truthout--2020-05-31--The Supreme Court Is About to Make Seismic Rulings on Reproductive Rights

The rights of women to terminate their pregnancies and to receive free contraceptives under the Affordable Care Act ( ACA ) are on the chopping block .
Those challenges to reproductive freedom are consistent with Trump ’ s agenda of pandering to the religious right while erasing Barack Obama ’ s achievements .
The Supreme Court will rule on these cases during the month of June .
Burdening the Right to Abortion Although the Court does not yet have a case that contests the constitutionality of Roe v. Wade , it has the opportunity to chip away at the right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ obstacles to reproductive health care .
Their strategy is to bring about death of abortion by a thousand cuts .
Four years ago , in Whole Woman ’ s Health v. Hellerstedt , the high court struck down a Texas law that required doctors who perform abortions to have admitting privileges at hospitals within 30 miles of the location of the abortion .
The Court held that the law did not provide “ medical benefits sufficient to justify the burdens upon access that each imposes ” and erected “ a substantial obstacle in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ abortion , constitut [ ing ] an undue burden on abortion access.
” In June Medical Services LLC v. Russo , the high court is now facing the same issue it resolved in Whole Woman ’ s Health .
Louisiana has a law identical to the overruled Texas law .
If upheld , the Louisiana law would leave only one doctor in one Louisiana clinic to perform abortions .
The lower court found that closing all other clinics in the state would impose a heavy burden on low-income women , requiring them to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ What changed in the four years between Whole Woman ’ s Health and June Medical Services ?
Justice Anthony Kennedy , who voted with the 5-3 majority in Whole Woman ’ s Health , retired and Justice Brett Kavanaugh replaced him .
Although Chief Justice John Roberts dissented in Whole Woman ’ s Health , he joined the four liberal justices in tabling Louisiana ’ s law while the appeal was pending .
During oral argument in June Medical Services , the four liberals saw no difference between the Texas and Louisiana laws @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ What sense does the 30-mile limit make ?
” She noted that most complications arise once a woman returns home .
Justice Elena Kagan said that Hope Clinic in Shreveport , Louisiana , “ has served over 3,000 women annually for 23 years , so that ’ s around 70,000 women and has transferred only four patients ever to a hospital.
” Roberts and Kavanaugh were not sure whether the situations in Texas and Louisiana were identical .
Roberts queried whether they should take a state-by-state approach to the issue .
Justice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ signal support for the Louisiana law .
Neither Justices Neil Gorsuch nor Clarence Thomas asked any questions .
The ACA , signed by Obama in 2010 , provides coverage for preventive health services for women .
In 2011 , the Obama administration accepted the recommendation of a scientific panel and required that employers and insurers provide women with free FDA-approved contraception .
Religious organizations were exempted from the requirement .
Hospitals and schools affiliated with them were not .
The Obama administration , however , provided an accommodation allowing affiliated institutions to opt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could be identified in order to guarantee seamless contraceptive coverage .
Once they notified the government , insurers or plan administrators they wanted to opt out , either the government or insurance companies would finance the birth control coverage .
In 2014 , a closely divided Supreme Court held in Burwell v. Hobby Lobby that a corporation owned by a family who objected on religious grounds to furnishing insurance coverage for contraceptives for their female employees could also opt out .
But many religious groups complain that having to opt out means they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ birth control for their employees even if they don ’ t have to pay for it .
In 2016 , that issue was raised in Zubick v. Burwell , but the high court sent the case back to the lower court to see if a compromise could be reached .
It could not .
The Trump administration issued new regulations in 2017 , expanding the exemption and allowing private employers who were morally or religiously opposed to birth control to opt out .
Employers were no longer required to provide an accommodation .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ group of Catholic nuns who run nursing homes for poor seniors .
They have religious objections to furnishing insurance coverage for contraception .
In Little Sisters of the Poor v. Pennsylvania , New Jersey and Pennsylvania challenged the 2017 regulations .
The states argue that they would bear the costs of providing contraceptive coverage to women who lost it .
They secured a nationwide injunction against the regulations .
There was no consensus among the justices at oral argument .
Ginsburg and Justice Sonia Sotomayor thought the regulations violated Congress ’ s intent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ control .
“ The glaring feature of what the government has done in expanding this exemption is to toss to the winds entirely Congress ’ s instruction that women need and shall have seamless , no-cost , comprehensive coverage , ” Ginsburg said .
“ This leaves the women to hunt for other government programs that might cover them.
” She added , “ For those who are not covered by Medicaid or one of the other government programs , they can get contraceptive coverage only from paying out of their own pocket @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t want to happen.
” Sotomayor wondered if a requirement that insurers must pay for free COVID-19 vaccinations could be found unconstitutional because some employers had religious objections to vaccines .
Kavanaugh indicated that the exemption was reasonable .
Alito favored accommodation of religious beliefs .
Roberts and Kagan thought the exemption may be too broad .
Gorsuch seemed to think the ACA grants expansive authority to government agencies .
Roberts and Justice Stephen Breyer were frustrated that the opposing parties could not reach a compromise .
Thomas queried whether the states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the regulations .
If the Supreme Court upholds the Trump regulations , the government estimates that 70,000 to 126,000 women would lose birth control coverage from their employers .
The addition of Gorsuch and Kavanaugh to the Court will likely be reflected in how these cases are decided .
In the abortion case , Kavanaugh ’ s substitution for Kennedy may well tip the balance against reproductive rights .

Part of the Series Human Rights and Global Wrongs
The rights of women to terminate their pregnancies and to receive free contraceptives under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) are on the chopping block. Those challenges to reproductive freedom are consistent with Trump’s agenda of pandering to the religious right while erasing Barack Obama’s achievements. The Supreme Court will rule on these cases during the month of June.
Burdening the Right to Abortion
Although the Court does not yet have a case that contests the constitutionality of Roe v. Wade, it has the opportunity to chip away at the right to abortion as opponents continue to erect obstacles to reproductive health care. Their strategy is to bring about death of abortion by a thousand cuts.
Four years ago, in Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt, the high court struck down a Texas law that required doctors who perform abortions to have admitting privileges at hospitals within 30 miles of the location of the abortion. The Court held that the law did not provide “medical benefits sufficient to justify the burdens upon access that each imposes” and erected “a substantial obstacle in the path of women seeking a previability abortion, constitut[ing] an undue burden on abortion access.”
In June Medical Services LLC v. Russo, the high court is now facing the same issue it resolved in Whole Woman’s Health. Louisiana has a law identical to the overruled Texas law. If upheld, the Louisiana law would leave only one doctor in one Louisiana clinic to perform abortions. The lower court found that closing all other clinics in the state would impose a heavy burden on low-income women, requiring them to travel long distances to obtain abortions.
What changed in the four years between Whole Woman’s Health and June Medical Services? Justice Anthony Kennedy, who voted with the 5-3 majority in Whole Woman’s Health, retired and Justice Brett Kavanaugh replaced him. Although Chief Justice John Roberts dissented in Whole Woman’s Health, he joined the four liberal justices in tabling Louisiana’s law while the appeal was pending.
During oral argument in June Medical Services, the four liberals saw no difference between the Texas and Louisiana laws. Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg asked, “What sense does the 30-mile limit make?” She noted that most complications arise once a woman returns home. Justice Elena Kagan said that Hope Clinic in Shreveport, Louisiana, “has served over 3,000 women annually for 23 years, so that’s around 70,000 women and has transferred only four patients ever to a hospital.”
Roberts and Kavanaugh were not sure whether the situations in Texas and Louisiana were identical. Roberts queried whether they should take a state-by-state approach to the issue. Justice Samuel Alito’s questions appeared to signal support for the Louisiana law. Neither Justices Neil Gorsuch nor Clarence Thomas asked any questions.
Denying Coverage for Birth Control
The ACA, signed by Obama in 2010, provides coverage for preventive health services for women. In 2011, the Obama administration accepted the recommendation of a scientific panel and required that employers and insurers provide women with free FDA-approved contraception.
Religious organizations were exempted from the requirement. Hospitals and schools affiliated with them were not. The Obama administration, however, provided an accommodation allowing affiliated institutions to opt out so that other sources of funding could be identified in order to guarantee seamless contraceptive coverage. Once they notified the government, insurers or plan administrators they wanted to opt out, either the government or insurance companies would finance the birth control coverage.
In 2014, a closely divided Supreme Court held in Burwell v. Hobby Lobby that a corporation owned by a family who objected on religious grounds to furnishing insurance coverage for contraceptives for their female employees could also opt out.
But many religious groups complain that having to opt out means they would still play a role in securing birth control for their employees even if they don’t have to pay for it. In 2016, that issue was raised in Zubick v. Burwell, but the high court sent the case back to the lower court to see if a compromise could be reached. It could not.
The Trump administration issued new regulations in 2017, expanding the exemption and allowing private employers who were morally or religiously opposed to birth control to opt out. Employers were no longer required to provide an accommodation.
Little Sisters of the Poor is a group of Catholic nuns who run nursing homes for poor seniors. They have religious objections to furnishing insurance coverage for contraception. In Little Sisters of the Poor v. Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Pennsylvania challenged the 2017 regulations. The states argue that they would bear the costs of providing contraceptive coverage to women who lost it. They secured a nationwide injunction against the regulations.
There was no consensus among the justices at oral argument. Ginsburg and Justice Sonia Sotomayor thought the regulations violated Congress’s intent that women have seamless coverage for birth control. “The glaring feature of what the government has done in expanding this exemption is to toss to the winds entirely Congress’s instruction that women need and shall have seamless, no-cost, comprehensive coverage,” Ginsburg said. “This leaves the women to hunt for other government programs that might cover them.” She added, “For those who are not covered by Medicaid or one of the other government programs, they can get contraceptive coverage only from paying out of their own pocket, which is exactly what Congress didn’t want to happen.”
Sotomayor wondered if a requirement that insurers must pay for free COVID-19 vaccinations could be found unconstitutional because some employers had religious objections to vaccines.
Kavanaugh indicated that the exemption was reasonable. Alito favored accommodation of religious beliefs. Roberts and Kagan thought the exemption may be too broad. Gorsuch seemed to think the ACA grants expansive authority to government agencies. Roberts and Justice Stephen Breyer were frustrated that the opposing parties could not reach a compromise. Thomas queried whether the states even had the legal right to challenge the regulations.
If the Supreme Court upholds the Trump regulations, the government estimates that 70,000 to 126,000 women would lose birth control coverage from their employers.
The addition of Gorsuch and Kavanaugh to the Court will likely be reflected in how these cases are decided. In the abortion case, Kavanaugh’s substitution for Kennedy may well tip the balance against reproductive rights.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-05-31--Dark Money Spending Rises Above $100 Million as IRS Ends Donor Reporting Rules

Political groups that don ’ t fully disclose their sources of funding have already spent more than $ 100 million to influence 2020 races , a figure that is sure to rise as “ dark money ” backed super PACs unload their unprecedented cash reserves .
Dark money groups such as political nonprofits that don ’ t disclose their donors have spent nearly $ 14 million to influence 2020 races , according to Federal Election Commission filings .
“ Grey money ” outside groups that disclose a portion of their funding — such as super PACs that take money from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spent over $ 89 million .
By choosing to keep their donors secret , these groups leave voters in the dark as to exactly who is funding their political activities .
Under a new Trump administration regulation , the Internal Revenue Service won ’ t know either .
The IRS finalized a rule this week that will exempt some dark money groups from disclosing their donors to the IRS .
Many of 501 ( c ) ( 4 ) nonprofits affected by the new rule already don ’ t disclose their donors to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expressed concern that the elimination of donor reporting could hurt government investigators ’ efforts to uncover the illegal use of foreign money in U.S. elections .
The Trump administration attempted to enact the rule last year , but a federal judge in Montana blocked it , arguing that the government needed to go through a public comment period first .
Two 501 ( c ) ( 4 ) s that don ’ t disclose their donors , FreedomWorks and People United for Privacy , directed thousands of their supporters to the IRS website @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Treasury Department noted the rule would prevent the IRS from leaking confidential donor information as the agency did in 2013 .
Groups that argue for stricter campaign finance rules opposed the IRS rule .
Campaign Legal Center President Trevor Potter , a former Republican FEC commissioner , said this week the rule would leave federal agencies such as the recently restored FEC “ without another tool to enforce the campaign finance laws under-girding our democracy.
” “ Enforcement agencies need every tool available to safeguard our elections against foreign interference , ” Issue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a statement this week .
“ Congress must now step up and strengthen our transparency rules to ensure foreigners aren ’ t using opaque tax-exempt organizations to meddle in our elections.
” The IRS has rejected any role policing foreign money in U.S. elections and generally doesn ’ t share donor records with other federal agencies unless there is a court order .
But the rule change still stands to lend momentum to wide-ranging efforts to errode donor disclosure .
Conservative groups attempted to eliminate nonprofit donor reporting to the IRS through the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ requests for the names of donors are not a violation of the First Amendment .
David Keating , president of the Institute for Free Speech , which argues against campaign finance restrictions , said this week the rule “ will encourage more people to give and protect groups that criticize government.
” Dark money groups have spent close to $ 1 billion influencing elections in the decade since the Citizens United Supreme Court decision that opened the door for political nonprofits to make independent expenditures .
That total doesn ’ t include dark @ @ @ @ @ @ @ candidates without explicitly pushing for votes , which is not disclosed to the FEC outside of a reporting window shortly before elections .
When counting these kinds of ads , more than half of all TV ads related to 2020 elections are sponsored by dark money groups .
With so little information available , only a few politically active nonprofits are known to have taken money from foreign sources .
The U.S. Chamber of Commerce runs political ads to influence elections and receives some money from foreign companies , but the business group @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on election activities .
The National Rifle Association , which spent $ 31 million to back Donald Trump in 2016 , received a relatively miniscule amount of cash from Russian nationals but also gets funding from foreign companies and reported spending on overseas fundraising for the first time last year .
The gun rights advocacy group has said it does not use foreign money on its election activities .
Dark money accounts for just 6 percent of total outside spending reported to the FEC this cycle , a low figure compared to nearly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2016 cycle and 14 percent in the 2018 midterms .
However , spending by groups that only partially disclose their donors makes up nearly 40 percent of 2020 outside spending , a record high .
That ’ s because dark money groups are increasingly funneling their cash to super PACs , which can then spend that money freely .
Each of the top congressional super PACs affiliated with party leaders in the House and Senate are partially funded by dark money .
The top outside spender this cycle is Democratic group Priorities USA @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nondisclosing nonprofit arms .
The hybrid PAC has spent nearly $ 22 million this cycle and hopes to shell out $ 200 million before the Democratic convention .

More than half of all TV ads related to the 2020 elections are sponsored by dark money groups.
Political groups that don’t fully disclose their sources of funding have already spent more than $100 million to influence 2020 races, a figure that is sure to rise as “dark money” backed super PACs unload their unprecedented cash reserves.
Dark money groups such as political nonprofits that don’t disclose their donors have spent nearly $14 million to influence 2020 races, according to Federal Election Commission filings. “Grey money” outside groups that disclose a portion of their funding — such as super PACs that take money from shell companies or political nonprofits — have spent over $89 million.
By choosing to keep their donors secret, these groups leave voters in the dark as to exactly who is funding their political activities. Under a new Trump administration regulation, the Internal Revenue Service won’t know either.
The IRS finalized a rule this week that will exempt some dark money groups from disclosing their donors to the IRS. Many of 501(c)(4) nonprofits affected by the new rule already don’t disclose their donors to the public. But some experts have expressed concern that the elimination of donor reporting could hurt government investigators’ efforts to uncover the illegal use of foreign money in U.S. elections.
The Trump administration attempted to enact the rule last year, but a federal judge in Montana blocked it, arguing that the government needed to go through a public comment period first. Two 501(c)(4)s that don’t disclose their donors, FreedomWorks and People United for Privacy, directed thousands of their supporters to the IRS website to support the proposed rule.
The Treasury Department noted the rule would prevent the IRS from leaking confidential donor information as the agency did in 2013.
Groups that argue for stricter campaign finance rules opposed the IRS rule. Campaign Legal Center President Trevor Potter, a former Republican FEC commissioner, said this week the rule would leave federal agencies such as the recently restored FEC “without another tool to enforce the campaign finance laws under-girding our democracy.”
“Enforcement agencies need every tool available to safeguard our elections against foreign interference,” Issue One Executive Director Meredith McGehee said in a statement this week. “Congress must now step up and strengthen our transparency rules to ensure foreigners aren’t using opaque tax-exempt organizations to meddle in our elections.”
The IRS has rejected any role policing foreign money in U.S. elections and generally doesn’t share donor records with other federal agencies unless there is a court order. But the rule change still stands to lend momentum to wide-ranging efforts to errode donor disclosure.
Conservative groups attempted to eliminate nonprofit donor reporting to the IRS through the courts but judges repeatedly ruled that government requests for the names of donors are not a violation of the First Amendment.
David Keating, president of the Institute for Free Speech, which argues against campaign finance restrictions, said this week the rule “will encourage more people to give and protect groups that criticize government.”
Dark money groups have spent close to $1 billion influencing elections in the decade since the Citizens United Supreme Court decision that opened the door for political nonprofits to make independent expenditures. That total doesn’t include dark money groups’ issue ad spending boosting candidates without explicitly pushing for votes, which is not disclosed to the FEC outside of a reporting window shortly before elections. When counting these kinds of ads, more than half of all TV ads related to 2020 elections are sponsored by dark money groups.
With so little information available, only a few politically active nonprofits are known to have taken money from foreign sources. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce runs political ads to influence elections and receives some money from foreign companies, but the business group says it does not use those funds on election activities. The National Rifle Association, which spent $31 million to back Donald Trump in 2016, received a relatively miniscule amount of cash from Russian nationals but also gets funding from foreign companies and reported spending on overseas fundraising for the first time last year. The gun rights advocacy group has said it does not use foreign money on its election activities.
Dark money accounts for just 6 percent of total outside spending reported to the FEC this cycle, a low figure compared to nearly 9 percent at this point in the 2016 cycle and 14 percent in the 2018 midterms. However, spending by groups that only partially disclose their donors makes up nearly 40 percent of 2020 outside spending, a record high.
That’s because dark money groups are increasingly funneling their cash to super PACs, which can then spend that money freely. Each of the top congressional super PACs affiliated with party leaders in the House and Senate are partially funded by dark money. The top outside spender this cycle is Democratic group Priorities USA Action, which receives millions from its nondisclosing nonprofit arms. The hybrid PAC has spent nearly $22 million this cycle and hopes to shell out $200 million before the Democratic convention.
Researcher Anna Massoglia contributed to this report.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
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truthout--2020-05-31--Police Violence Protesters Were Hit With More Police Violence in US Capitol

As protests against police violence and the killing of George Floyd continued in cities across the U.S. on Saturday , a massive crowd gathered outside President Donald Trump ’ s White House as demonstrators again turned their ire and demands for justice and healing towards the nation ’ s most powerful elected official .
After tensions built , clashes erupted between law enforcement and demonstrators .
“ Insanity outside the White House , ’ tweeted Alejandro Alvarez , a digital journalist WTOP News , along with footage from the scene just after 5:30pm ET .
“ Three warnings of an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ storming into the crowd .
A lot of people have been hit with paper spray .
In all the chaos , at least one person was tossed to the ground and presumably arrested.
” Though Trump left for Florida Saturday morning , he was accused of sowing further division overnight by tweeting an invitation for his right-wing supporters to come to the White House to counter-protest against those seeking redress for the murder of Floyd , an unarmed black man , at the hands—or rather , knee—of a white police officer in Minneapolis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outside the White House on Friday night Trump said anyone breaching the security fence would be met by “ vicious dogs ” and “ ominous weapons , ” and on Saturday morning tweeted : “ Tonight , I understand , is MAGA NIGHT AT THE WHITE HOUSE ?
?
?
” MSNBC correspondent Garrett Hake , reporting from the scene just after 4:00pm ET on Saturday , said the situation was “ peaceful , but tense ” as the crowd of what he said was several hundred people broke through one outer set @ @ @ @ @ @ @ variety of law enforcement officials , including Secret Service , Capitol Police , and others .
At the White House , protesters could be seen standing on top of Secret Service vehicles and a security booth next to the Eisenhower Executive Office Building .
Some in the crowd also ripped away the bike rack barriers that separate 17th Street from the Pennsylvania Avenue Plaza .
Other demonstrators were seen standing face to face with a phalanx of Secret Service on the Plaza .
Washington , D.C. Mayor Muriel E. Bowser , a Democrat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ handling of the protests openly on Saturday .
“ While he hides behind his fence afraid/alone , ” tweeted Bowser , “ I stand with people peacefully exercising their First Amendment Right after the murder of # GeorgeFloyd & hundreds of years of institutional racism There are no vicious dogs & ominous weapons .
There is just a scared man .
”

As protests against police violence and the killing of George Floyd continued in cities across the U.S. on Saturday, a massive crowd gathered outside President Donald Trump’s White House as demonstrators again turned their ire and demands for justice and healing towards the nation’s most powerful elected official. After tensions built, clashes erupted between law enforcement and demonstrators.
Penn. and 17th is split between protesters and Secret Service with what’s basically a buffer zone between them. The situation is stable at the moment but some protesters are daring to inch forward. Cries of “hands up, don’t shoot” are getting louder. pic.twitter.com/ToiwFKwoP3 — Alejandro Alvarez (@aletweetsnews) May 30, 2020
“Insanity outside the White House,’ tweeted Alejandro Alvarez, a digital journalist WTOP News, along with footage from the scene just after 5:30pm ET. “Three warnings of an unlawful assembly from the Secret Service before storming into the crowd. A lot of people have been hit with paper spray. In all the chaos, at least one person was tossed to the ground and presumably arrested.”
Tensions flared near the White House. Not sure what triggered it, all I saw was a blast of pepper spray and a sudden sprint backward. There’s a lot more pressure on the police cordon and they’re pulling out gas masks. pic.twitter.com/X4uCQRzPkw — Alejandro Alvarez (@aletweetsnews) May 30, 2020
Though Trump left for Florida Saturday morning, he was accused of sowing further division overnight by tweeting an invitation for his right-wing supporters to come to the White House to counter-protest against those seeking redress for the murder of Floyd, an unarmed black man, at the hands—or rather, knee—of a white police officer in Minneapolis on Monday.
After large crowds gathered outside the White House on Friday night Trump said anyone breaching the security fence would be met by “vicious dogs” and “ominous weapons,” and on Saturday morning tweeted: “Tonight, I understand, is MAGA NIGHT AT THE WHITE HOUSE???”
So many ways for a president to handle this situation, & he's going w/ daring his followers to start the next civil war. https://t.co/2iLqex0ScR — W. Kamau Bell (@wkamaubell) May 30, 2020
MSNBC correspondent Garrett Hake, reporting from the scene just after 4:00pm ET on Saturday, said the situation was “peaceful, but tense” as the crowd of what he said was several hundred people broke through one outer set of barricades and faced off with a variety of law enforcement officials, including Secret Service, Capitol Police, and others.
According to NBC News:
At the White House, protesters could be seen standing on top of Secret Service vehicles and a security booth next to the Eisenhower Executive Office Building. Some in the crowd also ripped away the bike rack barriers that separate 17th Street from the Pennsylvania Avenue Plaza. Other demonstrators were seen standing face to face with a phalanx of Secret Service on the Plaza.
Washington, D.C. Mayor Muriel E. Bowser, a Democrat, denounced Trump’s comments and handling of the protests openly on Saturday.
“While he hides behind his fence afraid/alone,” tweeted Bowser, “I stand with people peacefully exercising their First Amendment Right after the murder of #GeorgeFloyd & hundreds of years of institutional racism There are no vicious dogs & ominous weapons. There is just a scared man.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-05-31--Organizers of 2020’s May Day Actions Are Planning a People’s Strike for June 1

Permutations of disaster are bearing down with such velocity on working-class people in the United States , it ’ s not easy to keep abreast — of the harms , but also of the welcome initiatives .
Jump-started by Cooperation Jackson co-founder and co-director Kali Akuno , a People ’ s Strike was announced on April 1 to inspire working-class people to think deeply about their futures and come to a shared commitment that concessions from power must be demanded , are worth struggling for and that steps must be taken to prepare materially for that struggle .
From now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ day of every month , the People ’ s Strike will birth a program of coordinated actions from coast to coast .
Actions planned across the country for Monday , June 1 , will be themed around their housing justice demand , reducible to three main pillars : • • None Open all available housing stock to those who need it now .
The People ’ s Strike provides the infrastructure and a shared home to kindred organizers who also wish to focus on preparation for the coordination and execution of a global @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Strike has already been endorsed by Black Socialists in America , Red Bloom , Black Alliance for Peace , Black Workers for Justice , The Red Nation , Moms 4 Housing/Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment , Pan-African Community Action , New Orleans Workers Group , National Lawyers Guild , Palestinian Youth Movement , Danby Road Cooperative , Harlem Solidarity and Defense , Take Back the Bronx , First Strike and the Center for Critical Thought .
California Organizes to Assert Housing Is a Human Right “ In Oakland , as everywhere , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fights , ” said Carroll Fife , who directs the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment ( ACCE ) .
“ It ’ s the place you can recharge , it ’ s the place you can feel safe , it ’ s the place you can wash your hands.
” ACCE has been providing critical support for the Moms 4 Housing struggle that challenges the real estate speculators that push housing prices out of the reach of working-class people .
Four Oakland moms and their kids moved in and fixed up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ asserting their right to be sheltered and to have their children sheltered too .
They were ultimately evicted , but not before garnering international attention and support for their struggle , which is ongoing and growing .
“ The unsheltered and those who are barely holding onto their shelter feel they have very little to lose , ” Fife told Truthout , “ and they ’ re willing to do more to resist.
” The number of renters pledging to strike in the Bay Area was over 22,000 on May 1 , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
She cautions that financiers learned the wrong lessons from the crisis they precipitated in 2007 and 2008 , from which they were bailed out , and are financializing rent just like they securitized mortgages .
“ We ’ re always at risk , always in jeopardy , under that system , ” Fife says , predicting that this scheme “ will lead to even more devastation than a decade ago.
” She ’ s deeply concerned about the working class , post-COVID .
“ The system that held us in the margins @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even worse , ” Fife says .
“ If we do not seize this moment right now , then the world we thought we knew will never be the same , and it will not be for our benefit , it will not be for our best good .
The only way out of this is to organize.
” Rachel Jackson signed on as organizer of the People ’ s Strike in the Bay Area because it ’ s a chance to join with political kin in a network of affiliation that has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ orientation that ’ s not sectarian and which allows for a diversity of tactics .
General strike is one of those seductive ideas that circulates every so often but has not been widely regarded as feasible in America .
But now Jackson thinks the conditions on the ground , which she describes as “ overlaying crises ” — 40,000,000 newly unemployed people , the coming end of the eviction moratoria , continuing community spread of infection — are shifting that attitude , and appetite for more comprehensive unified action is growing .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you can stay in your place for four or five months without paying rent , if you qualified , and when it ends , you ’ re going to get evicted anyway , owing $ 20,000 to $ 30,000 , ” she told Truthout .
Jackson says Bay Area landlords are already starting to include lists of shelters and housing search resources when they send out their rent notices .
“ Their position is , ‘ Let ’ s be honest , you ’ re leaving , ’ ” she said .
For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Strike is experimenting with actions , all of which are 100-percent masked and that strictly maintain physical distancing .
Jackson has a public health background , and like all People ’ s Strike actions , these will emphasize model community-minded practices to try to help get mask use up to 70 percent in the community at large ( it ’ s currently between 50-60 percent ) .
“ It ’ s an education and outreach caravan where we really take the rally into the community , ” she explained .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we ’ ll make a couple of stops , go through the neighborhood , rolling slow.
” They ’ ll be simultaneously live streaming from the caravan and conducting a Zoom call , and will set up communication between the two technologies .
Recordings of many of the actions planned nationwide will be blasted back out to the People ’ s Strike international broadcast on The People ’ s Strike YouTube , Facebook , Twitter and Instagram pages and on Pacifica .
Jackson ’ s sense of tragedy and feelings of rage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she ’ s witnessing in the People ’ s Strike movement .
Looking forward to the July 1 actions , she expects they ’ ll be even more intense with the advent of hurricane season , and the almost inevitable passing of more anticipated victims of the lower , longer curve of the virus — likely agricultural workers , unhoused people and prisoners .
“ It ’ s [ Hurricane ] Katrina writ large , ” she said .
“ We know nobody ’ s coming.
” Rent Strikes Are Organized in New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for New York Communities for Change ( NYCC ) and has been organizing People ’ s Strike actions in the northeast .
Tyberg says rent strikes have been established in New York City , Buffalo , Rochester , Syracuse and Long Island under NYCC ’ s Cancel Rent campaign .
“ It was obviously a risk because the situation is so unprecedented and no one knew what the response would be , ” Tyberg told Truthout .
“ But a lot of the folks in our base are immigrants who ’ ve been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and they ’ re ready to take on a more militant tactic .
Eventually , nonprofits will have to follow the base or become an obstacle to the base.
” NYCC ’ s strike pledge has almost 18,000 signatories , and will be extended throughout 2020 .
The group is working to expand who goes on strike to include small landlords with one or two buildings in the hopes they ’ ll express solidarity with their tenants .
Robert Cuffy , a court worker in New York City , does not organize directly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Taylor Law , a 1935 law prohibiting public sector employee strikes .
But he ’ s organizing under the banner of the New York City Fight for our Lives Coalition , which is accommodating activists who must remain Taylor Law-compliant or risk losing their livelihoods .
“ The COVID-19 pandemic has put urgency into the conversation , ” Cuffy told Truthout .
“ In New York City , over 16,000 people have died , mostly working-class people , disproportionately Black people and in neighborhoods of the Bronx and Queens in areas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their grief , he points to civil rights violations occurring almost exclusively in Black neighborhoods where 45 of the 50 summonses for social distancing violations were issued to Black people , with at least one arrest involving brutality .
“ Austerity is being pushed down the throats of New York City ’ s working class ; they ’ re trying to resolve the financial aspects of this crisis by balancing budgets on the backs of working people , ” Cuffy said .
Some activists are urging union leaders to push back against the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every other department but the New York City Police Department .
Some People ’ s Strike actions are being planned on the down low to avoid attracting a heavy police presence .
All of their actions , including protests , involve physical distancing for safety , and at one particular protest on Monday they ’ ll be distributing 40 red masks to participants who ’ ve been asked to wear red .
“ I can ’ t tell you more , ” he said .
“ But there ’ s a lot going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Is Actually a Crisis of Democracy Meanwhile , in Mississippi , Cooperation Jackson has been adding properties to its Community Land Trust as a bulwark against four different development plans that target its neighborhood for usurpation : a proposed Medical Corridor , the Downtown-One Lake Redevelopment initiative , a sports and entertainment complex and the Capitol Complex Bill or Downtown Annexation Bill .
In Jackson Rising : The Struggle for Economic Democracy and Black Self-Determination in Jackson , Mississippi , Akuno writes : “ Each initiative is at a different stage of development @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and widespread support amongst local and state elites.
” Decommodification of the land is the starting point in Akuno ’ s thinking about housing justice issues — access , affordability and security .
“ For us , that ’ s the first step to really instituting a broad decolonization program here in the United States , ” Akuno told Truthout .
“ It means changing our relationship with the land , the Earth and each other .
You can ’ t ‘ own ’ something that generates you in actual fact .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it — that ’ s the deep principle , which in turn requires a deeper commitment to democracy.
” He says there ’ s no “ housing crisis ” in the U.S. – there ’ s more than enough shelter to go around , especially if you include hotels , motels , resorts , storage spaces and empty office buildings .
“ What we have is a deep political crisis , a democracy crisis concerning control of the land and built infrastructure , which is not constructed to meet human needs or with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our species is to survive , it needs to get with the program , ” Akuno said .
“ Life will go on with us or without us .
We ’ re going to have to construct the society in which we live that is not just about accumulating until there ’ s nothing left to absorb , or take , or use , or exploit .
”

Actions planned across the country for Monday, June 1, will be themed around demands for housing justice.
Permutations of disaster are bearing down with such velocity on working-class people in the United States, it’s not easy to keep abreast — of the harms, but also of the welcome initiatives.
Jump-started by Cooperation Jackson co-founder and co-director Kali Akuno, a People’s Strike was announced on April 1 to inspire working-class people to think deeply about their futures and come to a shared commitment that concessions from power must be demanded, are worth struggling for and that steps must be taken to prepare materially for that struggle.
From now until further notice, on the first day of every month, the People’s Strike will birth a program of coordinated actions from coast to coast.
Actions planned across the country for Monday, June 1, will be themed around their housing justice demand, reducible to three main pillars:
Housing is a Human Right Decommodify Housing Now Open all available housing stock to those who need it now.
The People’s Strike provides the infrastructure and a shared home to kindred organizers who also wish to focus on preparation for the coordination and execution of a global general strike.
The People’s Strike has already been endorsed by Black Socialists in America, Red Bloom, Black Alliance for Peace, Black Workers for Justice, The Red Nation, Moms 4 Housing/Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, Pan-African Community Action, New Orleans Workers Group, National Lawyers Guild, Palestinian Youth Movement, Danby Road Cooperative, Harlem Solidarity and Defense, Take Back the Bronx, First Strike and the Center for Critical Thought.
California Organizes to Assert Housing Is a Human Right
“In Oakland, as everywhere, housing is a foundation to all of the fights,” said Carroll Fife, who directs the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE). “It’s the place you can recharge, it’s the place you can feel safe, it’s the place you can wash your hands.”
ACCE has been providing critical support for the Moms 4 Housing struggle that challenges the real estate speculators that push housing prices out of the reach of working-class people. Four Oakland moms and their kids moved in and fixed up an abandoned house in November 2019, asserting their right to be sheltered and to have their children sheltered too. They were ultimately evicted, but not before garnering international attention and support for their struggle, which is ongoing and growing.
“The unsheltered and those who are barely holding onto their shelter feel they have very little to lose,” Fife told Truthout, “and they’re willing to do more to resist.” The number of renters pledging to strike in the Bay Area was over 22,000 on May 1, and Fife expects a spike for June 1.
She cautions that financiers learned the wrong lessons from the crisis they precipitated in 2007 and 2008, from which they were bailed out, and are financializing rent just like they securitized mortgages.
“We’re always at risk, always in jeopardy, under that system,” Fife says, predicting that this scheme “will lead to even more devastation than a decade ago.”
She’s deeply concerned about the working class, post-COVID. “The system that held us in the margins pre-COVID is regrouping to make our lives even worse,” Fife says. “If we do not seize this moment right now, then the world we thought we knew will never be the same, and it will not be for our benefit, it will not be for our best good. The only way out of this is to organize.”
Rachel Jackson signed on as organizer of the People’s Strike in the Bay Area because it’s a chance to join with political kin in a network of affiliation that has strong principles, clear demands, an orientation that’s not sectarian and which allows for a diversity of tactics.
General strike is one of those seductive ideas that circulates every so often but has not been widely regarded as feasible in America. But now Jackson thinks the conditions on the ground, which she describes as “overlaying crises” — 40,000,000 newly unemployed people, the coming end of the eviction moratoria, continuing community spread of infection — are shifting that attitude, and appetite for more comprehensive unified action is growing.
“All an eviction moratorium means is that you can stay in your place for four or five months without paying rent, if you qualified, and when it ends, you’re going to get evicted anyway, owing $20,000 to $30,000,” she told Truthout.
Jackson says Bay Area landlords are already starting to include lists of shelters and housing search resources when they send out their rent notices. “Their position is, ‘Let’s be honest, you’re leaving,’” she said.
For June 1, the Bay Area People’s Strike is experimenting with actions, all of which are 100-percent masked and that strictly maintain physical distancing. Jackson has a public health background, and like all People’s Strike actions, these will emphasize model community-minded practices to try to help get mask use up to 70 percent in the community at large (it’s currently between 50-60 percent).
“It’s an education and outreach caravan where we really take the rally into the community,” she explained. “We’ll have a sound truck, we’ll make a couple of stops, go through the neighborhood, rolling slow.”
They’ll be simultaneously live streaming from the caravan and conducting a Zoom call, and will set up communication between the two technologies. Recordings of many of the actions planned nationwide will be blasted back out to the People’s Strike international broadcast on The People’s Strike YouTube, Facebook, Twitter and Instagram pages and on Pacifica.
Jackson’s sense of tragedy and feelings of rage and sadness are tempered by the growth she’s witnessing in the People’s Strike movement. Looking forward to the July 1 actions, she expects they’ll be even more intense with the advent of hurricane season, and the almost inevitable passing of more anticipated victims of the lower, longer curve of the virus — likely agricultural workers, unhoused people and prisoners.
“It’s [Hurricane] Katrina writ large,” she said. “We know nobody’s coming.”
Rent Strikes Are Organized in New York
Jamie Tyberg is the development director for New York Communities for Change (NYCC) and has been organizing People’s Strike actions in the northeast. Tyberg says rent strikes have been established in New York City, Buffalo, Rochester, Syracuse and Long Island under NYCC’s Cancel Rent campaign.
“It was obviously a risk because the situation is so unprecedented and no one knew what the response would be,” Tyberg told Truthout. “But a lot of the folks in our base are immigrants who’ve been impacted by war and economic sanctions, and they’re ready to take on a more militant tactic. Eventually, nonprofits will have to follow the base or become an obstacle to the base.”
NYCC’s strike pledge has almost 18,000 signatories, and will be extended throughout 2020. The group is working to expand who goes on strike to include small landlords with one or two buildings in the hopes they’ll express solidarity with their tenants.
Robert Cuffy, a court worker in New York City, does not organize directly for the People’s Strike because of the Taylor Law, a 1935 law prohibiting public sector employee strikes. But he’s organizing under the banner of the New York City Fight for our Lives Coalition, which is accommodating activists who must remain Taylor Law-compliant or risk losing their livelihoods.
“The COVID-19 pandemic has put urgency into the conversation,” Cuffy told Truthout. “In New York City, over 16,000 people have died, mostly working-class people, disproportionately Black people and in neighborhoods of the Bronx and Queens in areas of concentrated poverty.”
Adding insult to their grief, he points to civil rights violations occurring almost exclusively in Black neighborhoods where 45 of the 50 summonses for social distancing violations were issued to Black people, with at least one arrest involving brutality.
“Austerity is being pushed down the throats of New York City’s working class; they’re trying to resolve the financial aspects of this crisis by balancing budgets on the backs of working people,” Cuffy said. Some activists are urging union leaders to push back against the proposed $16 billion in cuts to every other department but the New York City Police Department.
Some People’s Strike actions are being planned on the down low to avoid attracting a heavy police presence. All of their actions, including protests, involve physical distancing for safety, and at one particular protest on Monday they’ll be distributing 40 red masks to participants who’ve been asked to wear red.
“I can’t tell you more,” he said. “But there’s a lot going on under wraps.”
The Housing Crisis Is Actually a Crisis of Democracy
Meanwhile, in Mississippi, Cooperation Jackson has been adding properties to its Community Land Trust as a bulwark against four different development plans that target its neighborhood for usurpation: a proposed Medical Corridor, the Downtown-One Lake Redevelopment initiative, a sports and entertainment complex and the Capitol Complex Bill or Downtown Annexation Bill. In Jackson Rising: The Struggle for Economic Democracy and Black Self-Determination in Jackson, Mississippi, Akuno writes: “Each initiative is at a different stage of development, but all have committed financial streams and widespread support amongst local and state elites.”
He also writes:
The political calculation of the reactionary forces pushing for displacement and seeking to profit from gentrification is that in order to break the bloc of radical political forces in Jackson, they have to reduce the Black population considerably. Based on deductions from the last two municipal elections,they have to get the Black numbers below 60% of the overall population. …This is why we are trying to hold the Fortification Line, as we need to ensure that the city retains at least 70% population of its present Black working class population in order to sustain the radical political orientation of the city.
Decommodification of the land is the starting point in Akuno’s thinking about housing justice issues — access, affordability and security.
“For us, that’s the first step to really instituting a broad decolonization program here in the United States,” Akuno told Truthout. “It means changing our relationship with the land, the Earth and each other. You can’t ‘own’ something that generates you in actual fact. We can use it, but not possess it — that’s the deep principle, which in turn requires a deeper commitment to democracy.”
He says there’s no “housing crisis” in the U.S. – there’s more than enough shelter to go around, especially if you include hotels, motels, resorts, storage spaces and empty office buildings.
“What we have is a deep political crisis, a democracy crisis concerning control of the land and built infrastructure, which is not constructed to meet human needs or with consideration of other species. But if our species is to survive, it needs to get with the program,” Akuno said. “Life will go on with us or without us. We’re going to have to construct the society in which we live that is not just about accumulating until there’s nothing left to absorb, or take, or use, or exploit.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-05-31--The Asian American Reply to Pandemic-Era Racism Must Be Cross-Racial Solidarity

Violence against Asian Americans and Asian immigrants has surged in response to COVID-19 .
Anti-Chinese rhetoric and racist misinformation spews from the top leaders of the U.S. as Asian communities are vilified as scapegoats for Trump ’ s “ Chinese virus.
” Racial health inequities , leading to disproportionate deaths in communities of color , intensify with each passing day .
All of this is occurring amid a backdrop of pre-existing structurally racist policies fueling and deepening public health crises , including the state-sanctioned police violence which continues to terrorize and Black lives every day , with the recent examples @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ahmaud Arbery and George Floyd .
Several articles by Asian American writers have thoughtfully detailed the history of anti-Asian racism in the U.S. , and others have come forward with stories of what happens when that history invades their present .
Former presidential candidate Andrew Yang wrote about his experience and misguided search for solutions via respectability politics in his now widely criticized op-ed .
Actor John Cho experienced racism as part of his daily life growing up , but through success acquired a sense of “ raceless-ness ” before COVID-19 brought explicit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surface .
For some Asian Americans , the coronavirus pandemic may have ushered in their first experiences of hearing hateful anti-Asian slurs , or feeling deeply traumatized by an atmosphere of palpable racial hostility .
A whirlwind of pain , fury and fear is blowing through Asian American communities , and many are expressing a deep sense of shock that this is happening .
At the same time , Black journalists and other writers have shared stories highlighting the systemic inequities that COVID-19 lays bare .
The virus disproportionately impacts Black , Brown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ structural reasons , namely the institutional racism embedded in our health care system , discriminatory housing , and labor and marketing policies , among countless other factors rooted in historical injustice .
Both perspectives are dedicated to denouncing racism , yet they stop short of a unifying message that links our oppression .
Few articles from an Asian-American point of view , for example , focus their outrage on COVID-19 ’ s impact in other communities of color , or on the pre-existing , everyday racism that laid the very foundation for today @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two streams of discourse , criticizing different facets of the same problem , feel alienated from each other , and reluctant to cross racial lines ?
Why is there a disconnect between recognizing that a coronavirus-fueled violent attack against an Asian family and state violence against Black and Latinx families are part of the same system of oppression ?
Asians can and should take time to grieve and process the trauma of what we ’ re experiencing .
But it ’ s also time to push our collective racial consciousness forward , past @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We need to contextualize this current moment as part of the larger story of American racial oppression .
The tactics used against us today are familiar ones , wielded throughout history against people from all racial backgrounds .
The idea of Chinese people as disease vectors or as perpetually foreign is not new ; it ’ s just a modern example of a long history of pathologizing communities of color .
HIV/AIDS and Ebola have been racialized and used to enact discriminatory policies toward Black and Brown people .
Anti-immigrant rhetoric continues to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they work during this pandemic to feed our nation .
As Asian Americans , we need to clearly recognize and set our targets on the common enemy : white supremacy .
In a much-appreciated display of racial solidarity , the NAACP released an early statement denouncing anti-Asian racism in the time of COVID-19 .
It is reminiscent of Frederick Douglass ’ s act of solidarity in denouncing the Chinese Exclusion Act , stating , “ I know of no rights of race superior to the rights of humanity.
” Likewise , we , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and responsibility to support Black , Brown and Indigenous people every day .
In comparison , we have a lot of work to do in examining our complex relationship and occasional complicity with white supremacy in the U.S. Once in a while in U.S. history , Asian Americans gain seemingly praising moments of acceptance , but make no mistake , these moments are temporary , conditional and strategic — just white America playing by the age-old saying of “ The enemy of my enemy is my friend , ” most famously evidenced by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” myth in the 1960s .
To this day , this harmful myth , borne out of anti-Black racism and strategic insincere flattery of Asian Americans , remains an all-too-effective wedge to divide communities of color .
Ultimately , it doesn ’ t matter how hard Asian Americans strive to perform white excellence or “ prove our American-ness.
” It doesn ’ t matter how many Oscars Parasite wins or how much people enjoy K-pop .
It ’ s clear to us now — it ’ s time to let go of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s time to take charge of our own narrative and grab hold of our own platform in the fight against racism .
First , we need to own up to the consequences of having accepted and encouraged racism for our own benefit .
For staying quiet when others have suffered ; for speaking out only when it got personal .
For buying into the model minority myth and not challenging our own deep-seated racism .
We need to unpack what it means that Tou Thao , a Hmong-American man , participated in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is complicit in perpetuating a policing culture characterized by excessive use of force .
We need to acknowledge and interrogate the ways in which our positions can make us vulnerable to acceptance and complicity in white heteropatriarchy .
We need to examine the complexity of how our diverse intersectional experiences vary not just between Asians and other people of color , but also within our “ Asian American ” label , given the truly vast cultural diversity and wide socioeconomic inequities that exist between Asian subgroups .
We need to do the work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leveraging it for the benefit of all people of color .
We need to interrogate our relative privilege , then leverage it for the good of all people of color .
We need to build on the work of those who fought before us and continue amplifying the lessons learned from successful historic movements coordinated with other communities of color , such as the United Farm Workers Union , Asians4BlackLives and many others .
Multiple Asian American organizations have released statements calling for Asian solidarity with Black Americans in response to recent and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Southeast Asia Resource Action Center ( SEARAC ) , National Asian and Pacific American Women ’ s Forum ( NAPAWF ) , Asian American Feminist Collective , and many other advocacy groups have channeled lessons from past anti-racist leaders like Yuri Kochiyama and Grace Lee Boggs , sending strong messages of solidarity standing up for Black lives now and always .
We need to actively organize and collectively refuse to uphold white supremacy in our institutions and in our economic and social systems built on racialized capitalism .
By connecting anti-Asian violence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by COVID-19 , including the public health emergency that is racist police violence , we have the opportunity to help strengthen all communities through solidarity while centering those most marginalized .
Pre-existing policies that cause racial inequity have all continued , even accelerated , through this pandemic .
Those in political power are trying to look like heroes , promising swift action to protect all people in this country — while simultaneously slashing Medicaid programs , continuing immigration raids , withholding support to Indigenous communities , rolling back environmental regulations and waiving affirmative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Who is going to suffer the most from environmental racism , from being imprisoned and detained , from living in a food desert ?
Policies that uphold racialized capitalism and white supremacy have not only continued , but in many cases , have been strengthened during this time .
In a post-pandemic world , let us not harken back to a false sense of comfort or a “ return to normalcy.
” Normalcy was intentionally built on centuries of racist policies intended to harm and divide communities of color .
Instead , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ organize toward a new normal for the future : one dedicated to dismantling systemic oppression and striving for collective liberation .
Want to help ?
If you have the financial ability to contribute funds , please donate to George Floyd ’ s family ’ s memorial funds , Centro de Trabajadores Unidos en la Lucha ( CTUL ) which organizes in the Twin Cities area , Reclaim the Block , Black Visions Collective , and National Bail Out .
The ideas expressed in this article are personal perspectives and do not represent the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ authors are affiliated .

Part of the Series Despair and Disparity: The Uneven Burdens of COVID-19
Violence against Asian Americans and Asian immigrants has surged in response to COVID-19. Anti-Chinese rhetoric and racist misinformation spews from the top leaders of the U.S. as Asian communities are vilified as scapegoats for Trump’s “Chinese virus.” Racial health inequities, leading to disproportionate deaths in communities of color, intensify with each passing day. All of this is occurring amid a backdrop of pre-existing structurally racist policies fueling and deepening public health crises, including the state-sanctioned police violence which continues to terrorize and Black lives every day, with the recent examples being the murders of Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery and George Floyd.
Several articles by Asian American writers have thoughtfully detailed the history of anti-Asian racism in the U.S., and others have come forward with stories of what happens when that history invades their present. Former presidential candidate Andrew Yang wrote about his experience and misguided search for solutions via respectability politics in his now widely criticized op-ed. Actor John Cho experienced racism as part of his daily life growing up, but through success acquired a sense of “raceless-ness” before COVID-19 brought explicit verbal and physical violence back to the surface. For some Asian Americans, the coronavirus pandemic may have ushered in their first experiences of hearing hateful anti-Asian slurs, or feeling deeply traumatized by an atmosphere of palpable racial hostility. A whirlwind of pain, fury and fear is blowing through Asian American communities, and many are expressing a deep sense of shock that this is happening.
At the same time, Black journalists and other writers have shared stories highlighting the systemic inequities that COVID-19 lays bare. The virus disproportionately impacts Black, Brown and Indigenous communities for a multitude of structural reasons, namely the institutional racism embedded in our health care system, discriminatory housing, and labor and marketing policies, among countless other factors rooted in historical injustice.
Both perspectives are dedicated to denouncing racism, yet they stop short of a unifying message that links our oppression. Few articles from an Asian-American point of view, for example, focus their outrage on COVID-19’s impact in other communities of color, or on the pre-existing, everyday racism that laid the very foundation for today’s inequities. Why do these two streams of discourse, criticizing different facets of the same problem, feel alienated from each other, and reluctant to cross racial lines? Why is there a disconnect between recognizing that a coronavirus-fueled violent attack against an Asian family and state violence against Black and Latinx families are part of the same system of oppression?
Asians can and should take time to grieve and process the trauma of what we’re experiencing. But it’s also time to push our collective racial consciousness forward, past insular self-awareness and toward cross-racial solidarity. We need to contextualize this current moment as part of the larger story of American racial oppression. The tactics used against us today are familiar ones, wielded throughout history against people from all racial backgrounds.
The idea of Chinese people as disease vectors or as perpetually foreign is not new; it’s just a modern example of a long history of pathologizing communities of color. HIV/AIDS and Ebola have been racialized and used to enact discriminatory policies toward Black and Brown people. Anti-immigrant rhetoric continues to be weaponized against Latinx farmworkers even as they work during this pandemic to feed our nation. As Asian Americans, we need to clearly recognize and set our targets on the common enemy: white supremacy.
It’s time to push our collective racial consciousness forward, past insular self-awareness and toward cross-racial solidarity.
In a much-appreciated display of racial solidarity, the NAACP released an early statement denouncing anti-Asian racism in the time of COVID-19. It is reminiscent of Frederick Douglass’s act of solidarity in denouncing the Chinese Exclusion Act, stating, “I know of no rights of race superior to the rights of humanity.” Likewise, we, as Asian Americans, have every impetus and responsibility to support Black, Brown and Indigenous people every day.
In comparison, we have a lot of work to do in examining our complex relationship and occasional complicity with white supremacy in the U.S. Once in a while in U.S. history, Asian Americans gain seemingly praising moments of acceptance, but make no mistake, these moments are temporary, conditional and strategic — just white America playing by the age-old saying of “The enemy of my enemy is my friend,” most famously evidenced by the creation of the “model minority” myth in the 1960s. To this day, this harmful myth, borne out of anti-Black racism and strategic insincere flattery of Asian Americans, remains an all-too-effective wedge to divide communities of color. Ultimately, it doesn’t matter how hard Asian Americans strive to perform white excellence or “prove our American-ness.” It doesn’t matter how many Oscars Parasite wins or how much people enjoy K-pop. It’s clear to us now — it’s time to let go of the fragile protection of white adjacency. It’s time to take charge of our own narrative and grab hold of our own platform in the fight against racism.
We need to clearly recognize and set our targets on the common enemy: white supremacy.
First, we need to own up to the consequences of having accepted and encouraged racism for our own benefit. For staying quiet when others have suffered; for speaking out only when it got personal. For buying into the model minority myth and not challenging our own deep-seated racism. We need to unpack what it means that Tou Thao, a Hmong-American man, participated in the police murder of George Floyd and is complicit in perpetuating a policing culture characterized by excessive use of force. We need to acknowledge and interrogate the ways in which our positions can make us vulnerable to acceptance and complicity in white heteropatriarchy. We need to examine the complexity of how our diverse intersectional experiences vary not just between Asians and other people of color, but also within our “Asian American” label, given the truly vast cultural diversity and wide socioeconomic inequities that exist between Asian subgroups.
We need to interrogate our relative privilege, then leverage it for the good of all people of color. We need to build on the work of those who fought before us and continue amplifying the lessons learned from successful historic movements coordinated with other communities of color, such as the United Farm Workers Union, Asians4BlackLives and many others. Multiple Asian American organizations have released statements calling for Asian solidarity with Black Americans in response to recent and past police violence. Powerful statements from the Southeast Asia Resource Action Center (SEARAC), National Asian and Pacific American Women’s Forum (NAPAWF), Asian American Feminist Collective, and many other advocacy groups have channeled lessons from past anti-racist leaders like Yuri Kochiyama and Grace Lee Boggs, sending strong messages of solidarity standing up for Black lives now and always.
We need to actively organize and collectively refuse to uphold white supremacy in our institutions and in our economic and social systems built on racialized capitalism. By connecting anti-Asian violence to the other types of racism exacerbated by COVID-19, including the public health emergency that is racist police violence, we have the opportunity to help strengthen all communities through solidarity while centering those most marginalized.
Pre-existing policies that cause racial inequity have all continued, even accelerated, through this pandemic. Those in political power are trying to look like heroes, promising swift action to protect all people in this country — while simultaneously slashing Medicaid programs, continuing immigration raids, withholding support to Indigenous communities, rolling back environmental regulations and waiving affirmative action obligations in federal coronavirus relief contracts. Who is going to suffer the most from environmental racism, from being imprisoned and detained, from living in a food desert? Policies that uphold racialized capitalism and white supremacy have not only continued, but in many cases, have been strengthened during this time.
In a post-pandemic world, let us not harken back to a false sense of comfort or a “return to normalcy.” Normalcy was intentionally built on centuries of racist policies intended to harm and divide communities of color. Instead, let’s innovate, reimagine and organize toward a new normal for the future: one dedicated to dismantling systemic oppression and striving for collective liberation.
Want to help? If you have the financial ability to contribute funds, please donate to George Floyd’s family’s memorial funds, Centro de Trabajadores Unidos en la Lucha (CTUL) which organizes in the Twin Cities area, Reclaim the Block, Black Visions Collective and National Bail Out.
The ideas expressed in this article are personal perspectives and do not represent the views of the institutions with which the authors are affiliated.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-06-01--Minneapolis Neighborhoods Defend Against Police and White Supremacists

As protests against racism and state violence continue nationwide following the killing of George Floyd , neighborhoods in Minneapolis are facing increasingly brutal police crackdowns and heavy militarization of the city by the National Guard .
And even as Minneapolis residents continue agitating against police violence , some are also organizing to defend themselves against the threat of violence from white supremacists who have been accused of coming to the city to burn buildings in neighborhoods of color and cause chaos .
“ So many incredible organizations in Minneapolis are doing powerful work to keep people safe in the streets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other targeted communities from the police and white supremacists ; rebuild our city ; feed people ; offer healing support and building long-term infrastructure to keep us safe from police , ” said members of the Black Visions Collective , an police abolitionist group in Minneapolis , in a letter to supporters of their Reclaim the Block initiative .
When I arrived in the Powderhorn neighborhood in South Minneapolis on Sunday night , two men were holding handguns and standing near a street corner .
It was two hours past the 8 p.m. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ breaking up protests that local media reported to be peaceful .
I had just returned from Lake Avenue , where businesses are boarded up after several nights of looting and fires .
The men introduced themselves as Michael and William , two neighbors who recently met and were now working together to run security for their block .
“ We are here protecting our block now , ” said William , a Latino man who believes that some of the “ people who are doing damage in Minnesota are … white supremacists.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Law enforcement officials claimed Sunday that white supremacist “ agitators ” had infiltrated demonstrations .
Over the weekend , social media posts warned that white supremacists had threatened to burn down houses flying Black Lives Matter flags .
Despite threats posted online by white supremacists , it remains unclear how much property damage in Minneapolis is the work of outside agitators .
Some have worried that narratives about white supremacists infiltrating the city are distracting from deep inequalities and endemic racism exposed by a homegrown rebellion .
William said the rage that exploded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Floyd has been building in communities of color for years .
Some people may complain that stores are closed , but there are reasons why protesters chose to loot and burn a nearby Target store , for example .
“ This is the people who [ are ] taking your money , these are the people who are paying low salaries now , ” William said .
At their posts in the Powderhorn , Michael and William eyed each car that slowly passed by ; they had just seen a car carrying four @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Another neighbor stopped by to tell them that packages of flammable liquids had been found in a nearby area .
Local media had also reported that similar stockpiles were discovered earlier in the day .
The area was quiet and still besides the hum of military helicopters circling overhead and the occasional siren and gunshot .
My host , a friend of friends who volunteered to put me up , said he saw law enforcement in a military vehicle open fire on a car and blow out the windshield on Saturday night @ @ @ @ @ @ @ William stood guard .
Minnesota Gov .
Tim Walz mobilized the National Guard over the weekend , bringing military vehicles into the city and making neighborhoods feel like war zones .
William said the people of Minneapolis must overcome racial divisions and unite in the face of white supremacy as well as police brutality , a longstanding problem here and across the United States .
“ Right now , this fight is a struggle together with the Blacks , Latinos , Native , women , people of color … the LGBTQ community … @ @ @ @ @ @ @ things that happened , we need to remember that we all need to be together , ” William said .
George Floyd was killed less than two miles away , as Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin pressed his knee to Floyd ’ s neck for over eight minutes .
Chauvin was arrested four days later and charged with murder after protests rocked the city .
Three other officers present during the arrest were fired but have not been charged .
Hundreds have been gathering daily at a vigil outside the Cup Foods deli @ @ @ @ @ @ @ counterfeit $ 20 bill before he was arrested and killed .
On Sunday evening , a couple of hours before I met Michael and William , a local reporter observed police firing what appeared to be rubber bullets at a few dozen people peacefully paying their respects at the vigil as the curfew went into effect .
At least 150 people were arrested a few miles away in downtown Minneapolis after police violently dispersed protesters to enforce the curfew .
Authorities warn that even peaceful protesters are subject to arrest if they defy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ central to the police strategy for breaking up ongoing demonstrations before night falls .
Earlier in the day , thousands of demonstrators were marching peacefully on a highway when a tanker truck barreled through and scattered the crowd .
The driver was dragged from the truck by protesters and later arrested .
No injuries were confirmed by The Star Tribune , the local newspaper in Minneapolis , but people across the city are speculating about the driver ’ s intentions .
A video posted to Twitter appears to show police officers in vehicles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same location .
Across the country , cops have lashed out with anger and violence at people protesting police violence .
Demonstrations in a number of cities have ended in clashes , with protesters responding by attacking police cars and government buildings .
“ We need real and concrete solutions to police brutality , ” William said .
“ The police brutality here in the U.S. is bad .
We have our children in jail , in cages , so we learn as Brown people how we lose a lot of our communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And what happened with George right now is not new , these things have been coming for years and years and years.
” Volunteers are circulating a letter written in Spanish and English in the Powderhorn neighborhood .
A group of neighbors met with their city councilor at a local park Sunday morning to discuss how to keep the community safe .
The letter warns that white supremacists from outside the city are “ taking advantage of this tragedy ” by starting fires and causing harm .
“ We can not rely on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so we are banding together to take care of our neighbors and help out as needed , ” the letter states .
The letter is signed , “ your neighbors.
” A Facebook group for Southside Minneapolis has been set up , reflecting “ a large network of smaller , location-oriented groups , ” according to the letter .
Volunteers with the local group are taking shifts walking the street with fire extinguishers .
Those on patrol are wearing bright colors to distinguish themselves .
They are moving trash cans and flammable materials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to have garden hoses and buckets full of water on hand .
I asked Mike , a Minneapolis native who said he knew Floyd , if he was worried about white supremacists after he pointed out another suspicious car on the road .
He said he was definitely “ concerned.
” “ Right now , we are just protecting our block — primarily , we have families and we ’ ve come together as a community , which has been very important , ” Mike said , adding that the crisis has brought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ d like to say that it ’ s been very effective also in terms of how we ’ ve organized , strategized and mobilized ultimately just to make sure that everybody is safe , and we ’ re seeing blocks surrounding us that are doing the same things , ” Mike said .
“ And if anything good comes out of that , I knew two neighbors on my block five days ago and now I know about 20.
” Tensions between the community and police have been simmering in Minneapolis for years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Thousands of complaints have been filed by members of the public against the Minneapolis police in recent years — Chauvin had at least 17 filed against him before killing Floyd — but cops are notorious for avoiding accountability .
Nationwide , police are known for resisting civilian oversight and dragging their feet in the face of reform efforts .
As media outlets focus on the nightly chaos , it can be easy to forget that the police themselves created the conditions for rebellion in Minneapolis and communities across the country by targeting communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lives .
Now , backed by the National Guard , the Minneapolis police are tasked by the government with “ restoring peace ” while brutally attempting to regain control of the city .
“ We don ’ t need the police , ” William said , citing the way the neighborhood has mobilized to protect itself throughout the past two nights .
“ We know exactly what we need to do .
We have a lot of people with experience on every block .
”

As protests against racism and state violence continue nationwide following the killing of George Floyd, neighborhoods in Minneapolis are facing increasingly brutal police crackdowns and heavy militarization of the city by the National Guard. And even as Minneapolis residents continue agitating against police violence, some are also organizing to defend themselves against the threat of violence from white supremacists who have been accused of coming to the city to burn buildings in neighborhoods of color and cause chaos.
“So many incredible organizations in Minneapolis are doing powerful work to keep people safe in the streets; defend Black, Indigenous, and other targeted communities from the police and white supremacists; rebuild our city; feed people; offer healing support and building long-term infrastructure to keep us safe from police,” said members of the Black Visions Collective, an police abolitionist group in Minneapolis, in a letter to supporters.
When I arrived in the Powderhorn neighborhood in South Minneapolis on Sunday night, two men were holding handguns and standing near a street corner. It was two hours past the 8 p.m. curfew that police were enforcing by violently breaking up protests that local media reported to be peaceful. I had just returned from Lake Avenue, where businesses are boarded up after several nights of looting and fires. The men introduced themselves as Michael and William, two neighbors who recently met and were now working together to run security for their block.
“We are here protecting our block now,” said William, a Latino man who believes that some of the “people who are doing damage in Minnesota are … white supremacists.”
William’s concerns are warranted: Law enforcement officials claimed Sunday that white supremacist “agitators” had infiltrated demonstrations. Over the weekend, social media posts warned that white supremacists had threatened to burn down houses flying Black Lives Matter flags.
Despite threats posted online by white supremacists, it remains unclear how much property damage in Minneapolis is the work of outside agitators. Some have worried that narratives about white supremacists infiltrating the city are distracting from deep inequalities and endemic racism exposed by a homegrown rebellion. William said the rage that exploded in the streets after the death of Floyd has been building in communities of color for years. Some people may complain that stores are closed, but there are reasons why protesters chose to loot and burn a nearby Target store, for example.
“This is the people who [are] taking your money, these are the people who are paying low salaries now,” William said.
“We cannot rely on our racist police force for protection, so we are banding together to take care of our neighbors and help out as needed.”
At their posts in the Powderhorn, Michael and William eyed each car that slowly passed by; they had just seen a car carrying four white men circle the neighborhood several times. Another neighbor stopped by to tell them that packages of flammable liquids had been found in a nearby area. Local media had also reported that similar stockpiles were discovered earlier in the day.
The area was quiet and still besides the hum of military helicopters circling overhead and the occasional siren and gunshot. My host, a friend of friends who volunteered to put me up, said he saw law enforcement in a military vehicle open fire on a car and blow out the windshield on Saturday night near the same corner where Mike and William stood guard. Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz mobilized the National Guard over the weekend, bringing military vehicles into the city and making neighborhoods feel like war zones.
Mike Ludwig
William said the people of Minneapolis must overcome racial divisions and unite in the face of white supremacy as well as police brutality, a longstanding problem here and across the United States.
“Right now, this fight is a struggle together with the Blacks, Latinos, Native, women, people of color … the LGBTQ community … and this time, with all the things that happened, we need to remember that we all need to be together,” William said.
George Floyd was killed less than two miles away, as Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin pressed his knee to Floyd’s neck for over eight minutes. Chauvin was arrested four days later and charged with murder after protests rocked the city. Three other officers present during the arrest were fired but have not been charged. Hundreds have been gathering daily at a vigil outside the Cup Foods deli where Floyd allegedly tried to spend a counterfeit $20 bill before he was arrested and killed.
On Sunday evening, a couple of hours before I met Michael and William, a local reporter observed police firing what appeared to be rubber bullets at a few dozen people peacefully paying their respects at the vigil as the curfew went into effect. At least 150 people were arrested a few miles away in downtown Minneapolis after police violently dispersed protesters to enforce the curfew. Authorities warn that even peaceful protesters are subject to arrest if they defy the curfew, which appears to be central to the police strategy for breaking up ongoing demonstrations before night falls.
Earlier in the day, thousands of demonstrators were marching peacefully on a highway when a tanker truck barreled through and scattered the crowd. The driver was dragged from the truck by protesters and later arrested. No injuries were confirmed by The Star Tribune, the local newspaper in Minneapolis, but people across the city are speculating about the driver’s intentions. A video posted to Twitter appears to show police officers in vehicles targeting protesters with pepper spray at the same location.
Across the country, cops have lashed out with anger and violence at people protesting police violence. Demonstrations in a number of cities have ended in clashes, with protesters responding by attacking police cars and government buildings.
“We need real and concrete solutions to police brutality,” William said. “The police brutality here in the U.S. is bad. We have our children in jail, in cages, so we learn as Brown people how we lose a lot of our communities and a lot of our children. And what happened with George right now is not new, these things have been coming for years and years and years.”
Volunteers are circulating a letter written in Spanish and English in the Powderhorn neighborhood. A group of neighbors met with their city councilor at a local park Sunday morning to discuss how to keep the community safe. The letter warns that white supremacists from outside the city are “taking advantage of this tragedy” by starting fires and causing harm. “We cannot rely on our racist police force for protection, so we are banding together to take care of our neighbors and help out as needed,” the letter states. The letter is signed, “your neighbors.”
Mike Ludwig
A Facebook group for Southside Minneapolis has been set up, reflecting “a large network of smaller, location-oriented groups,” according to the letter. Volunteers with the local group are taking shifts walking the street with fire extinguishers. Those on patrol are wearing bright colors to distinguish themselves. They are moving trash cans and flammable materials out of alleys and urging their neighbors to have garden hoses and buckets full of water on hand.
However, another letter from a different group of “white long-term residents” takes a different perspective, asserting that rumors about “white supremacists” allow white residents to pass the blame for gentrification and other problems impacting people of color and fueling the rebellion. The narrative about “white supremacists” coming to burn down houses is convenient for those who want to defend private property, but the defense of property over human life is why George Floyd is dead, the letter argues. It was the failure of white people to defend their neighbors of color that caused the current unrest.
“Are you cleaving to stories about cartels and hidden white supremacists directing a national revolt because you secretly want the world to return to normality where other people needlessly die but where you are at least assured of what tomorrow will look like?” the letter asks.
I asked Mike, a Minneapolis native who said he knew Floyd, if he was worried about white supremacists after he pointed out another suspicious car on the road. He said he was definitely “concerned.”
“Right now, we are just protecting our block — primarily, we have families and we’ve come together as a community, which has been very important,” Mike said, adding that the crisis has brought his neighborhood together.
“I’d like to say that it’s been very effective also in terms of how we’ve organized, strategized and mobilized ultimately just to make sure that everybody is safe, and we’re seeing blocks surrounding us that are doing the same things,” Mike said. “And if anything good comes out of that, I knew two neighbors on my block five days ago and now I know about 20.”
Tensions between the community and police have been simmering in Minneapolis for years, particularly in neighborhoods of color. Thousands of complaints have been filed by members of the public against the Minneapolis police in recent years — Chauvin had at least 17 filed against him before killing Floyd — but cops are notorious for avoiding accountability. Nationwide, police are known for resisting civilian oversight and dragging their feet in the face of reform efforts.
As media outlets focus on the nightly chaos, it can be easy to forget that the police themselves created the conditions for rebellion in Minneapolis and communities across the country by targeting communities of color, harassing people and taking lives. Now, backed by the National Guard, the Minneapolis police are tasked by the government with “restoring peace” while brutally attempting to regain control of the city.
“We don’t need the police,” William said, citing the way the neighborhood has mobilized to protect itself throughout the past two nights. “We know exactly what we need to do. We have a lot of people with experience on every block.”
Update: The three officers who stood by as George Floyd was killed were charged with aiding and abetting murder on Wednesday, June 3. This story was updated on Tuesday, June 2 with the additional neighborhood letter questioning the narrative about white supremacists.
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