truthout--2020-05-25--Without More Federal Funds, Half of All Child Care Centers Could Close Forever

As the days of a national shutdown stretched on , Aliya Johnson-Roberts knew she would have to start cutting employees ’ hours and laying off some of her staff .
When her child care center in northeast Philadelphia closed its doors in mid-March due to the coronavirus , she immediately started to lose out on a large portion of her revenue : $ 7,000 a month in tuition from private-paying families , co-pays from families who receive state support , and money she would normally receive through a federal food program .
Johnson-Roberts , who has 35 employees to support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the building that houses Bustleton Learning Center , estimated she would likely run out of money by early June .
But in late April , Johnson-Roberts received hopeful news : her center was the recipient of a $ 20,000 grant from a new emergency fund for Philadelphia child care centers , funded by the William Penn Foundation , Vanguard and the Reinvestment Fund , a community development financial institution .
“ It was a huge relief , ” Johnson-Roberts said .
“ It was a way to allow us to breathe for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the grant and a discount from her landlord , Johnson-Roberts used the funds to pay rent , and cover her payroll and other expenses .
Efforts like this one in Philadelphia have emerged across the country as local foundations , organizations and city officials have stepped up to try to give child care centers a temporary boost as the federal government has failed to take sufficient action .
In San Mateo , California , the city council recently allotted $ 120,000 in rent relief to home-based child care providers , many of whom @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Coronavirus Aid , Relief and Economic Security ( CARES ) Act , an aid package passed by Congress in March .
In Nebraska , the Sidney Community Donor-Advised Fund recently provided five grants totaling more than $ 184,000 to local child care centers .
And some organizations are stepping in to provide critical materials : In Alameda County , California , the nonprofit First Five Alameda has provided masks , thermometers , books and educational materials to centers that are open and providing services for the children of essential workers .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Philadelphia Emergency Fund for Stabilization of Early Education ( PEFSEE ) awarded a total of $ 1.2 million in grants to 89 childcare providers , including Johnson-Roberts , with plans to continue awarding grants until they have depleted $ 7 million in emergency funds .
The need has been overwhelming : Those 89 recipients were chosen from more than 400 applicants .
Bevin Parker-Cerkez , who oversees the Reinvestment Fund ’ s early childhood loans and grants , said the goal of the emergency fund is to make sure child care centers are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in low-income areas where families already lack access to high-quality childcare .
Among the first round of grantees , 85 percent of the centers are led by women and 71 percent are owned or led by people of color .
Ideally , Parker-Cerkez said , the financial assistance will help centers stay afloat so that they will be ready to open when it is time .
“ We want to be opening [ centers ] that are serving our most vulnerable populations and we want to make sure staff is there and ready @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus pandemic has devastated the child care industry : an estimated 50 percent of licensed child care centers in the nation are at risk of closing permanently , a loss of more than 4.4 million child care slots , according to a report by the Center for American Progress .
Even before the coronavirus , child care centers were running on thin margins : tuition and government funded tuition reimbursement for low-income children fall short of covering the actual costs to care for children .
Experts and child care centers say there ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to keep struggling centers afloat .
“ It ’ s going to be decimating to our overall recovery if [ child care ] is not addressed , ” said Mark Shriver , president of the Save the Children Action Network , or SCAN .
A recent poll of 1200 registered voters by SCAN and Child Care Aware of America found 87 percent of those polled support providing enough federal assistance to child care centers during the coronavirus crisis to make sure centers can make payroll and pay their expenses .
Shriver said this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the public understands how dire the situation is for the nation ’ s child care system .
“ I think it shows that people realize that if they ’ re going to go back to work their kids have got to be in a safe place.
” There have been some federal efforts to help child care centers , but those efforts fall far short of what is needed .
The CARES Act includes initiatives like the Paycheck Protection Program , which provides loans that are converted to grants if small businesses meet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ centers have found the requirements for the application difficult to meet and banks have been overwhelmed by applications .
The aid package also provided $ 750 million for Head Start programs and $ 3.5 billion for the Child Care Development Block Grant ( CCDBG ) , the program that provides states with funding to pay or supplement the child care tuition for low-income families .
This month , Democrats in the House of Representatives introduced another aid package that if passed , would provide an additional $ 7 billion for the CCDBG .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ signed a letter in April calling for Congress to pass a legislative package that would include at least $ 50 billion in emergency funding for child care centers .
But experts say even that would be a drop in the bucket .
“ Our estimates show that $ 50 billion is actually far less than what the system needs if the crisis lasts longer than a few months , ” said Rebecca Ullrich , senior policy analyst for child care & early education at The Center for Law and Policy ( CLASP ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 9.6 billion in public funding is needed each month to avoid permanent closure of child care centers and preserve the child care system during the coronavirus pandemic , according to an analysis by CLASP .
In Philadelphia , Johnson-Roberts never heard back from her bank about her application for the Paycheck Protection Program .
Nervous about how much longer the center could survive , she reapplied for the program through the Reinvestment Fund and received $ 170,000 one week later .
Johnson-Roberts said she is now much more confident that she will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the center ’ s 180 students when deemed safe , something that is critical for many families .
“ We do know the economy needs people to get back to work , ” Johnson-Roberts said .
“ But they can ’ t go back to work if they don ’ t have childcare.
“ This story about child care centers was produced by The Hechinger Report , a nonprofit , independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education .
Sign up for Hechinger ’ s newsletter .

As the days of a national shutdown stretched on, Aliya Johnson-Roberts knew she would have to start cutting employees’ hours and laying off some of her staff. When her child care center in northeast Philadelphia closed its doors in mid-March due to the coronavirus, she immediately started to lose out on a large portion of her revenue: $7,000 a month in tuition from private-paying families, co-pays from families who receive state support, and money she would normally receive through a federal food program. Johnson-Roberts, who has 35 employees to support and $20,000 a month in rent for the building that houses Bustleton Learning Center, estimated she would likely run out of money by early June.
But in late April, Johnson-Roberts received hopeful news: her center was the recipient of a $20,000 grant from a new emergency fund for Philadelphia child care centers, funded by the William Penn Foundation, Vanguard and the Reinvestment Fund, a community development financial institution. “It was a huge relief,” Johnson-Roberts said. “It was a way to allow us to breathe for a moment.” With the help of the grant and a discount from her landlord, Johnson-Roberts used the funds to pay rent, and cover her payroll and other expenses.
Efforts like this one in Philadelphia have emerged across the country as local foundations, organizations and city officials have stepped up to try to give child care centers a temporary boost as the federal government has failed to take sufficient action. In San Mateo, California, the city council recently allotted $120,000 in rent relief to home-based child care providers, many of whom have been unable to obtain funding from the Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security (CARES) Act, an aid package passed by Congress in March. In Nebraska, the Sidney Community Donor-Advised Fund recently provided five grants totaling more than $184,000 to local child care centers. And some organizations are stepping in to provide critical materials: In Alameda County, California, the nonprofit First Five Alameda has provided masks, thermometers, books and educational materials to centers that are open and providing services for the children of essential workers.
In its first round of funding, the Philadelphia Emergency Fund for Stabilization of Early Education (PEFSEE) awarded a total of $1.2 million in grants to 89 childcare providers, including Johnson-Roberts, with plans to continue awarding grants until they have depleted $7 million in emergency funds. The need has been overwhelming: Those 89 recipients were chosen from more than 400 applicants. Bevin Parker-Cerkez, who oversees the Reinvestment Fund’s early childhood loans and grants, said the goal of the emergency fund is to make sure child care centers are not forced to close permanently, especially in low-income areas where families already lack access to high-quality childcare. Among the first round of grantees, 85 percent of the centers are led by women and 71 percent are owned or led by people of color. Ideally, Parker-Cerkez said, the financial assistance will help centers stay afloat so that they will be ready to open when it is time. “We want to be opening [centers] that are serving our most vulnerable populations and we want to make sure staff is there and ready to be there.”
Nationwide, the coronavirus pandemic has devastated the child care industry: an estimated 50 percent of licensed child care centers in the nation are at risk of closing permanently, a loss of more than 4.4 million child care slots, according to a report by the Center for American Progress. Even before the coronavirus, child care centers were running on thin margins: tuition and government funded tuition reimbursement for low-income children fall short of covering the actual costs to care for children. Experts and child care centers say there’s a desperate need for federal funds to keep struggling centers afloat. “It’s going to be decimating to our overall recovery if [child care] is not addressed,” said Mark Shriver, president of the Save the Children Action Network, or SCAN.
A recent poll of 1200 registered voters by SCAN and Child Care Aware of America found 87 percent of those polled support providing enough federal assistance to child care centers during the coronavirus crisis to make sure centers can make payroll and pay their expenses. Shriver said this rare bipartisan support is a sign that the public understands how dire the situation is for the nation’s child care system. “I think it shows that people realize that if they’re going to go back to work their kids have got to be in a safe place.”
There have been some federal efforts to help child care centers, but those efforts fall far short of what is needed. The CARES Act includes initiatives like the Paycheck Protection Program, which provides loans that are converted to grants if small businesses meet all requirements. But some child care centers have found the requirements for the application difficult to meet and banks have been overwhelmed by applications. The aid package also provided $750 million for Head Start programs and $3.5 billion for the Child Care Development Block Grant (CCDBG), the program that provides states with funding to pay or supplement the child care tuition for low-income families. This month, Democrats in the House of Representatives introduced another aid package that if passed, would provide an additional $7 billion for the CCDBG. That came after more than 30 senators signed a letter in April calling for Congress to pass a legislative package that would include at least $50 billion in emergency funding for child care centers. But experts say even that would be a drop in the bucket. “Our estimates show that $50 billion is actually far less than what the system needs if the crisis lasts longer than a few months,” said Rebecca Ullrich, senior policy analyst for child care & early education at The Center for Law and Policy (CLASP) in a statement. At least $9.6 billion in public funding is needed each month to avoid permanent closure of child care centers and preserve the child care system during the coronavirus pandemic, according to an analysis by CLASP.
In Philadelphia, Johnson-Roberts never heard back from her bank about her application for the Paycheck Protection Program. Nervous about how much longer the center could survive, she reapplied for the program through the Reinvestment Fund and received $170,000 one week later. Johnson-Roberts said she is now much more confident that she will be able and ready to open her doors for the center’s 180 students when deemed safe, something that is critical for many families. “We do know the economy needs people to get back to work,” Johnson-Roberts said. “But they can’t go back to work if they don’t have childcare.“
This story about child care centers was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for Hechinger’s newsletter.
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truthout--2020-05-25--Anti-Fascist Group Targeted for Murder by Far Right Won’t Back Down

“ I ’ m going by the name ‘ Doug , ’ ” my contact said , explaining his pseudonym .
“ The reason is that Nazis want to kill us.
” Doug is a member of Atlanta Antifascists , an activist group based in Georgia .
We connected via a secured encrypted channel using the Signal app to obscure Doug ’ s exact location and personal details .
Days before we spoke , Jacob Kaderli , Luke Austin Lane and Michael John Helterbrand — three members of the white nationalist extremist organization called “ The Base ” — were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they were allegedly planning to kill a couple they believed to be members of Atlanta Antifascists .
The information The Base had was ultimately false : The two people they targeted were not members of Atlanta Antifascists .
But the message and intent of the plot were clear .
“ These Antifa types , all these people .
There has to start being consequences for what they are and that ’ s race traitors and agents of the system , ” said one unidentified member of The Base at an FBI-documented meeting in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 5 , 2019 .
The Base operates on an “ accelerationist ” framework , wherein members intend to install a white ethnostate through racial terror and targeted killing .
All of the men implicated in the murder plot were under 26 years old , and represent just three members of an international network that spans across multiple states and countries .
“ LANE believed killing the couple would ultimately send the right message and show that the previous actions undertaken by antifascists … such as doxing white supremacists , would not go unpunished @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which details an undercover agent ’ s accounts of operations within The Base .
The three men were inspired by what ’ s called the “ Bowl Patrol , ” the online fanbase of Charleston church shooter Dylann Roof , who had a bowl haircut .
The members of Atlanta Antifascists only found out they were being targeted by The Base when the three members of the group were arrested in January .
“ We found out like everyone else , ” Doug said .
“ We had definitely stepped on some toes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these people in The Base were like , ‘ We want to target Atlanta Antifascists , ’ even though the people they actually selected had never been in our group.
” For many anti-fascist activists , the threat of violence is a risk of doing the work .
In the era of the increasing potential of accelerationist violence , threats hold lethal weight .
As the white nationalist “ alt-right ” evolved into a mass force in the U.S. by 2017 , so too did anti-fascist groups , with new local organizations popping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Many of these groups had been doing this work for years , and the number of those involved only grew as the threat became more present .
The network of organizers that became Atlanta Antifascists began before the alt-right was a household name , when activists began documenting white supremacists who were starting to organize at Georgia State University in 2015 .
Leftists monitoring the threat cropping up on campus began organizing as local Ku Klux Klan and neo-Confederate groups promised to march on Stone Mountain — home to the Confederate Memorial Carving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Several Atlanta area activists got together , some of whom had done anti-fascist work in the past , and wanted to create an organization to confront what has only become a more persistent threat .
“ I ’ ve been active in radical circles for quite a while and I ’ ve definitely seen the dangers these groups can present , and have presented time and time again , ” Doug told Truthout .
After Atlanta Antifascists formed in 2016 , members began confronting the large range of fascist formations that make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Georgia , anti-fascists tried to confront long-standing paramilitary-style groups , such as the Klan or Aryan Nations offshoots .
In cities , they went after the “ suit-and-tie ” crowd , who often obscured their white nationalism by using a presentable appearance to recruit younger kids into the alt-right .
Doug points to the Charles Martel Society as an example of the “ suit-and-tie ” crowd activists targeted .
The society is a long-standing white nationalist institution based in Atlanta and funded largely by William Regnery II , an inheritor to some of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Publishing operation that releases books by Donald Trump and conservative commentator Ann Coulter .
Atlanta Antifascists focused heavily on exposing the work of Sam Dickson , an attorney active in the Charles Martel Society .
Dickson had been an integral part of the white nationalist organization American Renaissance for decades , and had a history as an attorney for people like former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke .
The Southern Poverty Law Center has reported that much of his money was made buying up tax liens on properties , sometimes from poor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then pushing them to sell at a cut rate .
He has built a business to essentially help fund the white nationalist movement , and Atlanta Antifascists has reported that he has gotten other far right collaborators into the action .
Currently , activists are working to expose fascists in the community who “ law enforcement can ’ t , ” according to Shannon Martinez , a former white nationalist living in Georgia who now helps get people in the far right out of the movement and who is unaffiliated with Atlanta Antifascists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ next door to me that was saying violently white supremacist things online , I would surely want to know that .
I ’ m really grateful , in a lot of ways , for the work that [ Atlanta Antifascists ] do that is often misunderstood or maligned , ” Martinez told Truthout .
The creativity behind Atlanta Antifascists ’ tactics function in response to strict anti-masking laws in Georgia ( which were recently suspended due to COVID-19 ) , and they must navigate proximity to southern white nationalist groups , which often @ @ @ @ @ @ @ center their organizing strategy along three points : research on the far right and educating the public about their findings , building an anti-fascist cultural presence where fascists are trying to recruit ( such as punk rock venues ) , and direct opposition .
Doug describes Atlanta Antifascists as “ tactically flexible.
” “ The guiding thought is figuring out what these groups want and doing our best to systematically deny them that , ” he said .
The biggest focus is on revealing what the far right is trying to build , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ present .
This requires a high standard for research so the public can depend on what the group is releasing , and their research has often been used by reporters covering their movement .
Members use every tool they can , including property records and physical reconnaissance , to prove who is at the center of the white nationalist movement .
Atlanta Antifascists always support protest actions , particularly if a fascist rally or conference is taking place , but this can present challenges : Being seen can lead to threats on their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the far right first put The Base on the group ’ s radar in May 2019 .
The Base was putting up flyers in the blue-collar town of Rome , Georgia , a largely white area hit by tough economic times .
Atlanta Antifascists ran an exposé on The Base member Joshua Bates , which triggered him to publicly leave the movement , posting a video of himself burning his Nazi uniform and eventually supporting anti-fascist causes .
This method is known as doxxing , a pressure tactic that organizers hope will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ participating in white nationalist movements .
“ He reached some sort of crisis point and the public shaming was the final push , ” Doug said , pointing out that doxxing has been effective in pushing people like Bates into breaking their connection to the movement .
If you believe that your “ secret ” behavior could become public , it will often dissuade other less committed people from joining the movement altogether .
Atlanta Antifascists then doxxed even more accelerationist white nationalists , including “ Esoteric Hitlerite ” Ryan Burchfield , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Ukraine in an effort to link up with fascist militias on the border .
The activists were then trying to go after other members of The Base , until “ feds beat us to that one ” said Doug , pointing to the arrests of Kaderli , Lane and Helterbrand .
Atlanta Antifascists ’ long-standing work against the alt-right and neo-Confederate movements has angered white nationalist activist Brad Griffin , whose Occidental Dissent blog has been a cantankerous part of the far right movement for years .
In 2017 , he ran @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to identify “ antifa ” activists , naming people he believed were members of Atlanta Antifascists .
The three recently arrested members of The Base , who came together after the Occidental Dissent articles were published , were planning to stage a retaliatory assassination against two people identified in Griffin ’ s article .
Atlanta Antifascists say that these web posts are likely where The Base found the people they believed to be members , which Griffin gleaned by behaviors such as Facebook activity rather than evidence of formal membership .
According to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a room at a cheap hotel , showering to remove any dead skin , using long leather gloves tucked into shirt sleeves to avoid leaving behind skin cells , and applying Vaseline on their eyelashes and eyebrows to avoid leaving trace hairs .
They would then dress in black and shoot their would-be victims while they were asleep .
Kaderli , Lane and Helterbrand staged reconnaissance at the property of the intended victims , where they intended to use a lock-picking gun to gain entry .
If that took too long , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ According to the FBI affidavit , The Base members thought guerilla-style killing “ would be a good preparation for killing any future targets , ” contending these killings would spark a “ race war ” where such tactics would be strategically used .
“ There ’ s a certain amount of risk inherent to doing this work , ” Doug told Truthout .
“ Most of us go through our days not particularly afraid because we take precautions .
We know that we can be targeted for violence.
” The Base had already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Antifascists and journalists who have been covering far right movements .
But the FBI sting operations may have permanently destabilized The Base ’ s future .
But there will be others , and without groups committed to undermining the growth of such movements , their potential for violence could be limitless .
Some anti-fascist organizers say there is an ethical imperative that emanates from their work — that someone has to do something about what white nationalists are capable of — but also an underlying political commitment .
To see through a radical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anti-fascists remain vigilant about a racial radicalization that is also taking place amid the chaos .
“ Gino , ” who has been with Atlanta Antifascists since 2017 , says he does anti-fascist work to keep “ communities knowledgeable and safe.
” The group works through focused planning and communication , holding one another accountable for completing tasks .
Unlike many forms of activism , where people will often see their faces on news reports or enjoy a certain amount of recognition for their work , Atlanta Antifascists ’ goals require complete anonymity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ We think if people want to be public and do things in their own name , that ’ s powerful , but that ’ s not how we specifically organize , ” Doug says .
“ We have basic protocols about not putting our personal details all over the internet .
We don ’ t speak to the media in our own names.
” Members also completely separate their real name and social media from any of the communication done for the organization ’ s functioning .
Activists look at their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a bit of a stage ; they have to keep it relatively quiet and inactive on these issues so no one can casually draw a connection between the two .
Something as seemingly innocuous as resharing an anti-fascist article on Facebook could be enough to bridge the two profiles in the minds of white nationalists who are , just like the anti-fascists , searching for members of a movement .
Some members of Atlanta Antifascists go so far as to have two different phones in an attempt to keep their activism as disconnected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a dual pathway they feel is necessary to keep their friends and family safe from the possibility of an attack by a group like The Base .
Some members have familial confidants , while others have chosen to keep this work a secret entirely .
Continuing the use of these tactics , Atlanta Antifascists is already working on a new set of targets , researching far right organizations in the area so that they can reveal their inner workings .
They recently exposed the group American Patriots USA , a group led by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is now getting support from prominent Georgia Republican politicians .
With increased social turmoil as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic and the upcoming November election , chatter from white nationalist circles is suggesting that they could be prepped for a new period of recruitment and action .
That poses a question to activists about what people can do to push back , and what kinds of organizations they are going to support .
Inside of these community defense movements , there will continue to be an ethical imperative for clandestine groups .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ names , but they will be applying the pressure that so many have come to rely on for safety from fascist violence .

“I’m going by the name ‘Doug,’” my contact said, explaining his pseudonym. “The reason is that Nazis want to kill us.”
Doug is a member of Atlanta Antifascists, an activist group based in Georgia. We connected via a secured encrypted channel using the Signal app to obscure Doug’s exact location and personal details.
His hesitation was warranted.
Days before we spoke, Jacob Kaderli, Luke Austin Lane and Michael John Helterbrand — three members of the white nationalist extremist organization called “The Base” — were arrested in an FBI sting operation as they were allegedly planning to kill a couple they believed to be members of Atlanta Antifascists. The information The Base had was ultimately false: The two people they targeted were not members of Atlanta Antifascists. But the message and intent of the plot were clear.
“These Antifa types, all these people. There has to start being consequences for what they are and that’s race traitors and agents of the system,” said one unidentified member of The Base at an FBI-documented meeting in Silver Creek, Georgia, on October 5, 2019.
The Base operates on an “accelerationist” framework, wherein members intend to install a white ethnostate through racial terror and targeted killing. All of the men implicated in the murder plot were under 26 years old, and represent just three members of an international network that spans across multiple states and countries.
“LANE believed killing the couple would ultimately send the right message and show that the previous actions undertaken by antifascists … such as doxing white supremacists, would not go unpunished,” read an FBI affidavit, which details an undercover agent’s accounts of operations within The Base. The three men were inspired by what’s called the “Bowl Patrol,” the online fanbase of Charleston church shooter Dylann Roof, who had a bowl haircut.
The members of Atlanta Antifascists only found out they were being targeted by The Base when the three members of the group were arrested in January. “We found out like everyone else,” Doug said. “We had definitely stepped on some toes. There are probably some reasons why these people in The Base were like, ‘We want to target Atlanta Antifascists,’ even though the people they actually selected had never been in our group.”
For many anti-fascist activists, the threat of violence is a risk of doing the work. In the era of the increasing potential of accelerationist violence, threats hold lethal weight.
The New South
As the white nationalist “alt-right” evolved into a mass force in the U.S. by 2017, so too did anti-fascist groups, with new local organizations popping up on an almost weekly basis. Many of these groups had been doing this work for years, and the number of those involved only grew as the threat became more present.
The network of organizers that became Atlanta Antifascists began before the alt-right was a household name, when activists began documenting white supremacists who were starting to organize at Georgia State University in 2015. Leftists monitoring the threat cropping up on campus began organizing as local Ku Klux Klan and neo-Confederate groups promised to march on Stone Mountain — home to the Confederate Memorial Carving — in April of the following year.
Several Atlanta area activists got together, some of whom had done anti-fascist work in the past, and wanted to create an organization to confront what has only become a more persistent threat.
“I’ve been active in radical circles for quite a while and I’ve definitely seen the dangers these groups can present, and have presented time and time again,” Doug told Truthout.
After Atlanta Antifascists formed in 2016, members began confronting the large range of fascist formations that make up the New South. In rural Georgia, anti-fascists tried to confront long-standing paramilitary-style groups, such as the Klan or Aryan Nations offshoots. In cities, they went after the “suit-and-tie” crowd, who often obscured their white nationalism by using a presentable appearance to recruit younger kids into the alt-right.
Doug points to the Charles Martel Society as an example of the “suit-and-tie” crowd activists targeted. The society is a long-standing white nationalist institution based in Atlanta and funded largely by William Regnery II, an inheritor to some of the family fortune of the right-wing Regnery Publishing operation that releases books by Donald Trump and conservative commentator Ann Coulter. Atlanta Antifascists focused heavily on exposing the work of Sam Dickson, an attorney active in the Charles Martel Society.
Dickson had been an integral part of the white nationalist organization American Renaissance for decades, and had a history as an attorney for people like former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke. The Southern Poverty Law Center has reported that much of his money was made buying up tax liens on properties, sometimes from poor people or communities of color, and then pushing them to sell at a cut rate. He has built a business to essentially help fund the white nationalist movement, and Atlanta Antifascists has reported that he has gotten other far right collaborators into the action.
Currently, activists are working to expose fascists in the community who “law enforcement can’t,” according to Shannon Martinez, a former white nationalist living in Georgia who now helps get people in the far right out of the movement and who is unaffiliated with Atlanta Antifascists. “If I had somebody living next door to me that was saying violently white supremacist things online, I would surely want to know that. I’m really grateful, in a lot of ways, for the work that [Atlanta Antifascists] do that is often misunderstood or maligned,” Martinez told Truthout.
The creativity behind Atlanta Antifascists’ tactics function in response to strict anti-masking laws in Georgia (which were recently suspended due to COVID-19), and they must navigate proximity to southern white nationalist groups, which often congregate in less populated areas. They center their organizing strategy along three points: research on the far right and educating the public about their findings, building an anti-fascist cultural presence where fascists are trying to recruit (such as punk rock venues), and direct opposition.
Doug describes Atlanta Antifascists as “tactically flexible.” “The guiding thought is figuring out what these groups want and doing our best to systematically deny them that,” he said.
The biggest focus is on revealing what the far right is trying to build, who they are and what threats they present. This requires a high standard for research so the public can depend on what the group is releasing, and their research has often been used by reporters covering their movement. Members use every tool they can, including property records and physical reconnaissance, to prove who is at the center of the white nationalist movement.
Atlanta Antifascists always support protest actions, particularly if a fascist rally or conference is taking place, but this can present challenges: Being seen can lead to threats on their lives.
The Risk of Violence
Atlanta Antifascists members’ hypervigilance of the far right first put The Base on the group’s radar in May 2019. The Base was putting up flyers in the blue-collar town of Rome, Georgia, a largely white area hit by tough economic times.
Atlanta Antifascists ran an exposé on The Base member Joshua Bates, which triggered him to publicly leave the movement, posting a video of himself burning his Nazi uniform and eventually supporting anti-fascist causes. This method is known as doxxing, a pressure tactic that organizers hope will create a halo of fear around those participating in white nationalist movements.
“He reached some sort of crisis point and the public shaming was the final push,” Doug said, pointing out that doxxing has been effective in pushing people like Bates into breaking their connection to the movement. If you believe that your “secret” behavior could become public, it will often dissuade other less committed people from joining the movement altogether.
Atlanta Antifascists then doxxed even more accelerationist white nationalists, including “Esoteric Hitlerite” Ryan Burchfield, who was later exposed by Vice for traveling to Ukraine in an effort to link up with fascist militias on the border. The activists were then trying to go after other members of The Base, until “feds beat us to that one” said Doug, pointing to the arrests of Kaderli, Lane and Helterbrand.
Atlanta Antifascists’ long-standing work against the alt-right and neo-Confederate movements has angered white nationalist activist Brad Griffin, whose Occidental Dissent blog has been a cantankerous part of the far right movement for years. In 2017, he ran a five-part series in which he attempted to identify “antifa” activists, naming people he believed were members of Atlanta Antifascists. The three recently arrested members of The Base, who came together after the Occidental Dissent articles were published, were planning to stage a retaliatory assassination against two people identified in Griffin’s article.
Atlanta Antifascists say that these web posts are likely where The Base found the people they believed to be members, which Griffin gleaned by behaviors such as Facebook activity rather than evidence of formal membership.
According to the FBI, the men discussed getting a room at a cheap hotel, showering to remove any dead skin, using long leather gloves tucked into shirt sleeves to avoid leaving behind skin cells, and applying Vaseline on their eyelashes and eyebrows to avoid leaving trace hairs. They would then dress in black and shoot their would-be victims while they were asleep.
Kaderli, Lane and Helterbrand staged reconnaissance at the property of the intended victims, where they intended to use a lock-picking gun to gain entry. If that took too long, they’d use a sledge hammer. According to the FBI affidavit, The Base members thought guerilla-style killing “would be a good preparation for killing any future targets,” contending these killings would spark a “race war” where such tactics would be strategically used.
“There’s a certain amount of risk inherent to doing this work,” Doug told Truthout. “Most of us go through our days not particularly afraid because we take precautions. We know that we can be targeted for violence.”
The Base had already been thoroughly doxxed by groups like Atlanta Antifascists and journalists who have been covering far right movements. But the FBI sting operations may have permanently destabilized The Base’s future. But there will be others, and without groups committed to undermining the growth of such movements, their potential for violence could be limitless.
An Ethical Imperative
Some anti-fascist organizers say there is an ethical imperative that emanates from their work — that someone has to do something about what white nationalists are capable of — but also an underlying political commitment. To see through a radical vision of equality and social liberation, anti-fascists remain vigilant about a racial radicalization that is also taking place amid the chaos.
“Gino,” who has been with Atlanta Antifascists since 2017, says he does anti-fascist work to keep “communities knowledgeable and safe.” The group works through focused planning and communication, holding one another accountable for completing tasks.
Unlike many forms of activism, where people will often see their faces on news reports or enjoy a certain amount of recognition for their work, Atlanta Antifascists’ goals require complete anonymity — often to the point of difficulty.
“We think if people want to be public and do things in their own name, that’s powerful, but that’s not how we specifically organize,” Doug says. “We have basic protocols about not putting our personal details all over the internet. We don’t speak to the media in our own names.”
Members also completely separate their real name and social media from any of the communication done for the organization’s functioning. Activists look at their “real life” public profile as a bit of a stage; they have to keep it relatively quiet and inactive on these issues so no one can casually draw a connection between the two. Something as seemingly innocuous as resharing an anti-fascist article on Facebook could be enough to bridge the two profiles in the minds of white nationalists who are, just like the anti-fascists, searching for members of a movement.
Some members of Atlanta Antifascists go so far as to have two different phones in an attempt to keep their activism as disconnected from their regular life as possible, a dual pathway they feel is necessary to keep their friends and family safe from the possibility of an attack by a group like The Base. Some members have familial confidants, while others have chosen to keep this work a secret entirely.
Continuing the use of these tactics, Atlanta Antifascists is already working on a new set of targets, researching far right organizations in the area so that they can reveal their inner workings. They recently exposed the group American Patriots USA, a group led by former Klansman and neo-Nazi Chester Doles that is now getting support from prominent Georgia Republican politicians.
With increased social turmoil as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic and the upcoming November election, chatter from white nationalist circles is suggesting that they could be prepped for a new period of recruitment and action. That poses a question to activists about what people can do to push back, and what kinds of organizations they are going to support.
Inside of these community defense movements, there will continue to be an ethical imperative for clandestine groups. You won’t know their members’ names, but they will be applying the pressure that so many have come to rely on for safety from fascist violence.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
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truthout--2020-05-26--As Trump Golfed and Downplayed COVID, US Death Count Pushed Past 100,000

On Tuesday afternoon , the United States of America surpassed a grim milestone as more than 100,000 deaths resulting from COVID-19 were officially recorded .
As of 2:30 p.m. Eastern Time , 100,103 Americans had died from the disease , with 1.7 million cumulative cases having been determined as well .
Americans now make up nearly 30 percent of all COVID fatalities in the world .
Unfortunately , with several states relaxing social distancing methods and no treatment or vaccine for the disease yet developed , it ’ s expected that the disease ’ s death toll will continue to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Projections from the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation ( IHME ) at the University of Washington say that , as of Tuesday , the rate of coronavirus deaths in the U.S. is around 31.59 for every 100,000 citizens in the country .
By the time Independence Day rolls around ( July 4 ) , that rate is expected to go up to 41.27 deaths per 100,000 — an increase that could mean more than 30,000 additional Americans may die from the disease between now and then .
The total number of Americans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ however , is likely much higher than we understand it to be at this time .
Many health experts , including coronavirus task force member Anthony Fauci , who also serves as director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases , are adamant that our numbers are higher than the “ official ” totals reveal .
“ Almost certainly it ’ s higher , ” Fauci said of the death toll during testimony before the Senate earlier this month .
“ There may have been people who died at home who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ never really got to the hospital.
” Excess deaths in March and early April also suggest that some fatalities went unnoticed .
Even accounting for coronavirus-related deaths , researchers noted that there appeared to be more deaths than usual occurring at that time of year , hinting that some COVID deaths may not have been counted .
The high death count comes almost two months to the day that President Donald Trump tried to assure Americans that the total cases of the disease seen in the country would be “ close to zero @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 15 cases had been positively identified .
“ When you have 15 people , and the 15 within a couple of days is going to be down to close to zero , that ’ s a pretty good job we ’ ve done , ” Trump said at the time .
In that same week , as criticisms mounted that he was ignoring advice from health experts to take the situation more seriously , Trump decried those worries and said he believed they were being instigated by Democrats who were launching a “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to make him look bad .
The president pressed on with similar claims up to the second week of March , when he errantly compared the disease to the flu and continued to express the belief that the media and Democrats were trying “ to inflame the CoronaVirus situation , far beyond what the facts would warrant.
” Some researchers have said that , had Trump actually taken a more careful approach at that time — including pushing for social distancing measures on or near the same dates he made those latter comments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the disease than we see now , with one estimate suggesting as much as 60 percent of the total death count at this time might be attributable , in part , to the delayed response from the Trump administration .

Americans make up 30 percent of world COVID Deaths, a number likely to rise by July Fourth, according to some models.
On Tuesday afternoon, the United States of America surpassed a grim milestone as more than 100,000 deaths resulting from COVID-19 were officially recorded.
As of 2:30 p.m. Eastern Time, 100,103 Americans had died from the disease, with 1.7 million cumulative cases having been determined as well. Americans now make up nearly 30 percent of all COVID fatalities in the world. Unfortunately, with several states relaxing social distancing methods and no treatment or vaccine for the disease yet developed, it’s expected that the disease’s death toll will continue to climb over the next few months.
Projections from the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation (IHME) at the University of Washington say that, as of Tuesday, the rate of coronavirus deaths in the U.S. is around 31.59 for every 100,000 citizens in the country. By the time Independence Day rolls around (July 4), that rate is expected to go up to 41.27 deaths per 100,000 — an increase that could mean more than 30,000 additional Americans may die from the disease between now and then.
The total number of Americans who have died from the disease, however, is likely much higher than we understand it to be at this time. Many health experts, including coronavirus task force member Anthony Fauci, who also serves as director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, are adamant that our numbers are higher than the “official” totals reveal.
“Almost certainly it’s higher,” Fauci said of the death toll during testimony before the Senate earlier this month. “There may have been people who died at home who were not counted as COVID because they never really got to the hospital.”
Excess deaths in March and early April also suggest that some fatalities went unnoticed. Even accounting for coronavirus-related deaths, researchers noted that there appeared to be more deaths than usual occurring at that time of year, hinting that some COVID deaths may not have been counted.
The high death count comes almost two months to the day that President Donald Trump tried to assure Americans that the total cases of the disease seen in the country would be “close to zero” within a matter of days after 15 cases had been positively identified.
“When you have 15 people, and the 15 within a couple of days is going to be down to close to zero, that’s a pretty good job we’ve done,” Trump said at the time.
In that same week, as criticisms mounted that he was ignoring advice from health experts to take the situation more seriously, Trump decried those worries and said he believed they were being instigated by Democrats who were launching a “new hoax” against him in order to make him look bad.
The president pressed on with similar claims up to the second week of March, when he errantly compared the disease to the flu and continued to express the belief that the media and Democrats were trying “to inflame the CoronaVirus situation, far beyond what the facts would warrant.”
Some researchers have said that, had Trump actually taken a more careful approach at that time — including pushing for social distancing measures on or near the same dates he made those latter comments — we would have had fewer deaths from the disease than we see now, with one estimate suggesting as much as 60 percent of the total death count at this time might be attributable, in part, to the delayed response from the Trump administration.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-05-26--Lake of Ozarks Partygoers Who Ignored Social Distancing Told to Self-Isolate

Memorial Day weekend is traditionally spent with friends and family members , and is commonly seen as the unofficial start of summer .
In the era of COVID-19 , however , many barbecue events and grill outs were understandably canceled or at least modified , to coincide with social distancing recommendations put in place by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ( CDC ) .
A number of places and individuals , however , clamoring to “ reopen ” and return to a state of “ normalcy ” before the crisis happened , seemed to ignore those rules altogether @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number of events happening where distancing guidelines weren ’ t being followed at all , including most notably in Missouri ’ s Lake of the Ozarks .
A popular video from that location from over the weekend showcased how revelers were interacting with one another in a poolside environment .
It ’ s evident from that video that many individuals , if not most or nearly all of them , were not wearing masks or facial coverings while attending the event , with even fewer respecting a six-foot separation from others , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Americans should be doing , even as states across nation end stay-at-home orders .
Because hundreds of party-goers were shown in a number of social media postings at the Lake of the Ozarks flouting social distancing rules , St. Louis County Executive Sam Page issued a statement on Tuesday telling residents of his county that , if they were at the Lake party this past weekend , they should self-quarantine .
Page blasted those who attended the party .
“ This reckless behavior endangers countless people and risks setting us back substantially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slowing the spread of COVID-19 , ” he said in a statement .
Page also recommended that those who were in attendance at the Lake of the Ozarks should get tested and receive a negative result for coronavirus before they leave their homes again .
Former Sen. Claire McCaskill shared the same sentiments as Page regarding the party-goers at the event in a tweet she authored on Tuesday .
Sharing a video that highlighted new drive-thru testing sites in the state , McCaskill urged Missouri residents who were at the Lake of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Hoping some of those STL area folks that were body to body all over the Lake this weekend get tested today , ” she wrote .
In a separate tweet , citing from her own experience waiting “ tables down there every summer in college , ” McCaskill suggested that most of the revelers were probably from out of town , likely to return to Kansas City and St. Louis , and possibly spreading coronavirus in their communities when they returned home .

Missouri’s relatively low infection rate is in jeopardy after the weekend party drew crowds from around the state.
Memorial Day weekend is traditionally spent with friends and family members, and is commonly seen as the unofficial start of summer. In the era of COVID-19, however, many barbecue events and grill outs were understandably canceled or at least modified, to coincide with social distancing recommendations put in place by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).
A number of places and individuals, however, clamoring to “reopen” and return to a state of “normalcy” before the crisis happened, seemed to ignore those rules altogether. Videos on social media highlighted a number of events happening where distancing guidelines weren’t being followed at all, including most notably in Missouri’s Lake of the Ozarks.
A popular video from that location from over the weekend showcased how revelers were interacting with one another in a poolside environment. It’s evident from that video that many individuals, if not most or nearly all of them, were not wearing masks or facial coverings while attending the event, with even fewer respecting a six-foot separation from others, in complete defiance of what the CDC has said Americans should be doing, even as states across nation end stay-at-home orders.
Because hundreds of party-goers were shown in a number of social media postings at the Lake of the Ozarks flouting social distancing rules, St. Louis County Executive Sam Page issued a statement on Tuesday telling residents of his county that, if they were at the Lake party this past weekend, they should self-quarantine.
Page blasted those who attended the party.
“This reckless behavior endangers countless people and risks setting us back substantially from the progress we have made in slowing the spread of COVID-19,” he said in a statement.
Page also recommended that those who were in attendance at the Lake of the Ozarks should get tested and receive a negative result for coronavirus before they leave their homes again.
Former Sen. Claire McCaskill shared the same sentiments as Page regarding the party-goers at the event in a tweet she authored on Tuesday. Sharing a video that highlighted new drive-thru testing sites in the state, McCaskill urged Missouri residents who were at the Lake of the Ozarks to get themselves checked out.
“Hoping some of those STL area folks that were body to body all over the Lake this weekend get tested today,” she wrote.
In a separate tweet, citing from her own experience waiting “tables down there every summer in college,” McCaskill suggested that most of the revelers were probably from out of town, likely to return to Kansas City and St. Louis, and possibly spreading coronavirus in their communities when they returned home.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.