truthout--2020-12-11--PPP Loans Failed to Reach Communities in Most Need

As the pandemic hit , orders cratered at KB and Katie Brown ’ s print shop in Minneapolis .
They knew they would need help — exactly what the Paycheck Protection Program was meant to provide .
But despite trying three lenders , they never got one of the forgivable COVID-19 loans handed out from April through early August .
They had to furlough their four employees and still don ’ t fully understand what went wrong in a process that felt Byzantine and inequitable to them .
“ I just don ’ t think the program was slated towards @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Brown , who is watching with dread as firms in his majority Black and lower-income community struggle and close .
“ It ’ s bullshit.
” Congress wanted the U.S. Small Business Administration to ensure that PPP loans prioritized small businesses in “ underserved ” markets , a term that includes low-income communities , rural areas and businesses owned by people of color , women and veterans .
But the SBA ’ s inspector general warned in early May that it could find no evidence the SBA told lenders to do that .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ memo to that effect in mid-June , nearly all the loans had been issued .
The result : Most PPP loans went to businesses in communities that already had more access to resources , according to a Center for Public Integrity analysis of recently released SBA data .
Loans didn ’ t reach a greater share of businesses in the lowest-income communities , where median household income is about $ 40,000 or less and recessions hit the hardest .
Instead , the numbers fell just shy of their share of small employers in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ found .
“ It means that a higher share of businesses in lower-income areas are financially vulnerable and therefore increases the likelihood of business failures in precisely those communities , ” said Basu , whose own firm received a PPP loan .
“ And these are communities that can ’ t afford to lose businesses.
” Rural areas did only slightly better : The PPP reached them in proportion to their share of small employers .
The SBA did not ask applicants for their demographic information .
But a May survey by Color @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Hispanic business owners were often denied the help , and many feared their firms would not last the year .
“ We believe that instead of providing desperately needed relief to qualifying small businesses , the PPP propped up so many barriers and reinforced so many racial inequities , ” said Arisha Hatch , vice president of Color Of Change , a racial justice organization .
Bank of America , the top PPP lender by number of loans , sent half to the nation ’ s highest-income ZIP codes — well above @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Just 8 % of its loans went to the lowest-income communities , well below their share .
BOM Bank in Louisiana , by contrast , did exactly the opposite .
Also , 15 % of its loans went to rural areas , versus 1 % of Bank of America ’ s .
But BOM , a community development financial institution whose mission is to help the types of borrowers that Congress wanted the SBA to prioritize , is small and processed about 1,000 loans .
Bank of America issued more than 340,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ records .
Bank of America limited its participation in the program to its existing business clients .
The company said it committed $ 250 million — the equivalent of 1 % of the total amount in PPP loans it ultimately processed — so more community development financial institutions could get the loans to underserved areas .
“ About 44 % of the loans we made were to businesses located in either low- or moderate-income areas or neighborhoods with greater than 50 % minority residents , ” said Bill Halldin , a Bank of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worst surge of COVID-19 yet and businesses struggle to stay open , the impact of where PPP money spread around the country this spring and summer continues to ripple through communities .
Many of the largest firms that received loans got the quickest help , while the smallest ones — the type disproportionately owned by people of color and women — had to wait .
Some never got anything .
Now Congress is wrangling over a relief package that seems likely to include a tweaked version of the program .
One proposal would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ company to 300 employees , with money set aside for very small firms .
If the PPP starts up again , though , the federal government must correct the problems that made the program hard for those smallest firms to access , said Gwendy Brown , vice president of research and policy at the Opportunity Fund , a nonprofit business lender .
Tiny businesses don ’ t have the same financial documents that larger firms do , and the rules must account for that , she said .
She also thinks the fees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ smallest loans , and amounts under $ 150,000 ought to be automatically forgiven .
“ Let ’ s find the smallest businesses , businesses owned by people of color , and let ’ s get them some money , ” Brown said .
“ So much money … did not get to so many people who needed it.
” It ’ s not surprising that lower-income areas would end up with less from a program designed to push money out as quickly as possible , said Richard Clinch , an economist with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t have to be that way if the PPP gets another round .
The SBA could set targets and coordinate with local leaders on outreach , he noted .
The SBA released the latest PPP data after newsrooms , including Public Integrity , sued to get it .
The data gives a more complete picture of which firms received the money and how much they got .
( Public Integrity received a PPP loan . )
Asked why it hadn ’ t earlier directed lenders to prioritize underserved areas , the agency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ statement , the agency said : “ SBA ’ s historically successful COVID relief loan programs have helped millions of small businesses and tens of millions of American workers when they needed it most.
” “ Left Out in the Cold ” The PPP money initially ran out in less than two weeks .
During that mad dash for help , more established firms looking for bigger loans had an edge .
They had accountants on staff , lawyers on call and bankers they knew personally .
Nearly three-quarters of PPP recipients with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before funding dried up in the first round .
It was the reverse for firms with loans less than $ 50,000 : Just over three-quarters had to wait until Congress approved a second round .
That ’ s what happened to Rosa Daniels and her daughter , Dana Myers .
Daniels said their Main Street Bakery & Gift Shop in Columbia , South Carolina , which employs six people , tried to apply for a PPP loan a few days after the program launched on April 3 .
The bakery ’ s bank @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fill out an “ expression of interest ” form to get in line for the right to fill out an application , so she did .
She waited , checking anxiously on the status for days .
“ They kept telling me , ‘ We ’ ve got your [ form ] , it ’ s pending , others are ahead of you , ’ ” she said .
It wasn ’ t until April 15 , as the SBA was warning that the money was nearly gone , that Wells Fargo received @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she would do if she didn ’ t get the loan , Daniels tried another institution the same day .
Self-Help Federal Credit Union , part of a family of nonprofits that also owns the building in Washington , D.C. , where Public Integrity ’ s offices are located , finished processing her application on April 16 — but they ’ d run out of time .
The $ 349 billion had been used up , the SBA announced .
“ My opinion : I think they ran out of money because they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ large businesses , ” said Daniels , who is Black .
“ Really , the small business owners , the really small businesses , got left out.
” Wells Fargo , the fourth-largest PPP lender , sent 8 % of its loans to the lowest-income ZIP codes and 2 % to rural areas .
The bank said it processed requests on a first-come , first-serve basis , and that areas with low-to-moderate income or where at least half the residents are people of color accounted for 41 % of its PPP lending .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ helping as many small businesses as possible , and serving those hardest hit by the current environment , particularly diverse-owned businesses , ” Manuel Venegas , a Wells Fargo spokesman , said in a statement .
What made the uncertain wait for a PPP loan so stressful for Daniels and her daughter was that it came as the bakery struggled from a one-two punch of plummeting business and refund requests for wedding cakes .
Events were canceled , but the bakery had already bought supplies and could not return them .
Congress authorized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Main Street Bakery was approved for a $ 12,645 loan through Self-Help a few days later .
Advocates and lenders heard many stories from small business owners who couldn ’ t get help or basic information from their bank during the early part of the PPP .
“ A lot of minority people learned in this process that … they really didn ’ t have a [ banking ] relationship , and they didn ’ t have anyone to call , ” said Kenneth White , board chair of the Maryland Black Chamber @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They were left out in the cold.
” These are the same Americans the banking industry has a long history of discriminating against , from the government-directed “ redlining ” that blocked investment in minority neighborhoods for decades — a major reason for the country ’ s massive racial wealth gap — to modern-day overcharging of Black and Hispanic customers for loans .
There ’ s evidence that this occurred in the Paycheck Protection Program .
The National Community Reinvestment Coalition said it found unequal treatment during its “ mystery shopper ” tests @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which pairs of testers with similar financial profiles but different races asked for small-business assistance .
The demand for money was so high that some lenders were trying to process more loans in four months than they usually manage in years or even decades .
That also made it difficult for very small firms in need of help with the application process to get anyone on the phone and work through problems .
“ Really , the small business owners , the really small businesses , got left out.
” Credit unions , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lending outfits salvaged the PPP for a lot of Black-owned businesses , said Melvin M. Coleman , executive director at the Atlanta Black Chambers .
More such lenders were allowed to participate as PPP lenders in the second round .
If not for that , Coleman said , “ I think it would have been a disaster.
” That ’ s exactly what it was for KB and Katie Brown , the owners of the Minneapolis print shop .
Wolfpack Promotionals saw business dwindle as the pandemic upended the market for items such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their bank for a PPP loan and got nowhere .
So they applied to PayPal and Square , both top PPP lenders .
Katie Brown said after she submitted their online application to PayPal , the company indicated in a pop-up message on her screen that they had been approved for just under $ 8,000 .
All she had to do was upload some additional documentation .
She did that .
When she checked back later , she said the online portal told her no more information was required .
As she waited @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she called PayPal to get information .
She was transferred a lot , she said , but couldn ’ t reach anyone .
The Browns , unsure what was happening , thought the funding would eventually arrive .
But when SBA released the names of all PPP recipients last week , Wolfpack was not on it .
PayPal declined to comment on the matter , saying it could not speak about individual customer accounts .
“ More than 76 % of PPP loans provided through PayPal were for $ 25,000 or less while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or less , ” Joseph Gallo , a company spokesman , said in a statement .
“ PayPal strives to help the smallest of small businesses.
” Square said it denied Wolfpack because the documentation “ did not meet requirements.
” The company said it sent an email to that effect , but the Browns say they never received it .
They didn ’ t try to follow up on the status of that application — or apply elsewhere — because they thought PayPal had approved them .
From the Browns ’ perspective @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They had no HR staff or outside experts to turn to for advice .
Like the owners of many very small businesses , they had to go it alone .
The public may eventually get a better grasp of how well the program reached the people who have the hardest time accessing business financing .
When firms apply for their PPP loan to be forgiven , they can voluntarily disclose whether the owners are people of color , women or veterans .
The SBA did not include those optional questions on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does so for its main small business loan program .
Sometimes PPP lenders asked anyway — but not often .
In just 10 % of the loans was the race or ethnicity of the principal owner reported .
Of those owners , 78 % are white , 11 % are Asian , 8 % are Hispanic and 3 % are Black .
That ’ s especially problematic given that the pandemic ’ s consequences have fallen hard on people of color , taking both lives and livelihoods .
In April , the number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from two months earlier .
For Black business owners , it was almost twice as bad .
The number of active business owners rebounded in later months , said Rob Fairlie , an economics professor at the University of California , Santa Cruz , who analyzed federal survey figures .
But the pandemic isn ’ t done with small firms yet .
“ I ’ m really nervous we ’ re going to have a big shakeout and it ’ s going to happen relatively soon , ” Fairlie said .
“ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and that can ’ t go on forever.
” CDC Small Business Finance , a nonprofit lender that focuses on underserved customers , reported demographics to the SBA for many of its 4,000 PPP recipients .
Of those , 60 % are businesses owned by people of color .
The institution collaborated with groups , including Our Fair Share , that also wanted to ensure the program reached these firms .
“ It didn ’ t come organically , ” said Robert Villarreal , executive vice president at CDC Small Business Finance .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ form these partnerships [ with ] organizations that really focus on communities of color , and they were able to provide us leads.
” Some of the lender ’ s PPP recipients tried national banks first and heard nothing back , Villarreal said .
The outreach efforts turned up another problem keeping very small businesses from accessing help : People weren ’ t aware of the program , or they thought they weren ’ t eligible .
“ We heard that a lot : ‘ I didn ’ t know that I could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
On the surface , CDC Small Business Finance ’ s reach into high- and low-income communities looks similar to that of large national banks .
But that ’ s because the California-based institution ’ s PPP loans went predominantly to firms in its state , which has a high cost of living .
BOM Bank largely serves central Louisiana , which is a lower-income region .
In Natchitoches Parish , where the bank is headquartered , a third of residents live in poverty .
BOM ’ s PPP loans went to its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t get help from their own banks and to firms from other states .
“ We were able to loan to a lot of rural areas and a lot of underserved areas , ” said Logan Lambert , BOM ’ s assistant cashier .
“ Just to be able to help these people at a time when they didn ’ t know if , two weeks from now , their lights were going to be on , it was a very rewarding time for us.
” But that funding came months ago @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from its PPP borrowers is , “ ‘ Can I apply for another one of these ?
’ ” said Tracy Ward , with the nonprofit .
“ They ’ re not going to be able to survive this without additional support.
” Then there are businesses like Wolfpack Promotionals , which never got support .
What ’ s worse : Because the Browns thought they ’ d been approved , they brought back two furloughed employees in May and had to furlough them again in July .
Then both got COVID-19 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to keep the shop going with orders they can scrounge together .
Business is down 85 % to 90 % , maybe more , KB Brown estimated .
He ’ s frustrated big companies that didn ’ t seem to need help got it anyway this year while some very small firms like his were left out .
“ What we ’ re seeing is a wealth transfer , ” he said .
If Congress restarts the PPP , Katie Brown thinks they would try again to get a loan .
But the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seemed depressingly clear .
“ We weren ’ t meant to get the money , basically , ” she said .

Most PPP loans went to businesses in communities that already had more access to resources.
This article was originally published by the Center for Public Integrity, a nonprofit investigative news organization based in Washington, D.C.
As the pandemic hit, orders cratered at KB and Katie Brown’s print shop in Minneapolis. They knew they would need help — exactly what the Paycheck Protection Program was meant to provide.
But despite trying three lenders, they never got one of the forgivable COVID-19 loans handed out from April through early August. They had to furlough their four employees and still don’t fully understand what went wrong in a process that felt Byzantine and inequitable to them.
“I just don’t think the program was slated towards really small businesses,” said KB Brown, who is watching with dread as firms in his majority Black and lower-income community struggle and close. “It’s bullshit.”
Congress wanted the U.S. Small Business Administration to ensure that PPP loans prioritized small businesses in “underserved” markets, a term that includes low-income communities, rural areas and businesses owned by people of color, women and veterans. But the SBA’s inspector general warned in early May that it could find no evidence the SBA told lenders to do that. By the time the agency sent a memo to that effect in mid-June, nearly all the loans had been issued.
The result: Most PPP loans went to businesses in communities that already had more access to resources, according to a Center for Public Integrity analysis of recently released SBA data.
Loans didn’t reach a greater share of businesses in the lowest-income communities, where median household income is about $40,000 or less and recessions hit the hardest. Instead, the numbers fell just shy of their share of small employers in the U.S., the Public Integrity analysis found.
That’s hardly priority status, Baltimore economist Anirban Basu said.
“It means that a higher share of businesses in lower-income areas are financially vulnerable and therefore increases the likelihood of business failures in precisely those communities,” said Basu, whose own firm received a PPP loan. “And these are communities that can’t afford to lose businesses.”
Rural areas did only slightly better: The PPP reached them in proportion to their share of small employers.
The SBA did not ask applicants for their demographic information. But a May survey by Color Of Change and UnidosUS suggested that Black and Hispanic business owners were often denied the help, and many feared their firms would not last the year.
“We believe that instead of providing desperately needed relief to qualifying small businesses, the PPP propped up so many barriers and reinforced so many racial inequities,” said Arisha Hatch, vice president of Color Of Change, a racial justice organization.
Bank of America, the top PPP lender by number of loans, sent half to the nation’s highest-income ZIP codes — well above those areas’ share of small employers. Just 8% of its loans went to the lowest-income communities, well below their share.
BOM Bank in Louisiana, by contrast, did exactly the opposite. Also, 15% of its loans went to rural areas, versus 1% of Bank of America’s.
But BOM, a community development financial institution whose mission is to help the types of borrowers that Congress wanted the SBA to prioritize, is small and processed about 1,000 loans. Bank of America issued more than 340,000, according to the SBA’s records.
Bank of America limited its participation in the program to its existing business clients. The company said it committed $250 million — the equivalent of 1% of the total amount in PPP loans it ultimately processed — so more community development financial institutions could get the loans to underserved areas.
“About 44% of the loans we made were to businesses located in either low- or moderate-income areas or neighborhoods with greater than 50% minority residents,” said Bill Halldin, a Bank of America spokesman.
As America endures the worst surge of COVID-19 yet and businesses struggle to stay open, the impact of where PPP money spread around the country this spring and summer continues to ripple through communities. Many of the largest firms that received loans got the quickest help, while the smallest ones — the type disproportionately owned by people of color and women — had to wait. Some never got anything.
Now Congress is wrangling over a relief package that seems likely to include a tweaked version of the program. One proposal would lower the maximum size of an eligible company to 300 employees, with money set aside for very small firms. If the PPP starts up again, though, the federal government must correct the problems that made the program hard for those smallest firms to access, said Gwendy Brown, vice president of research and policy at the Opportunity Fund, a nonprofit business lender. Tiny businesses don’t have the same financial documents that larger firms do, and the rules must account for that, she said. She also thinks the fees the SBA provides banks should incentivize the smallest loans, and amounts under $150,000 ought to be automatically forgiven. “Let’s find the smallest businesses, businesses owned by people of color, and let’s get them some money,” Brown said. “So much money … did not get to so many people who needed it.” It’s not surprising that lower-income areas would end up with less from a program designed to push money out as quickly as possible, said Richard Clinch, an economist with the University of Baltimore. But it doesn’t have to be that way if the PPP gets another round. The SBA could set targets and coordinate with local leaders on outreach, he noted. The SBA released the latest PPP data after newsrooms, including Public Integrity, sued to get it. The data gives a more complete picture of which firms received the money and how much they got. (Public Integrity received a PPP loan.) Asked why it hadn’t earlier directed lenders to prioritize underserved areas, the agency declined to comment. In a one-sentence statement, the agency said: “SBA’s historically successful COVID relief loan programs have helped millions of small businesses and tens of millions of American workers when they needed it most.”
“Left Out in the Cold” The PPP money initially ran out in less than two weeks. During that mad dash for help, more established firms looking for bigger loans had an edge. They had accountants on staff, lawyers on call and bankers they knew personally. Nearly three-quarters of PPP recipients with loans above $5 million were approved before funding dried up in the first round. It was the reverse for firms with loans less than $50,000: Just over three-quarters had to wait until Congress approved a second round. That’s what happened to Rosa Daniels and her daughter, Dana Myers. Daniels said their Main Street Bakery & Gift Shop in Columbia, South Carolina, which employs six people, tried to apply for a PPP loan a few days after the program launched on April 3. The bakery’s bank, Wells Fargo, required businesses to fill out an “expression of interest” form to get in line for the right to fill out an application, so she did. She waited, checking anxiously on the status for days. “They kept telling me, ‘We’ve got your [form], it’s pending, others are ahead of you,’” she said. It wasn’t until April 15, as the SBA was warning that the money was nearly gone, that Wells Fargo received her formal application. Not sure what she would do if she didn’t get the loan, Daniels tried another institution the same day. Self-Help Federal Credit Union, part of a family of nonprofits that also owns the building in Washington, D.C., where Public Integrity’s offices are located, finished processing her application on April 16 — but they’d run out of time. The $349 billion had been used up, the SBA announced. “My opinion: I think they ran out of money because they were giving it to such large, large businesses,” said Daniels, who is Black. “Really, the small business owners, the really small businesses, got left out.” Wells Fargo, the fourth-largest PPP lender, sent 8% of its loans to the lowest-income ZIP codes and 2% to rural areas. The bank said it processed requests on a first-come, first-serve basis, and that areas with low-to-moderate income or where at least half the residents are people of color accounted for 41% of its PPP lending. “We’ve remained committed to helping as many small businesses as possible, and serving those hardest hit by the current environment, particularly diverse-owned businesses,” Manuel Venegas, a Wells Fargo spokesman, said in a statement. What made the uncertain wait for a PPP loan so stressful for Daniels and her daughter was that it came as the bakery struggled from a one-two punch of plummeting business and refund requests for wedding cakes. Events were canceled, but the bakery had already bought supplies and could not return them. Congress authorized more PPP money on April 23. Main Street Bakery was approved for a $12,645 loan through Self-Help a few days later. Advocates and lenders heard many stories from small business owners who couldn’t get help or basic information from their bank during the early part of the PPP. “A lot of minority people learned in this process that … they really didn’t have a [banking] relationship, and they didn’t have anyone to call,” said Kenneth White, board chair of the Maryland Black Chamber of Commerce and a banker. “They were left out in the cold.” These are the same Americans the banking industry has a long history of discriminating against, from the government-directed “redlining” that blocked investment in minority neighborhoods for decades — a major reason for the country’s massive racial wealth gap — to modern-day overcharging of Black and Hispanic customers for loans. There’s evidence that this occurred in the Paycheck Protection Program. The National Community Reinvestment Coalition said it found unequal treatment during its “mystery shopper” tests of national and regional banks, in which pairs of testers with similar financial profiles but different races asked for small-business assistance. The demand for money was so high that some lenders were trying to process more loans in four months than they usually manage in years or even decades. That also made it difficult for very small firms in need of help with the application process to get anyone on the phone and work through problems. “Really, the small business owners, the really small businesses, got left out.” Credit unions, community development financial institutions and other smaller lending outfits salvaged the PPP for a lot of Black-owned businesses, said Melvin M. Coleman, executive director at the Atlanta Black Chambers. More such lenders were allowed to participate as PPP lenders in the second round. If not for that, Coleman said, “I think it would have been a disaster.” That’s exactly what it was for KB and Katie Brown, the owners of the Minneapolis print shop. Wolfpack Promotionals saw business dwindle as the pandemic upended the market for items such as conference swag. They first tried their bank for a PPP loan and got nowhere. So they applied to PayPal and Square, both top PPP lenders. Katie Brown said after she submitted their online application to PayPal, the company indicated in a pop-up message on her screen that they had been approved for just under $8,000. All she had to do was upload some additional documentation. She did that. When she checked back later, she said the online portal told her no more information was required. As she waited for the money — and waited — she called PayPal to get information. She was transferred a lot, she said, but couldn’t reach anyone. The Browns, unsure what was happening, thought the funding would eventually arrive. But when SBA released the names of all PPP recipients last week, Wolfpack was not on it. PayPal declined to comment on the matter, saying it could not speak about individual customer accounts. “More than 76% of PPP loans provided through PayPal were for $25,000 or less while nearly 40% were for $10,000 or less,” Joseph Gallo, a company spokesman, said in a statement. “PayPal strives to help the smallest of small businesses.” Square said it denied Wolfpack because the documentation “did not meet requirements.” The company said it sent an email to that effect, but the Browns say they never received it. They didn’t try to follow up on the status of that application — or apply elsewhere — because they thought PayPal had approved them. From the Browns’ perspective, the PPP was opaque and confounding. They had no HR staff or outside experts to turn to for advice. Like the owners of many very small businesses, they had to go it alone. “A Wealth Transfer” The public may eventually get a better grasp of how well the program reached the people who have the hardest time accessing business financing. When firms apply for their PPP loan to be forgiven, they can voluntarily disclose whether the owners are people of color, women or veterans. The SBA did not include those optional questions on the loan application form, even though it does so for its main small business loan program. Sometimes PPP lenders asked anyway — but not often. In just 10% of the loans was the race or ethnicity of the principal owner reported. Of those owners, 78% are white, 11% are Asian, 8% are Hispanic and 3% are Black. That’s especially problematic given that the pandemic’s consequences have fallen hard on people of color, taking both lives and livelihoods. In April, the number of active business owners plummeted 22% from two months earlier. For Black business owners, it was almost twice as bad. The number of active business owners rebounded in later months, said Rob Fairlie, an economics professor at the University of California, Santa Cruz, who analyzed federal survey figures. But the pandemic isn’t done with small firms yet. “I’m really nervous we’re going to have a big shakeout and it’s going to happen relatively soon,” Fairlie said. “We know the sales have been down … and that can’t go on forever.” CDC Small Business Finance, a nonprofit lender that focuses on underserved customers, reported demographics to the SBA for many of its 4,000 PPP recipients. Of those, 60% are businesses owned by people of color. The institution collaborated with groups, including Our Fair Share, that also wanted to ensure the program reached these firms. “It didn’t come organically,” said Robert Villarreal, executive vice president at CDC Small Business Finance. “We had to go out and form these partnerships [with] organizations that really focus on communities of color, and they were able to provide us leads.” Some of the lender’s PPP recipients tried national banks first and heard nothing back, Villarreal said. The outreach efforts turned up another problem keeping very small businesses from accessing help: People weren’t aware of the program, or they thought they weren’t eligible. “We heard that a lot: ‘I didn’t know that I could do this,’” Villarreal said. On the surface, CDC Small Business Finance’s reach into high- and low-income communities looks similar to that of large national banks. But that’s because the California-based institution’s PPP loans went predominantly to firms in its state, which has a high cost of living. BOM Bank largely serves central Louisiana, which is a lower-income region. In Natchitoches Parish, where the bank is headquartered, a third of residents live in poverty. BOM’s PPP loans went to its customers, to Louisiana businesses that couldn’t get help from their own banks and to firms from other states. “We were able to loan to a lot of rural areas and a lot of underserved areas,” said Logan Lambert, BOM’s assistant cashier. “Just to be able to help these people at a time when they didn’t know if, two weeks from now, their lights were going to be on, it was a very rewarding time for us.” But that funding came months ago now. The top question Self-Help gets from its PPP borrowers is, “‘Can I apply for another one of these?’” said Tracy Ward, with the nonprofit. “They’re not going to be able to survive this without additional support.” Then there are businesses like Wolfpack Promotionals, which never got support. What’s worse: Because the Browns thought they’d been approved, they brought back two furloughed employees in May and had to furlough them again in July. Then both got COVID-19. They’re still recovering, trying to keep the shop going with orders they can scrounge together. Business is down 85% to 90%, maybe more, KB Brown estimated. He’s frustrated big companies that didn’t seem to need help got it anyway this year while some very small firms like his were left out. “What we’re seeing is a wealth transfer,” he said. If Congress restarts the PPP, Katie Brown thinks they would try again to get a loan. But the message from the first and second rounds seemed depressingly clear. “We weren’t meant to get the money, basically,” she said.


truthout--2020-12-11--Bernie Sanders Pushes to Attach $1,200 Payments to Must-Pass Stimulus Bill

Warning that failure to approve additional direct relief would be a disastrous abdication of responsibility , Independent Sen. Bernie Sanders joined forces with Republican Sen. Josh Hawley on Thursday to introduce an amendment that would provide another round of $ 1,200 payments to working-class adults and $ 500 to each of their children .
Signifying the urgency of their demand , the senators are attempting to attach the amendment to spending legislation that must pass by Friday night to avert a government shutdown .
While Hawley indicated he would not try to obstruct passage of the short-term spending bill if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Sanders suggested he would be willing to delay the legislation in an effort to attach his amendment .
“ Nobody wants to see the government shut down , ” Sanders said in an appearance on CNN Thursday night .
“ But I think it would be outrageous and simply unacceptable for members of Congress to go home to their families when tens of millions of working-class families in this country are facing economic desperation , they don ’ t have the food , literally , to feed their kids , they ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can ’ t afford healthcare , they have no income .
We have got to address that.
” “ I intend to do everything I can , ” the Vermont senator added , “ to make sure that we do.
” Similar to the direct relief provided under the CARES Act , the Sanders-Hawley amendment ( pdf ) would distribute one-time $ 1,200 payments to individuals who make up to $ 75,000 per year and joint filers who make up to $ 150,000 annually .
The measure would also provide $ 500 for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Working people are struggling .
And they should be the first people given relief , not last , ” Hawley said in a statement .
“ The crisis of rising unemployment claims , ever-expanding food lines , evictions , and growing credit card debt has been staring us in the face for months .
It ’ s time we do something about it and provide emergency relief to Americans.
” In a speech on the Senate floor Thursday — just hours after the Labor Department reported that 1.3 million Americans filed for unemployment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to approve direct payments would further cement the view that lawmakers are out of touch with the needs of their desperate constituents and primarily concerned with assuaging the wealthy and well-connected .
“ People are losing faith in their government , ” said Sanders .
“ They are hurting , their kids are hurting , their parents are hurting , and they look to Washington and they say , ‘ Do you know that we exist ?
Or you ’ re just worried about your rich friends and your campaign contributors ? '
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ as negotiations over a coronavirus relief package that lawmakers hoped to combine with must-pass year-end spending legislation appeared to falter once more on Thursday , as Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell ( R-Ky. ) shot down a bipartisan relief framework that members have been hashing out for more than a week .
McConnell ’ s chief complaint , according to the Associated Press , is that the corporate immunity provisions under discussion are not strong enough for Republicans to accept Democrats ’ demand for state and local aid in return .
As it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does not include direct cash payments , an omission that has led some progressive lawmakers — including Sanders — to oppose the package .
“ In the midst of so much economic desperation , Congress can not go on recess without providing this $ 1,200 emergency assistance to the American people in their time of need , ” Sanders said in a statement Thursday .
“ I look forward to working across the aisle with Senator Hawley to ensure that the United States Senate passes this amendment .
”

Warning that failure to approve additional direct relief would be a disastrous abdication of responsibility, Independent Sen. Bernie Sanders joined forces with Republican Sen. Josh Hawley on Thursday to introduce an amendment that would provide another round of $1,200 payments to working-class adults and $500 to each of their children.
Signifying the urgency of their demand, the senators are attempting to attach the amendment to spending legislation that must pass by Friday night to avert a government shutdown. While Hawley indicated he would not try to obstruct passage of the short-term spending bill if it doesn’t include direct payments, Sanders suggested he would be willing to delay the legislation in an effort to attach his amendment.
“Nobody wants to see the government shut down,” Sanders said in an appearance on CNN Thursday night. “But I think it would be outrageous and simply unacceptable for members of Congress to go home to their families when tens of millions of working-class families in this country are facing economic desperation, they don’t have the food, literally, to feed their kids, they’re worried about being evicted, they can’t afford healthcare, they have no income. We have got to address that.”
“I intend to do everything I can,” the Vermont senator added, “to make sure that we do.”
Similar to the direct relief provided under the CARES Act, the Sanders-Hawley amendment (pdf) would distribute one-time $1,200 payments to individuals who make up to $75,000 per year and joint filers who make up to $150,000 annually. The measure would also provide $500 for each child of eligible recipients.
“Working people are struggling. And they should be the first people given relief, not last,” Hawley said in a statement. “The crisis of rising unemployment claims, ever-expanding food lines, evictions, and growing credit card debt has been staring us in the face for months. It’s time we do something about it and provide emergency relief to Americans.”
In a speech on the Senate floor Thursday — just hours after the Labor Department reported that 1.3 million Americans filed for unemployment benefits last week — Sanders said refusal to approve direct payments would further cement the view that lawmakers are out of touch with the needs of their desperate constituents and primarily concerned with assuaging the wealthy and well-connected.
“People are losing faith in their government,” said Sanders. “They are hurting, their kids are hurting, their parents are hurting, and they look to Washington and they say, ‘Do you know that we exist? Or you’re just worried about your rich friends and your campaign contributors?'”
Sanders and Hawley unveiled their amendment as negotiations over a coronavirus relief package that lawmakers hoped to combine with must-pass year-end spending legislation appeared to falter once more on Thursday, as Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) shot down a bipartisan relief framework that members have been hashing out for more than a week.
McConnell’s chief complaint, according to the Associated Press, is that the corporate immunity provisions under discussion are not strong enough for Republicans to accept Democrats’ demand for state and local aid in return.
As it currently stands, the bipartisan plan also does not include direct cash payments, an omission that has led some progressive lawmakers — including Sanders — to oppose the package.
“In the midst of so much economic desperation, Congress cannot go on recess without providing this $1,200 emergency assistance to the American people in their time of need,” Sanders said in a statement Thursday. “I look forward to working across the aisle with Senator Hawley to ensure that the United States Senate passes this amendment.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-12-11--US COVID Deaths Top American World War II Casualties

The United States passed a grim milestone this week , as the death toll from coronavirus exceeded the number of Americans killed in combat during World War II .
As of Friday morning , the U.S. has recorded 292,747 deaths from COVID-19 .
According to the Department of Veterans Affairs , the number of U.S. combat deaths in the Second World War was 291,557 .
Notably , deaths from the coronavirus pandemic have only been recorded for the past year , while U.S. involvement in World War II lasted around four years .
The country ’ s coronavirus numbers surpassed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Thursday evening , USA Today reported , just hours after a committee of vaccine scientists recommended that the Food and Drug Administration ( FDA ) authorize the first COVID-19 vaccine for public distribution .
While the prospect for a vaccine to stop the spread of the virus is good news , thousands of more Americans are expected to die from COVID-19 before the rollout of inoculations begins .
The Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation ( IHME ) at the University of Washington predicts that the cumulative number of coronavirus casualties will exceed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — an additional 87,681 deaths between now and the inauguration of President-elect Joe Biden , or an average of approximately 2,192 deaths per day over the next 40 days .
Some experts are predicting that the daily average death rate will end up being much higher .
“ We are in the timeframe now that probably for the next 60 to 90 days we ’ re going to have more deaths per day than we had at 9/11 or we had at Pearl Harbor , ” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an event hosted by the Council on Foreign Relations earlier this week .
Despite these dire predictions , President Donald Trump has seemed less concerned about preventing the spread of COVID-19 over the past several weeks , putting more focus on his erroneous claims of election fraud and attempts to overturn the 2020 presidential election .
Trump has hosted a slew of holiday parties at the White House , where social distancing standards put forward by the CDC are being ignored .
Trump has frequently downplayed the threat of coronavirus to the American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over the past year that the pandemic would somehow disappear of its own accord .
Biden , who defeated Trump in the presidential election last month , has taken a much different approach , wearing masks when he does appear in public and pledging to take the crisis more seriously when he assumes office next month .
Among the goals Biden has laid out for his first 100 days of office , the president-elect intends to require masks be worn in federal buildings as well as on public modes of transportation that utilize @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has previously suggested that he lacks the authority to issue a nationwide mask mandate , Biden intends to promote masks more than the current administration has done .

Although vaccines are moving toward approval for distribution, this winter will see many more deaths, experts warn.
The United States passed a grim milestone this week, as the death toll from coronavirus exceeded the number of Americans killed in combat during World War II.
As of Friday morning, the U.S. has recorded 292,747 deaths from COVID-19. According to the Department of Veterans Affairs, the number of U.S. combat deaths in the Second World War was 291,557.
Notably, deaths from the coronavirus pandemic have only been recorded for the past year, while U.S. involvement in World War II lasted around four years.
The country’s coronavirus numbers surpassed the combat death totals from WWII on Thursday evening, USA Today reported, just hours after a committee of vaccine scientists recommended that the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) authorize the first COVID-19 vaccine for public distribution.
While the prospect for a vaccine to stop the spread of the virus is good news, thousands of more Americans are expected to die from COVID-19 before the rollout of inoculations begins.
The Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation (IHME) at the University of Washington predicts that the cumulative number of coronavirus casualties will exceed 380,428 deaths by January 20, 2021 — an additional 87,681 deaths between now and the inauguration of President-elect Joe Biden, or an average of approximately 2,192 deaths per day over the next 40 days.
Some experts are predicting that the daily average death rate will end up being much higher.
“We are in the timeframe now that probably for the next 60 to 90 days we’re going to have more deaths per day than we had at 9/11 or we had at Pearl Harbor,” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) director Robert Redfield said during an event hosted by the Council on Foreign Relations earlier this week.
Despite these dire predictions, President Donald Trump has seemed less concerned about preventing the spread of COVID-19 over the past several weeks, putting more focus on his erroneous claims of election fraud and attempts to overturn the 2020 presidential election. Trump has hosted a slew of holiday parties at the White House, where social distancing standards put forward by the CDC are being ignored.
Trump has frequently downplayed the threat of coronavirus to the American people, telling them at many points over the past year that the pandemic would somehow disappear of its own accord.
Biden, who defeated Trump in the presidential election last month, has taken a much different approach, wearing masks when he does appear in public and pledging to take the crisis more seriously when he assumes office next month.
Among the goals Biden has laid out for his first 100 days of office, the president-elect intends to require masks be worn in federal buildings as well as on public modes of transportation that utilize interstate highways and railroads. Though he has previously suggested that he lacks the authority to issue a nationwide mask mandate, Biden intends to promote masks more than the current administration has done.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-12-11--New Report Shows Top Billionaires’ Wealth Skyrocketing During Pandemic

The net wealth enjoyed by the richest billionaires in the United States has ballooned since the beginning of the pandemic , according to a new report .
Meanwhile , millions of households are struggling to put food on the table and pay rent as COVID-19 deaths and infections surge nationwide , underscoring our nation ’ s vast inequality .
The collective wealth of the 651 richest billionaires has increased by over $ 1 trillion since March 18 , roughly when states began issuing shutdown orders , according to a new analysis of Forbes financial data by Americans for Tax Fairness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The combined net worth of the richest people in the U.S. totaled $ 4 trillion this week — more than four times the $ 908 billion price tag of an economic relief package that has taken center stage in the Senate as Congress struggles to strike a bipartisan deal before the end of year .
A stock market surge combined with more people staying at home has been a boon for tech companies and their CEOs .
Familiar names in tech top the report ’ s list of the richest people getting richer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gates of Microsoft , Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook and Elon Musk of Tesla .
The four men have seen stock prices for their companies soar since the pandemic began , making them “ centi-billionaires ” worth over $ 100 billion each .
Then there is Dan Gilbert , chairman of Quicken Loans , a company specializing in short and long-term personal loans and home mortgages .
As people struggle to pay their bills , Gilbert ’ s wealth has grown 543 percent from $ 6.1 billion to $ 41.8 billion , the second @ @ @ @ @ @ @ increase enjoyed by Ernest Garcia II , who makes his fortune selling used cars .
The economy looks much different to the rest of us .
Millions of people have lost jobs during the pandemic and food and housing insecurity have skyrocketed to crisis levels .
Across the country , images of cars lined up for miles to receive food donations have illustrated the severity of the crisis .
More than 1 in 10 adults sometimes or often do not have enough money for food , according estimates based on federal Census data @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the country worried about affording food as the holidays approached .
About 34 percent of the country — roughly 83 million adults — report difficulty paying for basic expenses such as food , medical bills and mortgage payments .
An estimated 40 percent of children live in homes that are either behind on rent or facing food hardship , and rates of food insecurity are even higher among families of color .
At least 12 million people are now behind on rent , and housing activists are fighting evictions across the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to expire at the end of the month .
“ As tens of millions of Americans suffer from the health and economic ravages of this pandemic , a few hundred billionaires add to their massive fortunes , ” said Frank Clemente , executive director of Americans for Tax Fairness , in a statement .
“ Their pandemic profits are so immense that America ’ s billionaires could pay for a major COVID relief bill and still not lose a dime of their pre-virus riches.
” Meanwhile , layoffs appear to be on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases , which topped 218,667 nationally on Wednesday .
Another 1.3 million people filed new unemployment claims last week , bringing initial claims to their highest point since September , according to the Economic Policy Institute .
People who have relied on unemployment insurance since the pandemic began are seeing their incomes dwindle as benefits run dry .
If Congress fails to pass a relief package before year-end deadlines , 12 million people will lose their unemployment benefits after Christmas .
As of November 14 , 20 million people were collecting unemployment nationally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nearly 98,000 businesses have closed permanently .
On Thursday , the Washington Post reported that negotiations over another relief package in Congress are on the verge of collapse .
Democratic House Speaker Nancy Pelosi warned talks could extend beyond Christmas , when multiple programs provided by the stimulus package passed in March are set to expire .
A $ 908 billion bipartisan proposal at the center of the negotiations would not provide a second round of stimulus checks to all taxpayers .
The proposal would extend emergency unemployment benefits until March with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ millions of households from falling off a fiscal cliff .
However , there is currently not enough Republican support in the Senate to pass the stopgap relief package , according to reports .
The relief package would also provide $ 160 billion in relief for state and local governments , along with $ 25 billion in housing assistance for renters , although housing advocates say at least $ 100 billion is needed .
Democrats hope a final deal will include an extended moratorium on evictions .
Without relief , an estimated 30 to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , according to the National Low Income Housing Coalition .
Clemente said the $ 1 trillion in new wealth enjoyed by the 651 top billionaires could provide relief to the entire country .
Indeed , $ 1 trillion is double the two-year budget gap faced by all state and local governments , according to the report .
“ Their wealth growth is so great that they alone could provide a $ 3,000 stimulus payment to every man , woman and child in the country , and still be richer than they were 10 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The report on wealth gains among billionaire received favorable review from the fact-checkers at PolitiFact .
On the campaign trail , President-elect Joe Biden claimed billionaires “ in this country are seeing their wealth increase by $ 800 billion ” during the pandemic , a statement PolitiFact rated “ mostly true ” based on the report .
Biden campaigned on raising taxes on the wealthy , and Clemente said he must make good on that promise after entering the White House on January 20 .
“ Joe Biden won a tax-fairness mandate in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We look forward to working with him and Congress to deliver on that mandate by taxing the massive wealth of these billionaires .
”

Part of the Series Despair and Disparity: The Uneven Burdens of COVID-19
The net wealth enjoyed by the richest billionaires in the United States has ballooned since the beginning of the pandemic, according to a new report. Meanwhile, millions of households are struggling to put food on the table and pay rent as COVID-19 deaths and infections surge nationwide, underscoring our nation’s vast inequality.
The collective wealth of the 651 richest billionaires has increased by over $1 trillion since March 18, roughly when states began issuing shutdown orders, according to a new analysis of Forbes financial data by Americans for Tax Fairness and the Institute for Policy Studies. The combined net worth of the richest people in the U.S. totaled $4 trillion this week — more than four times the $908 billion price tag of an economic relief package that has taken center stage in the Senate as Congress struggles to strike a bipartisan deal before the end of the year.
A stock market surge combined with more people staying at home has been a boon for tech companies and their CEOs. Familiar names in tech top the report’s list of the richest people getting richer: Jeff Bezos of Amazon, Bill Gates of Microsoft, Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook and Elon Musk of Tesla. The four men have seen stock prices for their companies soar since the pandemic began, making them “centi-billionaires” worth over $100 billion each.
Then there is Dan Gilbert, chairman of Quicken Loans, a company specializing in short and long-term personal loans and home mortgages. As people struggle to pay their bills, Gilbert’s wealth has grown 543 percent from $6.1 billion to $41.8 billion, the second highest increase among billionaires after the net increase enjoyed by Ernest Garcia II, who makes his fortune selling used cars.
The economy looks much different to the rest of us. Millions of people have lost jobs during the pandemic and food and housing insecurity have skyrocketed to crisis levels. Across the country, images of cars lined up for miles to receive food donations have illustrated the severity of the crisis.
More than 1 in 10 adults sometimes or often do not have enough money for food, according estimates based on federal Census data. Last month, more than half of the country worried about affording food as the holidays approached. About 34 percent of the country — roughly 83 million adults — report difficulty paying for basic expenses such as food, medical bills and mortgage payments. An estimated 40 percent of children live in homes that are either behind on rent or facing food hardship, and rates of food insecurity are even higher among families of color.
The collective wealth of the 651 richest billionaires has increased by over $1 trillion since March 18.
At least 12 million people are now behind on rent, and housing activists are fighting evictions across the country despite a federal moratorium on evictions set to expire at the end of the month.
“As tens of millions of Americans suffer from the health and economic ravages of this pandemic, a few hundred billionaires add to their massive fortunes,” said Frank Clemente, executive director of Americans for Tax Fairness, in a statement. “Their pandemic profits are so immense that America’s billionaires could pay for a major COVID relief bill and still not lose a dime of their pre-virus riches.”
Meanwhile, layoffs appear to be on the rise alongside the surge in new COVID-19 cases, which topped 218,667 nationally on Wednesday. Another 1.3 million people filed new unemployment claims last week, bringing initial claims to their highest point since September, according to the Economic Policy Institute.
People who have relied on unemployment insurance since the pandemic began are seeing their incomes dwindle as benefits run dry. If Congress fails to pass a relief package before year-end deadlines, 12 million people will lose their unemployment benefits after Christmas. As of November 14, 20 million people were collecting unemployment nationally, according to the Labor Department. Nearly 98,000 businesses have closed permanently.
On Thursday, the Washington Post reported that negotiations over another relief package in Congress are on the verge of collapse. Democratic House Speaker Nancy Pelosi warned talks could extend beyond Christmas, when multiple programs provided by the stimulus package passed in March are set to expire.
A $908 billion bipartisan proposal at the center of the negotiations would not provide a second round of stimulus checks to all taxpayers. The proposal would extend emergency unemployment benefits until March with a $300 weekly bonus, potentially helping millions of households from falling off a fiscal cliff. However, there is currently not enough Republican support in the Senate to pass the stopgap relief package, according to reports.
The relief package would also provide $160 billion in relief for state and local governments, along with $25 billion in housing assistance for renters, although housing advocates say at least $100 billion is needed. Democrats hope a final deal will include an extended moratorium on evictions. Without relief, an estimated 30 to 40 million people could lose their homes, according to the National Low Income Housing Coalition.
At least 12 million people are now behind on rent, and housing activists are fighting evictions across the country .
Clemente said the $1 trillion in new wealth enjoyed by the 651 top billionaires could provide relief to the entire country. Indeed, $1 trillion is double the two-year budget gap faced by all state and local governments, according to the report.
“Their wealth growth is so great that they alone could provide a $3,000 stimulus payment to every man, woman and child in the country, and still be richer than they were 10 months ago,” Clemente said.
The report on wealth gains among billionaires received favorable review from the fact-checkers at PolitiFact. On the campaign trail, President-elect Joe Biden claimed billionaires “in this country are seeing their wealth increase by $800 billion” during the pandemic, a statement PolitiFact rated “mostly true” based on the report.
Biden campaigned on raising taxes on the wealthy, and Clemente said he must make good on that promise after entering the White House on January 20.
“Joe Biden won a tax-fairness mandate in November,” Clemente said. “We look forward to working with him and Congress to deliver on that mandate by taxing the massive wealth of these billionaires.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-12-11--The American Petroleum Institute Is Working to Kill Voting on Local Measures

Over the past five years , organizers in seven Ohio communities ( three cities , four counties ) have qualified ballot measures to recognize enforceable rights of ecosystems and human rights to water .
All take the historic and bold step of elevating these basic rights above the legal privileges currently enjoyed by private corporations in the United States .
The local laws seek to halt fracking and accompanying fossil fuel infrastructure projects .
So it ’ s no wonder the American Petroleum Institute ( API ) — perhaps the most influential fossil fuel lobby in the nation — is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ systematically denied access to the ballot — with exception , after two trips to the Ohio Supreme Court , of the famous Lake Erie Bill of Rights — petitioners , supported by my organization , the Community Environmental Legal Defense Fund , filed a federal civil rights lawsuit , arguing the petitioners ’ rights to free speech , due process and separation of powers have been violated .
( The lawsuit has since gained official amicus support from the Earth Law Center , Move to Amend and a coalition of grassroots groups in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) In their defense of the lawsuit , Earth Law Center wrote , “ Importantly , many progressive ideas are masked behind the misconceived notion that they are unconstitutional.
” Being able to vote on new ideas allows for nonviolent theories of change , amicus briefs wrote .
“ Given the subject matter of some of the ballot initiatives , ” the API wrote in an email , the Institute decided to get involved in this case .
The API is joined by other industry groups in their opposition to the petitioners ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Commerce .
Their motivations are clear .
In the opposition brief , they write that they are “ deeply concerned about this lawsuit because the initiatives that Plaintiffs have sought to place on the ballots in seven different Ohio counties include limitations or outright bans on many of the lawful activities that members of amici curiae either participate in or support .
If this Court holds that the initiatives should be ( or should have been ) submitted to the electorate , and if the initiatives are ultimately passed , [ we ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ substantial effects.
” Of course , they are concerned .
Their corporate “ rights ” are being challenged .
The industry groups are being represented by the same law firm that helped Trump file the election appeal in Pennsylvania .
Apparently , protecting democracy is only important when it serves the interests of the 1 percent and not when it is by and for the people .
“ Ours is one more collective struggle for voting rights to protect ourselves and future generations from chemical and fossil energy pollution , ” says Jerry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ County , Ohio , effort .
“ Our small effort is of planetary importance.
” “ The courts have allowed the state to get away with a multitude of deceptive and arguably illegal tactics and laws , while holding residents who gathered enough signatures to place a measure on the ballot , to unreasonable , and , most importantly , unpredictable and arbitrary standards , ” says Terry Lodge , lead attorney on the lawsuit for the Community Environmental Legal Defense Fund .
Though all of the measures gathered the required number of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ administrative procedural hurdles , they were not allowed on the ballot .
This is an attack on direct democracy protections within the Ohio Constitution .
“ Weeks , months , and years of researching facts , giving talks , organizing community water testing , poring over county documents , discussing county charters with community members , only to have our citizen initiatives trashed by public officials supposed to serve the public have fired me up to dismantle this corrupt system and rebuild a real democracy , ” says Gwen B. Fischer , an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ One sister initiative that was ultimately placed on the ballot , after repeated court battles and pressure by the people , was the Lake Erie Bill of Rights .
Since it was adopted , the law has made international headlines , inspired people across the globe , elicited backlash from corporate interests and expanded many peoples ’ concept of what is possible right now .
The industry does not want a flurry of similar initiatives making it to the ballot .
They want to avoid the public discussions and debates that take place @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peoples ’ rights in opposition to corporations ’ “ rights ” to make profits .
They understand the political and cultural repercussions of these conversations and votes .
That ’ s also why reactionary legislation was just introduced in Missouri that tries to ban the representation of ecosystems in court .
It ’ s why the API wants to stop the initiatives before anyone hears about them .
If courts accept the API ’ s logic , it could be a blow to direct democracy powers — an important tool for social movements @ @ @ @ @ @ @ halls of power through gerrymandering , voter suppression and state governments ’ interference in local democracy .
We can not let these tactics stifle our imagination .
We have to keep pushing .
We can change the law , and we must .
As Robin Kimmerer , author of Braiding Sweetgrass , recently said , “ law is how we use power to make our values real in the world .
We have to change the paradigm … as we imagine a future where Rights of Nature take precedence .
”

Industry groups are being represented by the same law firm that helped Trump file the election appeal in Pennsylvania.
Over the past five years, organizers in seven Ohio communities (three cities, four counties) have qualified ballot measures to recognize enforceable rights of ecosystems and human rights to water. All take the historic and bold step of elevating these basic rights above the legal privileges currently enjoyed by private corporations in the United States.
The local laws seek to halt fracking and accompanying fossil fuel infrastructure projects. So it’s no wonder the American Petroleum Institute (API) — perhaps the most influential fossil fuel lobby in the nation — is getting involved.
After being repeatedly and systematically denied access to the ballot — with exception, after two trips to the Ohio Supreme Court, of the famous Lake Erie Bill of Rights — petitioners, supported by my organization, the Community Environmental Legal Defense Fund, filed a federal civil rights lawsuit, arguing the petitioners’ rights to free speech, due process and separation of powers have been violated. (The lawsuit has since gained official amicus support from the Earth Law Center, Move to Amend and a coalition of grassroots groups in Ohio that represents over 18,000 members.)
In their defense of the lawsuit, Earth Law Center wrote, “Importantly, many progressive ideas are masked behind the misconceived notion that they are unconstitutional.”
Being able to vote on new ideas allows for nonviolent theories of change, amicus briefs wrote.
“Given the subject matter of some of the ballot initiatives,” the API wrote in an email, the Institute decided to get involved in this case.
The API is joined by other industry groups in their opposition to the petitioners’ lawsuit, including the Ohio Chamber of Commerce. Their motivations are clear. In the opposition brief, they write that they are “deeply concerned about this lawsuit because the initiatives that Plaintiffs have sought to place on the ballots in seven different Ohio counties include limitations or outright bans on many of the lawful activities that members of amici curiae either participate in or support. If this Court holds that the initiatives should be (or should have been) submitted to the electorate, and if the initiatives are ultimately passed, [we] will suffer serious, immediate, and substantial effects.”
Of course, they are concerned. Their corporate “rights” are being challenged.
Apparently, protecting democracy is only important when it serves the interests of the 1 percent and not when it is by and for the people.
The industry groups are being represented by the same law firm that helped Trump file the election appeal in Pennsylvania. Apparently, protecting democracy is only important when it serves the interests of the 1 percent and not when it is by and for the people.
“Ours is one more collective struggle for voting rights to protect ourselves and future generations from chemical and fossil energy pollution,” says Jerry Dolcini, a petitioner with the Medina County, Ohio, effort. “Our small effort is of planetary importance.”
“The courts have allowed the state to get away with a multitude of deceptive and arguably illegal tactics and laws, while holding residents who gathered enough signatures to place a measure on the ballot, to unreasonable, and, most importantly, unpredictable and arbitrary standards,” says Terry Lodge, lead attorney on the lawsuit for the Community Environmental Legal Defense Fund.
Though all of the measures gathered the required number of signatures and jumped over all the proper administrative procedural hurdles, they were not allowed on the ballot. This is an attack on direct democracy protections within the Ohio Constitution.
“Weeks, months, and years of researching facts, giving talks, organizing community water testing, poring over county documents, discussing county charters with community members, only to have our citizen initiatives trashed by public officials supposed to serve the public have fired me up to dismantle this corrupt system and rebuild a real democracy,” says Gwen B. Fischer, an organizer with the Portage County effort.
One sister initiative that was ultimately placed on the ballot, after repeated court battles and pressure by the people, was the Lake Erie Bill of Rights. Since it was adopted, the law has made international headlines, inspired people across the globe, elicited backlash from corporate interests and expanded many peoples’ concept of what is possible right now.
The industry does not want a flurry of similar initiatives making it to the ballot. They want to avoid the public discussions and debates that take place during campaigns about nature’s and peoples’ rights in opposition to corporations’ “rights” to make profits. They understand the political and cultural repercussions of these conversations and votes.
That’s also why reactionary legislation was just introduced in Missouri that tries to ban the representation of ecosystems in court.
It’s why the API wants to stop the initiatives before anyone hears about them.
If courts accept the API’s logic, it could be a blow to direct democracy powers — an important tool for social movements that have been shut out of the halls of power through gerrymandering, voter suppression and state governments’ interference in local democracy.
We cannot let these tactics stifle our imagination. We have to keep pushing.
We can change the law, and we must. As Robin Kimmerer, author of Braiding Sweetgrass, recently said, “law is how we use power to make our values real in the world. We have to change the paradigm … as we imagine a future where Rights of Nature take precedence.”
Let’s keep pushing.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-12-11--Republican Senate Groups Have Five Times More Cash for Georgia Runoffs

With less than one month until the Georgia Senate runoffs , American voters outside the Peach State are frantically donating to candidates and committees there , hoping their party can secure the Senate majority .
Among outside groups and party committees , Republicans have the upper hand .
Senate Republican infrastructure has raised far more than Democratic groups , with nearly five times more cash left to spend in the final weeks of the race .
The Senate Leadership Fund and the National Republican Senatorial Committee raised more than their counterparts , the Senate Majority PAC and the Democratic Senatorial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They also ended November with far more cash on hand , much of which they are expected to spend in Georgia .
The two Republican groups had a combined $ 97.6 million left and the Democratic groups only have $ 19.6 million .
As of Nov. 23 , the Senate Leadership Fund had $ 60.8 million in the bank — that ’ s 28 times more than Senate Majority PAC , which had only $ 2.1 million left .
The NRSC had $ 36.8 million left to spend while the DSCC had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these final reserves came from last-minute donations .
Attempting to hold on to their Senate majority , Republican donors gave more to their top Senate committees than Democrats did from mid-October through mid-November .
Nearly one-quarter of all contributions to the Senate Leadership Fund were made during that period .
The group , which is aligned with Sen. Mitch McConnell ( R-Ky. ) , raised $ 104.1 million in total , about half of which came from seven individuals .
Blackstone Group executive Stephen Schwarzman gave $ 15 million on Nov. 12 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ runoffs would decide control of the Senate .
Senate Majority PAC , which is aligned with Sen. Chuck Schumer ( D-N.Y. ) , raised $ 89.8 million from mid-October through mid-November .
That ’ s $ 14.2 million less than the Senate Leadership Fund raised .
No one individual donated more than $ 3 million during that time period .
Both groups are spending millions in Georgia .
The Republican committee has already spent $ 59 million against Democratic challenger Jon Ossoff .
Meanwhile , Senate Majority PAC spent $ 31.4 million against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 247,000 against Sen. Kelly Loeffler ( R-Ga. ) $ 2.7 million for Democratic challenger Rev .
Raphael Warnock and $ 1.9 million for Ossoff .
The Senate Leadership Fund primarily spends on attack ads against Ossoff that frequently tie him to “ radical liberals , ” naming Schumer , Rep. Nancy Pelosi ( D-Ca . )
and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez ( D-N.Y. ) .
One ad warns that “ liberal mega donors are backing Ossoff with untold millions in dark money.
” Another states , “ dirty money , a dirtier agenda @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yet both sides are bankrolled by “ dark money.
” Majority Forward funds Senate Majority PAC and One Nation , a Karl Rove-linked dark money group , gives to the Senate Leadership Fund .
It ’ s the biggest dark money donor this cycle .
Thanks to their large fundraising hauls , these two Senate groups are now the top-spending outside groups this election cycle .
The Senate Leadership Fund eclipsed Priorities USA Action , a pro-Biden hybrid PAC that once ranked No .
1 , as well as Senate Majority PAC .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ NRSC beat out the DSCC , and raised $ 38.7 million more from mid-October to mid-November .
However , the Democratic group has raised $ 15.3 million more overall this election cycle .
Both groups have used their cash to persuade voters in the Peach State .
The NRSC spent $ 9.2 million against Warnock and Ossoff , with most of it going to attack ads against Ossoff .
The group also spent $ 25,000 to help Perdue .
Meanwhile , the DSCC spent far less , only $ 529,000 for their candidates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Both groups are expected to spend heavily in Georgia this month ahead of the Jan. 5 runoff .
Whether these groups are able to use their final funds effectively in Georgia is a different question .
The two Republican groups had high success rates this fall .
The Senate Leadership Fund spent 79.2 percent of its money to back winning candidates , and the NRSC spent 73.9 percent .
The Democrats , who lost some of the most expensive Senate races , did poorly .
Senate Majority PAC spent only 29.2 percent of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the DSCC spent a measly 7.8 percent .

With less than one month until the Georgia Senate runoffs, American voters outside the Peach State are frantically donating to candidates and committees there, hoping their party can secure the Senate majority.
Among outside groups and party committees, Republicans have the upper hand. Senate Republican infrastructure has raised far more than Democratic groups, with nearly five times more cash left to spend in the final weeks of the race.
The Senate Leadership Fund and the National Republican Senatorial Committee raised more than their counterparts, the Senate Majority PAC and the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, from mid-October to mid-November. They also ended November with far more cash on hand, much of which they are expected to spend in Georgia. The two Republican groups had a combined $97.6 million left and the Democratic groups only have $19.6 million.
As of Nov. 23, the Senate Leadership Fund had $60.8 million in the bank — that’s 28 times more than Senate Majority PAC, which had only $2.1 million left. The NRSC had $36.8 million left to spend while the DSCC had only $17.5 million.
Much of these final reserves came from last-minute donations. Attempting to hold on to their Senate majority, Republican donors gave more to their top Senate committees than Democrats did from mid-October through mid-November. Nearly one-quarter of all contributions to the Senate Leadership Fund were made during that period. The group, which is aligned with Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), raised $104.1 million in total, about half of which came from seven individuals. Blackstone Group executive Stephen Schwarzman gave $15 million on Nov. 12, when it was clear that the Georgia runoffs would decide control of the Senate.
Senate Majority PAC, which is aligned with Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.), raised $89.8 million from mid-October through mid-November. That’s $14.2 million less than the Senate Leadership Fund raised. No one individual donated more than $3 million during that time period.
Both groups are spending millions in Georgia. The Republican committee has already spent $59 million against Democratic challenger Jon Ossoff. Meanwhile, Senate Majority PAC spent $31.4 million against Sen. David Perdue (R-Ga.), $247,000 against Sen. Kelly Loeffler (R-Ga.) $2.7 million for Democratic challenger Rev. Raphael Warnock and $1.9 million for Ossoff.
The Senate Leadership Fund primarily spends on attack ads against Ossoff that frequently tie him to “radical liberals,” naming Schumer, Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-Ca.) and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.). One ad warns that “liberal mega donors are backing Ossoff with untold millions in dark money.” Another states, “dirty money, a dirtier agenda — that’s Jon Ossoff.”
Yet both sides are bankrolled by “dark money.” Majority Forward funds Senate Majority PAC and One Nation, a Karl Rove-linked dark money group, gives to the Senate Leadership Fund. It’s the biggest dark money donor this cycle.
Thanks to their large fundraising hauls, these two Senate groups are now the top-spending outside groups this election cycle. The Senate Leadership Fund eclipsed Priorities USA Action, a pro-Biden hybrid PAC that once ranked No. 1, as well as Senate Majority PAC.
Like the Senate Leadership Fund, the NRSC beat out the DSCC, and raised $38.7 million more from mid-October to mid-November. However, the Democratic group has raised $15.3 million more overall this election cycle.
Both groups have used their cash to persuade voters in the Peach State. The NRSC spent $9.2 million against Warnock and Ossoff, with most of it going to attack ads against Ossoff. The group also spent $25,000 to help Perdue. Meanwhile, the DSCC spent far less, only $529,000 for their candidates, and none against the Republicans. Both groups are expected to spend heavily in Georgia this month ahead of the Jan. 5 runoff.
Whether these groups are able to use their final funds effectively in Georgia is a different question. The two Republican groups had high success rates this fall. The Senate Leadership Fund spent 79.2 percent of its money to back winning candidates, and the NRSC spent 73.9 percent. The Democrats, who lost some of the most expensive Senate races, did poorly. Senate Majority PAC spent only 29.2 percent of its money in races that Democrats won and the DSCC spent a measly 7.8 percent.
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