truthout--2020-06-12--Mounting Pressure Forces Starbucks to Roll Back Ban on Supporting BLM at Work

Many corporations are trying to take advantage of heightened public outrage against police brutality and anti-Black racism following the police killing of George Floyd , penning statements saying “ Black Lives Matter , ” yet failing in practice to back their employees who express solidarity with related movements on the job .
But some of those companies are coming under heightening public pressure to end such policies that silence workers .
For example , Starbucks Coffee initially sent out a barrage of social media postings alleging its support for the movement for Black Lives , while earlier this week barring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the job .
Amid immense pressure to change its stance , the company announced on Friday it would allow workers to wear apparel backing the movement for Black Lives while at work .
Starbucks also plans to produce 250,000 t-shirts for those wishing to show their support as well , Forbes reported .
In a company wide memo , Starbucks wrote to its employees , “ We ’ ve heard you want to show your support , so just be you .
Wear your BLM pin or t-shirt.
” The announcement on Friday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policy , which some employees criticized as hypocritical .
In a tweet authored on June 4 , the company wrote that they are “ committed to taking action , learning , and supporting our Black partners , customers , and communities.
” “ Black lives matter , ” the company wrote in the first line of the tweet .
In a statement addressed to workers on May 30 , Starbucks CEO and President Kevin Johnson elaborated on the company ’ s promise to espouse a positive workplace for Black employees and customers .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ act with empathy and compassion .
And we honor our differences , always , ” Johnson wrote .
However , the company had instituted a strict policy against workers displaying their support for political issues , including the movement for Black Lives , prior to Friday ’ s announcement .
An internal memo to employees issued last week warned workers not to wear accessories or clothing that displayed messaging in support of the movement .
The company reminded workers about its policy against wearing apparel that “ advocated a political , religious or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by BuzzFeed News , suggested that the policy was for workers ’ own protection , as outside “ agitators ” may try to “ amplify divisiveness ” if such messaging was seen on employees ’ apparel .
At the same time , however , Starbucks workers had been encouraged , particularly during Pride Month , to wear LGBTQ+ accessories , even as workers themselves pointed out that they may face similar harassment from customers for doing so .
“ Starbucks LGBTQ+ partners wear LGBTQ+ pins and shirts that also could incite and create @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” a Black trans worker explained to BuzzFeed .
“ We have partners who experienced harassment and transphobia/homophobia for wearing their pins and shirts , and Starbucks still stands behind them.
” But it ’ s not only workers who have faced racism at Starbucks .
In 2018 , two Black men waiting for a third person to join them at a Starbucks store were arrested for trespassing after being told they had violated store policies .
The two men had reportedly told the store beforehand they were waiting for a third person @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happened , but a white store employee still called the police nevertheless .
The national headlines generated from the arrests prompted Starbucks to hold a company-wide training day on racism .
While some praised the training as providing positive insights on race that employees may not have been aware of before , others were more critical of the event , with one Black employee who took part noting that “ there were times where I felt they missed the mark.
” “ It seems like a lot of talking from the videos and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the employee told Time .

An internal memo had forbidden company employees from wearing apparel that supports the movement for Black Lives.
Many corporations are trying to take advantage of heightened public outrage against police brutality and anti-Black racism following the police killing of George Floyd, penning statements saying “Black Lives Matter,” yet failing in practice to back their employees who express solidarity with related movements on the job. But some of those companies are coming under heightening public pressure to end such policies that silence workers.
For example, Starbucks Coffee initially sent out a barrage of social media postings alleging its support for the movement for Black Lives, while earlier this week barring employees from displaying their support while on the job.
Amid immense pressure to change its stance, the company announced on Friday it would allow workers to wear apparel backing the movement for Black Lives while at work. Starbucks also plans to produce 250,000 t-shirts for those wishing to show their support as well, Forbes reported.
In a company wide memo, Starbucks wrote to its employees, “We’ve heard you want to show your support, so just be you. Wear your BLM pin or t-shirt.”
The announcement on Friday was a stark departure from previous company policy, which some employees criticized as hypocritical.
In a tweet authored on June 4, the company wrote that they are “committed to taking action, learning, and supporting our Black partners, customers, and communities.”
“Black lives matter,” the company wrote in the first line of the tweet.
In a statement addressed to workers on May 30, Starbucks CEO and President Kevin Johnson elaborated on the company’s promise to espouse a positive workplace for Black employees and customers.
“We are a family. We act with empathy and compassion. And we honor our differences, always,” Johnson wrote.
However, the company had instituted a strict policy against workers displaying their support for political issues, including the movement for Black Lives, prior to Friday’s announcement.
An internal memo to employees issued last week warned workers not to wear accessories or clothing that displayed messaging in support of the movement. The company reminded workers about its policy against wearing apparel that “advocated a political, religious or personal issue.”
The memo, obtained by BuzzFeed News, suggested that the policy was for workers’ own protection, as outside “agitators” may try to “amplify divisiveness” if such messaging was seen on employees’ apparel.
At the same time, however, Starbucks workers had been encouraged, particularly during Pride Month, to wear LGBTQ+ accessories, even as workers themselves pointed out that they may face similar harassment from customers for doing so.
“Starbucks LGBTQ+ partners wear LGBTQ+ pins and shirts that also could incite and create violent experiences amongst partners and customers,” a Black trans worker explained to BuzzFeed. “We have partners who experienced harassment and transphobia/homophobia for wearing their pins and shirts, and Starbucks still stands behind them.”
But it’s not only workers who have faced racism at Starbucks. In 2018, two Black men waiting for a third person to join them at a Starbucks store were arrested for trespassing after being told they had violated store policies. The two men had reportedly told the store beforehand they were waiting for a third person to arrive before ordering when the incident happened, but a white store employee still called the police nevertheless.
The national headlines generated from the arrests prompted Starbucks to hold a company-wide training day on racism. While some praised the training as providing positive insights on race that employees may not have been aware of before, others were more critical of the event, with one Black employee who took part noting that “there were times where I felt they missed the mark.”
“It seems like a lot of talking from the videos and not enough discussion from us,” the employee told Time.
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truthout--2020-06-12--Angela Davis on Movement Building, “Defund the Police” and Where We Go From Here

The uprising against police brutality and anti-Black racism continues to sweep across the United States and countries around the world , forcing a reckoning in the halls of power and on the streets .
The mass protests following the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis on May 25 have dramatically shifted public opinion on policing and systemic racism , as “ defund the police ” becomes a rallying cry of the movement .
We discuss the historic moment with legendary scholar and activist Angela Davis .
“ One never knows when conditions may give rise to a conjuncture such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ popular consciousness and suddenly allows us to move in the direction of radical change , ” she says .
“ The intensity of these current demonstrations can not be sustained over time , but we will have to be ready to shift gears and address these issues in different arenas.
” This is a rush transcript .
Copy may not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : This is Democracy Now !
, democracynow.org , The War and Peace Report , The Quarantine Report .
I ’ m Amy Goodman .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and racism continues to roil the nation and the world , bringing down Confederate statues and forcing a reckoning in city halls and on the streets , President Trump defended law enforcement Thursday , dismissing growing calls to defund the police .
He spoke at a campaign-style event at a church in Dallas , Texas , announcing a new executive order advising police departments to adopt national standards for use of force .
Trump did not invite the top three law enforcement officials in Dallas , who are all African American .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ THUGS ” and threatened to deploy the U.S. military to end , quote , “ riots and lawlessness.
” This is Trump speaking Thursday .
PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP : They want to get rid of the police forces .
They actually want to get rid of it .
And that ’ s what they do , and that ’ s where they ’ d go .
And you know that , because at the top position , there ’ s not going to be much leadership .
There ’ s not much leadership @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go the opposite way .
We must invest more energy and resources in police training and recruiting and community engagement .
We have to respect our police .
We have to take care of our police .
They ’ re protecting us .
And if they ’ re allowed to do their job , they ’ ll do a great job .
And you always have a bad apple no matter where you go .
You have bad apples .
And there are not too many of them .
And I can tell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them in the police department .
We all know a lot of members of the police .
AMY GOODMAN : Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden is also calling for an increase to police funding .
In an op-ed in USA Today , he called for police departments to receive an additional $ 300 million to , quote , “ reinvigorate community policing in our country.
” On Wednesday night , Biden discussed police funding on The Daily Show .
AMY GOODMAN : But many argue reform will not fix the inherently racist system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ movement began , Minneapolis has pledged to dismantle its police department , the mayors of Los Angeles and New York City have promised to slash police department budgets , and calls to “ defund the police ” are being heard in spaces that would have been unthinkable just a few weeks ago .
Well , for more on this historic moment , we are spending the hour with the legendary activist and scholar Angela Davis , professor emerita at the University of California , Santa Cruz .
For half a century , Angela @ @ @ @ @ @ @ influential activists and intellectuals in the United States , an icon of the Black liberation movement .
Angela Davis ’ s work around issues of gender , race , class and prisons has influenced critical thought and social movements across several generations .
She ’ s a leading advocate for prison abolition , a position informed by her own experience as a prisoner and a fugitive on the FBI ’ s top 10 wanted list more than 40 years ago .
Once caught , she faced the death penalty in California .
After @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s spent her life fighting to change the criminal justice system .
Angela Davis , welcome back to Democracy Now !
It ’ s great to have you with us today for the hour .
ANGELA DAVIS : Thank you very much , Amy .
It ’ s wonderful to be here .
AMY GOODMAN : Well , do you think this moment is a tipping point , a turning point ?
You , who have been involved in activism for almost half a century , do you see this moment as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ period of time you have lived through ?
ANGELA DAVIS : Absolutely .
This is an extraordinary moment .
I have never experienced anything like the conditions we are currently experiencing , the conjuncture created by the COVID-19 pandemic and the recognition of the systemic racism that has been rendered visible under these conditions because of the disproportionate deaths in Black and Latinx communities .
And this is a moment I don ’ t know whether I ever expected to experience .
When the protests began , of course , around the murder @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ahmaud Arbery and Tony McDade and many others who have lost their lives to racist state violence and vigilante violence — when these protests erupted , I remembered something that I ’ ve said many times to encourage activists , who often feel that the work that they do is not leading to tangible results .
I often ask them to consider the very long trajectory of Black struggles .
And what has been most important is the forging of legacies , the new arenas of struggle that can be handed down to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ often said one never knows when conditions may give rise to a conjuncture such as the current one that rapidly shifts popular consciousness and suddenly allows us to move in the direction of radical change .
If one does not engage in the ongoing work when such a moment arises , we can not take advantage of the opportunities to change .
And , of course , this moment will pass .
The intensity of the current demonstrations can not be sustained over time , but we will have to be ready to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ different arenas , including , of course , the electoral arena .
AMY GOODMAN : Angela Davis , you have long been a leader of the critical resistance movement , the abolition movement .
And I ’ m wondering if you can explain the demand , as you see it , what you feel needs to be done , around defunding the police , and then around prison abolition .
ANGELA DAVIS : Well , the call to defund the police is , I think , an abolitionist demand , but it reflects @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the demand .
Defunding the police is not simply about withdrawing funding for law enforcement and doing nothing else .
And it appears as if this is the rather superficial understanding that has caused Biden to move in the direction he ’ s moving in .
It ’ s about shifting public funds to new services and new institutions — mental health counselors , who can respond to people who are in crisis without arms .
It ’ s about shifting funding to education , to housing , to recreation .
All @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and safety .
It ’ s about learning that safety , safeguarded by violence , is not really safety .
And I would say that abolition is not primarily a negative strategy .
It ’ s not primarily about dismantling , getting rid of , but it ’ s about reenvisioning .
It ’ s about building anew .
And I would argue that abolition is a feminist strategy .
And one sees in these abolitionist demands that are emerging the pivotal influence of feminist theories and practices .
ANGELA DAVIS : Well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not only as addressing issues of gender , but rather as a methodological approach of understanding the intersectionality of struggles and issues .
Abolition feminism counters carceral feminism , which has unfortunately assumed that issues such as violence against women can be effectively addressed by using police force , by using imprisonment as a solution .
And of course we know that Joseph Biden , in 1994 , who claims that the Violence Against Women Act was such an important moment in his career — the Violence Against Women Act was couched within @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Crime Act .
And what we ’ re calling for is a process of decriminalization , not — recognizing that threats to safety , threats to security , come not primarily from what is defined as crime , but rather from the failure of institutions in our country to address issues of health , issues of violence , education , etc .
So , abolition is really about rethinking the kind of future we want , the social future , the economic future , the political future .
It ’ s about revolution @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : You write in Freedom Is a Constant Struggle , “ Neoliberal ideology drives us to focus on individuals , ourselves , individual victims , individual perpetrators .
But how is it possible to solve the massive problem of racist state violence by calling upon individual police officers to bear the burden of that history and to assume that by prosecuting them , by exacting our revenge on them , we would have somehow made progress in eradicating racism ?
” So , explain what exactly you ’ re demanding .
ANGELA DAVIS @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fundamental unit of society is the individual , and I would say the abstract individual .
According to that logic , Black people can combat racism by pulling themselves up by their own individual bootstraps .
That logic recognizes — or fails , rather , to recognize that there are institutional barriers that can not be brought down by individual determination .
If a Black person is materially unable to attend the university , the solution is not affirmative action , they argue , but rather the person simply needs to work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what is necessary in order to acquire the funds to pay for tuition .
Neoliberal logic deters us from thinking about the simpler solution , which is free education .
I ’ m thinking about the fact that we have been aware of the need for these institutional strategies at least since 1935 — but of course before , but I ’ m choosing 1935 because that was the year when W.E.B .
Du Bois published his germinal Black Reconstruction in America .
And the question was not what should individual Black people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and restructure post-slavery society in order to guarantee the incorporation of those who had been formerly enslaved .
The society could not remain the same — or should not have remained the same .
Neoliberalism resists change at the individual level .
It asks the individual to adapt to conditions of capitalism , to conditions of racism .

The uprising against police brutality and anti-Black racism continues to sweep across the United States and countries around the world, forcing a reckoning in the halls of power and on the streets. The mass protests following the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis on May 25 have dramatically shifted public opinion on policing and systemic racism, as “defund the police” becomes a rallying cry of the movement. We discuss the historic moment with legendary scholar and activist Angela Davis. “One never knows when conditions may give rise to a conjuncture such as the current one that rapidly shifts popular consciousness and suddenly allows us to move in the direction of radical change,” she says. “The intensity of these current demonstrations cannot be sustained over time, but we will have to be ready to shift gears and address these issues in different arenas.”
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report, The Quarantine Report. I’m Amy Goodman. As the nationwide uprising against police brutality and racism continues to roil the nation and the world, bringing down Confederate statues and forcing a reckoning in city halls and on the streets, President Trump defended law enforcement Thursday, dismissing growing calls to defund the police. He spoke at a campaign-style event at a church in Dallas, Texas, announcing a new executive order advising police departments to adopt national standards for use of force. Trump did not invite the top three law enforcement officials in Dallas, who are all African American. The move comes after Trump called protesters ”THUGS” and threatened to deploy the U.S. military to end, quote, “riots and lawlessness.” This is Trump speaking Thursday.
PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: They want to get rid of the police forces. They actually want to get rid of it. And that’s what they do, and that’s where they’d go. And you know that, because at the top position, there’s not going to be much leadership. There’s not much leadership left. Instead, we have to go the opposite way. We must invest more energy and resources in police training and recruiting and community engagement. We have to respect our police. We have to take care of our police. They’re protecting us. And if they’re allowed to do their job, they’ll do a great job. And you always have a bad apple no matter where you go. You have bad apples. And there are not too many of them. And I can tell you there are not too many of them in the police department. We all know a lot of members of the police. Related Story News Analysis | Prisons & Policing Camden Is Not a Blueprint for Disbanding the Police Using Camden as an example of how to “disband” a police department ignores that the city replaced cops with more cops. Truthout
AMY GOODMAN: Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden is also calling for an increase to police funding. In an op-ed in USA Today, he called for police departments to receive an additional $300 million to, quote, “reinvigorate community policing in our country.” On Wednesday night, Biden discussed police funding on The Daily Show.
JOE BIDEN: I don’t believe police should be defunded, but I think the conditions should be placed upon them where departments are having to take significant reforms relating to that. We should set up a national use-of-force standard.
AMY GOODMAN: But many argue reform will not fix the inherently racist system of policing. Since the global protest movement began, Minneapolis has pledged to dismantle its police department, the mayors of Los Angeles and New York City have promised to slash police department budgets, and calls to “defund the police” are being heard in spaces that would have been unthinkable just a few weeks ago.
Well, for more on this historic moment, we are spending the hour with the legendary activist and scholar Angela Davis, professor emerita at the University of California, Santa Cruz. For half a century, Angela Davis has been one of the most influential activists and intellectuals in the United States, an icon of the Black liberation movement. Angela Davis’s work around issues of gender, race, class and prisons has influenced critical thought and social movements across several generations. She’s a leading advocate for prison abolition, a position informed by her own experience as a prisoner and a fugitive on the FBI’s top 10 wanted list more than 40 years ago. Once caught, she faced the death penalty in California. After being acquitted on all charges, she’s spent her life fighting to change the criminal justice system.
Angela Davis, welcome back to Democracy Now! It’s great to have you with us today for the hour.
ANGELA DAVIS: Thank you very much, Amy. It’s wonderful to be here.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, do you think this moment is a tipping point, a turning point? You, who have been involved in activism for almost half a century, do you see this moment as different, perhaps more different than any period of time you have lived through?
ANGELA DAVIS: Absolutely. This is an extraordinary moment. I have never experienced anything like the conditions we are currently experiencing, the conjuncture created by the COVID-19 pandemic and the recognition of the systemic racism that has been rendered visible under these conditions because of the disproportionate deaths in Black and Latinx communities. And this is a moment I don’t know whether I ever expected to experience.
When the protests began, of course, around the murder of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor and Ahmaud Arbery and Tony McDade and many others who have lost their lives to racist state violence and vigilante violence — when these protests erupted, I remembered something that I’ve said many times to encourage activists, who often feel that the work that they do is not leading to tangible results. I often ask them to consider the very long trajectory of Black struggles. And what has been most important is the forging of legacies, the new arenas of struggle that can be handed down to younger generations.
But I’ve often said one never knows when conditions may give rise to a conjuncture such as the current one that rapidly shifts popular consciousness and suddenly allows us to move in the direction of radical change. If one does not engage in the ongoing work when such a moment arises, we cannot take advantage of the opportunities to change. And, of course, this moment will pass. The intensity of the current demonstrations cannot be sustained over time, but we will have to be ready to shift gears and address these issues in different arenas, including, of course, the electoral arena.
AMY GOODMAN: Angela Davis, you have long been a leader of the critical resistance movement, the abolition movement. And I’m wondering if you can explain the demand, as you see it, what you feel needs to be done, around defunding the police, and then around prison abolition.
ANGELA DAVIS: Well, the call to defund the police is, I think, an abolitionist demand, but it reflects only one aspect of the process represented by the demand. Defunding the police is not simply about withdrawing funding for law enforcement and doing nothing else. And it appears as if this is the rather superficial understanding that has caused Biden to move in the direction he’s moving in.
It’s about shifting public funds to new services and new institutions — mental health counselors, who can respond to people who are in crisis without arms. It’s about shifting funding to education, to housing, to recreation. All of these things help to create security and safety. It’s about learning that safety, safeguarded by violence, is not really safety.
And I would say that abolition is not primarily a negative strategy. It’s not primarily about dismantling, getting rid of, but it’s about reenvisioning. It’s about building anew. And I would argue that abolition is a feminist strategy. And one sees in these abolitionist demands that are emerging the pivotal influence of feminist theories and practices.
AMY GOODMAN: Explain that further.
ANGELA DAVIS: Well, I want us to see feminism not only as addressing issues of gender, but rather as a methodological approach of understanding the intersectionality of struggles and issues. Abolition feminism counters carceral feminism, which has unfortunately assumed that issues such as violence against women can be effectively addressed by using police force, by using imprisonment as a solution. And of course we know that Joseph Biden, in 1994, who claims that the Violence Against Women Act was such an important moment in his career — the Violence Against Women Act was couched within the 1994 Crime Act, the Clinton Crime Act.
And what we’re calling for is a process of decriminalization, not — recognizing that threats to safety, threats to security, come not primarily from what is defined as crime, but rather from the failure of institutions in our country to address issues of health, issues of violence, education, etc. So, abolition is really about rethinking the kind of future we want, the social future, the economic future, the political future. It’s about revolution, I would argue.
AMY GOODMAN: You write in Freedom Is a Constant Struggle, “Neoliberal ideology drives us to focus on individuals, ourselves, individual victims, individual perpetrators. But how is it possible to solve the massive problem of racist state violence by calling upon individual police officers to bear the burden of that history and to assume that by prosecuting them, by exacting our revenge on them, we would have somehow made progress in eradicating racism?” So, explain what exactly you’re demanding.
ANGELA DAVIS: Well, neoliberal logic assumes that the fundamental unit of society is the individual, and I would say the abstract individual. According to that logic, Black people can combat racism by pulling themselves up by their own individual bootstraps. That logic recognizes — or fails, rather, to recognize that there are institutional barriers that cannot be brought down by individual determination. If a Black person is materially unable to attend the university, the solution is not affirmative action, they argue, but rather the person simply needs to work harder, get good grades and do what is necessary in order to acquire the funds to pay for tuition. Neoliberal logic deters us from thinking about the simpler solution, which is free education.
I’m thinking about the fact that we have been aware of the need for these institutional strategies at least since 1935 — but of course before, but I’m choosing 1935 because that was the year when W.E.B. Du Bois published his germinal Black Reconstruction in America. And the question was not what should individual Black people do, but rather how to reorganize and restructure post-slavery society in order to guarantee the incorporation of those who had been formerly enslaved. The society could not remain the same — or should not have remained the same. Neoliberalism resists change at the individual level. It asks the individual to adapt to conditions of capitalism, to conditions of racism.


truthout--2020-06-12--Klobuchar Worked With Law Enforcement Group to Increase Police Budgets

As activists around the country work to defund police departments , the Democratic Party ’ s presumptive presidential nominee is considering a senator who worked to boost police department budgets as his running mate .
Minnesota Senator Amy Klobuchar , who is on Biden ’ s vice president shortlist , introduced legislation in 2018 to reauthorize a Department of Justice program called COPS on the Beat that provides grants to state and local law enforcement agencies to hire more officers and to increase the program ’ s funding from about $ 260 million per year to $ 400 million per @ @ @ @ @ @ @ endorsed by law enforcement lobbying groups including the Fraternal Order of Police , National Association of Police Organizations , and the National Sheriff ’ s Association .
“ Our bipartisan legislation would ensure this program is supported so local police departments can hire and provide needed training to law enforcement officers , ” Klobuchar said upon introducing her bill , which was co-sponsored by Sen. Lisa Murkowski ( R-Alaska ) .
Klobuchar ’ s bill did not become law , but its proposed budget of $ 400 million for the program did take @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million figure was endorsed in an April 2019 letter signed by 43 senators and that amount was made available for COPS on the Beat grants in FY2020 , according to the program ’ s website .
Last week , DoJ announced $ 393 million in grant awards under the program , which it says will allow 596 law enforcement agencies across the country to hire an additional 2,732 full-time law enforcement officers .
Klobuchar has received more campaign funding from police union and law enforcement PACs than all but one other member of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the Center for Responsive Politics .
Since joining the Senate in 2007 , Klobuchar has taken $ 15,000 from the National Fraternal Order of Police PAC .
The top Senate recipient of law enforcement PAC money is Sen. Pat Leahy ( D-Vt. ) , who has received $ 21,250 and co-sponsored Klobuchar ’ s bill .
The COPS on the Beat program was established by the 1994 crime bill that Joe Biden wrote when he was chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee .
According to the COPS Office , an entity created @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meant to “ increase community policing capacities and support crime prevention efforts.
” However , the meaning of “ community policing ” for purposes of the program — as John Jay College of Criminal Justice professor David M. Kennedy told The Appeal — has varied : “ different presidential administrations and congressional initiatives have used the COPS office as a vehicle for a wide range of funding and policy directions.
” Since 1995 , COPS on the Beat has provided law enforcement agencies with more than $ 19 billion , according to information @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than $ 10 billion of that funding was provided for programs to hire new police officers or rehiring officers who had been laid off .
A 2019 version of the COPS Reauthorization Act was drafted by Klobuchar and set to be introduced during National Police Week , according to a report by Akela Lacy for The Intercept , but congressional records indicate that the bill was never formally submitted .
An April 2019 legislative update from the National Association of Police Officers said the organization was working with Klobuchar on the legislation .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the COPS Improvement Act in multiple sessions of Congress .
The bill would codify the COPS office within federal law and establish several new programs within it , like a troops-to-cops program and an initiative to fund the development and use of new crime-prevention technologies .
The National Association of Police Officers says it “ worked closely with Senator Klobuchar ’ s staff as the bill was drafted , ” and the organizations issued a statement of support for it .
The National Fraternal Order of Police also endorsed the bill .
Joe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in their current forms , according to statements to the press made by his campaign , and he has been joined in his opposition to defunding by several high-ranking Democrats including House Majority Whip Jim Clyburn ( D-S.C. ) and House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerry Nadler ( D-N.Y. ) .
Before being elected senator in 2006 , Klobuchar was the top prosecutor for Hennepin County , which includes Minneapolis , elected to the position of county attorney in 1998 and reelected in 2002 .
During her tenure , Klobuchar declined to bring charges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ killed people , choosing instead to refer the cases to grand juries , a process that legal experts say often favors police and helps them avoid prosecution .
Klobuchar recently said that she regrets referring the cases to grand juries , but noted that the use of grand juries for officer-involved shootings “ was true in every jurisdiction across our state and many jurisdictions across the country .
”

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As activists around the country work to defund police departments, the Democratic Party’s presumptive presidential nominee is considering a senator who worked to boost police department budgets as his running mate.
Minnesota Senator Amy Klobuchar, who is on Biden’s vice president shortlist, introduced legislation in 2018 to reauthorize a Department of Justice program called COPS on the Beat that provides grants to state and local law enforcement agencies to hire more officers and to increase the program’s funding from about $260 million per year to $400 million per year. Klobuchar’s bill was endorsed by law enforcement lobbying groups including the Fraternal Order of Police, National Association of Police Organizations, and the National Sheriff’s Association.
“Our bipartisan legislation would ensure this program is supported so local police departments can hire and provide needed training to law enforcement officers,” Klobuchar said upon introducing her bill, which was co-sponsored by Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska).
Klobuchar’s bill did not become law, but its proposed budget of $400 million for the program did take effect this year. The $400 million figure was endorsed in an April 2019 letter signed by 43 senators and that amount was made available for COPS on the Beat grants in FY2020, according to the program’s website. Last week, DoJ announced $393 million in grant awards under the program, which it says will allow 596 law enforcement agencies across the country to hire an additional 2,732 full-time law enforcement officers.
Klobuchar has received more campaign funding from police union and law enforcement PACs than all but one other member of the Senate, according to data compiled by the Center for Responsive Politics. Since joining the Senate in 2007, Klobuchar has taken $15,000 from the National Fraternal Order of Police PAC. The top Senate recipient of law enforcement PAC money is Sen. Pat Leahy (D-Vt.), who has received $21,250 and co-sponsored Klobuchar’s bill.
The COPS on the Beat program was established by the 1994 crime bill that Joe Biden wrote when he was chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee. According to the COPS Office, an entity created to administer funds, the funds are meant to “increase community policing capacities and support crime prevention efforts.” However, the meaning of “community policing” for purposes of the program — as John Jay College of Criminal Justice professor David M. Kennedy told The Appeal — has varied: “different presidential administrations and congressional initiatives have used the COPS office as a vehicle for a wide range of funding and policy directions.”
Since 1995, COPS on the Beat has provided law enforcement agencies with more than $19 billion, according to information from the Congressional Research Service. More than $10 billion of that funding was provided for programs to hire new police officers or rehiring officers who had been laid off.
A 2019 version of the COPS Reauthorization Act was drafted by Klobuchar and set to be introduced during National Police Week, according to a report by Akela Lacy for The Intercept, but congressional records indicate that the bill was never formally submitted. An April 2019 legislative update from the National Association of Police Officers said the organization was working with Klobuchar on the legislation.
Klobuchar has also proposed a bill called the COPS Improvement Act in multiple sessions of Congress. The bill would codify the COPS office within federal law and establish several new programs within it, like a troops-to-cops program and an initiative to fund the development and use of new crime-prevention technologies. The National Association of Police Officers says it “worked closely with Senator Klobuchar’s staff as the bill was drafted,” and the organizations issued a statement of support for it. The National Fraternal Order of Police also endorsed the bill.
Joe Biden does not support defunding police departments in their current forms, according to statements to the press made by his campaign, and he has been joined in his opposition to defunding by several high-ranking Democrats including House Majority Whip Jim Clyburn (D-S.C.) and House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.).
Before being elected senator in 2006, Klobuchar was the top prosecutor for Hennepin County, which includes Minneapolis, elected to the position of county attorney in 1998 and reelected in 2002. During her tenure, Klobuchar declined to bring charges against several police officers who shot and killed people, choosing instead to refer the cases to grand juries, a process that legal experts say often favors police and helps them avoid prosecution. Klobuchar recently said that she regrets referring the cases to grand juries, but noted that the use of grand juries for officer-involved shootings “was true in every jurisdiction across our state and many jurisdictions across the country.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
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truthout--2020-06-12--Camden Is Not a Blueprint for Disbanding the Police

Nationwide protest surrounding the murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer has led to streets being renamed , greater solidarity among people and increased discussions about defunding and abolishing the police .
Although Mayor Jacob Frey disagrees , the Minneapolis City Council has pledged to disband the Minneapolis Police Department .
In the wake of this pledge , many pundits pointed to the case of Camden , New Jersey .
A city known for high crime rates , Camden underwent a major change when in 2013 , its municipal police department , the Camden Police Department ( CPD @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police unit , the Camden County Police Department ( CCPD ) .
However , what happened in Camden and the conversations taking place nationwide around disbanding police aren ’ t the same thing .
The CPD was under the authority of the mayor .
Their union was in direct negotiations with the city on wages and the department presided over a city known for its crime .
The CCPD by contrast is operated by the county government ; there is no police union for the county to contend with .
Statistics show the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violent crime .
Recent talk of disbanding police departments is about ending police violence — and in many cases — ending policing itself and delivering a semblance of power to the people .
What happened in Camden seven years ago was a policy decision that was one piece of a comprehensive initiative that took power out of the hands of Camden residents and placed it into the hands of the state ; it was municipal paternalism .
Dating back to the turn of the century , Camden , a majority Black and Latinx @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fate decided by the state of New Jersey with respect to its schools , its police and the city itself .
In 2002 , New Jersey implemented a municipal takeover of Camden city government whereby residents no longer had voting power as to its leader and thereby no elective say on how money would be spent .
The city still had a mayor — however , the governor appointed a chief operating officer who had the final say on all decisions .
Although Camden regained control of its affairs in 2010 , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shortfalls that compromised delivery of essential services .
Easy scapegoats were former mayors Arnold Webster and Milton Milan , but underlying all of Camden ’ s problems was the larger issue of systemic racism .
Zoning ordinances and rising housing prices were initiated specifically to keep Black and Latinx families out of New Jersey suburbs like Cherry Hill .
Jobs in Camden , particularly manufacturing jobs , left with white people as the population of Black people increased .
Any opportunity for the city to sustain a tax base , and for residents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the middle class , was gone .
Camden became a municipality where “ budget realities ” came at the cost of the will of the people , and thus Camden remained under the thumb of the state .
It ’ s why former Mayor Randy Primas , who was later an appointed chief operating officer of the municipal takeover in 2002 , agreed for Camden to house a state prison , a sewage facility and a trash incinerator while mayor for the duration of the 1980s , for example .
Nevertheless , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that led to the disbanding of the Camden Police Department decades later State aid was the method to meet the city budget .
However , the state felt the city allocated too much money to police .
Laying off officers wasn ’ t enough to convince the state to assist Camden another year .
In addition , Camden was consistently ranked as the most dangerous city in the United States according to FBI data compiled by CQ Press .
In 2009 , 2011 , 2012 and 2013 , Camden was ranked first ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are not without their critiques , but that is a topic for another piece . )
The state of New Jersey had a sincere opportunity to begin to transform the systemically racist structures that heavily contributed to Camden ’ s circumstances .
Instead , the state chose to remove one police department and replace it with another police department , an idea pushed by former Gov .
Chris Christie , county leaders and power broker George Norcross .
The CCPD is under the authority of the Camden County Board of Freeholders .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ longer have any semblance of direct control of the officers who patrol their streets .
Freeholders are elected by residents of Camden County .
The population of Camden City is 95 percent Black and Latinx contrasted to roughly 38 percent for all of Camden County .
White people in Camden County ultimately control how Black and Latinx residents are policed with their vote , without even living in the city of Camden .
Unlike residents of the city of Camden , non-Camden residents of the county chose to opt out of participating in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ part of the racism many white people conveniently fail to see .
When a group of residents filed a petition with the state to allow residents the opportunity to vote on disbanding its police , then-Mayor Dana Redd and City Council President Frank Moran ( who is the current mayor ) sued its own residents .
A court ruling was found in favor of the mayor and council president ; however , a New Jersey Superior Court later ruled that the Camden police reboot was done illegally .
Too little , too late @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most dangerous ” list as recently as this year , the CCPD continues to be touted as a model of reform .
In his 2015 visit to Camden , President Barack Obama praised Camden and the CCPD , calling it a symbol of promise for the nation .
Yet the CCPD has had its share of problems , including the use of excessive force and a lawsuit accusing the department of destroying evidence .
Between 2014 and 2018 , the department only sustained 4 of 158 excessive force complaints .
The CCPD became @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as recently as this year , to increase the number of officers on the street .
While the CCPD departed from its broken windows approach and Police Chief Joseph Wysocki acknowledges feedback from residents and embraces a de-escalation style of policing , chokeholds are still allowed — even as other cities like Denver and Minneapolis have banned their use .
As former West New York officer Rich Rivera said , “ Camden County Police epitomizes what a police department should look like on paper while simultaneously trampling on an individual ’ s civil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those organizing the current uprisings don ’ t think a police department should look like anything — on paper or otherwise .
At a time where activists are calling for defunding and/or abolishing police departments , the process surrounding the creation of the CCPD clearly doesn ’ t provide a blueprint .
The abolitionist organizers leading this movement know this very well , but mainstream pundits continue to lift up Camden as an example .
False portrayals of Camden ’ s police department may elicit a feel-good angle to frame how to “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policing , but revisionist history doesn ’ t serve anyone .

Using Camden as an example of how to “disband” a police department ignores that the city replaced cops with more cops.
Nationwide protest surrounding the murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer has led to streets being renamed, greater solidarity among people and increased discussions about defunding and abolishing the police. Although Mayor Jacob Frey disagrees, the Minneapolis City Council has pledged to disband the Minneapolis Police Department.
In the wake of this pledge, many pundits pointed to the case of Camden, New Jersey. A city known for high crime rates, Camden underwent a major change when in 2013, its municipal police department, the Camden Police Department (CPD), was replaced by a county-run police unit, the Camden County Police Department (CCPD). However, what happened in Camden and the conversations taking place nationwide around disbanding police aren’t the same thing.
The CPD was under the authority of the mayor. Their union was in direct negotiations with the city on wages and the department presided over a city known for its crime. The CCPD by contrast is operated by the county government, and while there is a police union for the county to contend with, it is a new police union; the union for the Camden police department was disbanded with the Camden police department. Camden County government gave itself a clean slate. Statistics show the CCPD has contributed to historic drops in violent crime.
Recent talk of disbanding police departments is about ending police violence — and in many cases — ending policing itself and delivering a semblance of power to the people. What happened in Camden seven years ago was a policy decision that was one piece of a comprehensive initiative that took power out of the hands of Camden residents and placed it into the hands of the state; it was municipal paternalism.
Dating back to the turn of the century, Camden, a majority Black and Latinx, working-class city, has had its fate decided by the state of New Jersey with respect to its schools, its police and the city itself. In 2002, New Jersey implemented a municipal takeover of Camden city government whereby residents no longer had voting power as to its leader and thereby no elective say on how money would be spent.
The city still had a mayor — however, the governor appointed a chief operating officer who had the final say on all decisions.
Although Camden regained control of its affairs in 2010, the city continued to deal with massive budget shortfalls that compromised delivery of essential services. Easy scapegoats were former mayors Arnold Webster and Milton Milan, but underlying all of Camden’s problems was the larger issue of systemic racism.
The residents of Camden no longer have any semblance of direct control of the officers who patrol their streets.
Zoning ordinances and rising housing prices were initiated specifically to keep Black and Latinx families out of New Jersey suburbs like Cherry Hill. Jobs in Camden, particularly manufacturing jobs, left with white people as the population of Black people increased. Any opportunity for the city to sustain a tax base, and for residents to establish the city as a bastion of the middle class, was gone.
Camden became a municipality where “budget realities” came at the cost of the will of the people, and thus Camden remained under the thumb of the state. It’s why former Mayor Randy Primas, who was later an appointed chief operating officer of the municipal takeover in 2002, agreed for Camden to house a state prison, a sewage facility and a trash incinerator while mayor for the duration of the 1980s, for example. Nevertheless, Camden still faced “budget realities” that led to the disbanding of the Camden Police Department decades later
State aid was the method to meet the city budget. However, the state felt the city allocated too much money to police. Laying off officers wasn’t enough to convince the state to assist Camden another year. In addition, Camden was consistently ranked as the most dangerous city in the United States according to FBI data compiled by CQ Press. In 2009, 2011, 2012 and 2013, Camden was ranked first; second in 2010. (These rankings are not without their critiques, but that is a topic for another piece.)
The state of New Jersey had a sincere opportunity to begin to transform the systemically racist structures that heavily contributed to Camden’s circumstances. Instead, the state chose to remove one police department and replace it with another police department, an idea pushed by former Gov. Chris Christie, county leaders and power broker George Norcross.
The CCPD is under the authority of the Camden County Board of Freeholders. This means that the residents of Camden no longer have any semblance of direct control of the officers who patrol their streets. Freeholders are elected by residents of Camden County. The population of Camden City is 95 percent Black and Latinx contrasted to roughly 38 percent for all of Camden County.
White people in Camden County ultimately control how Black and Latinx residents are policed with their vote, without even living in the city of Camden. Unlike residents of the city of Camden, non-Camden residents of the county chose to opt out of participating in a county police force.
This is part of the racism many white people conveniently fail to see.
When a group of residents filed a petition with the state to allow residents the opportunity to vote on disbanding its police, then-Mayor Dana Redd and City Council President Frank Moran (who is the current mayor) sued its own residents. A court ruling was found in favor of the mayor and council president; however, a New Jersey Superior Court later ruled that the Camden police reboot was done illegally.
Too little, too late.
Despite appearing in a similar “most dangerous” list as recently as this year, the CCPD continues to be touted as a model of reform. In his 2015 visit to Camden, President Barack Obama praised Camden and the CCPD, calling it a symbol of promise for the nation. Yet the CCPD has had its share of problems, including the use of excessive force and a lawsuit accusing the department of destroying evidence. Between 2014 and 2018, the department only sustained 4 of 158 excessive force complaints.
The CCPD became much whiter and received federal grants, as recently as this year, to increase the number of officers on the street.
While the CCPD departed from its broken windows approach and Police Chief Joseph Wysocki acknowledges feedback from residents and embraces a de-escalation style of policing, chokeholds are still allowed — even as other cities like Denver and Minneapolis have banned their use. As former West New York officer Rich Rivera said, “Camden County Police epitomizes what a police department should look like on paper while simultaneously trampling on an individual’s civil rights.”
Of course, many of those organizing the current uprisings don’t think a police department should look like anything — on paper or otherwise. At a time where activists are calling for defunding and/or abolishing police departments, the process surrounding the creation of the CCPD clearly doesn’t provide a blueprint. The abolitionist organizers leading this movement know this very well, but mainstream pundits continue to lift up Camden as an example.
False portrayals of Camden’s police department may elicit a feel-good angle to frame how to “disband” a police department to reform policing, but revisionist history doesn’t serve anyone.
CORRECTION: This article has been updated on June 18 to reflect that the CCPD has been represented by the FOP Lodge 218 since 2013.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-06-12--Trump Rally-Goers Required to Agree Not to Sue If They Contract COVID-19

To register for a spot at President Donald Trump ’ s first campaign rally since the Covid-19 pandemic shuttered much of the United States in March , prospective attendees must first agree not to sue either the Trump campaign or the venue if they contract coronavirus during the event — a requirement critics say is an attempt by the president ’ s team to evade responsibility for moving ahead with a hazardous indoor gathering .
“ By clicking register below , you are acknowledging that an inherent risk of exposure to Covid-19 exists in any public place where people are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the bottom of the registration form for Trump ’ s planned rally in Tulsa , Oklahoma on Juneteenth .
“ By attending the Rally , you and any guests voluntarily assume all risks related to exposure to Covid-19 and agree not to hold Donald J. Trump for President , Inc. ; BOK Center ; ASM Global ; or any of their affiliates , directors , officers , employees , agents , contractors , or volunteers liable for any illness or injury.
” Oklahoma , which began reopening its economy last month , has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at least 357 deaths .
The president ’ s Tulsa rally is slated to take place inside the BOK Center , which boasts a seat capacity of nearly 19,200 .
As the Associated Press reported , “ arena marketing director Meghan Blood said Thursday that she didn ’ t know yet about any plans for social distancing or other coronavirus precautions for Trump ’ s rally , which would be one of the larger public gatherings in the U.S. at this stage of the outbreak.
” The Trump campaign said the president will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ North Carolina , and Arizona — three states that are currently seeing a surge in new Covid-19 infections .
Catherine Sharkey , a professor at New York University School of Law , told CNN Thursday that liability waivers are likely to become commonplace in the U.S. as states continue the process reopening their economies .
“ They only give limited protections , so they never would protect against , for example , gross negligence or recklessness , ” said Sharkey .
“ One could argue that holding a large public gathering that will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which they ’ re not able to do social distancing or follow the directive of the CDC , et cetera .
One could argue that is grossly negligent.
” Robert Weissman , president of consumer advocacy group Public Citizen , warned in a statement late Thursday that indoor campaign rallies “ are extremely likely to spread the coronavirus , particularly if Trump discourages attendees from wearing masks either explicitly or by example.
” “ The Trump campaign may have shied away from such a move if it could be held accountable for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likely to follow , ” said Weissman .
“ Instead , it aims to escape liability and any measure of accountability by forcing attendees to waive their rights through contract terms that they are unlikely even to notice.
” “ Immunity from lawsuits encourages irresponsible and reckless behavior , and undermines public health , as the Trump campaign is now shamefully making clear , ” Weissman added .
“ Congress must learn from the bad Trump campaign example and protect the rights of workers , patients , and consumers .
That means no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in unreasonable conduct that endangers people by exposing them to the coronavirus.
” Political scientist Miranda Yaver tweeted that the president knows “ his campaign rallies have significant potential to be super-spreader events , especially as many states see increases in coronavirus cases and hospitalizations.
” “ He doesn ’ t care , so long as he ’ s not liable , ” Yaver wrote .
“ Classic Trump .
”

The rallies have potential to be super-spreader events, especially as states see increases in COVID cases.
To register for a spot at President Donald Trump’s first campaign rally since the Covid-19 pandemic shuttered much of the United States in March, prospective attendees must first agree not to sue either the Trump campaign or the venue if they contract coronavirus during the event — a requirement critics say is an attempt by the president’s team to evade responsibility for moving ahead with a hazardous indoor gathering.
“By clicking register below, you are acknowledging that an inherent risk of exposure to Covid-19 exists in any public place where people are present,” reads a paragraph at the bottom of the registration form for Trump’s planned rally in Tulsa, Oklahoma on Juneteenth. “By attending the Rally, you and any guests voluntarily assume all risks related to exposure to Covid-19 and agree not to hold Donald J. Trump for President, Inc.; BOK Center; ASM Global; or any of their affiliates, directors, officers, employees, agents, contractors, or volunteers liable for any illness or injury.”
Oklahoma, which began reopening its economy last month, has recorded more than 7,600 coronavirus cases and at least 357 deaths. The president’s Tulsa rally is slated to take place inside the BOK Center, which boasts a seat capacity of nearly 19,200.
As the Associated Press reported, “arena marketing director Meghan Blood said Thursday that she didn’t know yet about any plans for social distancing or other coronavirus precautions for Trump’s rally, which would be one of the larger public gatherings in the U.S. at this stage of the outbreak.”
The Trump campaign said the president will also soon hold rallies in Florida, North Carolina, and Arizona — three states that are currently seeing a surge in new Covid-19 infections.
Catherine Sharkey, a professor at New York University School of Law, told CNN Thursday that liability waivers are likely to become commonplace in the U.S. as states continue the process reopening their economies.
“They only give limited protections, so they never would protect against, for example, gross negligence or recklessness,” said Sharkey. “One could argue that holding a large public gathering that will draw people together in a context in which they’re not able to do social distancing or follow the directive of the CDC, et cetera. One could argue that is grossly negligent.”
Unreal. As Trump resumes indoor rallies, his campaign has implemented a new policy that attendees CANNOT SUE if they contract coronavirus at an event. Trump supporters, please think about what this means: the man does not care if you live or die.https://t.co/T64Niw5ULn — Public Citizen (@Public_Citizen) June 12, 2020
Robert Weissman, president of consumer advocacy group Public Citizen, warned in a statement late Thursday that indoor campaign rallies “are extremely likely to spread the coronavirus, particularly if Trump discourages attendees from wearing masks either explicitly or by example.”
“The Trump campaign may have shied away from such a move if it could be held accountable for the resulting illness and potential deaths that are likely to follow,” said Weissman. “Instead, it aims to escape liability and any measure of accountability by forcing attendees to waive their rights through contract terms that they are unlikely even to notice.”
“Immunity from lawsuits encourages irresponsible and reckless behavior, and undermines public health, as the Trump campaign is now shamefully making clear,” Weissman added. “Congress must learn from the bad Trump campaign example and protect the rights of workers, patients, and consumers. That means no immunity for businesses and entities that engage in unreasonable conduct that endangers people by exposing them to the coronavirus.”
Political scientist Miranda Yaver tweeted that the president knows “his campaign rallies have significant potential to be super-spreader events, especially as many states see increases in coronavirus cases and hospitalizations.”
“He doesn’t care, so long as he’s not liable,” Yaver wrote. “Classic Trump.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-06-12--Congress Members Obtain COVID-19 Loans Through Small Business Program

Members of Congress obtained disaster loans for their businesses through the Small Business Administration ’ s Paycheck Protection Program ( PPP ) .
The program has been embroiled in controversy since it launched in March .
Large corporations received multimillion-dollar loans .
Minority-owned businesses were shut out of aid .
According to news reports , Texas Representative Roger Williams and Missouri Representative Vicky Hartzler both received PPP loans for companies they own , indicating a clear conflict of interest regarding the program ’ s distribution of federal aid .
“ We applied through our local bank and have been able @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and prevent their families from experiencing further hardships during this unprecedented pandemic , ” the company said in a statement .
The dealership did not specify the loan ’ s amount and Williams did not respond to repeated requests for comment for this story .
“ This is a man who used his position of power and influence to get into that two-week window , ” said Julie Oliver , his general election opponent .
She told Shadowproof his wife and children are employed by the dealership .
“ Were they the beneficiaries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ businesses in our district ?
” Williams ’ most recent financial disclosure report indicates his wife makes nearly $ 80,000 annually from the dealership .
In Missouri , Hartzler ’ s husband , Lowell Hartzler , applied for PPP loans for the family ’ s businesses .
“ As small business owners , my husband Lowell and I…took action to ensure the continued ability to maintain the employment of all team members during this time , ” Hartzler said in a press release on her website .
“ Like millions of small businesses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ businesses in Missouri , our family businesses applied for and received PPP loans to ensure our employees could remain employed and the business could pay expenses.
” Hartzler did not clarify which businesses were granted the loans and for how much .
Her most recently filed financial disclosure report from 2018 indicates that Hartzler ’ s family owns farms and a tractor company .
Hartzler defended her decision to not support a ninth congressional oversight committee for the Coronavirus Aid , Relief , and Economic Security ( CARES ) Act .
She said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The congresswoman did not respond to repeated requests for comment .
“ We Haven ’ t Even Gotten a Response to Our Application ” Under the CARES Act , the PPP is designed to help small businesses ( those with 500 or fewer employees ) and businesses in some industries with more than 500 employees maintain their payrolls and pay other expenses like rent , mortgages , utilities , and interests .
These loans do not need to be repaid if the company keeps their staff on payroll for eight weeks .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ roughly $ 67 million and is one of the richest members of Congress , according to the Center for Responsive Politics .
Hartzler ’ s net worth is more than $ 9 million , and she is one of the top 100 richest Congress members .
While Williams and Hartzler secured disaster loans , many small businesses are still struggling to obtain relief .
“ We haven ’ t even gotten a response to our application for our very small business .
Crickets , ” Deborah Smith Photography said in a tweet .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ have yet to receive to PPP assistance , according to a recent U.S. Census Bureau survey of 90,000 small businesses .
Small business owners have reported website glitches , application submissions falling on deaf ears , and too many rigid rules that won ’ t help keep their companies afloat .
Corporate behemoths , however , have been able to access PPP funds .
That includes corporations , who have representatives ’ spouses on their payroll .
Fiesta Group Inc. , a publicly traded company , received two federal loans totaling $ 15 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who is Florida Representative Debbie Mucarsel-Powell ’ s husband , is the vice president for legal at Fiesta Group .
According to Securities and Exchange Commission ( SEC ) filings , Fiesta Group returned the monies after fervent public backlash .
Seventy-four members of Congress ( including Williams and Hartzler ) own businesses or have relatives or spouses who own businesses .
These businesses — large and small — range from farms , ranches , real estate and marketing agencies , automotive dealerships , construction companies , law , consulting , and investment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , distilleries , plumbers , pharmacies , and dentistry practices .
The list of members includes representatives and senators with an estimated net worth topping $ 20 million and reaching into the hundreds of millions of dollars , like Senator Dianne Feinstein ( D-Calif. ) , Representative Rick Allen ( R-Georgia ) , Representative Markwayne Mullin ( R-Oklahoma ) , and Representative Vernon Buchanan ( R-Florida ) .
Of this number , only 14 of them responded to repeated inquiries stating that they did not apply for federal loans , including those with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ D-Virginia ) , Representative Buddy Carter ( R-Georgia ) , Representative Scott Peters ( D-Calif. ) , Senator Mike Braun ( R-Indiana ) , Representative John Rose ( R-Tenn. ) , and Representative .
Jim Costa ( D-Calif. ) .
The CARES Act does contain a conflict of interest provision prohibiting members of Congress or their immediate families from receiving aid .
However , as detailed in a House Ethics Committee memorandum released in April , this clause is only restricted to emergency relief funds .
“ The prohibition in § 4019 of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emergency relief funds described in § 4003 .
Thus , members or businesses in which members or certain individuals in their immediate family have an ownership interest may be able to apply for assistance under other parts of the CARES Act , such as the Paycheck Protection Program , ” the memo reads .
This subtle loophole has permitted lawmakers like Williams and Hartzler to circumvent potential conflicts of interest and access government relief .
Both the Ethics Committee and the SBA declined to comment .
In response to politicians and corporations benefiting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( D-Calif. ) introduced legislation this month to make PPP data public .
“ Full transparency of PPP data is the only way to quickly and fairly show who is using this program to line their pockets , ” Porters declared .
Just a couple days before her announcement , Porter criticized Williams for taking out a loan and called for greater transparency of the relief program .
“ His estimated net worth is in the tens of millions , but he still took out a PPP loan for his car dealership instead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the payroll , ” Porter wrote in an editorial for NBC News .
“ Williams could afford to pay his workers for months and still be in the richest 1 percent of Americans , but instead he ’ s passing those costs onto taxpayers.
” Oliver commended Porter on her proposed bill .
“ If we don ’ t have that measure of accountability and transparency , then the questions can be asked , ” Oliver added .
As the famous saying by historian John Dalberg-Acton goes , “ Power tends to corrupt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And so , without a clear check on power , political corruption runs wild .

Large corporations have received millions in loans while Black and Latino-owned businesses were shut out.
Members of Congress obtained disaster loans for their businesses through the Small Business Administration’s Paycheck Protection Program (PPP).
The program has been embroiled in controversy since it launched in March. Large corporations received multimillion-dollar loans. Minority-owned businesses were shut out of aid.
According to news reports, Texas Representative Roger Williams and Missouri Representative Vicky Hartzler both received PPP loans for companies they own, indicating a clear conflict of interest regarding the program’s distribution of federal aid.
Roger Williams Chrysler Dodge Jeep told the Dallas Morning News the dealership received a PPP loan.
“We applied through our local bank and have been able to keep over 100 employees on payroll and prevent their families from experiencing further hardships during this unprecedented pandemic,” the company said in a statement. The dealership did not specify the loan’s amount and Williams did not respond to repeated requests for comment for this story.
“This is a man who used his position of power and influence to get into that two-week window,” said Julie Oliver, his general election opponent. She told Shadowproof his wife and children are employed by the dealership. “Were they the beneficiaries of PPP to the detriment of small businesses in our district?”
Williams’ most recent financial disclosure report indicates his wife makes nearly $80,000 annually from the dealership.
In Missouri, Hartzler’s husband, Lowell Hartzler, applied for PPP loans for the family’s businesses.
“As small business owners, my husband Lowell and I…took action to ensure the continued ability to maintain the employment of all team members during this time,” Hartzler said in a press release on her website. “Like millions of small businesses across the country and nearly 47,000 small businesses in Missouri, our family businesses applied for and received PPP loans to ensure our employees could remain employed and the business could pay expenses.”
Hartzler did not clarify which businesses were granted the loans and for how much.
Her most recently filed financial disclosure report from 2018 indicates that Hartzler’s family owns farms and a tractor company.
Hartzler defended her decision to not support a ninth congressional oversight committee for the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act. She said she already supported three other such committees.
The congresswoman did not respond to repeated requests for comment.
“We Haven’t Even Gotten a Response to Our Application”
Under the CARES Act, the PPP is designed to help small businesses (those with 500 or fewer employees) and businesses in some industries with more than 500 employees maintain their payrolls and pay other expenses like rent, mortgages, utilities, and interests. These loans do not need to be repaid if the company keeps their staff on payroll for eight weeks.
Members of Congress receiving PPP loans for their businesses raises questions about favoritism in the process. Transparency about which companies are receiving these loans is crucial.https://t.co/BAvlOD8Bpw — Citizens for Ethics (@CREWcrew) May 4, 2020
Williams has an average net worth of roughly $67 million and is one of the richest members of Congress, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.
Hartzler’s net worth is more than $9 million, and she is one of the top 100 richest Congress members.
While Williams and Hartzler secured disaster loans, many small businesses are still struggling to obtain relief.
“We haven’t even gotten a response to our application for our very small business. Crickets,” Deborah Smith Photography said in a tweet.
More than 30 percent of small businesses have yet to receive to PPP assistance, according to a recent U.S. Census Bureau survey of 90,000 small businesses.
Small business owners have reported website glitches, application submissions falling on deaf ears, and too many rigid rules that won’t help keep their companies afloat.
Corporate behemoths, however, have been able to access PPP funds. That includes corporations, who have representatives’ spouses on their payroll.
Fiesta Group Inc., a publicly traded company, received two federal loans totaling $15 million in April. Robert Powell, who is Florida Representative Debbie Mucarsel-Powell’s husband, is the vice president for legal at Fiesta Group.
According to Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) filings, Fiesta Group returned the monies after fervent public backlash.
Seventy-four members of Congress (including Williams and Hartzler) own businesses or have relatives or spouses who own businesses. These businesses — large and small — range from farms, ranches, real estate and marketing agencies, automotive dealerships, construction companies, law, consulting, and investment firms, manufacturers, and even salons, distilleries, plumbers, pharmacies, and dentistry practices.
The list of members includes representatives and senators with an estimated net worth topping $20 million and reaching into the hundreds of millions of dollars, like Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), Representative Rick Allen (R-Georgia), Representative Markwayne Mullin (R-Oklahoma), and Representative Vernon Buchanan (R-Florida).
Of this number, only 14 of them responded to repeated inquiries stating that they did not apply for federal loans, including those with considerable wealth: Representative Don Beyer (D-Virginia), Representative Buddy Carter (R-Georgia), Representative Scott Peters (D-Calif.), Senator Mike Braun (R-Indiana), Representative John Rose (R-Tenn.), and Representative. Jim Costa (D-Calif.).
The CARES Act does contain a conflict of interest provision prohibiting members of Congress or their immediate families from receiving aid. However, as detailed in a House Ethics Committee memorandum released in April, this clause is only restricted to emergency relief funds.
“The prohibition in § 4019 of the CARES Act is limited to the emergency relief funds described in § 4003. Thus, members or businesses in which members or certain individuals in their immediate family have an ownership interest may be able to apply for assistance under other parts of the CARES Act, such as the Paycheck Protection Program,” the memo reads.
This subtle loophole has permitted lawmakers like Williams and Hartzler to circumvent potential conflicts of interest and access government relief.
Both the Ethics Committee and the SBA declined to comment.
Bill Proposed to Make Loans to Elected Officials Public
In response to politicians and corporations benefiting from the program, Representative Katie Porter (D-Calif.) introduced legislation this month to make PPP data public.
“Full transparency of PPP data is the only way to quickly and fairly show who is using this program to line their pockets,” Porters declared.
Just a couple days before her announcement, Porter criticized Williams for taking out a loan and called for greater transparency of the relief program.
“His estimated net worth is in the tens of millions, but he still took out a PPP loan for his car dealership instead of chipping in to keep workers on the payroll,” Porter wrote in an editorial for NBC News. “Williams could afford to pay his workers for months and still be in the richest 1 percent of Americans, but instead he’s passing those costs onto taxpayers.”
Oliver commended Porter on her proposed bill. “If we don’t have that measure of accountability and transparency, then the questions can be asked,” Oliver added.
As the famous saying by historian John Dalberg-Acton goes, “Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.” And so, without a clear check on power, political corruption runs wild.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-06-13--The US Has Much to Gain From Increasing Scientific Cooperation With Cuba

For most of the past 60 years , the United States and Cuba have had very limited diplomatic ties .
President Barack Obama started the process of normalizing U.S.-Cuba relations , but the Trump administration reversed this policy , sharply reducing interactions between the two countries .
Scientific cooperation is a bright spot in this difficult history .
Since the 19th century , U.S. institutions like the Smithsonian and the National Academy of Sciences have worked with Cuban counterparts to understand topics such as vector-borne disease transmission .
Although political friction has often made such partnerships challenging , many scientists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to gain by tackling health and environmental challenges together .
We are geoscientists who study how landscapes change through processes such as erosion .
For the past two and a half years , we and our team of U.S. scientists have been working with Cuban geoscientists to understand the environmental and water quality effects of progressive agricultural policies in Cuba .
In a recently published study , we show that Cuban rivers are cleaner than the mighty Mississippi .
Why ?
Because Cuban farmers practice organic farming and conservation agriculture to reduce soil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Cuba is doing a better job than the U.S. at keeping farming from hurting its rivers , and its results offer useful lessons .
Cuban rivers run from the mountains to the ocean through cow-filled pastures , fields of sugar cane and rice paddies , forests , wetlands and mangroves .
Along the way , groundwater seeps into river channels from below .
When heavy thunderstorms strike , water pours off the land .
These flows carry soil and dissolved material into streams , which deliver this load to the coast .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ thickets , underwater seagrass beds and some of the Caribbean ’ s best-preserved coral reefs .
We became interested in teaming with Cuban scientists because of their nation ’ s country-wide experiment in organic agriculture dating back to the late 1980s .
When the Soviet Union , Cuba ’ s former trading partner , broke apart , Cuban farmers lost access to fertilizers , pesticides and heavy equipment , and had to adopt a more ecologically based aproach .
Could their experience provide a blueprint for more sustainable approaches to feeding the world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ find Cuban collaborators .
Supported by the U.S. National Science Foundation and the Centro de Estudios Ambientales de Cienfuegos , the research we are doing in Cuba builds on measurements we have done all over the world .
For this study we analyzed water samples from each of 25 rivers in central Cuba , looking for elements from across the periodic table and for bacteria .
Our first results show that Cuba ’ s sustainable agricultural practices minimize the impact of agriculture on river water quality by reducing the amount of nitrogen fertilizer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ waters .
Cuban farmers use about half as much fertilizer for each acre of farmland than their U.S. counterparts ( 3 versus 6 tons per square kilometer per year in 2016 ) .
As a result , rivers in central Cuba contain much lower concentrations of dissolved nitrogen than the Mississippi River , which drains more than 1 million square miles of America ’ s agricultural heartland .
On average , the Cuban rivers we analyzed contained 0.76 milligrams of nitrogen per liter of water , compared to 1.3 milligrams per liter in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crop yields per acre are higher than Cuba ’ s , thanks partly to fertilizer use , but the trade-off is stark .
Nutrients that pour off U.S. farm fields and flow down the Mississippi River create the Gulf of Mexico dead zone , a patch of ocean where oxygen levels are so low that almost no marine life survives .
The dead zone forms every summer , fed by spring rainfall , and has covered an average of 6,000 square miles in recent years .
Cuba ’ s rivers do contain other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bacteria and sediment in most of the rivers we sampled .
DNA analysis suggests that at least some of these bacteria were from the guts of cows .
We saw many cows during our field work in central Cuba , and those animals had free access to local streams .
Simple solutions , like fencing river banks , could greatly lower bacteria levels in surface waters .
We also found naturally high levels of calcium , sodium and magnesium in Cuban river water .
These materials come from rocks that are naturally dissolved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hazardous to humans , although they might leave scale in tea kettles and alter the water ’ s taste .
Although we ’ ve done field work on Greenland ’ s ice sheet and in rice paddies of southwest China , this work in Cuba has been a uniquely valuable experience for us , both professionally and personally .
We found Cuban culture to be warm and welcoming , even to Americans whose leaders for the most part have shunned the Cuban people for decades .
Sharing and teamwork are key parts of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ American snacks during our first visit to Cuba , our collaborators insisted these gifts must be shared with the entire lab staff .
In the tropical January sunshine , scientists , technicians , secretaries and directors gathered outside to eat Vermont maple candies and blueberry jam .
We view this project as science diplomacy in action .
But our Cuban partners can not visit us until the United States agrees to grant visas to Cuban scientists .
The Trump administration is going in the opposite direction : It has suspended commercial and public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and imposed sanctions that are designed to deny Cuba access to hard currency .
As the COVID-19 pandemic sweeps around the world , scientific cooperation is more important than ever .
To us , it doesn ’ t make sense to increase sanctions against a country that has more doctors per capita than any country on Earth and has responded more successfully than many nations to COVID-19 .
We believe that science in the U.S. would gain from reopening communication with Cuba and sharing knowledge that could help heal the global community .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

As the COVID-19 pandemic sweeps around the world, scientific cooperation is more important than ever.
For most of the past 60 years, the United States and Cuba have had very limited diplomatic ties. President Barack Obama started the process of normalizing U.S.-Cuba relations, but the Trump administration reversed this policy, sharply reducing interactions between the two countries.
Scientific cooperation is a bright spot in this difficult history. Since the 19th century, U.S. institutions like the Smithsonian and the National Academy of Sciences have worked with Cuban counterparts to understand topics such as vector-borne disease transmission. Although political friction has often made such partnerships challenging, many scientists on both sides believe their countries stand to gain by tackling health and environmental challenges together.
We are geoscientists who study how landscapes change through processes such as erosion. For the past two and a half years, we and our team of U.S. scientists have been working with Cuban geoscientists to understand the environmental and water quality effects of progressive agricultural policies in Cuba.
In a recently published study, we show that Cuban rivers are cleaner than the mighty Mississippi. Why? Because Cuban farmers practice organic farming and conservation agriculture to reduce soil erosion and nutrient loss. In sum, Cuba is doing a better job than the U.S. at keeping farming from hurting its rivers, and its results offer useful lessons.
A Test Case in Sustainable Farming
Cuban rivers run from the mountains to the ocean through cow-filled pastures, fields of sugar cane and rice paddies, forests, wetlands and mangroves. Along the way, groundwater seeps into river channels from below. When heavy thunderstorms strike, water pours off the land.
These flows carry soil and dissolved material into streams, which deliver this load to the coast. Cuba’s coastlines have abundant mangrove thickets, underwater seagrass beds and some of the Caribbean’s best-preserved coral reefs.
We became interested in teaming with Cuban scientists because of their nation’s country-wide experiment in organic agriculture dating back to the late 1980s. When the Soviet Union, Cuba’s former trading partner, broke apart, Cuban farmers lost access to fertilizers, pesticides and heavy equipment, and had to adopt a more ecologically based aproach. Could their experience provide a blueprint for more sustainable approaches to feeding the world?
We used the ResearchGate network to find Cuban collaborators. Supported by the U.S. National Science Foundation and the Centro de Estudios Ambientales de Cienfuegos, the research we are doing in Cuba builds on measurements we have done all over the world.
Less Fertilizer Runoff in Cuba
For this study we analyzed water samples from each of 25 rivers in central Cuba, looking for elements from across the periodic table and for bacteria. Our first results show that Cuba’s sustainable agricultural practices minimize the impact of agriculture on river water quality by reducing the amount of nitrogen fertilizer that washes off from fields into local waters.
Cuban farmers use about half as much fertilizer for each acre of farmland than their U.S. counterparts (3 versus 6 tons per square kilometer per year in 2016). As a result, rivers in central Cuba contain much lower concentrations of dissolved nitrogen than the Mississippi River, which drains more than 1 million square miles of America’s agricultural heartland. On average, the Cuban rivers we analyzed contained 0.76 milligrams of nitrogen per liter of water, compared to 1.3 milligrams per liter in the Mississippi River from 2012-2019.
American crop yields per acre are higher than Cuba’s, thanks partly to fertilizer use, but the trade-off is stark. Nutrients that pour off U.S. farm fields and flow down the Mississippi River create the Gulf of Mexico dead zone, a patch of ocean where oxygen levels are so low that almost no marine life survives. The dead zone forms every summer, fed by spring rainfall, and has covered an average of 6,000 square miles in recent years.
Cuba’s rivers do contain other pollutants. We found high levels of bacteria and sediment in most of the rivers we sampled. DNA analysis suggests that at least some of these bacteria were from the guts of cows. We saw many cows during our field work in central Cuba, and those animals had free access to local streams. Simple solutions, like fencing river banks, could greatly lower bacteria levels in surface waters.
We also found naturally high levels of calcium, sodium and magnesium in Cuban river water. These materials come from rocks that are naturally dissolved by rainwater. None of them are hazardous to humans, although they might leave scale in tea kettles and alter the water’s taste.
Enabling More Scientific Cooperation
Although we’ve done field work on Greenland’s ice sheet and in rice paddies of southwest China, this work in Cuba has been a uniquely valuable experience for us, both professionally and personally. We found Cuban culture to be warm and welcoming, even to Americans whose leaders for the most part have shunned the Cuban people for decades.
Sharing and teamwork are key parts of Cuban culture. When we brought out American snacks during our first visit to Cuba, our collaborators insisted these gifts must be shared with the entire lab staff. In the tropical January sunshine, scientists, technicians, secretaries and directors gathered outside to eat Vermont maple candies and blueberry jam.
We view this project as science diplomacy in action. But our Cuban partners cannot visit us until the United States agrees to grant visas to Cuban scientists. The Trump administration is going in the opposite direction: It has suspended commercial and public charter flights to Cuba from the U.S. and imposed sanctions that are designed to deny Cuba access to hard currency.
As the COVID-19 pandemic sweeps around the world, scientific cooperation is more important than ever. To us, it doesn’t make sense to increase sanctions against a country that has more doctors per capita than any country on Earth and has responded more successfully than many nations to COVID-19. We believe that science in the U.S. would gain from reopening communication with Cuba and sharing knowledge that could help heal the global community.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.