control or redistribute power in the workplace , meaning their proposals won ’ t promote actual structural change of any sort .
With a few well-publicized contributions and some new rounds of diversity training , business elites hope to emerge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and their profits , intact .
“ Tragic , painful and unacceptable , ” so Walmart CEO Doug McMillon described George Floyd ’ s death .
“ The inequitable and brutal treatment of Black people in our country must stop , ” an Amazon tweet proclaimed .
“ We do not tolerate inequity , injustice or racism , ” McDonald ’ s announced , with CEO Joe Erlinger insisting , “ when any member of our McFamily hurts , we all hurt.
” To address this “ hurt , ” McDonald ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million to the NAACP and the National Urban League and promised “ tangible goals related to diversity.
” Many corporations made similar commitments .
Amazon said it will give $ 10 million to “ organizations supporting justice and equity , ” and Walmart pledged $ 100 million over five years to create “ a new center on racial equity ” aimed at promoting “ economic opportunity and healthier living.
” But such contributions , publicized with much fanfare , in fact are chump change to these immensely powerful corporations .
For Walmart , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years represents less than 1/250 of one percent of the nearly $ 3 trillion in income it expects to rake in during that period .
Put another way , its gift would translate to a mere $ 13 extra a year , for the next five years , to each Walmart employee in the United States .
And American CEOs are wealthy almost beyond imagination : Amazon ’ s Jeff Bezos , the world ’ s richest person , is worth $ 150 billion , a figure so much larger than the average @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it requires special graphics just to illustrate it .
If these companies really want to address inequality and improve opportunities for African Americans , there ’ s a fix readily at hand : they could simply give more money to their own employees , a substantial percentage of whom are Black and largely concentrated in low-wage occupations .
African Americans , in general , earn less than white workers in this country do , and the jobs they hold are more unstable and less likely to offer benefits , all crucial factors that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Walmart , with a U.S. workforce of one and a half million , is both the nation ’ s largest employer overall and the largest employer of African Americans ; nearly half of Walmart workers are people of color .
Yet Walmart , Amazon , and McDonald ’ s don ’ t pay livable wages .
Benefits , when offered at all , are paltry ( the lack of paid sick leave has become especially visible in COVID times ) .
Schedules are unpredictable and job security tenuous .
Working conditions are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ matter to America ’ s leading corporations ?
Not enough to put any real money on the table .
They Want a “ Dialogue , ” not a Union Also not to be taken seriously : the desire for “ dialogue ” expressed by these big business titans and all that “ listening ” they say they ’ ll do .
There is one meaningful and time-honored way to ensure that workers will truly be heard : through a union .
Unions democratize workplaces , giving employees the collective voice necessary to put @ @ @ @ @ @ @ management , to ensure their concerns are heeded .
For people of color , unions are especially valuable , literally .
While unions are financially advantageous for all workers , “ the gains from union membership in terms of pay , benefits , and stability are more pronounced among nonwhite families than among white families , ” one recent study notes .
African Americans who are unionized make more money and are more likely to have benefits like health care and employer-supported retirement plans , translating to greater savings and home ownership levels @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , is critical to narrowing the racial wealth gap .
So unions clearly empower African Americans — yet Walmart , Amazon , and McDonald ’ s are unabashed union-busters .
In order to crush organizing efforts ( very often led by people of color ) , these companies invest far more in lawyers , consulting firms , and employee surveillance than they ’ ll ever dish out to promote “ diversity.
” For Bezos , Erlinger , and McMillon , and the other CEOs who follow their lead , genuine “ justice and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at too high a cost : allowing unions in would require them to relinquish the total control that they now exert over their enterprises .
The Media Fall for It This particular form of hypocrisy may not be much scrutinized by mainstream media , which are , after all , also corporate enterprises .
Much recent coverage of business initiatives to address inequity has omitted issues like fairer compensation or union representation .
A lengthy New York Times article— “ Corporate America Has Failed Black America ” — doesn ’ t mention unions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sentences to low-wage workers ; the main focus is the dearth of African Americans in top management .
And in a stunning act of appropriation , the New York Stock Exchange observed a moment of silence to honor George Floyd .
This took place just as the stock market roared back into full recovery , thus alleviating the real anxieties of the 1 % , an irony that drew little notice .
Will corporate executives get away with this sleight-of-hand , purporting to be troubled by the structural racism and economic inequality that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ benefit from ?
It ’ s through this sort of misdirection , and by narrowing the “ legitimate ” terms of debate , that capitalists , as the early labor historian Selig Perlman once noted , exert their “ effective will to power ” and “ convince other classes that they alone , the capitalists , know how to operate the complex economic apparatus of modern society.
” After George Floyd ’ s death , Black Lives Matter activists and their allies refused to allow business as usual , and through massive protests @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exposing to the world the brutality and racism that define American policing .
For the moment , though , it seems that CEOs are maintaining their authority over the “ complex economic apparatus of modern society.
” Union supporters must stand up and assert their own “ effective will to power , ” to ensure that the practitioners of economic oppression are called to account — and forced to make concessions — as well .

This story was originally published at Labor Notes.
Never underestimate the American business community’s capacity for hypocrisy.
That’s one of the lessons to be drawn from the explosive reaction to George Floyd’s murder. As demonstrators began flooding streets, corporate PR departments flew into rapid response mode, issuing a flurry of agonized, apologetic pledges to do more to combat racism and inequality.
Such statements may, on a personal level, be sincere: the depth of righteous pain and anger expressed by African Americans has induced widespread soul-searching, even in executive suites. Yet this high-profile hand-wringing is used to uncouple the outpouring of outrage from capitalist practices that are now, and always have been, at the intertwined roots of racial and economic injustice.
As they nimbly co-opted the language of the protests, moreover, corporate leaders offered up “solutions” to structural racism that won’t diminish managerial control or redistribute power in the workplace, meaning their proposals won’t promote actual structural change of any sort. With a few well-publicized contributions and some new rounds of diversity training, business elites hope to emerge from the present crisis with their privilege, and their profits, intact.
“Tragic, painful and unacceptable,” so Walmart CEO Doug McMillon described George Floyd’s death. “The inequitable and brutal treatment of Black people in our country must stop,” an Amazon tweet proclaimed. “We do not tolerate inequity, injustice or racism,” McDonald’s announced, with
CEO Joe Erlinger insisting, “when any member of our McFamily hurts, we all hurt.”
Chump Change
To address this “hurt,” McDonald’s announced it will donate $1 million to the NAACP and the National Urban League and promised “tangible goals related to diversity.” Many corporations made similar commitments. Amazon said it will give $10 million to “organizations supporting justice and equity,” and Walmart pledged $100 million over five years to create “a new center on racial equity” aimed at promoting “economic opportunity and healthier living.”
But such contributions, publicized with much fanfare, in fact are chump change to these immensely powerful corporations. For Walmart, $100 million over the next five years represents less than 1/250 of one percent of the nearly $3 trillion in income it expects to rake in during that period. Put another way, its gift would translate to a mere $13 extra a year, for the next five years, to each Walmart employee in the United States.
And American CEOs are wealthy almost beyond imagination: Amazon’s Jeff Bezos, the world’s richest person, is worth $150 billion, a figure so much larger than the average median household income of $63,000 that it requires special graphics just to illustrate it.
A Fix Is at Hand
If these companies really want to address inequality and improve opportunities for African Americans, there’s a fix readily at hand: they could simply give more money to their own employees, a substantial percentage of whom are Black and largely concentrated in low-wage occupations. African Americans, in general, earn less than white workers in this country do, and the jobs they hold are more unstable and less likely to offer benefits, all crucial factors that contribute to our persistent racial wealth gap.
Walmart, with a U.S. workforce of one and a half million, is both the nation’s largest employer overall and the largest employer of African Americans; nearly half of Walmart workers are people of color. Yet Walmart, Amazon, and McDonald’s don’t pay livable wages. Benefits, when offered at all, are paltry (the lack of paid sick leave has become especially visible in COVID times). Schedules are unpredictable and job security tenuous. Working conditions are onerous.
How much do Black lives matter to America’s leading corporations? Not enough to put any real money on the table.
They Want a “Dialogue,” not a Union
Also not to be taken seriously: the desire for “dialogue” expressed by these big business titans and all that “listening” they say they’ll do. There is one meaningful and time-honored way to ensure that workers will truly be heard: through a union. Unions democratize workplaces, giving employees the collective voice necessary to put them on a more equal footing with management, to ensure their concerns are heeded.
For people of color, unions are especially valuable, literally. While unions are financially advantageous for all workers, “the gains from union membership in terms of pay, benefits, and stability are more pronounced among nonwhite families than among white families,” one recent study notes. African Americans who are unionized make more money and are more likely to have benefits like health care and employer-supported retirement plans, translating to greater savings and home ownership levels. Union membership, in other words, is critical to narrowing the racial wealth gap.
So unions clearly empower African Americans — yet Walmart, Amazon, and McDonald’s are unabashed union-busters. In order to crush organizing efforts (very often led by people of color), these companies invest far more in lawyers, consulting firms, and employee surveillance than they’ll ever dish out to promote “diversity.”
For Bezos, Erlinger, and McMillon, and the other CEOs who follow their lead, genuine “justice and equity” for their workers would come at too high a cost: allowing unions in would require them to relinquish the total control that they now exert over their enterprises.
The Media Fall for It
This particular form of hypocrisy may not be much scrutinized by mainstream media, which are, after all, also corporate enterprises. Much recent coverage of business initiatives to address inequity has omitted issues like fairer compensation or union representation. A lengthy New York Times article—“Corporate America Has Failed Black America” — doesn’t mention unions at all and allots only a few sentences to low-wage workers; the main focus is the dearth of African Americans in top management.
And in a stunning act of appropriation, the New York Stock Exchange observed a moment of silence to honor George Floyd. This took place just as the stock market roared back into full recovery, thus alleviating the real anxieties of the 1%, an irony that drew little notice.
Will corporate executives get away with this sleight-of-hand, purporting to be troubled by the structural racism and economic inequality that they, in fact, perpetuate and benefit from? It’s through this sort of misdirection, and by narrowing the “legitimate” terms of debate, that capitalists, as the early labor historian Selig Perlman once noted, exert their “effective will to power” and “convince other classes that they alone, the capitalists, know how to operate the complex economic apparatus of modern society.”
After George Floyd’s death, Black Lives Matter activists and their allies refused to allow business as usual, and through massive protests and direct action achieved the extraordinary: exposing to the world the brutality and racism that define American policing. For the moment, though, it seems that CEOs are maintaining their authority over the “complex economic apparatus of modern society.”
Union supporters must stand up and assert their own “effective will to power,” to ensure that the practitioners of economic oppression are called to account — and forced to make concessions — as well.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-06-13--States That Expanded Mail Voting Are Seeing a Turnout Spike in Primary Elections

At least half of the states that held primaries last week saw increased turnout after expanding their mail-in voting systems — despite President Donald Trump ’ s efforts to discourage other states from doing the same .
At least four of the eight states that held primary elections last Tuesday saw higher turnout than they did in the 2016 primaries , with most of the votes being cast by mail , according to an analysis of state data by The Hill .
Each of the four states sent absentee ballot applications to every registered voter earlier this year .
Iowa @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week , a 15 % increase from the 2016 primaries and the highest turnout the state has ever seen for a primary .
About 411,000 of the 524,000 votes cast were by absentee ballot , a nearly 1000 % increase from 2016 .
Montana , which held an all-mail primary this year , saw turnout surge to 55 % , a 45 % increase from 2016 .
South Dakota saw a 28 % turnout , a slight increase from 22 % in 2016 .
About 89,000 of the 154,000 ballots cast were by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 19,000 absentee ballots requested ahead of the 2016 primary .
New Mexico also saw turnout increase from 34 % in 2016 to 40 % last week .
About 270,000 of the 400,000 votes cast were by mail .
“ The June 2 primaries proved what we already knew – access to absentee ballots increases voter turnout , ” Tom Ridge , a Republican who served as the Homeland Security secretary under George W. Bush and now chairs the bipartisan group VoteSafe , told The Hill .
“ That ’ s especially good news @ @ @ @ @ @ @ believe voting is a privilege , but rather a responsibility of citizenship .
Voters should have options to demonstrate that responsibility safely and securely during this pandemic.
” Not all states saw turnout increases , however .
Indiana , which allowed anyone to vote by mail but did not mail applications to every voter , saw a dip in turnout .
Turnout in Washington D.C. , which also did not mail applications to every voter and struggled to get absentee ballots out in time , only saw a 1 % increase in turnout @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to follow suit and mail absentee ballot applications to every voter amid concerns about in-person voting due to the coronavirus .
A growing number of states have seen cases spike since Memorial Day .
Trump has led the charge against mail ballots , pushing a number of baseless conspiracy theories alleging it could lead to increased instances of fraud , despite ample evidence refuting the claim .
A Washington Post analysis of data collected by three vote-by-mail states found just 372 possible cases of “ double voting or voting on behalf of deceased @ @ @ @ @ @ @ votes cast in the 2016 and 2018 general elections — a minuscule rate of 0.0025 % .
There are also numerous other safeguards in place to prevent fraud and those who are caught are prosecuted .
Trump has also baselessly argued that mail voting gives Democrats an advantage .
But a study published by the National Academy of Sciences found that universal vote-by-mail does not favor any one party .
“ We find that universal vote-by-mail does not affect either party ’ s share of turnout or either party ’ s vote share @ @ @ @ @ @ @ These conclusions support the conventional wisdom of election administration experts and contradict many popular claims in the media .
Our results imply that the partisan outcomes of vote-by-mail elections closely resemble in-person elections , at least in normal times.
” Trump ’ s complaints fly in the face of the facts .
Five states — Colorado , Oregon , Utah , Washington , and Hawaii — already conduct their elections almost entirely by mail .
“ In my state , I ’ ll bet 90 percent of us vote by mail .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s a very Republican state , ” Sen. Mitt Romney , R-Utah , told reporters last month .
California and Montana rely heavily on mail-in ballots and 27 other states already allowed anyone to vote by mail before the coronavirus hit .
In the 2018 midterms , about 25 % of all votes were cast by mail .
Since the coronavirus pandemic began , a dozen states have loosened restrictions to allow any registered voter to cast an absentee ballot due to concerns about the coronavirus .
Only four states — Texas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — are still fighting efforts to allow all voters to cast absentee ballots .
The Texas Supreme Court ruled last week that concerns about the virus do not qualify as a “ disability ” under state law , rejecting a lawsuit seeking to expand eligibility .
Voters can still self-identify as disabled without having to produce evidence but Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton has threatened to bring criminal charges against voting groups that promote mail voting for those who are not disabled .
In Tennessee , a judge ruled on Thursday that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make absentee ballots available to all voters .
The judge ordered the state to comply and threatened officials with the “ specter of criminal contempt ” if they continue to disregard the ruling .
The state is expected to appeal the decision .
The Louisiana House of Representatives rejected a bill that would have allowed anyone to vote by mail last month .
The League of Women Voters of Louisiana filed a federal lawsuit after the vote , seeking to expand absentee ballot access .
“ With its high transmission and mortality rates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in-person voters , especially to those voters at higher risk of severe complications from COVID-19 , ” the lawsuit says .
“ The pandemic has decimated voter registration drive activity , makes it unreasonably dangerous and burdensome to comply with certain requirements for mail-in absentee voting , and threatens massive withdrawals by volunteer poll workers who justifiably fear contracting the disease.
” In Mississippi , Republican Secretary of State Michael Watson has argued it would be “ impossible ” to implement a mail voting system by November even though other states have not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For the few states still opposing mail voting , the disastrous primaries in Wisconsin and Georgia could serve as a wake-up call .
Wisconsin ’ s controversial in-person primary in April , which has been linked to an increase in coronavirus infections , saw polling places in Milwaukee slashed from 180 to just five as the state had to call in the National Guard to address a severe staff shortage .
Multiple state and local officials are now investigating the voting issues that caused hourslong lines at Georgia ’ s polling places amid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s new voting machines played a big role , one of the key reasons for the lines was understaffing and a lack of polling places ( the state has systemically shuttered more than 200 polling places since the Supreme Court gutted the Voting Rights Act in 2013 ) .
But Georgia should serve as a warning to absentee ballot advocates as well .
A huge increase in absentee ballots overwhelmed officials and many voters did not receive their ballots , according to Reuters .
“ The vast expansion of vote-by-mail and absentee-ballot voting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reduction in polling locations in many states , ” The New York Times reported .
“ In cities around the country , including Atlanta , Baltimore , Philadelphia and Washington , D.C. , voters waited in Election Day lines for hours , even as every city experienced exponential increases in vote-by-mail.
” “ You have states out there in the West that do ballot by mail professionally ; their elections are almost exclusively by mail , ” Richard Barron , the elections director of Fulton County , which includes Atlanta , told the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to do is do absentee by mail , and we still had to do our full complement of Election Day infrastructure.
” Stacey Abrams , who ran for governor in Georgia in 2018 , said “ the good idea to encourage people to use absentee ballots ” quickly became “ a disaster.
” “ You have absentee ballots that never reached a number of voters , you have absentee ballots that were submitted but voters have no idea if they ’ re going to be counted , ” Abrams said .
Other states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get absentee ballots in Pennsylvania were too short , officials told The Times .
Maryland had 20,000 ballots returned because of outdated voter registration lists .
In Wisconsin , some mail-in ballots were found undelivered at the Post Office .
Expanding mail voting is crucial to ensuring that anyone who wants to vote can but states have very little time to shore up their systems before November .
“ I can ’ t fathom given all that ’ s going on in America right now that anybody would have the gall to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Rev .
Kobi Little , the head of the NAACP chapter in Baltimore , told The Times .
“ America can ’ t say ‘ we ’ re the champions of democracy , ’ and then not deliver democracy .
”

At least four of the eight states that held primary elections last Tuesday saw higher turnout than they did in 2016.
At least half of the states that held primaries last week saw increased turnout after expanding their mail-in voting systems — despite President Donald Trump’s efforts to discourage other states from doing the same.
At least four of the eight states that held primary elections last Tuesday saw higher turnout than they did in the 2016 primaries, with most of the votes being cast by mail, according to an analysis of state data by The Hill. Each of the four states sent absentee ballot applications to every registered voter earlier this year.
Iowa’s turnout reached 24% last week, a 15% increase from the 2016 primaries and the highest turnout the state has ever seen for a primary. About 411,000 of the 524,000 votes cast were by absentee ballot, a nearly 1000% increase from 2016.
Montana, which held an all-mail primary this year, saw turnout surge to 55%, a 45% increase from 2016.
South Dakota saw a 28% turnout, a slight increase from 22% in 2016. About 89,000 of the 154,000 ballots cast were by mail, a massive increase from the 19,000 absentee ballots requested ahead of the 2016 primary.
New Mexico also saw turnout increase from 34% in 2016 to 40% last week. About 270,000 of the 400,000 votes cast were by mail.
“The June 2 primaries proved what we already knew – access to absentee ballots increases voter turnout,” Tom Ridge, a Republican who served as the Homeland Security secretary under George W. Bush and now chairs the bipartisan group VoteSafe, told The Hill. “That’s especially good news for someone like me who does not believe voting is a privilege, but rather a responsibility of citizenship. Voters should have options to demonstrate that responsibility safely and securely during this pandemic.”
Not all states saw turnout increases, however. Indiana, which allowed anyone to vote by mail but did not mail applications to every voter, saw a dip in turnout. Turnout in Washington D.C., which also did not mail applications to every voter and struggled to get absentee ballots out in time, only saw a 1% increase in turnout.
The numbers could encourage other states to follow suit and mail absentee ballot applications to every voter amid concerns about in-person voting due to the coronavirus. A growing number of states have seen cases spike since Memorial Day.
Trump has led the charge against mail ballots, pushing a number of baseless conspiracy theories alleging it could lead to increased instances of fraud, despite ample evidence refuting the claim.
A Washington Post analysis of data collected by three vote-by-mail states found just 372 possible cases of “double voting or voting on behalf of deceased people” out of about 14.6 million votes cast in the 2016 and 2018 general elections — a minuscule rate of 0.0025%.
There are also numerous other safeguards in place to prevent fraud and those who are caught are prosecuted.
Trump has also baselessly argued that mail voting gives Democrats an advantage.
But a study published by the National Academy of Sciences found that universal vote-by-mail does not favor any one party.
“We find that universal vote-by-mail does not affect either party’s share of turnout or either party’s vote share,” the authors wrote. “These conclusions support the conventional wisdom of election administration experts and contradict many popular claims in the media. Our results imply that the partisan outcomes of vote-by-mail elections closely resemble in-person elections, at least in normal times.”
Trump’s complaints fly in the face of the facts. Five states — Colorado, Oregon, Utah, Washington, and Hawaii — already conduct their elections almost entirely by mail.
“In my state, I’ll bet 90 percent of us vote by mail. It works very, very well and it’s a very Republican state,” Sen. Mitt Romney, R-Utah, told reporters last month.
California and Montana rely heavily on mail-in ballots and 27 other states already allowed anyone to vote by mail before the coronavirus hit. In the 2018 midterms, about 25% of all votes were cast by mail.
Since the coronavirus pandemic began, a dozen states have loosened restrictions to allow any registered voter to cast an absentee ballot due to concerns about the coronavirus.
Only four states — Texas, Tennessee, Louisiana, and Mississippi — are still fighting efforts to allow all voters to cast absentee ballots.
The Texas Supreme Court ruled last week that concerns about the virus do not qualify as a “disability” under state law, rejecting a lawsuit seeking to expand eligibility. Voters can still self-identify as disabled without having to produce evidence but Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton has threatened to bring criminal charges against voting groups that promote mail voting for those who are not disabled.
In Tennessee, a judge ruled on Thursday that the state violated a previous court order to make absentee ballots available to all voters. The judge ordered the state to comply and threatened officials with the “specter of criminal contempt” if they continue to disregard the ruling. The state is expected to appeal the decision.
The Louisiana House of Representatives rejected a bill that would have allowed anyone to vote by mail last month. The League of Women Voters of Louisiana filed a federal lawsuit after the vote, seeking to expand absentee ballot access.
“With its high transmission and mortality rates, COVID-19 poses a significant risk to in-person voters, especially to those voters at higher risk of severe complications from COVID-19,” the lawsuit says. “The pandemic has decimated voter registration drive activity, makes it unreasonably dangerous and burdensome to comply with certain requirements for mail-in absentee voting, and threatens massive withdrawals by volunteer poll workers who justifiably fear contracting the disease.”
In Mississippi, Republican Secretary of State Michael Watson has argued it would be “impossible” to implement a mail voting system by November even though other states have not had major issues with their expansions.
For the few states still opposing mail voting, the disastrous primaries in Wisconsin and Georgia could serve as a wake-up call.
Wisconsin’s controversial in-person primary in April, which has been linked to an increase in coronavirus infections, saw polling places in Milwaukee slashed from 180 to just five as the state had to call in the National Guard to address a severe staff shortage.
Multiple state and local officials are now investigating the voting issues that caused hourslong lines at Georgia’s polling places amid the pandemic. Though the state’s new voting machines played a big role, one of the key reasons for the lines was understaffing and a lack of polling places (the state has systemically shuttered more than 200 polling places since the Supreme Court gutted the Voting Rights Act in 2013).
But Georgia should serve as a warning to absentee ballot advocates as well. A huge increase in absentee ballots overwhelmed officials and many voters did not receive their ballots, according to Reuters.
“The vast expansion of vote-by-mail and absentee-ballot voting was not enough to offset the drastic reduction in polling locations in many states,” The New York Times reported. “In cities around the country, including Atlanta, Baltimore, Philadelphia and Washington, D.C., voters waited in Election Day lines for hours, even as every city experienced exponential increases in vote-by-mail.”
“You have states out there in the West that do ballot by mail professionally; their elections are almost exclusively by mail,” Richard Barron, the elections director of Fulton County, which includes Atlanta, told the outlet. “What we were asked to do is do absentee by mail, and we still had to do our full complement of Election Day infrastructure.”
Stacey Abrams, who ran for governor in Georgia in 2018, said “the good idea to encourage people to use absentee ballots” quickly became “a disaster.”
“You have absentee ballots that never reached a number of voters, you have absentee ballots that were submitted but voters have no idea if they’re going to be counted,” Abrams said.
Other states have experienced issues too. The deadlines to get absentee ballots in Pennsylvania were too short, officials told The Times. Maryland had 20,000 ballots returned because of outdated voter registration lists. In Wisconsin, some mail-in ballots were found undelivered at the Post Office.
Expanding mail voting is crucial to ensuring that anyone who wants to vote can but states have very little time to shore up their systems before November.
“I can’t fathom given all that’s going on in America right now that anybody would have the gall to stall out and not fix this,” Rev. Kobi Little, the head of the NAACP chapter in Baltimore, told The Times. “America can’t say ‘we’re the champions of democracy,’ and then not deliver democracy.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-06-13--As Trump Ignores COVID and Attacks Cities, Local Leaders Build for Our Future

The last several months have brought a heightened level of anxiety , anger and exhaustion — feelings that , for many of us , have existed at a steady elevation since the end of 2016 .
The events of these past few weeks , in particular , are a bleak reminder that the oppressive institutions that have allowed COVID-19 to ravage communities of color continue to perpetuate state-sanctioned and white supremacist violence against Black people in this country .
In the midst of it all , I ’ ve found light and signs of hope in what has happened in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , as Trump threatened military violence against protesters across the country , local leaders created space for collective action in the aftermath of George Floyd ’ s murder — engaging in meaningful community dialogue and supporting de-escalation through community-led safety responses .
This reimagining of public safety beyond policing is work that community and grassroots groups have been doing for years .
Following the uprisings , protesters around the country issued calls for police departments to be defunded .
Neither 2020 presidential candidate has heeded this demand , and so now , localities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to action .
In Hartford , Connecticut , city council members proposed a 25 percent reduction in the local police department — focused on divesting from areas within the department that are most likely to contribute to the criminalization of Black and Brown communities and investing in community needs , including the creation and expansion of early childhood centers and investment in technology for students and teachers .
On the other side of the country , the San Diego City Council , with communities , proposed the creation of a $ 60 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be funded in part by federal CARES Act dollars previously earmarked for police .
Most significantly , a veto-proof majority of the Minneapolis City Council have taken a bold step and pledged to dismantle the Minneapolis Police Department and create a new transformative model of community safety .
These are bold actions that community leaders and organizers have been pushing for decades .
The groundswell of public support and demand for change from people in the streets has accelerated progress and made them possible in this moment .
Meanwhile , following the outbreak @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this country , local elected officials sprang into action , displaying the leadership we needed at the onset of the pandemic .
In many places , mayors and county officials put out physical distancing guidelines before their governors , city councils passed moratoriums on evictions and utility shut-offs to keep people safely in their homes , and school boards ensured students and families were able to access meals and technology for remote learning while classrooms transitioned into a virtual setting .
You don ’ t have to look hard to find bold , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , California , the city council passed what is regarded as one of the strongest eviction moratoriums in the country , protecting residential , nonprofit organization , and small business renters from both evictions and rent increases during the pandemic .
In Austin , Texas , councilmembers allocated $ 15 million to direct relief services and financial assistance .
It was among the first places to provide assistance to undocumented communities who continue to be left out of the federal relief packages .
In Milwaukee , Wisconsin , legislation to send absentee ballot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city ’ s 300,000 registered voters has now inspired state officials to do the same statewide .
What ’ s been even more inspiring to see is that in the moments of confusion and desperation , we have forged community — learning from each other , working together across jurisdictions , finding strength and courage , and providing comfort through clear and consistent communication .
That is what local progress ( in every sense ) is all about .
And at a time where our federal government continues to ignore , alienate or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ importance of this can ’ t be understated .
History has shown us that moments of disruption can create frightening circumstances for austerity , vulture capitalism , privatization , and the reinforcement of the interlocking systems of racism and patriarchy .
They also create openings for powerful social solidarity and transformative change .
Our future will be fundamentally altered by the choices we make in the coming weeks and months .
It ’ s not enough to do what is required to get things “ back to normal , ” if “ normal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no health insurance , the constant fear of eviction or deportation , police brutality and a planet hurtling toward climate destruction .
We can ’ t go back to that version of normal .
We want better .
That ’ s why we must work right now to provide immediate relief to communities while also building a better , more equitable future by fundamentally reshaping our society .
How do we do that ?
By strengthening civic infrastructure and rebalancing power to center communities historically marginalized by government and policymaking and who today @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the COVID-19 crisis , skyrocketing economic inequality , and the continuing threat of dislocation and disaster caused by our ongoing climate crisis .
And this needs to happen from both the inside and out .
As a movement of local elected officials fighting for racial and economic justice , my organization , Local Progress , seeks to innovate and spread local policies that center equity and protect communities both in these uncertain times and far beyond .
That includes , for example , creating local programs to provide rental assistance while we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enact universal rent and mortgage cancellation .
It means enacting an Essential Workers ’ Bill of Rights while fundamentally recognizing teachers , sanitation staff and domestic workers as invaluable assets that always deserve dignified wages , job protections and safe work conditions .
The multiple crises unfolding before us will reshape the relationship between people and our government for a generation to come — it will change our understanding of our democracy and what it means to engage .
To lead in this moment , we need new models of governance grounded in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coming not from Congress or the White House , but from those who have traditionally been left out of our political decision-making .
Just as the fight for housing justice comes from the millions of Americans who each day are forced to make the choice between whether to pay their rent or feed their families , the fight for labor rights and expanding worker protections comes from the now-essential workers who are among the lowest-paid , least economically secure , and least likely to have hazard pay or paid leave policies .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ collaborative and inclusive governance , we must commit to principled engagement around a shared vision .
We must continue to build community and take collective action with the urgency the moment demands and the foresight of the future we want to build .
We will remember that we are leaders with a bully pulpit we can use to amplify the voices of our communities , organizers who can build powerful coalitions that change the political reality in our cities , and colleagues and peers that can push and center each other .
2020 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is to have bold action at all levels of government .
We will push state and federal leaders to build from the ground up and follow the lead of local governments that are centered in the needs and priorities of our communities .
As we look forward and start to think about what our future will look like , the leadership , community and care that have led us through the last few weeks will sustain us through hard times ahead .
We must show up every day to this work not knowing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tomorrow and in the next year — to meet the desperate and immediate needs of our communities and the fundamental challenge of reorienting our society to one that is more just and equitable .
But the scale of the challenge before us is precisely why we continue to show up and do the work .
This is how we will build our future .

The leadership, community and care that have led us through the last few weeks will sustain us through hard times ahead.
Part of the Series Despair and Disparity: The Uneven Burdens of COVID-19
The last several months have brought a heightened level of anxiety, anger and exhaustion — feelings that, for many of us, have existed at a steady elevation since the end of 2016. The events of these past few weeks, in particular, are a bleak reminder that the oppressive institutions that have allowed COVID-19 to ravage communities of color continue to perpetuate state-sanctioned and white supremacist violence against Black people in this country.
In the midst of it all, I’ve found light and signs of hope in what has happened in U.S. cities.
In Minneapolis, Minnesota, as Trump threatened military violence against protesters across the country, local leaders created space for collective action in the aftermath of George Floyd’s murder — engaging in meaningful community dialogue and supporting de-escalation through community-led safety responses. This reimagining of public safety beyond policing is work that community and grassroots groups have been doing for years.
Following the uprisings, protesters around the country issued calls for police departments to be defunded. Neither 2020 presidential candidate has heeded this demand, and so now, localities across the country are answering the call to action.
In Hartford, Connecticut, city council members proposed a 25 percent reduction in the local police department — focused on divesting from areas within the department that are most likely to contribute to the criminalization of Black and Brown communities and investing in community needs, including the creation and expansion of early childhood centers and investment in technology for students and teachers.
On the other side of the country, the San Diego City Council, with communities, proposed the creation of a $60 million emergency rental assistance program, which would be funded in part by federal CARES Act dollars previously earmarked for police.
Most significantly, a veto-proof majority of the Minneapolis City Council have taken a bold step and pledged to dismantle the Minneapolis Police Department and create a new transformative model of community safety.
These are bold actions that community leaders and organizers have been pushing for decades. The groundswell of public support and demand for change from people in the streets has accelerated progress and made them possible in this moment.
Meanwhile, following the outbreak of COVID-19, in every corner of this country, local elected officials sprang into action, displaying the leadership we needed at the onset of the pandemic. In many places, mayors and county officials put out physical distancing guidelines before their governors, city councils passed moratoriums on evictions and utility shut-offs to keep people safely in their homes, and school boards ensured students and families were able to access meals and technology for remote learning while classrooms transitioned into a virtual setting.
The best ideas are coming not from Congress or the White House, but from those who have traditionally been left out of our political decision-making.
You don’t have to look hard to find bold, inspiring examples of this. In Oakland, California, the city council passed what is regarded as one of the strongest eviction moratoriums in the country, protecting residential, nonprofit organization, and small business renters from both evictions and rent increases during the pandemic. In Austin, Texas, councilmembers allocated $15 million to direct relief services and financial assistance. It was among the first places to provide assistance to undocumented communities who continue to be left out of the federal relief packages. In Milwaukee, Wisconsin, legislation to send absentee ballot applications and pre-paid return envelopes to the city’s 300,000 registered voters has now inspired state officials to do the same statewide.
What’s been even more inspiring to see is that in the moments of confusion and desperation, we have forged community — learning from each other, working together across jurisdictions, finding strength and courage, and providing comfort through clear and consistent communication. That is what local progress (in every sense) is all about. And at a time where our federal government continues to ignore, alienate or even deliberately target our communities, the importance of this can’t be understated.
History has shown us that moments of disruption can create frightening circumstances for austerity, vulture capitalism, privatization, and the reinforcement of the interlocking systems of racism and patriarchy.
They also create openings for powerful social solidarity and transformative change.
Our future will be fundamentally altered by the choices we make in the coming weeks and months. It’s not enough to do what is required to get things “back to normal,” if “normal” means people working multiple jobs with no health insurance, the constant fear of eviction or deportation, police brutality and a planet hurtling toward climate destruction. We can’t go back to that version of normal. We want better.
That’s why we must work right now to provide immediate relief to communities while also building a better, more equitable future by fundamentally reshaping our society.
How do we do that? By strengthening civic infrastructure and rebalancing power to center communities historically marginalized by government and policymaking and who today are the most impacted by police brutality, the COVID-19 crisis, skyrocketing economic inequality, and the continuing threat of dislocation and disaster caused by our ongoing climate crisis. And this needs to happen from both the inside and out.
As a movement of local elected officials fighting for racial and economic justice, my organization, Local Progress, seeks to innovate and spread local policies that center equity and protect communities both in these uncertain times and far beyond. That includes, for example, creating local programs to provide rental assistance while we continue to push our federal leaders to enact universal rent and mortgage cancellation. It means enacting an Essential Workers’ Bill of Rights while fundamentally recognizing teachers, sanitation staff and domestic workers as invaluable assets that always deserve dignified wages, job protections and safe work conditions.
The multiple crises unfolding before us will reshape the relationship between people and our government for a generation to come — it will change our understanding of our democracy and what it means to engage. To lead in this moment, we need new models of governance grounded in the fact that the best ideas are coming not from Congress or the White House, but from those who have traditionally been left out of our political decision-making. Just as the fight for housing justice comes from the millions of Americans who each day are forced to make the choice between whether to pay their rent or feed their families, the fight for labor rights and expanding worker protections comes from the now-essential workers who are among the lowest-paid, least economically secure, and least likely to have hazard pay or paid leave policies. As we strive to build a model of collaborative and inclusive governance, we must commit to principled engagement around a shared vision. We must continue to build community and take collective action with the urgency the moment demands and the foresight of the future we want to build.
We will remember that we are leaders with a bully pulpit we can use to amplify the voices of our communities, organizers who can build powerful coalitions that change the political reality in our cities, and colleagues and peers that can push and center each other. 2020 has made it clear how important it is to have bold action at all levels of government. We will push state and federal leaders to build from the ground up and follow the lead of local governments that are centered in the needs and priorities of our communities.
As we look forward and start to think about what our future will look like, the leadership, community and care that have led us through the last few weeks will sustain us through hard times ahead. We must show up every day to this work not knowing if we will succeed — today, tomorrow and in the next year — to meet the desperate and immediate needs of our communities and the fundamental challenge of reorienting our society to one that is more just and equitable. But the scale of the challenge before us is precisely why we continue to show up and do the work. This is how we will build our future.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-06-13--Police Have Long History of Responding to Black Movements by Playing the Victim

The protests across the country in response to the police killing of George Floyd have led to significant pressure on mayors and city councils .
One of the most important demands has been for the defunding of police departments .
Activists in Minneapolis succeeded in getting the University of Minnesota and the public school system to cancel contracts they had with the Minneapolis Police Department .
Even members of the Minneapolis City Council took a stand , pledging to dismantle the city ’ s police force .
Notably , Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti also proposed cutting the Los Angeles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 1.8 billion budget by up to $ 150 million , with some discussions of reallocating up to $ 250 million of the department ’ s budget .
Such funds would be redirected to health and education initiatives in the city ’ s Black community along with other communities of color .
Pressure to defund the police has led policymakers in at least 16 cities across the country to consider proposals to divest from the police .
In Denver , for instance , the school board voted unanimously to remove police from schools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proposal to reduce the LAPD budget is a far cry from what activists say is needed to produce systemic change , defunding the police is a crucial non-reformist reform that leads towards dismantling the police power in U.S. cities .
Unsurprisingly , calls for defunding the police have faced swift backlash from police officers and police unions .
These responses rely on a tactic that police have used over decades to expand their power and authority in the face of challenges from activists : The image of the embattled police officer as the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and authority to combat crime and unrest .
The response to Garcetti ’ s proposals was predictable .
“ We ’ re not letting this happen to these officers , ” Sgt .
Jeretta Sanchez , vice president of the Los Angeles police union , said .
“ It ’ s not right .
First of all , civilians are going on furlough because you didn ’ t have money , now you ’ re finding the money to give $ 250 million to Black Lives Matter ?
” Indeed , the response @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blame from the police as the root of the problem .
“ Eric Garcetti panicked and blamed the men and women of the LAPD for his failed leadership , ” Jamie McBride , director of the Los Angeles Police Protective League , said .
But , as Black-led abolitionist organizations emphasize , the police are not victims .
The victims are those brutalized , harassed and killed by the police .
Rather than an embattled minority , activists have long pointed out the ways the police built their capacity to repress .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ multiracial anti-police abuse organization formed in Los Angeles in 1976 , observed , the police acted as “ armed enforcers of racism , sexism , and other forms of oppression … [ and ] are in our communities for the purpose of intimidation , confinement and control.
” More recently , groups such as Critical Resistance and Black Lives Matter point to the overwhelming financial and political support the police receive in cities nationwide .
As the People ’ s Budget LA suggests , the LAPD is not an innocent “ victim , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the city ’ s unrestricted general fund .
The strategies employed by the police to paint themselves as “ victims ” are not new .
Law enforcement officials have long portrayed the police as under attack .
Such arguments threaten to undermine the much-needed moves toward defunding the police .
Looking to the LAPD ’ s response to court decisions and proposed reforms after the 1965 Watts uprising provides important lessons for the contemporary moment .
The False Claim of the Police as an “ Oppressed Minority ” Following the California State @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which restricted the use of illegally obtained evidence , LAPD Chief of Police William Parker called the limitation on officers “ criminal protecting ” and warned that “ a dangerous custom has arisen in America wherein the hapless police officer is a defenseless target for ridicule and abuse from every quarter.
” As court decisions provided much-needed protection for suspects and defendants , the police portrayed themselves as even more under attack .
Parker believed the decisions “ coddled criminals ” and threatened the power of the police .
“ Violence and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the police find themselves tragically weakened in their attempts to control the problem , ” Parker proclaimed .
Between 1955 and 1965 , however , crimes rates in Los Angeles fluctuated — even declined in multiple years .
Crucially , crime rates in the city more often reflected the ways the LAPD chose to target behaviors deemed “ disorderly ” for aggressive policing , such as vagrancy and civil rights protest .
To the police , any criticism would result in increased crime , disorder and violence .
Nowhere did the police portray @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the 1965 Watts uprising .
In response , police officials employed images of Black rioters to urge residents to come to the department ’ s aid .
In the week after the uprising , Parker told Newsweek , “ We had better give the police the support they deserve or next time this happens , they will move in and sack the whole city.
” Describing the police as “ hapless ” and in need of support deflected attention from the real source of the unrest : racist policing and treatment of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rather than addressing the deep-seated grievances with the police , the McCone Commission , the group set up to investigate the causes of the unrest , fell in line behind Parker and called for the need to defend the police from attack .
“ If police authority is destroyed all of society will suffer because groups would feel free to disobey the law and inevitably their number would increase , ” the report said .
“ Chaos might easily result.
” Such description of the police as the real victim of protest — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ led to outpourings of support .
Then-Gov .
Ronald Reagan , for example , played on growing panics of crime and the embattled police officer .
In a speech to the 1969 graduating class at the Los Angeles County Sheriff ’ s Department , Reagan called for support of the officer in blue in order to preserve a free society .
“ Between us and the jungle holding it back is the man with the badge , ” Reagan stated .
“ It is a proud heritage—civilization is in your debt.
” Yet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the only thanks ( the policeman ) gets is a charge of ‘ police brutality.
’ ” Such criticism of the men in blue , Reagan believed , should not be tolerated .
In response to the combination of liberal court decisions , civil rights activism and claims of police brutality , law and order politicians escalated their portrayals of police as victims .
In 1970 , LAPD Chief Ed Davis summarized , “ There is no doubt in my mind that there is a conspiracy to eliminate the police.
” By mobilizing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , LAPD officials effectively consolidated their position of power and authority .
In the following decades , the LAPD became a powerful partisan entity in the city with more authority and resources to combat crime .
The department formed specialized units , such as SWAT teams , and expanded its ability to police youth of color through a strengthened juvenile legal system .
During the 1980s , the department employed dragnet sweeps to indiscriminately arrest youth of color and mobilized its SWAT units to conduct militarized drug raids .
Budgets and the number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , for instance , the LAPD ’ s total operating cost was $ 70.8 million , or just under 28 percent of the city budget .
By 1982 , in contrast , the LAPD ’ s total operating cost was $ 525 million , or about 35 percent of the city budget .
Between 1960 and 1990 , the LAPD increased from a force of 5,200 to 8,414 officers , a per capita increase from 2.1 to 2.4 officers per 1,000 residents .
The gospel of growing the LAPD both monetarily and in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the LAPD reached 10,000 officers for the first time in its history .
That police union officials have reacted so swiftly to calls for defunding the police and raising the specter of the embattled police officer needing public and political support demonstrates that defunding police represents real potential for change .
In 2020 , police officials across the country recognize the threat these demands pose to their authority and have started to mobilize in response .
In Los Angeles , the Police Protective League responded by doubling down on the threat that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less safe .
The union ’ s vice president stated , “ Cutting $ 150 million from the LAPD budget is a reckless political overreaction that will make Los Angeles neighborhoods less safe… .
Cutting police officers will increase response times in 911 emergencies and will decimate our ability to investigate both property and violent crime.
” In New York , Mike O ’ Meara , the president of the New York Police Benevolent Association , defended the police using the police-as-victim trope , claiming politicians and the media had unfairly attacked the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us .
Our press is vilifying us , ” he said .
“ Stop treating us like animals and thugs and start treating us with some respect… .
We ’ ve been vilified .
It ’ s disgusting.
” Defunding the police is a critical step , but it will not be enough without recognizing how the police will use demands for systemic reform to frame themselves as the “ victims ” in need of more support and power to maintain so-called law and order .

The protests across the country in response to the police killing of George Floyd have led to significant pressure on mayors and city councils. One of the most important demands has been for the defunding of police departments.
Activists in Minneapolis succeeded in getting the University of Minnesota and the public school system to cancel contracts they had with the Minneapolis Police Department. Even members of the Minneapolis City Council took a stand, pledging to dismantle the city’s police force.
Notably, Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti also proposed cutting the Los Angeles Police Department’s (LAPD) $1.8 billion budget by up to $150 million, with some discussions of reallocating up to $250 million of the department’s budget. Such funds would be redirected to health and education initiatives in the city’s Black community along with other communities of color. Pressure to defund the police has led policymakers in at least 16 cities across the country to consider proposals to divest from the police. In Denver, for instance, the school board voted unanimously to remove police from schools by 2021.
Although Garcetti’s proposal to reduce the LAPD budget is a far cry from what activists say is needed to produce systemic change, defunding the police is a crucial non-reformist reform that leads towards dismantling the police power in U.S. cities. Unsurprisingly, calls for defunding the police have faced swift backlash from police officers and police unions. These responses rely on a tactic that police have used over decades to expand their power and authority in the face of challenges from activists: The image of the embattled police officer as the victim in need of more support, and authority to combat crime and unrest.
The response to Garcetti’s proposals was predictable. “We’re not letting this happen to these officers,” Sgt. Jeretta Sanchez, vice president of the Los Angeles police union, said. “It’s not right. First of all, civilians are going on furlough because you didn’t have money, now you’re finding the money to give $250 million to Black Lives Matter?”
Indeed, the response from Los Angeles has been to deflect blame from the police as the root of the problem. “Eric Garcetti panicked and blamed the men and women of the LAPD for his failed leadership,” Jamie McBride, director of the Los Angeles Police Protective League, said.
But, as Black-led abolitionist organizations emphasize, the police are not victims. The victims are those brutalized, harassed and killed by the police. Rather than an embattled minority, activists have long pointed out the ways the police built their capacity to repress. As the Coalition Against Police Abuse, a multiracial anti-police abuse organization formed in Los Angeles in 1976, observed, the police acted as “armed enforcers of racism, sexism, and other forms of oppression … [and] are in our communities for the purpose of intimidation, confinement and control.” More recently, groups such as Critical Resistance and Black Lives Matter point to the overwhelming financial and political support the police receive in cities nationwide. As the People’s Budget LA suggests, the LAPD is not an innocent “victim,” but the recipient of 54 percent of the city’s unrestricted general fund.
The police are not victims. The victims are those brutalized, harassed and killed by the police.
The strategies employed by the police to paint themselves as “victims” are not new. Law enforcement officials have long portrayed the police as under attack. Such arguments threaten to undermine the much-needed moves toward defunding the police. Looking to the LAPD’s response to court decisions and proposed reforms after the 1965 Watts uprising provides important lessons for the contemporary moment.
The False Claim of the Police as an “Oppressed Minority”
Following the California State Supreme Court’s 1955 Cahan ruling, which restricted the use of illegally obtained evidence, LAPD Chief of Police William Parker called the limitation on officers “criminal protecting” and warned that “a dangerous custom has arisen in America wherein the hapless police officer is a defenseless target for ridicule and abuse from every quarter.” As court decisions provided much-needed protection for suspects and defendants, the police portrayed themselves as even more under attack. Parker believed the decisions “coddled criminals” and threatened the power of the police. “Violence and crime have grown to staggering proportions while the police find themselves tragically weakened in their attempts to control the problem,” Parker proclaimed. Between 1955 and 1965, however, crimes rates in Los Angeles fluctuated — even declined in multiple years. Crucially, crime rates in the city more often reflected the ways the LAPD chose to target behaviors deemed “disorderly” for aggressive policing, such as vagrancy and civil rights protest. To the police, any criticism would result in increased crime, disorder and violence.
Nowhere did the police portray themselves as under attack more than after the 1965 Watts uprising. In response, police officials employed images of Black rioters to urge residents to come to the department’s aid. In the week after the uprising, Parker told Newsweek, “We had better give the police the support they deserve or next time this happens, they will move in and sack the whole city.” Describing the police as “hapless” and in need of support deflected attention from the real source of the unrest: racist policing and treatment of the city’s African American community.
Rather than addressing the deep-seated grievances with the police, the McCone Commission, the group set up to investigate the causes of the unrest, fell in line behind Parker and called for the need to defend the police from attack. “If police authority is destroyed all of society will suffer because groups would feel free to disobey the law and inevitably their number would increase,” the report said. “Chaos might easily result.”
By mobilizing the image of the embattled police officer, LAPD officials effectively consolidated their position of power and authority.
Such description of the police as the real victim of protest — rather than the source of violence — led to outpourings of support. Then-Gov. Ronald Reagan, for example, played on growing panics of crime and the embattled police officer. In a speech to the 1969 graduating class at the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department, Reagan called for support of the officer in blue in order to preserve a free society. “Between us and the jungle holding it back is the man with the badge,” Reagan stated. “It is a proud heritage—civilization is in your debt.” Yet, Reagan emphasized, “too often the only thanks (the policeman) gets is a charge of ‘police brutality.’” Such criticism of the men in blue, Reagan believed, should not be tolerated.
In response to the combination of liberal court decisions, civil rights activism and claims of police brutality, law and order politicians escalated their portrayals of police as victims. In 1970, LAPD Chief Ed Davis summarized, “There is no doubt in my mind that there is a conspiracy to eliminate the police.”
By mobilizing the image of the embattled police officer, LAPD officials effectively consolidated their position of power and authority. In the following decades, the LAPD became a powerful partisan entity in the city with more authority and resources to combat crime. The department formed specialized units, such as SWAT teams, and expanded its ability to police youth of color through a strengthened juvenile legal system. During the 1980s, the department employed dragnet sweeps to indiscriminately arrest youth of color and mobilized its SWAT units to conduct militarized drug raids.
Budgets and the number of officers also increased. In 1962, for instance, the LAPD’s total operating cost was $70.8 million, or just under 28 percent of the city budget. By 1982, in contrast, the LAPD’s total operating cost was $525 million, or about 35 percent of the city budget. Between 1960 and 1990, the LAPD increased from a force of 5,200 to 8,414 officers, a per capita increase from 2.1 to 2.4 officers per 1,000 residents. The gospel of growing the LAPD both monetarily and in numbers continued through the 1990s and 2000s as the LAPD reached 10,000 officers for the first time in its history.
That police union officials have reacted so swiftly to calls for defunding the police and raising the specter of the embattled police officer needing public and political support demonstrates that defunding police represents real potential for change. In 2020, police officials across the country recognize the threat these demands pose to their authority and have started to mobilize in response. In Los Angeles, the Police Protective League responded by doubling down on the threat that defunding the police would make the city less safe. The union’s vice president stated, “Cutting $150 million from the LAPD budget is a reckless political overreaction that will make Los Angeles neighborhoods less safe…. Cutting police officers will increase response times in 911 emergencies and will decimate our ability to investigate both property and violent crime.” In New York, Mike O’Meara, the president of the New York Police Benevolent Association, defended the police using the police-as-victim trope, claiming politicians and the media had unfairly attacked the police. “Our legislators are failing us. Our press is vilifying us,” he said. “Stop treating us like animals and thugs and start treating us with some respect…. We’ve been vilified. It’s disgusting.”
Defunding the police is a critical step, but it will not be enough without recognizing how the police will use demands for systemic reform to frame themselves as the “victims” in need of more support and power to maintain so-called law and order.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-06-13--The Struggle Against Police Is International. Our Solidarity Must Be Global.

The current uprising against racist police violence first erupted in the U.S. , but it has now become an international movement .
Thousands of people in more than 40 countries have taken to the streets in a show of solidarity with Black Americans protesting in the U.S. following the vigilante and police murders of Ahmaud Arbery , Breonna Taylor and George Floyd Since these killings , young communists in Greece marched to the U.S. embassy in Athens to protest Floyd ’ s murder .
In Rome , members of the Migrant Women and Daughters Network stood in front of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ I Can ’ t Breathe ” and “ Black Lives Matter : Justice for George Floyd.
” In Amsterdam , thousands packed into Dam Square .
These global expressions of solidarity underscore a long simmering discontent with state violence against Black and Indigenous people , and other communities of color .
This global uprising is a descendant of Black and multinational anti-colonial , decolonization and internationalist movements of the 20th century , especially those of the 1960s .
Some reporters and activists draw connections between the current protests and Arab Spring and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Kimiko de Freytas-Tamura view these protests as an expression of a “ leaderless movement , ” relying upon decentralized organization and spontaneity .
And , similar to Arab Spring , Occupy and the 2014 Black Lives Matter protests , participants are using social media platforms to mobilize large groups of people , to challenge prevailing beliefs about social change and to push the movement ’ s own narratives .
Lebanese activist Sarah Aoun , meanwhile , points to how protesters in Arab nations and in the U.S. are responding to the similar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gathering in nations like Syria , Palestine , Canada and Kenya signal a surge of anti-racist internationalism guided by desires to communicate across national borders and amplifying victims ’ names and Black Lives Matter slogans .
A group of Lebanese journalists , organizers and activists produced an online organizing guide , “ From Beirut to Minneapolis , ” detailing safety tips for activists who might be exposed to tear gas and pepper spray , what to wear during a protest and what to do if arrested .
Transnational tactical communication is not a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advice to activists in Ferguson , Missouri , during the 2014 uprisings .
The sharing and amplification of slogans are clear examples of protest solidarity .
The names of Ahmaud Arbery , Breonna Taylor and George Floyd ring throughout the world .
They appeared on a Kenyan protester ’ s sign during a demonstration in Nairobi .
Floyd ’ s name rang in London , as demonstrators chanted his name .
People expressed Floyd ’ s and Eric Garner ’ s desperate refrain , “ I can ’ t breathe ” in Paris @ @ @ @ @ @ @ another country wracked by state violence .
However , people are not protesting simply to express solidarity .
Thousands of protesters throughout the world are demonstrating and revolting against racism , occupation and state violence locally .
In Toronto , a diverse crowd of protesters has taken to the streets to support Black Americans and to protest the death of Regis Korchinski-Paquet , a 29-year-old Indigenous Black woman , who fell from her apartment building and died while in the presence of police .
Palestinian protesters held signs with pictures of Floyd and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and killed by Israeli police the same week Floyd died .
The police killings of Black people in the U.S. stirred memories of 24-year-old Adama Traoré , a Black Parisian who died in police custody in 2016 .
Protesters throughout the world are also highlighting the ways in which contemporary forms of state violence , including policing itself , are legacies of enslavement and colonialism .
In the U.S. , nearly 40 statues and memorials dedicated to the Confederacy and racist leaders have been dismantled , defaced , decapitated , toppled and designated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unrest .
Demonstrators in the U.K. tore down the statue of English slave trader Edward Colston in jubilation and rolled it into the river .
In Belgium , masked demonstrators stood on the base of a statue of King Léopold II , whose colonial regime was responsible for millions of Congolese deaths , and chanted “ murderer ” while waving a Democratic Republic of Congo flag .
These actions to tear down the symbols of colonialism and slavery underscore arguments that anti-racists , reparations advocates and abolitionists have long argued — a historical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And these protests suggest that this confrontation with history will have to be on the terms of Black people , Indigenous people and other people of color ( BIPOC ) .
It is important to recognize how some of these global protests might be products of the U.S. development and globalization of police tactics pioneered in military and counterinsurgency campaigns in Latin America , Vietnam and the Philippines , as historian Stuart Schrader analyzes in his book , Badges Without Borders : How Global Counterinsurgency Transformed American Policing .
International police exchange programs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this trend as law enforcement officials from the U.S. , Israel and other countries train each other in police tactics .
While 1960s Black radicals in the U.S. argued they were victims of “ internal colonialism , ” it seems that many BIPOC are seeing themselves as tied together by methods of 21st-century methods of policing and counterterrorism .
As we move into the third week of protests , calls to redirect peoples ’ energies to electoral politics and institutional reform will grow louder from pundits .
While it is important to address @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people in the U.S. immediately , the global nature of this revolt presents an opportunity for activists to build upon the transnational connections past organizers have forged .
This is a moment for more Americans to study the transnational connections of policing and state violence in an effort to forge a common anti-racist , anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggle .
We need more global protests as well as gatherings to devise ways to eradicate the scourge of state violence that disproportionately affects BIPOC throughout the world .
As scholar-activist Ruth Wilson Gilmore has said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be internationalist , because that is the only way that we ’ ll stop drawing the borders that regularize between and among people.
” Over the last two weeks , protesters abroad are saying the names of those who have fallen to state violence in the U.S. Throngs of multi-ethnic , multi-racial and multinational people have also sought to topple the symbols of enslavement , colonization and imperialism .
We in the United States should be saying Regis Korchinski-Paquet ’ s and Eyad al-Hallaq ’ s names and amplifying the efforts of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The more we engage in these actions and expressions of solidarity , the closer we get to realizing that another world — free of state violence — is possible .

From Minneapolis to Beirut to Paris, international protests show us another world is truly possible.
The current uprising against racist police violence first erupted in the U.S., but it has now become an international movement.
Thousands of people in more than 40 countries have taken to the streets in a show of solidarity with Black Americans protesting in the U.S. following the vigilante and police murders of Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor and George Floyd .
Since these killings, young communists in Greece marched to the U.S. embassy in Athens to protest Floyd’s murder. In Rome, members of the Migrant Women and Daughters Network stood in front of a war memorial and held signs that said “I Can’t Breathe” and “Black Lives Matter: Justice for George Floyd.” In Amsterdam, thousands packed into Dam Square.
These global expressions of solidarity underscore a long simmering discontent with state violence against Black and Indigenous people, and other communities of color. This global uprising is a descendant of Black and multinational anti-colonial, decolonization and internationalist movements of the 20th century, especially those of the 1960s.
Some reporters and activists draw connections between the current protests and Arab Spring and the Occupy Movement. Journalists John Eligon and Kimiko de Freytas-Tamura view these protests as an expression of a “leaderless movement,” relying upon decentralized organization and spontaneity. And, similar to Arab Spring, Occupy and the 2014 Black Lives Matter protests, participants are using social media platforms to mobilize large groups of people, to challenge prevailing beliefs about social change and to push the movement’s own narratives. Lebanese activist Sarah Aoun, meanwhile, points to how protesters in Arab nations and in the U.S. are responding to the similar conditions of “systemic inequalities.”
Demonstrators gathering in nations like Syria, Palestine, Canada and Kenya signal a surge of anti-racist internationalism guided by desires to communicate across national borders and amplifying victims’ names and Black Lives Matter slogans.
This global uprising is a descendant of Black and multinational anti-colonial, decolonization and internationalist movements of the 20th century.
A group of Lebanese journalists, organizers and activists produced an online organizing guide, “From Beirut to Minneapolis,” detailing safety tips for activists who might be exposed to tear gas and pepper spray, what to wear during a protest and what to do if arrested. Transnational tactical communication is not a new development, as Palestinians tweeted similar advice to activists in Ferguson, Missouri, during the 2014 uprisings.
The sharing and amplification of slogans are clear examples of protest solidarity. The names of Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor and George Floyd ring throughout the world. They appeared on a Kenyan protester’s sign during a demonstration in Nairobi. Floyd’s name rang in London, as demonstrators chanted his name. People expressed Floyd’s and Eric Garner’s desperate refrain, “I can’t breathe” in Paris and on a mural in Syria, another country wracked by state violence.
However, people are not protesting simply to express solidarity. Thousands of protesters throughout the world are demonstrating and revolting against racism, occupation and state violence locally. In Toronto, a diverse crowd of protesters has taken to the streets to support Black Americans and to protest the death of Regis Korchinski-Paquet, a 29-year-old Indigenous Black woman, who fell from her apartment building and died while in the presence of police. Palestinian protesters held signs with pictures of Floyd and Eyad al-Hallaq, a disabled Palestinian shot and killed by Israeli police the same week Floyd died. The police killings of Black people in the U.S. stirred memories of 24-year-old Adama Traoré, a Black Parisian who died in police custody in 2016.
Protesters throughout the world are also highlighting the ways in which contemporary forms of state violence, including policing itself, are legacies of enslavement and colonialism. In the U.S., nearly 40 statues and memorials dedicated to the Confederacy and racist leaders have been dismantled, defaced, decapitated, toppled and designated for removal as a result of the unrest.
The global nature of this revolt presents an opportunity for activists to build upon the transnational connections past organizers have forged.
Demonstrators in the U.K. tore down the statue of English slave trader Edward Colston in jubilation and rolled it into the river. In Belgium, masked demonstrators stood on the base of a statue of King Léopold II, whose colonial regime was responsible for millions of Congolese deaths, and chanted “murderer” while waving a Democratic Republic of Congo flag.
These actions to tear down the symbols of colonialism and slavery underscore arguments that anti-racists, reparations advocates and abolitionists have long argued — a historical reckoning must accompany deep structural change. And these protests suggest that this confrontation with history will have to be on the terms of Black people, Indigenous people and other people of color (BIPOC).
It is important to recognize how some of these global protests might be products of the U.S. development and globalization of police tactics pioneered in military and counterinsurgency campaigns in Latin America, Vietnam and the Philippines, as historian Stuart Schrader analyzes in his book, Badges Without Borders: How Global Counterinsurgency Transformed American Policing. International police exchange programs in the U.S. are latest examples of this trend as law enforcement officials from the U.S., Israel and other countries train each other in police tactics.
While 1960s Black radicals in the U.S. argued they were victims of “internal colonialism,” it seems that many BIPOC are seeing themselves as tied together by methods of 21st-century methods of policing and counterterrorism.
As we move into the third week of protests, calls to redirect peoples’ energies to electoral politics and institutional reform will grow louder from pundits.
While it is important to address the ways that police can harm Black people in the U.S. immediately, the global nature of this revolt presents an opportunity for activists to build upon the transnational connections past organizers have forged.
This is a moment for more Americans to study the transnational connections of policing and state violence in an effort to forge a common anti-racist, anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggle. We need more global protests as well as gatherings to devise ways to eradicate the scourge of state violence that disproportionately affects BIPOC throughout the world. As scholar-activist Ruth Wilson Gilmore has said, “The abolitionist future … has to be internationalist, because that is the only way that we’ll stop drawing the borders that regularize between and among people.”
Over the last two weeks, protesters abroad are saying the names of those who have fallen to state violence in the U.S. Throngs of multi-ethnic, multi-racial and multinational people have also sought to topple the symbols of enslavement, colonization and imperialism. We in the United States should be saying Regis Korchinski-Paquet’s and Eyad al-Hallaq’s names and amplifying the efforts of people to destroy the vestiges of oppression. The more we engage in these actions and expressions of solidarity, the closer we get to realizing that another world — free of state violence — is possible.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
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truthout--2020-06-14--The Movement to Uplift Black Lives and Defund Police Can No Longer Be Ignored

On May 25 , 2020 , the nation ignited after a bystander posted a horrific video of Minneapolis police officer @ @ @ @ @ Floyd ’ s neck for over eight minutes .
Now the movement to uplift Black @ @ @ @ @ and dismantle police departments where officers disproportionately kill and brutalize African-American men and women , @ @ @ @ @ where it can no longer be ignored .
We ’ ll hear from activists in @ @ @ @ @ , and we ’ ll go to our archives for an interview with the brother @ @ @ @ @ was killed by Emeryville police in 2015 .
Special thanks to Davey D of Hard @ @ @ @ @ McDonald from BFRESH Productions for allowing us to use field recordings from Minneapolis .

Activists in Minneapolis and mourners in Houston discuss the future of the movement following George Floyd’s killing.
Police ride bikes past a boarded up store during a march against police brutality and racial justice on June 11, 2020, in New York City. John Lamparski / NurPhoto via Getty Images
On May 25, 2020, the nation ignited after a bystander posted a horrific video of Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin kneeling on George Floyd’s neck for over eight minutes.
Now the movement to uplift Black lives, and to defund and dismantle police departments where officers disproportionately kill and brutalize African-American men and women, has grown to a point where it can no longer be ignored.
We’ll hear from activists in Minneapolis, mourners in Houston, and we’ll go to our archives for an interview with the brother of Yuvette Henderson. She was killed by Emeryville police in 2015.
Special thanks to Davey D of Hard Knock Radio, and Rebecca McDonald from BFRESH Productions for allowing us to use field recordings from Minneapolis.
Featuring:
Stephen Jackson, George Floyd’s friend and former NBA player
Valarie Castile, BLM activist and Philando Castile’s mother
Lisa Bender, President of the Minneapolis City Council
Alicia Garza, Co-founder of Black Lives Matter
Brooke Williams, George Floyd’s niece
Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee, D-Texas
Jamison Robinson, Yuvette Henderson’s brother
Rev. Al Sharpton
Credits Making Contact Staff: Executive Director: Sonya Green
Sonya Green Staff Producers: Anita Johnson, Monica Lopez, Salima Hamirani
Anita Johnson, Monica Lopez, Salima Hamirani Web updates: Sabine Blaizin
Sabine Blaizin Director of Production Initiatives and Distribution: Lisa Rudman Special thanks for recordings: Davey D, Hard Knock Radio
Hard Knock Radio Rebecca McDonald, BFRESH Productions
Music:
“Black Ant”, Fater Lee
Fater Lee “Arbic Tallow”, Blue Dot Sessions
Blue Dot Sessions “Underwater”, Meydan
Meydan “Surreal Johnny Ripper Remix”, Ouri
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.