truthout--2020-06-19--Sex Workers Have Never Counted on Cops. Let’s Learn From Their Safety Tactics.

The uprisings sparked by a wave of police killings that took the lives of George Floyd , Breonna Taylor , Tony McDade , Modesto “ Desto ” Reyes , Rayshard Brooks and so many others have sent mayors and lawmakers scrambling for reforms , as activists lift up longstanding demands to reimagine public safety and end policing into the mainstream .
While the slogans “ defund ” and “ abolish the police ” may be new to the dominant news cycle , the ideas behind them are rooted in the longstanding movement to abolish prisons developed and led by Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Now , as demands for abolition rise , sex workers — particularly Black transgender women , who are most targeted by police , and also have played prominent leadership roles in sex worker activist movements — are uniquely positioned to provide insight into models of community safety and care without police .
“ We learned to be each other ’ s backbone , to try to be safe in our community because we know we couldn ’ t turn to the police , ” said Tamika Spellman , a sex worker rights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Washington D.C.-based harm reduction group , in an interview .
Sex workers ( as well as people who use and/or sell drugs ) have always known they can ’ t rely on police for protection because cops regularly use laws that criminalize prostitution , drug possession and living outside to harass , coerce , extort and arrest them .
Research shows sexual misconduct and sexual assault is endemic among police officers in the United States .
A 2017 study based on interviews with 250 women selling sex on the streets of Baltimore @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” encounters with police .
Police get away with it because the law is currently on their side , and their position as law enforcement officers with powerful unions almost guarantees that they will not be held accountable .
Spellman said police are notorious for extorting money from sex workers in exchange for “ protection ” from being arrested .
However , that protection only extends to the officers who get paid off , and with others , it ’ s a “ crapshoot.
” And what about protection from abusive clients and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the street ?
So , sex workers have developed practices for keeping each other safe and providing mutual aid outside the purview of the state , providing models for addressing public health safety without police .
Activists say their knowledge and experience should be centered in conversations around defunding the police , redistributing those resources to communities and dismantling police altogether : “ In the face of criminalization and whorephobic violence , sex working people have always sought to create our own systems of support and protection outside of the cops , criminal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most sex workers know those systems will never bring justice and have no interest in listening when harm happens , ” said Red S. , an organizer with a mutual aid organization for sex workers in Chicago and New York City called Support Ho ( s ) e , in an email .
People choose to do sex work for different reasons .
Some prefer sex work ; others use sex work to support themselves as they look for other jobs .
Some people trade and sell sexual services because they have few @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they face discrimination when attempting to access steady employment , health care and housing due to their gender , race or sexual orientation .
Black transgender women and trans women of color in particular face discrimination as well as high rates of violence and police harassment .
Many are also leaders in the movement to decriminalize sex work and improve the lives for people surviving in street economies without involving the police , who largely exist to interrupt those lives and put people in jail .
“ Black trans women , namely Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been leading direct support work and setting examples for how to show up for young queer people who find themselves houseless because of family violence , drug-using people who need harm reduction resources , and all people in the sex trades , ” Red S. said .
“ They ’ ve kept our politics real and anchored in material support and action.
” One such woman is Spellman , whose organization provides harm reduction support , safer sex supplies , peer support and a number of other resources for people who sell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ early 1990s , Spellman was shot and robbed at a bus stop while working .
Most of her money was in her bra , not the handbag taken by the muggers .
She feared they would realize this and come back after running off , so her first instinct was to run to where other sex workers were gathered on the street .
“ I ran back to where I knew there was safety in numbers , ” Spellman said .
The police did show up , but they were not helpful .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ was just it , I got shot , the police were there , they did their report , but I never heard anything else about it , ” Spellman said , adding that years later the police did contact her about a previous arrest but not the shooting .
“ So , to me , since I survived it , it wasn ’ t a priority.
” Spellman said that , in her experience , the police do not prevent harm and violence against marginalized people .
Instead , they respond after incidents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to arrest and jail people ( itself an act of violence ) rather than mitigate or de-escalate conflict , they often make the situation worse .
“ We have to be preventive on our own , because they are not doing anything as far as prevention , ” Spellman said .
“ Police are after the fact .
They have no skills at mitigating protentional harm.
” After the shooting , Spellman only worked in well-lit areas on a main street , where she and other sex workers had a system for mitigating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ each other safe .
After all , they couldn ’ t rely on the police , who could arrest or extort money from them and did not care about their safety in the first place .
“ We would never be on the same side of the street , we would be on opposite sides where we have a good angle to see who you are getting in the car with , what type of car , get the tag and good description of who you left with , ” Spellman said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ back , or something was to have happened , th [ en ] you could be able to help to stop it from happening again.
” None of this is new .
For decades — and probably centuries and millennia — sex workers have helped each other screen clients , warned each other about abusive clients and lived together .
Red .
S said all of these are common harm-reduction measures .
After the 1968 Stonewall Riots , Marsha P. Johnson and other members of Street Transvestite Action Revolutionaries ( STAR ) created @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sex workers and LGBT street youth , and many other mutual aid and support projects have followed in the years since .
The Support Ho ( s ) e collective and plenty of others , along with bail funds that help people get out of jail , raise money online and off to support current and formerly incarcerated sex workers .
Red S. said Support Ho ( s ) e collective also provides members with “ capacity ” and mental health check-ins , peer support and political education .
And then there is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : childcare .
“ Sex workers , historically , have been a part of establishing powerful networks of care –especially childcare , because state-based ‘ support ’ programs automatically label sex working parents as unfit caregivers because of their hustles or their perceived habits , ” Red S. said .
“ Many sex workers have learned not to trust racist , classist government structures but rather trust in each other.
” When activists talk about abolishing the police — a longstanding proposal that has gained a lot of momentum amid the national uprising @ @ @ @ @ @ @ murder — naysayers and those who feel protected by the cops immediately bring up violent crime .
Like others who have firsthand experience with police , Spellman knows that cops do not spend most of their time on the beat stopping rape and murder .
This reality is especially clear for people of color and especially for Black people , who are much , much more likely than white people to be stopped , pulled over and searched by police .
As a result , lower-income people of color and particularly Black people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like loitering and drug possession and forced into a criminal legal system grounded in punishment and mass incarceration .
“ They are not guarding population , they are guarding property — the things — and those things do not carry the value that life does , but they don ’ t value the lives they are supposed to be protecting , ” Spellman said .
For this reason , organizers say we must repeal laws that criminalize people for trying to survive , or simply for how they live their lives and what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ordinances that criminalize people involved in the sex trades , drug trades and street economies .
Decriminalization is one plank of the platform developed by # 8toAbolition , a group of abolitionist organizers who have gained national attention as anti-police protests spread across the country .
Besides decriminalizing drugs and prostitution , cities must also repeal local ordinances that criminalize the occupation of public spaces to protect people experiencing homelessness , according to # 8toAbolition .
Cities should also decriminalize all misdemeanor offenses that pull vulnerable people into the criminal legal system .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ account for 80 percent of criminal court dockets and fill jails when they can not pay bail and fines and fees .
Activists say that police should never be deployed when people call to complain about homelessness , drug sales and prostitution , not to mention a disagreement with another human being in a public place .
However , decriminalization is just a first step , according to Je ’ Kendria Trahan , the executive director of Collective Action for Safe Spaces ( CASS ) , a group that is working in coalition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work in Washington , D.C. “ Just because there is going to be a law that says sex work is decriminalized does not mean that the police are going to be necessarily leaving sex workers alone , ” Trahan told Truthout .
Organizers like Spellman and Trahan are already hard at work making their communities healthy and safer , and they are doing it by centering the needs and dignity of people who are criminalized and targeted by police .
For example , HIPS provides harm reduction supplies and resources for drug users @ @ @ @ @ @ @ treatments for those who want to stop using drugs , in a safe and nonjudgmental environment .
This is a far cry from the war-on-drugs approach of arresting people and forcing them into rehab , with all the time , fines and fees that drug courts demand .
CASS is addressing gendered violence by holding anti-harassment trainings with service industry workers and workshops for men on building healthy masculinities .
“ [ Police ] are not peace officers , they violate the law often , we have to really look at what we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actually do to have an understanding that we don ’ t have to have them to have peace and safety , ” Spellman said .
What we do need , Spellman said , is full employment and good-paying jobs .
Housing should be a guaranteed human right , and everyone should be able to access quality health care — including mental health care .
Many harmful encounters with police could be avoided if quality mental health care and appropriate crisis intervention was available , Spellman said .
That ’ s why abolitionist activists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dismantle the police , and repurpose the vast resources poured into policing and jails and prisons to schools , health care , social services and initiatives that transform societal conditions contributing to violence and harm .
“ But we do not have those things , and we ’ re having our rights and our protections stripped away and giving [ police ] rights and protections to harm the populace they are supposed to be guarding , ” Spellman said .
The sex trade itself is a prime example of how police and state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new violence .
Police argue that prostitution must remain illegal so cops can “ rescue ” people from sex trafficking , which involves forcing or coercing someone to perform sexual labor and is categorically different from sex work .
However , the right wing conflates trafficking and sex work by sensationalizing sex trafficking and exaggerating its prevalence , and working with law enforcement on initiatives that harm sex workers and trafficking victims alike .
Anti-trafficking raids often result in consensual sex workers being harassed , arrested and forced to work in riskier environments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are found .
“ Sex workers have been fetishized by the policing industry in this country for at least a century — particularly Black and immigrant sex workers , ” Red S. said .
“ Of course , sex working people are going to have something to say about the violence of ‘ rescue ’ and white saviorism wrapped up in criminalization.
” For sex workers who can afford it , one of the safest places to connect with clients is online , where workers can screen clients remotely .
However , under @ @ @ @ @ @ @ groups , Congress passed laws in 2018 that effectively shut down easily accessible websites used by sex workers .
Critics and activists predicted this would force more people to find work on the street like Spellman did in the early 1990s , where they are at greater risk of violence , arrest and exploitation .
Preliminary research suggests this is exactly what is happening , and now some progressives like Sen. Elizabeth Warren are reconsidering the legislation and say they are open to decriminalization instead .
When it comes to the police , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ criminalization have a clearer view than even the most open-minded policymakers and politicians .
They also know a lot about building health and safety without the police , because they are already doing so in order to care for each other and survive .
“ The change is coming .
It ’ s not going to take a backseat or a back burner this time , ” Spellman said .

Sex workers have kept each other safe outside the purview of the state for decades, and probably centuries.
Part of the Series The Road to Abolition
The uprisings sparked by a wave of police killings that took the lives of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Tony McDade, Modesto “Desto” Reyes, Rayshard Brooks and so many others have sent mayors and lawmakers scrambling for reforms, as activists lift up longstanding demands to reimagine public safety and end policing into the mainstream. While the slogans “defund” and “abolish the police” may be new to the dominant news cycle, the ideas behind them are rooted in the longstanding movement to abolish prisons developed and led by Black and Brown feminists — including sex workers.
Now, as demands for abolition rise, sex workers — particularly Black transgender women, who are most targeted by police, and also have played prominent leadership roles in sex worker activist movements — are uniquely positioned to provide insight into models of community safety and care without police.
“We learned to be each other’s backbone, to try to be safe in our community because we know we couldn’t turn to the police,” said Tamika Spellman, a sex worker rights activist and policy director at HIPS, a Washington D.C.-based harm reduction group, in an interview.
Sex workers (as well as people who use and/or sell drugs) have always known they can’t rely on police for protection because cops regularly use laws that criminalize prostitution, drug possession, and living outside to harass, coerce, extort and arrest them. Research shows sexual misconduct and sexual assault is endemic among police officers in the United States. A 2017 study based on interviews with 250 women selling sex on the streets of Baltimore found that 71 percent reported “abusive” encounters with police. Police get away with it because the law is currently on their side, and their position as law enforcement officers with powerful unions almost guarantees that they will not be held accountable.
Spellman said police are notorious for extorting money from sex workers in exchange for “protection” from being arrested. However, that protection only extends to the officers who get paid off, and with others, it’s a “crapshoot.” And what about protection from abusive clients and other risks that come with working on the street?
So, sex workers have developed practices for keeping each other safe and providing mutual aid outside the purview of the state, providing models for addressing public health safety without police. Activists say their knowledge and experience should be centered in conversations around defunding the police, redistributing those resources to communities and dismantling police altogether:
Sex workers need to be at the center of talking about alternatives to policing when it comes to addressing violence. Sex working communities have been creating different ways to keep each other safe from those who wish us harm (INCLUDING THE COPS) for decades. — The Prodigal Whore (@MPDreamWhore) June 7, 2020
“In the face of criminalization and whorephobic violence, sex working people have always sought to create our own systems of support and protection outside of the cops, criminal legal processes and societally accepted channels because most sex workers know those systems will never bring justice and have no interest in listening when harm happens,” said Red S., an organizer with a mutual aid organization for sex workers in Chicago and New York City called Support Ho(s)e, in an email.
Safety in Numbers
People choose to do sex work for different reasons. Some prefer sex work; others use sex work to support themselves as they look for other jobs. Some people trade and sell sexual services because they have few other options for survival, often because they face discrimination when attempting to access steady employment, health care and housing due to their gender, race or sexual orientation. Black transgender women and trans women of color in particular face discrimination as well as high rates of violence and police harassment. Many are also leaders in the movement to decriminalize sex work and improve the lives for people surviving in street economies without involving the police, who largely exist to interrupt those lives and put people in jail.
“Sex workers, historically, have been a part of establishing powerful networks of care — especially childcare.”
“Black trans women, namely Black trans sex working women and femmes, have been leading direct support work and setting examples for how to show up for young queer people who find themselves houseless because of family violence, drug-using people who need harm reduction resources, and all people in the sex trades,” Red S. said. “They’ve kept our politics real and anchored in material support and action.”
One such woman is Spellman, whose organization provides harm reduction support, safer sex supplies, peer support and a number of other resources for people who sell sex and/or use drugs. In the early 1990s, Spellman was shot and robbed at a bus stop while working. Most of her money was in her bra, not the handbag taken by the muggers. She feared they would realize this and come back after running off, so her first instinct was to run to where other sex workers were gathered on the street.
“I ran back to where I knew there was safety in numbers,” Spellman said.
The police did show up, but they were not helpful.
“When I got shot, that was just it, I got shot, the police were there, they did their report, but I never heard anything else about it,” Spellman said, adding that years later the police did contact her about a previous arrest but not the shooting. “So, to me, since I survived it, it wasn’t a priority.”
Spellman said that, in her experience, the police do not prevent harm and violence against marginalized people. Instead, they respond after incidents occur, and because they are trained to arrest and jail people (itself an act of violence) rather than mitigate or de-escalate conflict, they often make the situation worse.
“We have to be preventive on our own, because they are not doing anything as far as prevention,” Spellman said. “Police are after the fact. They have no skills at mitigating protentional harm.”
After the shooting, Spellman only worked in well-lit areas on a main street, where she and other sex workers had a system for mitigating the risks of their work and keeping each other safe. After all, they couldn’t rely on the police, who could arrest or extort money from them and did not care about their safety in the first place.
“We would never be on the same side of the street, we would be on opposite sides where we have a good angle to see who you are getting in the car with, what type of car, get the tag and good description of who you left with,” Spellman said. “If you didn’t come back, or something was to have happened, th[en] you could be able to help to stop it from happening again.”
None of this is new. For decades — and probably centuries and millennia — sex workers have helped each other screen clients, warned each other about abusive clients and lived together. Red. S said all of these are common harm-reduction measures. After the 1968 Stonewall Riots, Marsha P. Johnson and other members of Street Transvestite Action Revolutionaries (STAR) created a shelter and social space for trans sex workers and LGBT street youth, and many other mutual aid and support projects have followed in the years since.
The Support Ho(s)e collective and plenty of others, along with bail funds that help people get out of jail, raise money online and off to support current and formerly incarcerated sex workers. Red S. said Support Ho(s)e collective also provides members with “capacity” and mental health check-ins, peer support and political education. And then there is another, crucial form of mutual aid: childcare.
“Sex workers, historically, have been a part of establishing powerful networks of care — especially childcare, because state-based ‘support’ programs automatically label sex working parents as unfit caregivers because of their hustles or their perceived habits,” Red S. said. “Many sex workers have learned not to trust racist, classist government structures but rather trust in each other.”
Decriminalize Survival, Defund and Abolish Police
When activists talk about abolishing the police — a longstanding proposal that has gained a lot of momentum amid the national uprising in the wake of Floyd’s murder — naysayers and those who feel protected by the cops immediately bring up violent crime.
“Sex workers have been fetishized by the policing industry in this country for at least a century — particularly Black and immigrant sex workers.”
Like others who have firsthand experience with police, Spellman knows that cops do not spend most of their time on the beat stopping rape and murder. This reality is especially clear for people of color and especially for Black people, who are much, much more likely than white people to be stopped, pulled over and searched by police. As a result, lower-income people of color and particularly Black people are disproportionately arrested for nonviolent code violations like loitering and drug possession and forced into a criminal legal system grounded in punishment and mass incarceration.
“They are not guarding population, they are guarding property — the things — and those things do not carry the value that life does, but they don’t value the lives they are supposed to be protecting,” Spellman said.
Spellman’s words echo a recent New York Times op-ed by abolitionist organizer Mariame Kaba:
The first thing to point out is that police officers don’t do what you think they do. They spend most of their time responding to noise complaints, issuing parking and traffic citations, and dealing with other noncriminal issues. We’ve been taught to think they “catch the bad guys; they chase the bank robbers; they find the serial killers,” said Alex Vitale, the coordinator of the Policing and Social Justice Project at Brooklyn College, in an interview with Jacobin. But this is “a big myth,” he said. “The vast majority of police officers make one felony arrest a year. If they make two, they’re cop of the month.” We can’t simply change their job descriptions to focus on the worst of the worst criminals. That’s not what they are set up to do. Second, a “safe” world is not one in which the police keep black and other marginalized people in check through threats of arrest, incarceration, violence and death.
For this reason, organizers say we must repeal laws that criminalize people for trying to survive, or simply for how they live their lives and what they look like. This includes all ordinances that criminalize people involved in the sex trades, drug trades and street economies. Decriminalization is one plank of the platform developed by #8toAbolition, a group of abolitionist organizers who have gained national attention as anti-police protests spread across the country.
Besides decriminalizing drugs and prostitution, cities must also repeal local ordinances that criminalize the occupation of public spaces to protect people experiencing homelessness, according to #8toAbolition. Cities should also decriminalize all misdemeanor offenses that pull vulnerable people into the criminal legal system. Currently, people accused of minor offenses account for 80 percent of criminal court dockets and fill jails when they cannot pay bail and fines and fees.
Activists say that police should never be deployed when people call to complain about homelessness, drug sales and prostitution, not to mention a disagreement with another human being in a public place. However, decriminalization is just a first step, according to Je’Kendria Trahan, the executive director of Collective Action for Safe Spaces (CASS), a group that is working in coalition with HIPS and Spellman to decriminalize sex work in Washington, D.C.
“Just because there is going to be a law that says sex work is decriminalized does not mean that the police are going to be necessarily leaving sex workers alone,” Trahan told Truthout.
Organizers like Spellman and Trahan are already hard at work making their communities healthy and safer, and they are doing it by centering the needs and dignity of people who are criminalized and targeted by police. For example, HIPS provides harm reduction supplies and resources for drug users, as well as access to addiction treatments for those who want to stop using drugs, in a safe and nonjudgmental environment. This is a far cry from the war-on-drugs approach of arresting people and forcing them into rehab, with all the time, fines and fees that drug courts demand. CASS is addressing gendered violence by holding anti-harassment trainings with service industry workers and workshops for men on building healthy masculinities.
“[Police] are not peace officers, they violate the law often, we have to really look at what we’re calling them and what they actually do to have an understanding that we don’t have to have them to have peace and safety,” Spellman said.
What we do need, Spellman said, is full employment and good-paying jobs. Housing should be a guaranteed human right, and everyone should be able to access quality health care — including mental health care. Many harmful encounters with police could be avoided if quality mental health care and appropriate crisis intervention was available, Spellman said. That’s why abolitionist activists and scholars say we must defund and dismantle the police, and repurpose the vast resources poured into policing and jails and prisons to schools, health care, social services and initiatives that transform societal conditions contributing to violence and harm.
“But we do not have those things, and we’re having our rights and our protections stripped away and giving [police] rights and protections to harm the populace they are supposed to be guarding,” Spellman said.
The sex trade itself is a prime example of how police and state intervention fail to prevent violence and create new violence. Police argue that prostitution must remain illegal so cops can “rescue” people from sex trafficking, which involves forcing or coercing someone to perform sexual labor and is categorically different from sex work. However, the right wing conflates trafficking and sex work by sensationalizing sex trafficking and exaggerating its prevalence, and working with law enforcement on initiatives that harm sex workers and trafficking victims alike. Anti-trafficking raids often result in consensual sex workers being harassed, arrested and forced to work in riskier environments, even when no sex trafficking victims are found.
“Sex workers have been fetishized by the policing industry in this country for at least a century — particularly Black and immigrant sex workers,” Red S. said. “Of course, sex working people are going to have something to say about the violence of ‘rescue’ and white saviorism wrapped up in criminalization.”
For sex workers who can afford it, one of the safest places to connect with clients is online, where workers can screen clients remotely. However, under intense pressure from law enforcement and anti-trafficking groups, Congress passed laws in 2018 that effectively shut down easily accessible websites used by sex workers. Critics and activists predicted this would force more people to find work on the street like Spellman did in the early 1990s, where they are at greater risk of violence, arrest and exploitation. Preliminary research suggests this is exactly what is happening, and now some progressives like Sen. Elizabeth Warren are reconsidering the legislation and say they are open to decriminalization instead.
When it comes to the police, people who have experienced police violence and criminalization have a clearer view than even the most open-minded policymakers and politicians. They also know a lot about building health and safety without the police, because they are already doing so in order to care for each other and survive.
“The change is coming. It’s not going to take a backseat or a back burner this time,” Spellman said.
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truthout--2020-06-19--On Juneteenth, Let’s Commit to Learning How to Abolish Oppressive Institutions

Juneteenth is a day that celebrates the announcement of emancipation from slavery while providing us an important warning .
Changes for the better can be followed by reconfigurations of past violence .
Though some enslaved people celebrated freedom on this day , many continued to be kept in bondage and others were reenslaved .
Meanwhile , those who wanted slavery to remain intact found new ways to reform the abolished system long past its official end .
We can see their efforts to this day in prisons , courts and policing .
Now that wide swaths of the country are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , those who are issuing these calls are being asked , “ How ?
” Abolitionists are tasked with building what , for many , is unimaginable .
This has always been the case for abolitionists — from the earliest slavery abolitionists to today ’ s abolitionists , who are calling for an end to the criminal punishment system .
Trying to eradicate that which is seen as completely normal and widely acceptable is quite an undertaking .
In the midst of mass uprisings in response to countless police killings , the word @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may have once been fringe and radical to many became plausible almost overnight .
That being said , there is a lot of misinformation circulating about what abolition actually is : Some are saying abolition is symbolic ; others are saying abolition means reinventing failed reforms .
In a society that desires easy and quick explainers , a proliferation of short and sweet summaries is being attached to a process that ’ s long and arduous .
In order to shape the conditions we need , even those who have been practicing and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have to keep learning , alongside those who only recently discovered it .
In April 2019 , Professor Joy James gave a lecture titled , “ The Architects of Abolitionism : George Jackson , Angela Davis , and the Deradicalization of Prison Struggles.
” During her talk , she warned how the confrontational nature of abolition was being diluted .
One of James ’ s most important points was that “ anybody at any time can claim to be an abolitionist.
” She said it was “ the logical conclusion of deradicalizing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grassroots , working-class , Black base or people of color base that sought autonomy from the state.
” She also cautioned against the sanitization of abolitionism that ’ s been taking place in academia , while pointing to prison reformist efforts like those recently led by fiscally conservative politicians .
Forces hoping to strip abolitionism of Black radicalism and misconstrue it have been doing so through pushing certain types of prison reform .
Conservative forces like Charles Koch penned pro-reform op-eds decrying the “ overcriminalization of America.
” Liberals embraced it .
President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sentence commutation from the celebrity Kim Kardashian .
He granted that commutation ( of Alice Marie Johnson ) before passing the criminal justice reform “ First Step Act ” on December 21 , 2018 , to acclaim from both conservatives and mainstream Democrats .
The stage was already being set for what we ’ re witnessing now .
Those who did not know anything yesterday have become voices of authority today .
People like House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer of Maryland have said widespread calls to defund the police are a “ metaphor.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ confused and intentional mischaracterizations that are saying the same thing about abolition .
Some even wrongly think defunding the police is abolition .
Abolition is , in fact , about ridding ourselves of the problem that is the so-called “ criminal justice system , ” not trying to repair what ’ s working as it ’ s intended to .
Prison abolitionist and educator Mariame Kaba provided clarity in a New York Times op-ed entitled , “ Yes , We Mean Literally Abolish the Police.
” Mariame noted that policing is not keeping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ makes Black people unsafe — and cops don ’ t actually do what we imagine they do .
After providing substantial information about the deadly shortcomings of piecemeal , gradualist efforts to “ fix ” the police , she concludes , “ What would the country look like if it had billions of extra dollars to spend on housing , food and education for all ?
This change in society wouldn ’ t happen immediately , but the protests show that many people are ready to embrace a different vision of safety and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people suggest once again that we hire more Black police officers or create more civilian review boards , I hope that we remember all the times those efforts have failed.
” The violence against Black people at the hands of the state has become so ordinary that , for many , it ’ s seen as simply the price of “ safety.
” The concept of abolishing police can scare people who are at risk of being killed by this violence too .
But if we ’ re going to achieve abolition , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the unknown .
It ’ s going to be a reluctant embrace for some , because the unknown is scary .
What those who feel this hesitancy should ask themselves , though , is : Why would it be better to settle for the nonstop death and violence of the current system ?
We ’ re hoping to leave this abusive relationship with the forces of state violence .
And in doing so , we affirm our worth and defend ourselves against an abuser that ’ s not going to change .
How @ @ @ @ @ @ @ point that it becomes something else entirely ?
For one thing , we have to keep abolition true to its core Black radical principles and foundations .
Abolition originated as a direct challenge to capitalism .
This system designated people as property and tasked slave patrols with social control and maintaining the bondage of Black people .
Police still maintain this assignment of protecting property and the class interests of the wealthy .
That ’ s why abolitionists must embrace the anti-capitalism , Black feminism , and self-defense politics that made the abolition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reject the idea of centering inclusion — that is , the idea that Black and other marginalized people should simply be included more in the status quo society .
After all , it ’ s the desire to be included in a white supremacist society that gave us Black police , judges and executioners .
They ’ re no more ethical because they ’ re Black , are they ?
They ’ re merely helpers in a system carrying out its purpose : maintaining white supremacy .
Their positions tell us that what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , either : more access to a violently oppressive system isn ’ t liberating .
Abolition has to demand much more .
Abolishing the police isn ’ t the end .
It ’ s a process that ’ s part of a much larger task of taking control of our communities , which would include furthering a revolutionary social process .
The changes we need have to happen across every aspect of society , and abolishing violent institutions is one part of that .
Those institutions still have to be removed from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people they ’ ve harmed for so long .
Abolition doesn ’ t mean living in a fantasy ; it means demanding much more than what we ’ re used to .
On Juneteenth , let ’ s declare ourselves finished with this punishment system that lies and calls itself justice .
Let go of it , and let go of the legitimacy it has in your mind .
Let it die so we can experience what it ’ s like to have more than enough .

Part of the Series The Road to Abolition
Juneteenth is a day that celebrates the announcement of emancipation from slavery while providing us an important warning. Changes for the better can be followed by reconfigurations of past violence. Though some enslaved people celebrated freedom on this day, many continued to be kept in bondage and others were reenslaved. Meanwhile, those who wanted slavery to remain intact found new ways to reform the abolished system long past its official end. We can see their efforts to this day in prisons, courts and policing. Now that wide swaths of the country are hearing the call to abolish the police, those who are issuing these calls are being asked, “How?” Abolitionists are tasked with building what, for many, is unimaginable.
This has always been the case for abolitionists — from the earliest slavery abolitionists to today’s abolitionists, who are calling for an end to the criminal punishment system. Trying to eradicate that which is seen as completely normal and widely acceptable is quite an undertaking. In the midst of mass uprisings in response to countless police killings, the word abolition has gained mainstream appeal. What may have once been fringe and radical to many became plausible almost overnight.
That being said, there is a lot of misinformation circulating about what abolition actually is: Some are saying abolition is symbolic; others are saying abolition means reinventing failed reforms. In a society that desires easy and quick explainers, a proliferation of short and sweet summaries is being attached to a process that’s long and arduous. In order to shape the conditions we need, even those who have been practicing and teaching abolition for a long time will have to keep learning, alongside those who only recently discovered it.
In April 2019, Professor Joy James gave a lecture titled, “The Architects of Abolitionism: George Jackson, Angela Davis, and the Deradicalization of Prison Struggles.” During her talk, she warned how the confrontational nature of abolition was being diluted. One of James’s most important points was that “anybody at any time can claim to be an abolitionist.” She said it was “the logical conclusion of deradicalizing the prison struggle by severing it from a grassroots, working-class, Black base or people of color base that sought autonomy from the state.” She also cautioned against the sanitization of abolitionism that’s been taking place in academia, while pointing to prison reformist efforts like those recently led by fiscally conservative politicians.
Forces hoping to strip abolitionism of Black radicalism and misconstrue it have been doing so through pushing certain types of prison reform. Conservative forces like Charles Koch penned pro-reform op-eds decrying the “overcriminalization of America.” Liberals embraced it. President Trump took a call regarding a requested sentence commutation from the celebrity Kim Kardashian. He granted that commutation (of Alice Marie Johnson) before passing the criminal justice reform “First Step Act” on December 21, 2018, to acclaim from both conservatives and mainstream Democrats. The stage was already being set for what we’re witnessing now.
Those who did not know anything yesterday have become voices of authority today. People like House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer of Maryland have said widespread calls to defund the police are a “metaphor.” He sings alongside a chorus of confused and intentional mischaracterizations that are saying the same thing about abolition. Some even wrongly think defunding the police is abolition. Abolition is, in fact, about ridding ourselves of the problem that is the so-called “criminal justice system,” not trying to repair what’s working as it’s intended to.
Forces hoping to strip abolitionism of Black radicalism have been doing so through pushing certain types of prison reform.
Prison abolitionist and educator Mariame Kaba provided clarity in a New York Times op-ed entitled, “Yes, We Mean Literally Abolish the Police.” Mariame noted that policing is not keeping us safe — in fact, it makes Black people unsafe — and cops don’t actually do what we imagine they do. After providing substantial information about the deadly shortcomings of piecemeal, gradualist efforts to “fix” the police, she concludes, “What would the country look like if it had billions of extra dollars to spend on housing, food and education for all? This change in society wouldn’t happen immediately, but the protests show that many people are ready to embrace a different vision of safety and justice. When the streets calm and people suggest once again that we hire more Black police officers or create more civilian review boards, I hope that we remember all the times those efforts have failed.”
The violence against Black people at the hands of the state has become so ordinary that, for many, it’s seen as simply the price of “safety.” The concept of abolishing police can scare people who are at risk of being killed by this violence too. But if we’re going to achieve abolition, there has to be an embrace of the unknown. It’s going to be a reluctant embrace for some, because the unknown is scary. What those who feel this hesitancy should ask themselves, though, is: Why would it be better to settle for the nonstop death and violence of the current system? We’re hoping to leave this abusive relationship with the forces of state violence. And in doing so, we affirm our worth and defend ourselves against an abuser that’s not going to change.
How can we avoid diluting abolition to the point that it becomes something else entirely? For one thing, we have to keep abolition true to its core Black radical principles and foundations. Abolition originated as a direct challenge to capitalism. This system designated people as property and tasked slave patrols with social control and maintaining the bondage of Black people. Police still maintain this assignment of protecting property and the class interests of the wealthy. That’s why abolitionists must embrace the anti-capitalism, Black feminism, and self-defense politics that made the abolition movement what it is.
The violence against Black people at the hands of the state has become so ordinary that, for many, it’s seen as simply the price of “safety.”
Abolitionists must reject the idea of centering inclusion — that is, the idea that Black and other marginalized people should simply be included more in the status quo society. After all, it’s the desire to be included in a white supremacist society that gave us Black police, judges and executioners. They’re no more ethical because they’re Black, are they? They’re merely helpers in a system carrying out its purpose: maintaining white supremacy. Their positions tell us that what white people have isn’t freedom, either: more access to a violently oppressive system isn’t liberating. Abolition has to demand much more.
Abolishing the police isn’t the end. It’s a process that’s part of a much larger task of taking control of our communities, which would include furthering a revolutionary social process. The changes we need have to happen across every aspect of society, and abolishing violent institutions is one part of that. Those institutions still have to be removed from the hearts, minds and bodies of the people they’ve harmed for so long.
Abolition doesn’t mean living in a fantasy; it means demanding much more than what we’re used to. On Juneteenth, let’s declare ourselves finished with this punishment system that lies and calls itself justice. Let go of it, and let go of the legitimacy it has in your mind. Let it die so we can experience what it’s like to have more than enough.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-06-20--Redlining Is Still Creating Racial Disparities 50 Years After It Was Banned

Racist redlining practices still exacerbate inequality across the United States , costing homeowners in affected areas hundreds of thousands in home equity , according to a study by the real estate firm Redfin .
In the 1930s , the federal government decided to get into the business of promoting homeownership and created the Federal Housing Administration ( FHA ) to guarantee home loans .
But the FHA drew up maps divided the country into green , yellow , and red neighborhoods to determine which areas would be eligible for federal loan guarantees .
Greenlined areas received the best credit ratings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ areas , often legally segregated Black neighborhoods , were considered “ hazardous.
” “ The FHA explicitly refused to back loans to Black people or even other people who lived near Black people , ” wrote Alexis Madrigal at The Atlantic .
“ Owning property is one of the main ways Americans accumulate wealth and the main way they pass on wealth to the next generation , ” Kirsten Delegard , the co-founder of the Mapping Prejudice Project at the University of Minnesota whose data was used for the Redfin study , told @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impossible for a whole group of people in the city to own property or to own property in a part of the city where property values actually go up , that really laid the groundwork for the racial wealth gap that we see… around the country.
” Though the practice has long been outlawed , housing discrimination continues to this day .
About 74 % of white families own a home compared to just 44 % of Black families , according to Census data .
Black people also continue to face a lack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ times less wealth than whites .
“ The expanding homeownership gap between Black and white families can in part be traced back to diminished home equity due to redlining , as it ’ s one major reason why Black families today have less money than white families to purchase homes either as first-time or move-up homebuyers , ” said Redfin chief economist Daryl Fairweather .
“ It ’ s important to note that other factors play a role in lower homeownership rates for Black families , too .
For instance , employment discrimination @ @ @ @ @ @ @ income.
” Redfin ’ s analysis looked at 41 metro areas and found that Black homeowners were 4.7 times more likely than whites to own a home in a neighborhood that was redlined .
The study found that the average homeowner in a redlined neighborhood earned $ 196,050 in home equity since 1980 compared to $ 408,073 among families in “ Type A ” neighborhoods or the best , greenlined areas .
The average home value in Type A neighborhoods has increased by 292 % over those four decades compared to 204 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the disparities were even wider .
In Warren , a suburb of Detroit , the average Type A home grew by 1,309 % more than the average redlined home .
In Jacksonville , Florida , the average Type A home value grew by 836 % more .
In Memphis , Tennessee , the average Type A home value grew by 663 % more .
The study found stark disparities in homeownership rates as well : Some areas had even more stark disparities .
In Atlantic City , New Jersey , just 14.8 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A areas compared to 75 % of white families .
In Fresno , California , just 2.5 % of black families live in Type A neighborhoods compared to 62.6 % of white families .
In Greensboro , North Carolina , the homeownership rate for Type A areas for Black families is 9.3 % compared to 67.7 % for white families .
“ More than half a century after it was abolished , redlining continues to dictate the racial makeup of neighborhoods and Black families still feel the socioeconomic effects of such a racist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Black families who were unable to secure housing loans in the neighborhoods where they lived have missed out on one of the major ways to build wealth in this country .
And even families who were able to buy homes in their neighborhood after redlining ended haven ’ t earned nearly as much home equity as people who bought homes in neighborhoods that were considered more valuable.
” The 2008 housing crisis contributed to the disparities .
Black families with mortgages were nearly twice as likely to lose their homes to foreclosures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to data from the Center for Responsible Lending .
Black mortgage applicants are also twice as likely to be rejected as white applicants , according to data from the analytics firm ComplianceTech .
“ Credit history is one of the most important reasons why those mortgages are rejected for black Americans , ” Bokhari told Yahoo Finance .
“ Why is that ?
The financial crisis hit black homeowners a lot harder and ruined their credit history .
It is still affecting their ability to buy a home.
” As a result of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that existed decades earlier have been passed down through multiple generations .
“ That has had a lingering effect on their children and grandchildren , who don ’ t have the same economic opportunities as their white counterparts , ” Fairweather said .
“ Not only are Black parents less likely to have the resources to pay for higher education and help with other expenses , but studies show that children of homeowners are about 7.5 % more likely to become homeowners than children of renters.
” In many cases , rising home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have such a low rate of homeownership .
“ Relatively low homeownership rates for Black families means landlords are the ones reaping the benefits of increasing home equity in formerly redlined neighborhoods , ” Fairweather said .
“ Black families are mostly renters in those neighborhoods , which means rising home values leads to increased rent payments and possibly being pushed to less desirable , albeit more affordable , parts of town.
” These disparities are likely to get worse , not better , as a result of the pandemic .
Black and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lose their job during the pandemic than white Americans , according to a survey by the Pew Research Center .
Black businesses were more than twice as likely to close for good than white businesses amid the statewide lockdowns , according to a study from the University of California at Santa Cruz .
Experts were pessimistic , too , that lending discrimination would soon improve .
“ I don ’ t think that they [ lenders ] can ” be more inclusive without significant overhaul , Vishal Garg , the founder of online @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ They need to hire different people to speak to America ’ s base of future homeowners .
It is a generational and operational challenge for banks in this country .
”

Racist redlining practices still exacerbate inequality across the United States, costing homeowners in affected areas hundreds of thousands in home equity, according to a study by the real estate firm Redfin.
In the 1930s, the federal government decided to get into the business of promoting homeownership and created the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) to guarantee home loans. But the FHA drew up maps divided the country into green, yellow, and red neighborhoods to determine which areas would be eligible for federal loan guarantees. Greenlined areas received the best credit ratings and easy access to loans while redlined areas, often legally segregated Black neighborhoods, were considered “hazardous.” “The FHA explicitly refused to back loans to Black people or even other people who lived near Black people,” wrote Alexis Madrigal at The Atlantic.
“Owning property is one of the main ways Americans accumulate wealth and the main way they pass on wealth to the next generation,” Kirsten Delegard, the co-founder of the Mapping Prejudice Project at the University of Minnesota whose data was used for the Redfin study, told Salon. “So by making it impossible for a whole group of people in the city to own property or to own property in a part of the city where property values actually go up, that really laid the groundwork for the racial wealth gap that we see… around the country.”
Though the practice has long been outlawed, housing discrimination continues to this day. About 74% of white families own a home compared to just 44% of Black families, according to Census data.
Black people also continue to face a lack of access to credit and have 10 times less wealth than whites.
“The expanding homeownership gap between Black and white families can in part be traced back to diminished home equity due to redlining, as it’s one major reason why Black families today have less money than white families to purchase homes either as first-time or move-up homebuyers,” said Redfin chief economist Daryl Fairweather. “It’s important to note that other factors play a role in lower homeownership rates for Black families, too. For instance, employment discrimination has prevented Black workers from earning equitable income.”
Redfin’s analysis looked at 41 metro areas and found that Black homeowners were 4.7 times more likely than whites to own a home in a neighborhood that was redlined. The study found that the average homeowner in a redlined neighborhood earned $196,050 in home equity since 1980 compared to $408,073 among families in “Type A” neighborhoods or the best, greenlined areas.
The average home value in Type A neighborhoods has increased by 292% over those four decades compared to 204% in redlined areas.
In some areas, the disparities were even wider. In Warren, a suburb of Detroit, the average Type A home grew by 1,309% more than the average redlined home. In Jacksonville, Florida, the average Type A home value grew by 836% more. In Memphis, Tennessee, the average Type A home value grew by 663% more.
The study found stark disparities in homeownership rates as well:
Since 1980, the homeownership rate for Black families in Type A, or “best,” neighborhoods dropped from 50.4% to just 44.0%, while the rate for white families rose 4.1 percentage points to 71% in 2017, the most recent data that was available at the time of the analysis for this report. That makes for a 27 percentage-point homeownership gap between Black and white families in “best” neighborhoods, up from a 16.5 percentage-point gap 40 years ago. The gap has widened in all neighborhood types except those that were formerly redlined, where Black and white families both have relatively low homeownership rates (29.8% and 45.6%, respectively).
Some areas had even more stark disparities. In Atlantic City, New Jersey, just 14.8% of black families live in Type A areas compared to 75% of white families. In Fresno, California, just 2.5% of black families live in Type A neighborhoods compared to 62.6% of white families. In Greensboro, North Carolina, the homeownership rate for Type A areas for Black families is 9.3% compared to 67.7% for white families.
“More than half a century after it was abolished, redlining continues to dictate the racial makeup of neighborhoods and Black families still feel the socioeconomic effects of such a racist housing policy,” Fairweather said. “Black families who were unable to secure housing loans in the neighborhoods where they lived have missed out on one of the major ways to build wealth in this country. And even families who were able to buy homes in their neighborhood after redlining ended haven’t earned nearly as much home equity as people who bought homes in neighborhoods that were considered more valuable.”
The 2008 housing crisis contributed to the disparities. Black families with mortgages were nearly twice as likely to lose their homes to foreclosures between 2007-2009 as white families, according to data from the Center for Responsible Lending.
Black mortgage applicants are also twice as likely to be rejected as white applicants, according to data from the analytics firm ComplianceTech.
“Credit history is one of the most important reasons why those mortgages are rejected for black Americans,” Bokhari told Yahoo Finance. “Why is that? The financial crisis hit black homeowners a lot harder and ruined their credit history. It is still affecting their ability to buy a home.”
As a result of redlining and continued inequality, the disparities that existed decades earlier have been passed down through multiple generations.
“That has had a lingering effect on their children and grandchildren, who don’t have the same economic opportunities as their white counterparts,” Fairweather said. “Not only are Black parents less likely to have the resources to pay for higher education and help with other expenses, but studies show that children of homeowners are about 7.5% more likely to become homeowners than children of renters.”
In many cases, rising home values have disadvantaged Black families because they have such a low rate of homeownership.
“Relatively low homeownership rates for Black families means landlords are the ones reaping the benefits of increasing home equity in formerly redlined neighborhoods,” Fairweather said. “Black families are mostly renters in those neighborhoods, which means rising home values leads to increased rent payments and possibly being pushed to less desirable, albeit more affordable, parts of town.”
These disparities are likely to get worse, not better, as a result of the pandemic. Black and Hispanic Americans were significantly more likely to lose their job during the pandemic than white Americans, according to a survey by the Pew Research Center. Black businesses were more than twice as likely to close for good than white businesses amid the statewide lockdowns, according to a study from the University of California at Santa Cruz.
Experts were pessimistic, too, that lending discrimination would soon improve.
“I don’t think that they [lenders] can” be more inclusive without significant overhaul, Vishal Garg, the founder of online mortgage lender Better.com, told Yahoo Finance. “They need to hire different people to speak to America’s base of future homeowners. It is a generational and operational challenge for banks in this country.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-06-20--Undocumented Farmworkers Are Refusing COVID Tests for Fear of Losing Their Jobs

As states reopen for business , the coronavirus is exploding among America ’ s 2.5 million farmworkers , imperiling efforts to contain the spread of the disease and keep food on the shelves just as peak harvest gets underway .
The figures are stark .
The number of COVID-19 cases tripled in Lanier County , Ga. , after one day of testing farmworkers .
All 200 workers on a single farm in Evensville , Tenn. , tested positive .
Yakima County , Wash. , the site of recent farmworker strikes at apple-packing facilities , now boasts the highest per capita @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Among migrant workers in Immokalee , Fla. — who just finished picking tomatoes and are on their way north to harvest other crops — 1,000 people are infected .
The growing numbers reflect the lack of safety guidelines for workers who labor shoulder to shoulder in the fields , travel side by side in vans , and sleep by the dozens in bunks and barracks .
On June 2 , the CDC and OSHA announced recommendations to help protect agricultural workers , following in the footsteps of Washington , Oregon and California .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , mandatory response or tracking of the disease among farmworkers .
The spike in cases is , in part , a result of increased testing .
But that points to a new danger emerging that could make outbreaks even harder to contain : Some farmworkers are refusing to be tested for COVID-19 .
Eva Galvez is a physician at the Virginia Garcia Memorial Health Center , a clinic that serves 52,000 mostly Latino patients in the agricultural regions that cradle Portland , Ore .
When the clinic discovered in April that Latinos were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the rate of other patients , Galvez pinpointed farmworker communities as one of the hotspots .
So she worked with the Oregon Law Center to secure statewide hygiene and social distancing rules .
( The rules are set to expire October 24 . )
Provisions include enhancing safety in employer-provided housing , which In These Times has found is fueling outbreaks among farmworkers nationwide .
But Galvez has other worries now .
“ Although our clinic has plenty of capacity to test , many people won ’ t want to be tested , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they ’ re positive they can ’ t go to work.
” “ The virus is a scarlet letter , ” says Reyna Lopez , executive director of Pineros y Campesinos Unidos de Noroeste ( PCUN ) .
The 7,000-member farmworker union is based in Marion County , Ore. , which ranks third in the state for coronavirus cases per capita .
“ Not only is there no paid leave [ if you can ’ t work ] , but no job , ” Lopez says .
“ That tells farmworkers they don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people that they are feeling sick .
The biggest fear is not necessarily the virus itself ; it ’ s [ not ] being able to provide for family.
” It is an undeniable crisis .
But America is reaping what it has sown .
Decades of anti-immigrant policies will make the coronavirus extraordinarily difficult to contain for a vulnerable population which has been forced deep in the shadows .
As workers in an industry with few unions , a lack of basic worker protections , and a workforce that is estimated to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , farmworkers have many reasons to fear losing their jobs .
Most lack health insurance , sick leave , unemployment insurance , and legal status , and they support extended families here and abroad on poverty wages .
Testing and social distancing guidelines may help prevent illness , but can not prevent job loss .
Personal protection is no substitute for social protections .
Trump administration policies have exacerbated the situation .
Irene de Barraicua of Líderes Campesinas , a California-based farmworker organization for women , says some farmworkers are not seeking health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” rule that threatens to deny green cards to those who rely on public services .
H2A workers , who comprise over a quarter million workers whose temporary visas are tied to their employers , could be deported if they lose their jobs .
Even the “ essential worker ” letters that some farmers provided to undocumented workers to show ICE in the hope of preventing arrests during the pandemic have backfired , Irene says.Workers interpreted the letter as a sign that raids would increase .
Now the coronavirus has upended agricultural production @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Salinas Valley in California is nicknamed “ America ’ s Salad Bowl ” for its 1.4 million acres of farmland that grow everything from artichokes to zucchini .
But this year lettuce , strawberries , cauliflower , and spinach are rotting in fields as agribusinesses unable to pivot from institutional to consumer sales cut their losses by cutting workers .
Sinthia , 40 , whose last name is being withheld to protect herself , her family and her job , is from Guanajuato , Mexico , and supports two children , her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a brother who is deaf , mute and blind .
Before COVID-19 , Sinthia , who is a member of Líderes Campesinas , packed boxes of broccoli for up to 62 hours a week in Monterey County .
Now her hours have been sliced in half .
The restaurants and schools that purchased produce from her employer , PGM Packing , are shuttered due to the coronavirus .
“ There is no market , no place to sell , no orders , ” Sinthia says .
One hundred miles to the southeast , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ halved at a vineyard in Kern County , where Paola , 30 , works .
Twenty of 40 workers were fired in order to meet social distancing guidelines .
“ There is more pressure to get the work done now , ” Paola says .
A former teacher from Sinaloa , Mexico , Paola says her pay is the same but her expenses have increased .
Her two school-aged children eat all their meals at home now and she has to support her recently unemployed parents .
Out of fear of infecting them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ job at a pistachio packing facility when a co-worker tested positive .
“ It was worrisome , scary , stressful , ” Paola says .
“ It ’ s a very desperate situation .
They don ’ t have food .
Many are being laid off , ” says de Barraicua .
“ Farmers are deciding to let their crops rot .
They ’ re also letting the workers rot.
” Farmworkers also fear they could be stigmatized by co-workers and that bosses could fire their entire crew , which often includes family @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We are hearing from advocates that workers would enter ‘ death pacts ’ where if they become sick they keep it to themselves because the entire camp will shut down , ” says Lori Johnson , managing attorney at the farmworker unit of Legal Aid of North Carolina .
Rebeca Velazquez is a former farmworker and an organizer with Mujeres Luchadores Progresistas , an organization for women farmworkers based in Woodburn , Ore. One member , she says , was having a coughing fit at work when the owner of the farm walked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Her supervisor said she needed to get tested for COVID-19 .
Two days later he told her not to bother : the entire crew of 30 workers had been laid off because of her .
Another woman , Rebeca says , was shunned by co-workers upon returning to the workplace after being very ill with COVID-19 .
She left to work elsewhere and is keeping her illness a secret out of fear of discrimination .
Luis Jimenez , 38 , a dairy worker in Avon , New York , says workers are in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if they get sick and don ’ t say anything they will get fired .
But if they do say something they may still lose their job .
“ The [ bosses ] don ’ t have a plan if workers get infected , ” says Luis .
“ No plan to quarantine , no plan to feed them , no plan to take them to the hospital.
” An explosion in cases among vulnerable farmworkers could overwhelm rural healthcare facilities and threaten the national food supply .
The thin plastic line now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enough to halt a pandemic or cure a diseased system .
Increased protections for workers — including paid sick leave , unemployment compensation , and affordable housing and healthcare — are essential if the spread of COVID-19 is to be curbed .
“ We don ’ t want to be called essential.
” Sinthia says .
“ Show us with proof that we are essential .
We need better working conditions , better living conditions , a better life .
”

As states reopen for business, the coronavirus is exploding among America’s 2.5 million farmworkers, imperiling efforts to contain the spread of the disease and keep food on the shelves just as peak harvest gets underway.
The figures are stark. The number of COVID-19 cases tripled in Lanier County, Ga., after one day of testing farmworkers. All 200 workers on a single farm in Evensville, Tenn., tested positive. Yakima County, Wash., the site of recent farmworker strikes at apple-packing facilities, now boasts the highest per capita infection rate on the West Coast. Among migrant workers in Immokalee, Fla. — who just finished picking tomatoes and are on their way north to harvest other crops — 1,000 people are infected.
The growing numbers reflect the lack of safety guidelines for workers who labor shoulder to shoulder in the fields, travel side by side in vans, and sleep by the dozens in bunks and barracks. On June 2, the CDC and OSHA announced recommendations to help protect agricultural workers, following in the footsteps of Washington, Oregon and California. But there is still no nationally coordinated, mandatory response or tracking of the disease among farmworkers.
The spike in cases is, in part, a result of increased testing. But that points to a new danger emerging that could make outbreaks even harder to contain: Some farmworkers are refusing to be tested for COVID-19.
Eva Galvez is a physician at the Virginia Garcia Memorial Health Center, a clinic that serves 52,000 mostly Latino patients in the agricultural regions that cradle Portland, Ore. When the clinic discovered in April that Latinos were testing positive for COVID-19 at twenty times the rate of other patients, Galvez pinpointed farmworker communities as one of the hotspots. So she worked with the Oregon Law Center to secure statewide hygiene and social distancing rules. (The rules are set to expire October 24.) Provisions include enhancing safety in employer-provided housing, which In These Times has found is fueling outbreaks among farmworkers nationwide.
But Galvez has other worries now. “Although our clinic has plenty of capacity to test, many people won’t want to be tested,” she says. “Because if they’re positive they can’t go to work.”
“The virus is a scarlet letter,” says Reyna Lopez, executive director of Pineros y Campesinos Unidos de Noroeste (PCUN). The 7,000-member farmworker union is based in Marion County, Ore., which ranks third in the state for coronavirus cases per capita.
“Not only is there no paid leave [if you can’t work], but no job,” Lopez says. “That tells farmworkers they don’t have an incentive to tell people that they are feeling sick. The biggest fear is not necessarily the virus itself; it’s [not] being able to provide for family.”
It is an undeniable crisis. But America is reaping what it has sown. Decades of anti-immigrant policies will make the coronavirus extraordinarily difficult to contain for a vulnerable population which has been forced deep in the shadows.
As workers in an industry with few unions, a lack of basic worker protections, and a workforce that is estimated to be at least 48% undocumented immigrants, farmworkers have many reasons to fear losing their jobs. Most lack health insurance, sick leave, unemployment insurance, and legal status, and they support extended families here and abroad on poverty wages. Testing and social distancing guidelines may help prevent illness, but cannot prevent job loss. Personal protection is no substitute for social protections.
Trump administration policies have exacerbated the situation. Irene de Barraicua of Líderes Campesinas, a California-based farmworker organization for women, says some farmworkers are not seeking health care because of the “public charge” rule that threatens to deny green cards to those who rely on public services. H2A workers, who comprise over a quarter million workers whose temporary visas are tied to their employers, could be deported if they lose their jobs. Even the “essential worker” letters that some farmers provided to undocumented workers to show ICE in the hope of preventing arrests during the pandemic have backfired, Irene says.Workers interpreted the letter as a sign that raids would increase.
Now the coronavirus has upended agricultural production in ways that further threaten jobs.
The Salinas Valley in California is nicknamed “America’s Salad Bowl” for its 1.4 million acres of farmland that grow everything from artichokes to zucchini. But this year lettuce, strawberries, cauliflower, and spinach are rotting in fields as agribusinesses unable to pivot from institutional to consumer sales cut their losses by cutting workers.
Sinthia, 40, whose last name is being withheld to protect herself, her family and her job, is from Guanajuato, Mexico, and supports two children, her mother, a quadraplegic sister, and a brother who is deaf, mute and blind. Before COVID-19, Sinthia, who is a member of Líderes Campesinas, packed boxes of broccoli for up to 62 hours a week in Monterey County. Now her hours have been sliced in half. The restaurants and schools that purchased produce from her employer, PGM Packing, are shuttered due to the coronavirus. “There is no market, no place to sell, no orders,” Sinthia says.
One hundred miles to the southeast, it is the workforce that has been halved at a vineyard in Kern County, where Paola, 30, works. Twenty of 40 workers were fired in order to meet social distancing guidelines. “There is more pressure to get the work done now,” Paola says. A former teacher from Sinaloa, Mexico, Paola says her pay is the same but her expenses have increased. Her two school-aged children eat all their meals at home now and she has to support her recently unemployed parents. Out of fear of infecting them, Paola quit her second, night-shift job at a pistachio packing facility when a co-worker tested positive. “It was worrisome, scary, stressful,” Paola says.
“It’s a very desperate situation. They don’t have food. Many are being laid off,” says de Barraicua . “Farmers are deciding to let their crops rot. They’re also letting the workers rot.”
Farmworkers also fear they could be stigmatized by co-workers and that bosses could fire their entire crew, which often includes family and friends from their hometown.
“We are hearing from advocates that workers would enter ‘death pacts’ where if they become sick they keep it to themselves because the entire camp will shut down,” says Lori Johnson, managing attorney at the farmworker unit of Legal Aid of North Carolina.
Rebeca Velazquez is a former farmworker and an organizer with Mujeres Luchadores Progresistas, an organization for women farmworkers based in Woodburn, Ore. One member, she says, was having a coughing fit at work when the owner of the farm walked by and told her to leave. Her supervisor said she needed to get tested for COVID-19. Two days later he told her not to bother: the entire crew of 30 workers had been laid off because of her. Another woman, Rebeca says, was shunned by co-workers upon returning to the workplace after being very ill with COVID-19. She left to work elsewhere and is keeping her illness a secret out of fear of discrimination.
Luis Jimenez, 38, a dairy worker in Avon, New York, says workers are in a bind. They have been told if they get sick and don’t say anything they will get fired. But if they do say something they may still lose their job. “The [bosses] don’t have a plan if workers get infected,” says Luis. “No plan to quarantine, no plan to feed them, no plan to take them to the hospital.”
An explosion in cases among vulnerable farmworkers could overwhelm rural healthcare facilities and threaten the national food supply. The thin plastic line now separating workers in the fields is not enough to halt a pandemic or cure a diseased system. Increased protections for workers — including paid sick leave, unemployment compensation, and affordable housing and healthcare — are essential if the spread of COVID-19 is to be curbed.
“We don’t want to be called essential.” Sinthia says. “Show us with proof that we are essential. We need better working conditions, better living conditions, a better life.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This article was originally published at In These Times.


truthout--2020-06-20--Global Health Experts Alarmed at Signs US Has “Given Up” Fight Against COVID-19

Global public health experts are looking on in “ alarm and disbelief ” as the U.S. economy reopens even as Covid-19 case numbers continue to rise in a number of states , with President Donald Trump signaling he has no intention of calling for more economic shutdowns regardless of the outcome .
As The Washington Post reported Friday , newspapers across Europe have recently published articles and editorials expressing shock at the Trump administration ’ s approach to the pandemic .
“ U.S .
Increasingly Accepts Rising Covid-19 Numbers , ” read a headline this week in the Swiss paper @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Americans crowding onto beaches and other public places may have given the international community the impression that the public have grown impatient with social distancing , a survey by the Associated Press last month showed 83 % of Americans were concerned lifting lockdown orders too quickly would lead to more coronavirus infections .
But as the country ’ s overall case numbers have risen in recent days , with 10 states this week reporting their highest seven-day average since the pandemic started , Trump and other leaders are pushing Americans to return to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We won ’ t be closing the country again .
We won ’ t have to do that , ” the president said Wednesday .
Infectious disease specialists around the world — some of whom used U.S. scientists ’ research to guide their own governments ’ strategies in confronting the pandemic , pushing them to prepare for long-term lockdowns necessitating robust economic relief packages—are struggling to understand the logic of reopening the country as case numbers grow , the Post reported .
“ It really does feel like the U.S. has given up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at University of Auckland in New Zealand , told the Post .
After spending 4 % of its GDP on coronavirus relief — which covered all wages for New Zealanders who had to leave work to self-isolate , doubled healthcare spending , and provided subsidies to businesses so they could maintain their payrolls — New Zealand announced in late April that it had effectively eliminated the coronavirus .
As of Friday , the country had only three confirmed cases of Covid-19 in the past three weeks .
Other countries where case numbers have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Canada , Denmark , and Germany , also introduced far-reaching economic relief packages early on in the crisis to enable people to stay at home and avoid overwhelming healthcare systems .
Those spending plans contrast sharply with relief measures in the U.S. , which included a one-time direct payment of $ 1,200 to some Americans and $ 600 per week on top of regular unemployment benefits .
Republicans plan to let the unemployment benefit expire in July , and House Majority Whip James Clyburn ( D-S.C. ) admitted in May that a paycheck @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way to protect Americans ’ jobs and incomes during the crisis , but dismissed Rep. Pramila Jayapal ’ s ( D-Wash. ) proposal as too expensive .
Posting on Twitter a chart showing the steady , continued growth of Covid-19 cases in the U.S. as millions of Americans were forced to continue reporting to work throughout the crisis compared with plummeting infection rates across Europe , former Obama administration Medicare official Andy Slavitt tweeted , “ Don ’ t ever let anyone tell you it wasn ’ t possible.
” Devi Sridhar , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University of Edinburgh , added that poor government responses to the pandemic in the U.S. and the U.K. were inexcusable .
“ It ’ s down to absent leadership , incompetence , and a deliberate decision to treat COVID-19 like flu for weeks in Feb and March , ” Sridhar tweeted .
Wiles expressed horror at the pressure many Americans have felt for weeks to keep reporting to work , regardless of their own risk factors for infection or of case numbers in their communities .
Several states last month announced that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ didn ’ t return to their jobs after their industries began reopening , and Ohio ’ s government urged companies to report employees who didn ’ t return .
“ I can ’ t imagine what it must be like having to go to work knowing it ” s unsafe , ” Wiles said .
“ It ’ s hard to see how this ends .
There are just going to be more and more people infected , and more and more deaths .
It ’ s heartbreaking.
” Michael Rozier , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Louis University , said the U.S. response to Covid-19 is rapidly beginning to resemble its approach to facing gun violence .
“ The U.S. will endure much higher , persistent negative effects from something that other countries have solved ; we ’ ll normalize it and convince ourselves nothing can be done , ” Rozier tweeted .

Infectious disease specialists around the world are describing the U.S.’s handling of the pandemic as inexcusable.
Global public health experts are looking on in “alarm and disbelief” as the U.S. economy reopens even as Covid-19 case numbers continue to rise in a number of states, with President Donald Trump signaling he has no intention of calling for more economic shutdowns regardless of the outcome.
As The Washington Post reported Friday, newspapers across Europe have recently published articles and editorials expressing shock at the Trump administration’s approach to the pandemic.
“U.S. Increasingly Accepts Rising Covid-19 Numbers,” read a headline this week in the Swiss paper Neue Zürcher Zeitung.
While images of Americans crowding onto beaches and other public places may have given the international community the impression that the public have grown impatient with social distancing, a survey by the Associated Press last month showed 83% of Americans were concerned lifting lockdown orders too quickly would lead to more coronavirus infections.
But as the country’s overall case numbers have risen in recent days, with 10 states this week reporting their highest seven-day average since the pandemic started, Trump and other leaders are pushing Americans to return to work and their normal routines.
“We won’t be closing the country again. We won’t have to do that,” the president said Wednesday.
Infectious disease specialists around the world — some of whom used U.S. scientists’ research to guide their own governments’ strategies in confronting the pandemic, pushing them to prepare for long-term lockdowns necessitating robust economic relief packages—are struggling to understand the logic of reopening the country as case numbers grow, the Post reported.
“It really does feel like the U.S. has given up,” Siouxsie Wiles, a specialist at University of Auckland in New Zealand, told the Post.
After spending 4% of its GDP on coronavirus relief — which covered all wages for New Zealanders who had to leave work to self-isolate, doubled healthcare spending, and provided subsidies to businesses so they could maintain their payrolls — New Zealand announced in late April that it had effectively eliminated the coronavirus. As of Friday, the country had only three confirmed cases of Covid-19 in the past three weeks.
Other countries where case numbers have dropped significantly in recent weeks, including Canada, Denmark, and Germany, also introduced far-reaching economic relief packages early on in the crisis to enable people to stay at home and avoid overwhelming healthcare systems.
Those spending plans contrast sharply with relief measures in the U.S., which included a one-time direct payment of $1,200 to some Americans and $600 per week on top of regular unemployment benefits. Republicans plan to let the unemployment benefit expire in July, and House Majority Whip James Clyburn (D-S.C.) admitted in May that a paycheck guarantee was the “most efficient” way to protect Americans’ jobs and incomes during the crisis, but dismissed Rep. Pramila Jayapal’s (D-Wash.) proposal as too expensive.
Posting on Twitter a chart showing the steady, continued growth of Covid-19 cases in the U.S. as millions of Americans were forced to continue reporting to work throughout the crisis compared with plummeting infection rates across Europe, former Obama administration Medicare official Andy Slavitt tweeted, “Don’t ever let anyone tell you it wasn’t possible.”
Don’t ever let anyone tell you it wasn’t possible. https://t.co/FkoNxmknRe — Andy Slavitt @ 🏡 (@ASlavitt) June 19, 2020
Devi Sridhar, chair of global public health at the University of Edinburgh, added that poor government responses to the pandemic in the U.S. and the U.K. were inexcusable.
“It’s down to absent leadership, incompetence, and a deliberate decision to treat COVID-19 like flu for weeks in Feb and March,” Sridhar tweeted.
As a global public health expert, I don’t accept that US & UK poor responses were due to capacity. Poorer countries did much better. It’s down to absent leadership, incompetence & a deliberate decision to treat COVID-19 like flu for weeks in Feb & March & just ‘let it go’. — Devi Sridhar (@devisridhar) June 12, 2020
Wiles expressed horror at the pressure many Americans have felt for weeks to keep reporting to work, regardless of their own risk factors for infection or of case numbers in their communities. Several states last month announced that they would end unemployment benefits for workers who didn’t return to their jobs after their industries began reopening, and Ohio’s government urged companies to report employees who didn’t return.
“I can’t imagine what it must be like having to go to work knowing it”s unsafe,” Wiles said. “It’s hard to see how this ends. There are just going to be more and more people infected, and more and more deaths. It’s heartbreaking.”
Michael Rozier, a public health and ethics professor at St. Louis University, said the U.S. response to Covid-19 is rapidly beginning to resemble its approach to facing gun violence.
Sadly, I'm becoming convinced that #COVID is not far from taking on the characteristics of #gunviolence. US will endure much higher, persistent negative effects from something that other countries have solved; we'll normalize it and convince ourselves nothing can be done. — Michael Rozier (@RozierSJ) June 18, 2020
“The U.S. will endure much higher, persistent negative effects from something that other countries have solved; we’ll normalize it and convince ourselves nothing can be done,” Rozier tweeted.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.