truthout--2020-10-06--The Pandemic May Be With Us for the Long Haul. How Do We Adapt?

After all these months and 210,000 deaths , you ’ d think I ’ d be used to it all , but I ’ m not .
It doesn ’ t seem even a little normal yet .
I ’ m still full of absences , missing so much I used to take for granted : hugs and handshakes , rooms crowded for funerals and weddings , potluck dinners and house parties .
I miss browsing the stacks at the library and the racks at the thrift shop .
I miss going to our Unitarian Universalist congregation and the robust @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I should count myself lucky , of course , that such human encounters and quotidian pleasures are all that I miss .
I have yet to lose friends or family to Covid-19 , I haven ’ t lost my job , and our home is not in danger of foreclosure .
Still , I ’ m at a loss to figure out how to go on .
But that ’ s the work , isn ’ t it ?
Going on somehow because , if the experts are on target — and they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ din of the bombast and threats of carnage coming out of Washington — they say that things won ’ t get back to normal for a year or longer .
They say this is the new normal : masks , distance , existential dread over every sore throat .
Another year… at least .
How do I pace myself and my family for the long haul of the pandemic ?
How do we figure out how to mitigate our risks and still live lives of some sort ?
Who do we trust ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ who do we call if a spiking fall or winter pandemic hits us directly ?
I ’ m full of missing and longing , but the thing I miss most poignantly and sharply isn ’ t something ( or someone ) you could see or touch .
What I miss is the privileged ( and ultimately false ) notion , almost an article of faith for white , middle-class people like me , that the future is predictable , that there is a “ normal.
” I miss good old-fashioned American optimism , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ absolves and salves and says with a twang or lilt : It ’ ll be okay .
They ’ ll figure it out .
Things will get back to normal .
This is only temporary .
While most of the developed world has been dealing with the impact of the pandemic in a reasonable fashion — caring for the sick , burying the dead , enforcing lockdowns and the sort of distancing and masking that seems so necessary — it ’ s played out differently here in the good old U.S. of A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — plus a broken social safety net , a for-profit healthcare system , a war of disinformation , and that ’ s just to start down a list of add-on disasters .
In addition , parts of the United States have been beset by record wildfires , hurricanes , and deadly storms .
So add on the impact of catastrophic climate change .
Here in the land of the fearful and the home of the riven , it ’ s been a pandemic plus poverty , plus staggering economic inequality , plus police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supremacy .
It ’ s a nightmare , in other words and , despite those more than 210,000 dead Americans , it ’ s not slowing down .
And no matter the facts on the ground , and the bodies below the ground , the president ’ s supporters regularly deny there ’ s the slightest need for masks , social distancing , shutdowns , or much of anything else .
So , it ’ s a pandemic plus denial , too — a politically manipulated denial spiced with violence and the threat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election , which could even mean a pandemic plus autocracy or a chaotic American version of fascism .
In other words , it ’ s a lot .
Still , it ’ s also the fall and , after this endless summer , my three kids have started school again — sort of .
They are in first , third , and eighth grade .
Right now , there ’ s more coaching around masks and distancing than instruction in math and the ABCs .
Still , the teachers are working hard to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so happy to be away from us that they don ’ t even seem to mind those masks , or the shields around their desks , or the regimented way lunch and recess have to happen .
Over the whole experiment , of course , hangs an unnerving reality ( or do I mean unreality ? )
: that in-person schooling could dissolve in an errant cough , a spiking fever , and a few microscopic germs catapulting through the air .
In fact , that ’ s already been happening in other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ After all these months of lockdown , my husband and I automatically wear masks everywhere , arranging the odd outdoor gathering of a handful of friends and trying to imagine how any of this will work in winter , no less long term .
Still , bit by bit , we ’ re doing our best to quilt together an understanding of how to live in the midst of such a pandemic — and that ’ s important because it ’ s so obvious that there ’ s going to be no quick @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve been plunged into .
Seven months in , I ’ m finally realizing what so many marginalized people have always known : we ’ re on our own .
It came to me like a klaxon call , a scream from the depths of my own body , all at once .
I still whisper it , with sorrow and wonder : we are on our own .
It ’ s as if our small city of New London and the state of Connecticut had been untethered from the federal government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ telephone that passes for federal public-healthcare policy , are faring better than most due to a mixture of our state ’ s reputation as the “ Land of Steady Habits , ” our small-city web of mutual aid , and our own family ’ s blend of abundance and austerity .
Still , the fact that , relatively speaking , we ’ re doing okay doesn ’ t make the realization that we ’ re on our own any less stark or troubling .
It ’ s not complicated , really .
You @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a mixture of personal responsibility and family creativity .
Science , policy , and a national plan are what ’ s needed .
My own vision for such a plan in response to Covid-19 would be the passage of a universal basic income , robust worker protections , and Medicare for all .
But that ’ s just me… well , actually , it ’ s probably the secret dream of the majority of Americans and it ’ s certainly the opposite of the position of Trump and his ilk .
It says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ together and we better start acting like it .
We need to take care of one another to survive .
In spite of it all , I ’ m doing my best to manage this new normal by focusing on what I actually can do .
At least I can feed people .
Our city was poor even before the state ordered a lockdown in mid-March and few had the extra money to panic-buy .
So the food justice organization I work for started planting extra carrots , peas , and collards back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ boxes and painted signs telling people to harvest for free .
We distributed soil and seeds to people all over the city and gave them some gardening 101 guidance .
And now , as October begins , we ’ re still finishing harvesting all that food and distributing it every week .
On Fridays , I also help pack boxes of milk and eggs , meat and vegetables , which we then deliver to more than 100 families .
The rhythm involved in harvesting the produce and packing the boxes , each an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ darker thoughts , at least for a while .
“ We Are Going to Be in Very Good Shape ” The president held a news conference on March 30th .
Of course , that ’ s ancient history now , separated as it is from the present by long months of deaths and hospitalizations , layoffs and political in-fighting .
The CEOs of Honeywell , Jockey , MyPillow , United Technologies , and other companies were gathered alongside administration officials that day .
It should have been a briefing on where we Americans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going to be a long slog .
Above all , it should have honored those who had already died .
Instead — no surprise looking back from our present nightmarish vantage point — it proved to be an extended advertisement for those companies and a chance for their CEOs to spout patriotic pablum and trade compliments with the commander-in-chief .
I was crying a lot then .
When the president said , “ We have to get our country back to where it was and maybe beyond , ” I began to sob @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wiped away the tears and blew my nose , I checked out the website of a company that makes homeopathic remedies .
A friend had sent me a list of ones doctors were supposedly using to treat coronavirus symptoms in Germany , Italy , and China .
“ Get these if you can , ” she texted .
It wasn ’ t science .
I admit it .
It was desperation .
As one of millions of Americans on state insurance with no primary-care doctor or bespoke concierge service , I feared the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was telling the American people to use the time of the shutdown to “ get back in the Word , read our Bibles , ” I made my own faith gesture and pressed the buy button .
When the order arrived , it was full of tiny , archaic vials labelled with names like Belladonna and Drosera .
Even now , when I feel anxious and cloudy , I rummage through that box of vials and read the names like incantations .
Better that than heeding the president ’ s assertion on that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be in very good shape.
” We are not in very good shape and it ’ s getting worse every day .
As the November election looms and Ruth Bader Ginsburg ’ s death ( as well as the grim Republican response to it ) casts an ever more massive shadow over the country , the subtext of the administration ’ s message — however convoluted its delivery — is simple enough : you ’ re on your own .
Over the last half-year , whether discussing the pandemic or the vote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one bizarre , bombastic , patently untrue assertion after another .
In the process , he ’ s vacillated between a caricature of a dictator from some long-lost Isabel Allende novel and of an insecure middle manager ( The Office ’ s Michael Scott on steroids ) .
Critical medical information , public health guidelines , and the disbursement of necessary protective equipment have all been thoroughly messed up and politicized in ways that are harmful today and could be devastating for years to come .
As Peter Baker of the New York @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of us are indeed confused : “ With Mr. Trump saying one thing and his health advisors saying another , many Americans have been left to figure out on their own whom to believe , with past polls sharing that they have more faith in the experts than their president.
” That ’ s me !
I do have faith in the experts .
I ’ m wearing a mask and digging into the idea that mask wearing is going to be a part of our lives for at least the next year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the new normal will be ever more of the same , which means careful , awkward , tentative engagement with a wildly unpredictable world full of pathogens and unmasked “ patriots.
” The new normal will mean trading in the old sock masks my mother-in-law fashioned for us and investing in more high tech and effective masks .
Beyond that , my answer to all this couldn ’ t be more feeble .
It ’ s taking care of my backyard chickens and my front-yard garden and adding strands to our small web @ @ @ @ @ @ @ summer , I dug up more of my lawn to plant carrots , sweet potatoes , and squash in an ever larger garden , while learning how to store rainwater from the gutters of our roof in big barrels .
I joked with my friends about growing rice — and might even try it next year .
I acquired a chicken coop , built a rudimentary run , and ordered six beautiful chickens from a farm in a quiet corner of Connecticut : two Golden Copper Marans , two Black Marans , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them after characters in the Harry Potter series , which they ’ ve all but memorized during the shutdown .
One chicken ran away and one died , but I love everything about taking care of them and harvesting the perfect magical protein orbs they produce with religious regularity .
These things bring me pleasure and a feeling of accomplishment , while leaving me with a set of tasks that I have to complete even when I feel despondent and overwhelmed .
That ’ s all to the good , but a handful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t add up to self-sufficiency .
They are not a bulwark against national abandonment and ineptitude .
They will not solve the problem of Donald Trump and Company .
Still , in bad , bad times , at least they keep me going and let ’ s face it , all of us — at least those of us who survive Covid-19 — are in it for the long haul .

After all these months and 210,000 deaths, you’d think I’d be used to it all, but I’m not. It doesn’t seem even a little normal yet. I’m still full of absences, missing so much I used to take for granted: hugs and handshakes, rooms crowded for funerals and weddings, potluck dinners and house parties. I miss browsing the stacks at the library and the racks at the thrift shop. I miss going to our Unitarian Universalist congregation and the robust community connection we enjoyed every Sunday.
I should count myself lucky, of course, that such human encounters and quotidian pleasures are all that I miss. I have yet to lose friends or family to Covid-19, I haven’t lost my job, and our home is not in danger of foreclosure. Still, I’m at a loss to figure out how to go on.
But that’s the work, isn’t it? Going on somehow because, if the experts are on target — and they’re hard to hear above the din of the bombast and threats of carnage coming out of Washington — they say that things won’t get back to normal for a year or longer. They say this is the new normal: masks, distance, existential dread over every sore throat.
Another year… at least. How do I pace myself and my family for the long haul of the pandemic? How do we figure out how to mitigate our risks and still live lives of some sort? Who do we trust? Who do we listen to? And who do we call if a spiking fall or winter pandemic hits us directly?
I’m full of missing and longing, but the thing I miss most poignantly and sharply isn’t something (or someone) you could see or touch. What I miss is the privileged (and ultimately false) notion, almost an article of faith for white, middle-class people like me, that the future is predictable, that there is a “normal.” I miss good old-fashioned American optimism, that “aw shucks” sentiment that absolves and salves and says with a twang or lilt: It’ll be okay. They’ll figure it out. Things will get back to normal. This is only temporary.
Pandemic Plus
While most of the developed world has been dealing with the impact of the pandemic in a reasonable fashion — caring for the sick, burying the dead, enforcing lockdowns and the sort of distancing and masking that seems so necessary — it’s played out differently here in the good old U.S. of A. Here, we have a pandemic-plus — plus a broken social safety net, a for-profit healthcare system, a war of disinformation, and that’s just to start down a list of add-on disasters.
In addition, parts of the United States have been beset by record wildfires, hurricanes, and deadly storms. So add on the impact of catastrophic climate change.
Here in the land of the fearful and the home of the riven, it’s been a pandemic plus poverty, plus staggering economic inequality, plus police violence, plus protest, plus white supremacy. It’s a nightmare, in other words and, despite those more than 210,000 dead Americans, it’s not slowing down. And no matter the facts on the ground, and the bodies below the ground, the president’s supporters regularly deny there’s the slightest need for masks, social distancing, shutdowns, or much of anything else. So, it’s a pandemic plus denial, too — a politically manipulated denial spiced with violence and the threat of violence heading into an increasingly fraught election, which could even mean a pandemic plus autocracy or a chaotic American version of fascism. In other words, it’s a lot.
Still, it’s also the fall and, after this endless summer, my three kids have started school again — sort of. They are in first, third, and eighth grade. Right now, there’s more coaching around masks and distancing than instruction in math and the ABCs. Still, the teachers are working hard to make this happen and my kids are so happy to be away from us that they don’t even seem to mind those masks, or the shields around their desks, or the regimented way lunch and recess have to happen. Over the whole experiment, of course, hangs an unnerving reality (or do I mean unreality?): that in-person schooling could dissolve in an errant cough, a spiking fever, and a few microscopic germs catapulting through the air. In fact, that’s already been happening in other areas of Connecticut where I live.
After all these months of lockdown, my husband and I automatically wear masks everywhere, arranging the odd outdoor gathering of a handful of friends and trying to imagine how any of this will work in winter, no less long term. Still, bit by bit, we’re doing our best to quilt together an understanding of how to live in the midst of such a pandemic — and that’s important because it’s so obvious that there’s going to be no quick fix in the chaotic new world we’ve been plunged into.
Seven months in, I’m finally realizing what so many marginalized people have always known: we’re on our own. It came to me like a klaxon call, a scream from the depths of my own body, all at once. I still whisper it, with sorrow and wonder: we are on our own.
It’s as if our small city of New London and the state of Connecticut had been untethered from the federal government and, despite the crazy game of telephone that passes for federal public-healthcare policy, are faring better than most due to a mixture of our state’s reputation as the “Land of Steady Habits,” our small-city web of mutual aid, and our own family’s blend of abundance and austerity. Still, the fact that, relatively speaking, we’re doing okay doesn’t make the realization that we’re on our own any less stark or troubling.
It’s not complicated, really. You can’t beat a pandemic with a mixture of personal responsibility and family creativity. Science, policy, and a national plan are what’s needed. My own vision for such a plan in response to Covid-19 would be the passage of a universal basic income, robust worker protections, and Medicare for all. But that’s just me… well, actually, it’s probably the secret dream of the majority of Americans and it’s certainly the opposite of the position of Trump and his ilk. It says that we really all are in this together and we better start acting like it. We need to take care of one another to survive.
In spite of it all, I’m doing my best to manage this new normal by focusing on what I actually can do. At least I can feed people.
Our city was poor even before the state ordered a lockdown in mid-March and few had the extra money to panic-buy. So the food justice organization I work for started planting extra carrots, peas, and collards back in March. We built public garden boxes and painted signs telling people to harvest for free. We distributed soil and seeds to people all over the city and gave them some gardening 101 guidance.
And now, as October begins, we’re still finishing harvesting all that food and distributing it every week. On Fridays, I also help pack boxes of milk and eggs, meat and vegetables, which we then deliver to more than 100 families. The rhythm involved in harvesting the produce and packing the boxes, each an immersive physical task, helps banish my darker thoughts, at least for a while.
“We Are Going to Be in Very Good Shape”
The president held a news conference on March 30th. Of course, that’s ancient history now, separated as it is from the present by long months of deaths and hospitalizations, layoffs and political in-fighting. The CEOs of Honeywell, Jockey, MyPillow, United Technologies, and other companies were gathered alongside administration officials that day. It should have been a briefing on where we Americans were a month into what was clearly going to be a long slog. Above all, it should have honored those who had already died. Instead — no surprise looking back from our present nightmarish vantage point — it proved to be an extended advertisement for those companies and a chance for their CEOs to spout patriotic pablum and trade compliments with the commander-in-chief.
I was crying a lot then. When the president said, “We have to get our country back to where it was and maybe beyond,” I began to sob and dry heave. After I finally wiped away the tears and blew my nose, I checked out the website of a company that makes homeopathic remedies. A friend had sent me a list of ones doctors were supposedly using to treat coronavirus symptoms in Germany, Italy, and China.
“Get these if you can,” she texted. It wasn’t science. I admit it. It was desperation. As one of millions of Americans on state insurance with no primary-care doctor or bespoke concierge service, I feared the worst.
As the CEO from MyPillow was telling the American people to use the time of the shutdown to “get back in the Word, read our Bibles,” I made my own faith gesture and pressed the buy button. When the order arrived, it was full of tiny, archaic vials labelled with names like Belladonna and Drosera. Even now, when I feel anxious and cloudy, I rummage through that box of vials and read the names like incantations. Better that than heeding the president’s assertion on that long-gone day that “we are going to be in very good shape.”
A Handful of Chickens
We are not in very good shape and it’s getting worse every day. As the November election looms and Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s death (as well as the grim Republican response to it) casts an ever more massive shadow over the country, the subtext of the administration’s message — however convoluted its delivery — is simple enough: you’re on your own. Over the last half-year, whether discussing the pandemic or the vote to come, Donald Trump has made one bizarre, bombastic, patently untrue assertion after another. In the process, he’s vacillated between a caricature of a dictator from some long-lost Isabel Allende novel and of an insecure middle manager (The Office’s Michael Scott on steroids).
Critical medical information, public health guidelines, and the disbursement of necessary protective equipment have all been thoroughly messed up and politicized in ways that are harmful today and could be devastating for years to come. As Peter Baker of the New York Times reported in September, so many of us are indeed confused:
“With Mr. Trump saying one thing and his health advisors saying another, many Americans have been left to figure out on their own whom to believe, with past polls sharing that they have more faith in the experts than their president.”
That’s me! I do have faith in the experts. I’m wearing a mask and digging into the idea that mask wearing is going to be a part of our lives for at least the next year or so. In other words, the new normal will be ever more of the same, which means careful, awkward, tentative engagement with a wildly unpredictable world full of pathogens and unmasked “patriots.” The new normal will mean trading in the old sock masks my mother-in-law fashioned for us and investing in more high tech and effective masks. Beyond that, my answer to all this couldn’t be more feeble. It’s taking care of my backyard chickens and my front-yard garden and adding strands to our small web of mutual aid.
This spring and summer, I dug up more of my lawn to plant carrots, sweet potatoes, and squash in an ever larger garden, while learning how to store rainwater from the gutters of our roof in big barrels. I joked with my friends about growing rice — and might even try it next year. I acquired a chicken coop, built a rudimentary run, and ordered six beautiful chickens from a farm in a quiet corner of Connecticut: two Golden Copper Marans, two Black Marans, and two Easter Eggers. The kids named them after characters in the Harry Potter series, which they’ve all but memorized during the shutdown. One chicken ran away and one died, but I love everything about taking care of them and harvesting the perfect magical protein orbs they produce with religious regularity.
These things bring me pleasure and a feeling of accomplishment, while leaving me with a set of tasks that I have to complete even when I feel despondent and overwhelmed. That’s all to the good, but a handful of chickens and a few collard plants don’t add up to self-sufficiency. They are not a bulwark against national abandonment and ineptitude. They will not solve the problem of Donald Trump and Company.
Still, in bad, bad times, at least they keep me going and let’s face it, all of us — at least those of us who survive Covid-19 — are in it for the long haul.
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truthout--2020-10-06--California Housing Policy Is Making Wildfires Worse

Monday morning , Sept. 28 , California woke up sweaty , devastated , even shocked to find the state burning again .
But if we ’ re honest , and to our great shame , no one was surprised .
We ’ d seen this horror movie in this town .
Three years ago , wildfire killed 25 people in Sonoma County .
Now the Glass Fire was there , again , burning toward Santa Rosa .
At 12:30 a.m. , a string of seniors stood in line , many in pajamas , waiting to board an evacuation bus from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with a roller bag stooped over her walker .
A man in a red shirt leaned on his red cane .
A woman in a purple robe and magenta slippers sat in her wheelchair , a white teddy bear in her lap .
They disembarked at the Santa Rosa Veterans Memorial Auditorium .
But then at 2:48 a.m. , before the slumped crowd , a young man climbed on a folding chair and announced : The fire was moving too fast toward them .
Time to move again .
Farther east , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the entire town of Paradise .
The Camp Fire killed 85 people in Paradise less than two years ago .
Many survivors , including the former mayor , spent the night trying and failing to sleep in one of Paradise ’ s 434 newly rebuilt homes .
It is all too close , too soon : the propane tanks exploding , the safety-vest orange sky .
By daylight , that sky rained chunks of ash , like dead moths .
Many Californians would have felt less triggered by locusts .
California , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going to burn .
The ecosystem here depends on fire to stay healthy .
OK , fine .
We suppressed that fire for a hundred-plus years , and now we ’ re living with a deathly backlog of kindling .
Not fine , but that ’ s going to take decades to fix .
The climate crisis has warmed and dried that tinder , leading to five of the six largest fires in California history just this year .
Not fine at all , but the time frame of remedying this … uhh @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the side .
Which leaves us with the one thing we could be doing to keep wildfire from destroying homes and lives : get a whole lot smarter about where and how we build .
Housing is the megafire-sized climate issue that lawmakers in California keep failing to adequately address — even though when asked directly how important housing is to California climate policy , Kate Gordon , Gov .
Gavin Newsom ’ s senior climate policy adviser , told me , “ Oh , it ’ s HUGE.
” Yet it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ professor who studies urban planning and environmental economics at the University of California , Santa Cruz , told me , “ It ’ s absolutely the weak link in the state ’ s climate policy.
” Affluent urban areas and suburban areas have been incredibly successful at “ pulling up the drawbridge , ” as Millard-Ball put it , blocking new housing and pushing Californians to live in evermore remote communities , often in what ’ s known as the wildland urban interface .
( WUI , the shorthand for this area where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . )
It kicks off a pernicious cycle .
Once there , people drive more , increasing emissions .
And thanks to emissions globally , those areas are burning more than ever before .
In August , Millard-Ball himself recently had to evacuate his home because of the CZU August Lighting Fire Complex .
“ So with that as a backdrop .
… ” he said .
“ California ’ s housing dysfunction has been thrown into really tragic , stark relief for the last couple of months.
” California leads the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is green transportation .
Just last week , amid this latest round of fires , Newsom promised to phase out new gas-only cars by 2035 .
“ But when it comes to addressing the root causes why people have to drive in the first place .
… ” Millard-Ball trailed off .
Not much happens .
Or not much good .
On Wednesday night , Newsom vetoed a bill that would have nudged Californians to stop putting new housing in high fire-risk zones .
The piece of legislation had overcome a yearlong delay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ development lobby — and passed the legislature by wide margins before flaming out at the eleventh hour on the governor ’ s desk .
It was , as original sponsor Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson , a Democrat from Santa Barbara , acknowledged when the California Senate Housing Committee began debating it in April 2019 , “ not exactly the sexiest stuff in the world.
” But it had two important goals : One , to identify existing structures highly vulnerable to burning in wildfire and make plans to retrofit them .
( This was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did not even include funding . )
Two , to ease pressure to develop in the parts of California with the highest wildfire risk .
To date , no legislation related to wildfires — or any other climate-related hazard — impacts California ’ s arcane housing allocation system .
( That system tells each region how much housing it ’ s required to build over a stretch of five or eight years . )
But once wildfire risk is codified as a valid reason not to build , what ’ s next ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the California Building Industry Association , articulated that viewpoint when he called the bill “ a housing killer.
” “ We don ’ t want to have gentrification .
We don ’ t want to have seismic risk .
We don ’ t want to have sea level rise or wetlands , or ag land preservation or floods , or toxics .
Or you name it , ” he continued .
“ The entire state is covered with imperfect places to build.
” Yet dealing with WUI development , according to fire pros @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dargan , is “ the most urgent ” fire question in the state .
Newsom did sign legislation to improve emergency response and preparedness efforts .
But his veto of what was a pretty modest bill felt inauspicious to climate policy wonks who pay attention to such things .
“ At this moment , it is extremely disappointing to hear that \ @ GavinNewsom decided not to sign # sb182 , ” Michael Wara , director of the Climate and Energy Policy Program at Stanford University , tweeted at 10:31 p.m. on Wednesday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decisions not to build anywhere .
But solutions to California ’ s housing production needs are not now nor will they in future be in the WUI.
” A half-hour later he tweeted again , appalled by Newsom ’ s refusal to back away from “ sprawl that must ultimately be defended from wildfire at enormous cost in treasure , and hopefully not in blood.
” What will it take to create change ?
“ If we can ’ t do it now , with the impetuses of the housing crisis and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Then he trailed off .
“ It would be incredibly sad to sit back and do nothing.
” This is the basic WUI problem : Houses are essentially big piles of fuel .
Houses in the WUI also mean people in the WUI , and people ignite over 95 % of California wildfires .
Houses further increase risk to lives and structures by making it difficult for land managers to do prescribed burns .
Once wildfires grow large , houses increase risks for firefighters .
Houses in the WUI cost a fortune to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ specialist at University of California Cooperative Extension at the Bren School in Santa Barbara , began focusing intently on the WUI problem six years ago .
He ’ d been creating fire probability maps under different climate change scenarios , and his data on fuel included plants that could burn , but not buildings .
He found that nearly a quarter of the increased risk that appeared to be due to climate change was in fact due to development .
So in 2016 , Moritz worked with a team of scientists to co-write @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to include land use in the wildfire models .
( “ I can send it to you if you want it .
It ’ s great bedtime reading.
” ) Then Moritz pivoted to synthesizing the research on fire in the WUI .
His goal was to lay out the facts for policymakers .
“ Then maybe this stuff could get codified , ” he said .
“ Because yeah , why isn ’ t it ?
Why isn ’ t it regulated ?
” After the 2009 Black Saturday fires in Australia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ homes , the federal government launched a commission that found ( among many other things ) “ planning and building controls are crucial factors affecting safety.
” The Australians then instituted swift , sweeping changes .
Among them : including bushfire risk in planning new development and making ember risk part of building codes .
Yet , over the past seven years , wildfires in California have killed 193 people and destroyed nearly 50,000 structures , and the state has done comparatively little to fix the problem .
“ We have these tragic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Saturday after Black Saturday and almost no movement on these things , ” Moritz said .
He ’ d hoped the research he and others had done on where and how we build in the face of climate change would spur bolder action .
“ Man , you ’ ve got the chance here to establish your legacy , as a progressive leader , tackling a tough problem , ” he said , as if talking to Newsom shortly before the governor vetoed the bill .
“ But hey , land use urban @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That ’ s tough , right ?
Yeah .
We need some guts.
” To protect a single home from wildfire in the WUI , this is your basic checklist .
Defensible space .
( No combustibles close to your home — for sure in the first 5 feet .
Newsom did sign a separate law on Tuesday mandating this for high fire severity zones . )
Class A fireproof roof .
Dual-paned windows .
Remove flammables from under deck .
Metal gutter covers .
A mesh covering all vents .
But protecting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( with only some exaggeration ) like being the only one in your family who wears a mask .
Safety is inherently a community project , and fire experts , as a rule , freak out about their neighbors ’ houses and yards .
One has nightmares about wood shingle siding “ that ignites and flies off like an airfoil spreading fires.
” Another about mulch that lets embers smolder until a wind whips them into “ open flames that creep right up to people ’ s house walls.
” A third told @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beetles but not yet cut down .
“ Have you ever had a real Christmas tree and burned it in February ?
” he asked .
“ They go off like napalm.
” For Wara , of Stanford ’ s Climate and Energy Policy Program , the zombies are the 20-foot-tall juniper bushes that line his neighbor ’ s house .
“ It ’ s a herd immunity thing , right ?
” he said .
Once your neighbor ’ s house catches fire and starts throwing embers , yours is probably next @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people get that.
” In the early 1970s , the National Commission on Fire Prevention and Control tackled the problem of indoor fire .
This culminated in the “ America Burning ” report , which in turn led to the creation of the U.S. Fire Administration and an over 50 % drop in indoor fires since 1980 .
But there ’ s no such equivalent effort for wildfires .
To help fix this , for the past two years , Alexander Maranghides , a fire protection engineer with the National Institute of Standards @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been co-leading a detailed reconstruction of the Camp Fire that destroyed Paradise .
( NIST plans to release its first of three 400-page reports this fall . )
“ The outside fire problem is technically somewhere between one and two orders of magnitude more complex than the interior fire problem , ” Maranghides said .
Those fires involve topography , weather , fuel conditions , fire-fighting response , on and on .
Just defining the fire dynamics of embers alone is a huge task .
The intention of this science is not to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at all , which almost nobody thinks is feasible .
The intention is to make the public and policymakers WUI literate and provide science and tools that could lead to the creation of cost-effective solutions , so we don ’ t keep repeating the same tragic , expensive mistakes .
Wara pointed out that people are rebuilding in Coffey Park , a neighborhood in Santa Rosa that was nearly destroyed in 2017 .
“ And they ’ re doing all these things that are so avoidable .
Like wood fences connecting the homes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , combustible ember catcher !
You just don ’ t need to do that.
” Here ’ s the political problem : 11 million people , over a quarter of all Califorians , live in the WUI .
We are not going to kick them out .
At the same time , the state is in a housing crisis , and Newsom staked his career on fixing it .
In his inaugural address , in January 2019 , he announced “ a Marshall Plan ” for housing and promised to build 3.5 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could hear the tension between that promise and watching his state burn down in his veto Wednesday night .
“ Wildfire resilience must become a more consistent part of land use and development decisions , ” he wrote .
“ However , it must be done while meeting our housing needs.
” Right now , the state ’ s climate priorities are skewed .
California has “ focused on solar and wind and electric vehicles — the sort of technology solution side of climate , ” she said .
“ We haven ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Gordon , the Newsom adviser , admitted .
This is an oversight , and the administration knows it , even refuses at times to act that way .
“ As a state , we ’ re the one who pays for the disaster mitigation , right ?
” Gordon said .
“ It ’ s just not sustainable .
I mean , our entire budget will become about disaster response if we don ’ t get ahead of this thing.
” Without action at the state level , it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ climate housing policy .
Local governments have a lot of power .
Too much power , Millard-Ball , the UC Santa Cruz professor , argues .
“ Cities can effectively ignore the climate crisis when they ’ re making certain decisions , ” he said .
“ Like most cities in California have developed climate action plans , which are great in terms of things promoting waste reduction and street trees and energy efficiency .
But they have said almost nothing about creating more walkable , transit-oriented places to live.
” The situation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a fortune in the WUI , are rapidly dropping homeowner policies .
The hemorrhage of “ non-renewals ” grew so acute that California ’ s insurance commissioner essentially instituted a circuit-breaker halt and declared a one-year moratorium .
But that may not be enough help for residents to afford to stay .
As Mariposa County Supervisor Kevin Cann told me , “ You go on the FAIR Plan ” — the California insurance policy of last resort — “ and you realize , Holy smokes !
I used to pay $ 1,200 a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to pay $ 5,000 .
That ’ s a second mortgage.
” The hard truth is : this is as it should be .
WUI housing , with its true costs factored in , is not the bargain real estate agents refer to when they say , “ Drive until you qualify.
” Last year , the National Bureau of Economic Research , or NBER , published a paper detailing how taxpayers are subsidizing people living in high fire risk zones .
How ?
Firefighting is expensive — California may spend a billion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of that will go to defending private homes .
This firefighting “ benefit ” is not negligible : NBER calculated it can exceed 20 % of a property ’ s value .
The very fact that firefighting is publicly funded decreases the incentive for WUI residents to fireproof their properties .
Distorting the housing market further and creating moral hazard : Because much of firefighting budgets comes out of federal disaster funds , publicly funded fire response decreases the incentive for a city or state — hello , California — to create and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , according to NBER , will grow more pronounced with climate change .
The state would also save money if it took a preventative medicine approach and shifted more funds into fire prevention .
Every dollar invested in risk mitigation typically saves six in disaster costs .
Dargan , the former state fire marshal , who was a firefighter for 30 years and has a son working as a first responder right now , believes the state makes a mistake by not viewing fire prevention and suppression as the same thing .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ times on the continuum of solutions , ” she said .
“ We have the world ’ s best response system in California.
” And that system works beautifully — until a megafire erupts .
Then that system fails .
At that point , no matter how well they ’ re trained or how hard they work , “ firefighters are unable to focus on firefighting .
All they can do is get people out ahead of time and even then we ’ re beginning to fail at greater numbers.
” We need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For WUI residents , like those seniors evacuated from their homes after midnight in Santa Rosa on Monday and then evacuated from the evacuation center around 3 am .
For people , including her son , on the front line .

Monday morning, Sept. 28, California woke up sweaty, devastated, even shocked to find the state burning again. But if we’re honest, and to our great shame, no one was surprised. We’d seen this horror movie in this town. Three years ago, wildfire killed 25 people in Sonoma County. Now the Glass Fire was there, again, burning toward Santa Rosa. At 12:30 a.m., a string of seniors stood in line, many in pajamas, waiting to board an evacuation bus from their retirement home. A tiny woman with a roller bag stooped over her walker. A man in a red shirt leaned on his red cane. A woman in a purple robe and magenta slippers sat in her wheelchair, a white teddy bear in her lap. They disembarked at the Santa Rosa Veterans Memorial Auditorium. But then at 2:48 a.m., before the slumped crowd, a young man climbed on a folding chair and announced: The fire was moving too fast toward them. Time to move again.
Farther east, the Butte County sheriff issued an evacuation warning for the entire town of Paradise. The Camp Fire killed 85 people in Paradise less than two years ago. Many survivors, including the former mayor, spent the night trying and failing to sleep in one of Paradise’s 434 newly rebuilt homes.
It is all too close, too soon: the propane tanks exploding, the safety-vest orange sky. By daylight, that sky rained chunks of ash, like dead moths. Many Californians would have felt less triggered by locusts.
California, as we all now know, is going to burn.
The ecosystem here depends on fire to stay healthy. OK, fine.
We suppressed that fire for a hundred-plus years, and now we’re living with a deathly backlog of kindling. Not fine, but that’s going to take decades to fix.
The climate crisis has warmed and dried that tinder, leading to five of the six largest fires in California history just this year. Not fine at all, but the time frame of remedying this … uhh … let’s just put that to the side.
Which leaves us with the one thing we could be doing to keep wildfire from destroying homes and lives: get a whole lot smarter about where and how we build.
Housing is the megafire-sized climate issue that lawmakers in California keep failing to adequately address — even though when asked directly how important housing is to California climate policy, Kate Gordon, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s senior climate policy adviser, told me, “Oh, it’s HUGE.” Yet it remains intractable.
Adam Millard-Ball, a professor who studies urban planning and environmental economics at the University of California, Santa Cruz, told me, “It’s absolutely the weak link in the state’s climate policy.” Affluent urban areas and suburban areas have been incredibly successful at “pulling up the drawbridge,” as Millard-Ball put it, blocking new housing and pushing Californians to live in evermore remote communities, often in what’s known as the wildland urban interface. (WUI, the shorthand for this area where humans meet nature, is pronounced woooeeee.) It kicks off a pernicious cycle. Once there, people drive more, increasing emissions. And thanks to emissions globally, those areas are burning more than ever before. In August, Millard-Ball himself recently had to evacuate his home because of the CZU August Lighting Fire Complex.
“So with that as a backdrop. …” he said. “California’s housing dysfunction has been thrown into really tragic, stark relief for the last couple of months.”
California leads the country on most climate issues; its showpiece is green transportation. Just last week, amid this latest round of fires, Newsom promised to phase out new gas-only cars by 2035. “But when it comes to addressing the root causes why people have to drive in the first place. …” Millard-Ball trailed off. Not much happens. Or not much good.
On Wednesday night, Newsom vetoed a bill that would have nudged Californians to stop putting new housing in high fire-risk zones. The piece of legislation had overcome a yearlong delay, appeased initial detractors — including the development lobby — and passed the legislature by wide margins before flaming out at the eleventh hour on the governor’s desk.
It was, as original sponsor Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson, a Democrat from Santa Barbara, acknowledged when the California Senate Housing Committee began debating it in April 2019, “not exactly the sexiest stuff in the world.” But it had two important goals: One, to identify existing structures highly vulnerable to burning in wildfire and make plans to retrofit them. (This was not politically complicated, as the measure did not even include funding.) Two, to ease pressure to develop in the parts of California with the highest wildfire risk. To date, no legislation related to wildfires — or any other climate-related hazard — impacts California’s arcane housing allocation system. (That system tells each region how much housing it’s required to build over a stretch of five or eight years.) But once wildfire risk is codified as a valid reason not to build, what’s next? Extreme heat? Nick Cammarota, with the California Building Industry Association, articulated that viewpoint when he called the bill “a housing killer.”
“We don’t want to have gentrification. We don’t want to have seismic risk. We don’t want to have sea level rise or wetlands, or ag land preservation or floods, or toxics. Or you name it,” he continued. “The entire state is covered with imperfect places to build.”
Yet dealing with WUI development, according to fire pros like former California State Fire Marshal Kate Dargan, is “the most urgent” fire question in the state.
Newsom did sign legislation to improve emergency response and preparedness efforts. But his veto of what was a pretty modest bill felt inauspicious to climate policy wonks who pay attention to such things. “At this moment, it is extremely disappointing to hear that \@GavinNewsom decided not to sign #sb182,” Michael Wara, director of the Climate and Energy Policy Program at Stanford University, tweeted at 10:31 p.m. on Wednesday. “The housing crisis enormously complicates decisions not to build anywhere. But solutions to California’s housing production needs are not now nor will they in future be in the WUI.” A half-hour later he tweeted again, appalled by Newsom’s refusal to back away from “sprawl that must ultimately be defended from wildfire at enormous cost in treasure, and hopefully not in blood.”
What will it take to create change? “If we can’t do it now, with the impetuses of the housing crisis and the wildfire. …” Millard-Ball said. Then he trailed off. “It would be incredibly sad to sit back and do nothing.”
This is the basic WUI problem: Houses are essentially big piles of fuel. Houses in the WUI also mean people in the WUI, and people ignite over 95% of California wildfires. Houses further increase risk to lives and structures by making it difficult for land managers to do prescribed burns. Once wildfires grow large, houses increase risks for firefighters. Houses in the WUI cost a fortune to defend.
Max Moritz, a wildfire specialist at University of California Cooperative Extension at the Bren School in Santa Barbara, began focusing intently on the WUI problem six years ago. He’d been creating fire probability maps under different climate change scenarios, and his data on fuel included plants that could burn, but not buildings. He found that nearly a quarter of the increased risk that appeared to be due to climate change was in fact due to development. So in 2016, Moritz worked with a team of scientists to co-write a paper laying out why we need to include land use in the wildfire models. (“I can send it to you if you want it. It’s great bedtime reading.”) Then Moritz pivoted to synthesizing the research on fire in the WUI. His goal was to lay out the facts for policymakers. “Then maybe this stuff could get codified,” he said. “Because yeah, why isn’t it? Why isn’t it regulated?”
After the 2009 Black Saturday fires in Australia that killed 173 people and destroyed 2,133 homes, the federal government launched a commission that found (among many other things) “planning and building controls are crucial factors affecting safety.” The Australians then instituted swift, sweeping changes. Among them: including bushfire risk in planning new development and making ember risk part of building codes. Yet, over the past seven years, wildfires in California have killed 193 people and destroyed nearly 50,000 structures, and the state has done comparatively little to fix the problem. “We have these tragic, huge events. We have Black Saturday after Black Saturday and almost no movement on these things,” Moritz said.
He’d hoped the research he and others had done on where and how we build in the face of climate change would spur bolder action. “Man, you’ve got the chance here to establish your legacy, as a progressive leader, tackling a tough problem,” he said, as if talking to Newsom shortly before the governor vetoed the bill. “But hey, land use urban planning … that’s political. That’s tough, right? Yeah. We need some guts.”
To protect a single home from wildfire in the WUI, this is your basic checklist. Defensible space. (No combustibles close to your home — for sure in the first 5 feet. Newsom did sign a separate law on Tuesday mandating this for high fire severity zones.) Class A fireproof roof. Dual-paned windows. Remove flammables from under deck. Metal gutter covers. A mesh covering all vents.
But protecting a single home in the WUI is (with only some exaggeration) like being the only one in your family who wears a mask. Safety is inherently a community project, and fire experts, as a rule, freak out about their neighbors’ houses and yards. One has nightmares about wood shingle siding “that ignites and flies off like an airfoil spreading fires.” Another about mulch that lets embers smolder until a wind whips them into “open flames that creep right up to people’s house walls.” A third told me about ponderosa pines killed by bark beetles but not yet cut down. “Have you ever had a real Christmas tree and burned it in February?” he asked. “They go off like napalm.”
For Wara, of Stanford’s Climate and Energy Policy Program, the zombies are the 20-foot-tall juniper bushes that line his neighbor’s house. “It’s a herd immunity thing, right?” he said. Once your neighbor’s house catches fire and starts throwing embers, yours is probably next. “I don’t think people get that.”
In the early 1970s, the National Commission on Fire Prevention and Control tackled the problem of indoor fire. This culminated in the “America Burning” report, which in turn led to the creation of the U.S. Fire Administration and an over 50% drop in indoor fires since 1980. But there’s no such equivalent effort for wildfires. To help fix this, for the past two years, Alexander Maranghides, a fire protection engineer with the National Institute of Standards and Technology, or NIST, has been co-leading a detailed reconstruction of the Camp Fire that destroyed Paradise. (NIST plans to release its first of three 400-page reports this fall.) “The outside fire problem is technically somewhere between one and two orders of magnitude more complex than the interior fire problem,” Maranghides said. Those fires involve topography, weather, fuel conditions, fire-fighting response, on and on. Just defining the fire dynamics of embers alone is a huge task. The intention of this science is not to keep people from living in the WUI at all, which almost nobody thinks is feasible. The intention is to make the public and policymakers WUI literate and provide science and tools that could lead to the creation of cost-effective solutions, so we don’t keep repeating the same tragic, expensive mistakes.
Wara pointed out that people are rebuilding in Coffey Park, a neighborhood in Santa Rosa that was nearly destroyed in 2017. “And they’re doing all these things that are so avoidable. Like wood fences connecting the homes. It’s like a vertical, combustible ember catcher! You just don’t need to do that.”
Here’s the political problem: 11 million people, over a quarter of all Califorians, live in the WUI. We are not going to kick them out.
At the same time, the state is in a housing crisis, and Newsom staked his career on fixing it. In his inaugural address, in January 2019, he announced “a Marshall Plan” for housing and promised to build 3.5 million new affordable units by 2025. You could hear the tension between that promise and watching his state burn down in his veto Wednesday night. “Wildfire resilience must become a more consistent part of land use and development decisions,” he wrote. “However, it must be done while meeting our housing needs.”
Right now, the state’s climate priorities are skewed. California has “focused on solar and wind and electric vehicles — the sort of technology solution side of climate,” she said. “We haven’t focused as much on land use,” Gordon, the Newsom adviser, admitted. This is an oversight, and the administration knows it, even refuses at times to act that way. “As a state, we’re the one who pays for the disaster mitigation, right?” Gordon said. “It’s just not sustainable. I mean, our entire budget will become about disaster response if we don’t get ahead of this thing.”
Without action at the state level, it’s hard to see how California achieves good climate housing policy. Local governments have a lot of power. Too much power, Millard-Ball, the UC Santa Cruz professor, argues. “Cities can effectively ignore the climate crisis when they’re making certain decisions,” he said. “Like most cities in California have developed climate action plans, which are great in terms of things promoting waste reduction and street trees and energy efficiency. But they have said almost nothing about creating more walkable, transit-oriented places to live.”
The situation is becoming dire. Insurers, losing a fortune in the WUI, are rapidly dropping homeowner policies. The hemorrhage of “non-renewals” grew so acute that California’s insurance commissioner essentially instituted a circuit-breaker halt and declared a one-year moratorium. But that may not be enough help for residents to afford to stay. As Mariposa County Supervisor Kevin Cann told me, “You go on the FAIR Plan” — the California insurance policy of last resort — “and you realize, Holy smokes! I used to pay $1,200 a year and now I’m going to pay $5,000. That’s a second mortgage.”
The hard truth is: this is as it should be. WUI housing, with its true costs factored in, is not the bargain real estate agents refer to when they say, “Drive until you qualify.” Last year, the National Bureau of Economic Research, or NBER, published a paper detailing how taxpayers are subsidizing people living in high fire risk zones. How? Firefighting is expensive — California may spend a billion dollars this year. A large percentage of that will go to defending private homes. This firefighting “benefit” is not negligible: NBER calculated it can exceed 20% of a property’s value. The very fact that firefighting is publicly funded decreases the incentive for WUI residents to fireproof their properties. Distorting the housing market further and creating moral hazard: Because much of firefighting budgets comes out of federal disaster funds, publicly funded fire response decreases the incentive for a city or state — hello, California — to create and enforce wildland building codes.
This pattern, according to NBER, will grow more pronounced with climate change.
The state would also save money if it took a preventative medicine approach and shifted more funds into fire prevention. Every dollar invested in risk mitigation typically saves six in disaster costs. Dargan, the former state fire marshal, who was a firefighter for 30 years and has a son working as a first responder right now, believes the state makes a mistake by not viewing fire prevention and suppression as the same thing. “Mitigation and response just happen at different times on the continuum of solutions,” she said. “We have the world’s best response system in California.” And that system works beautifully — until a megafire erupts. Then that system fails. At that point, no matter how well they’re trained or how hard they work, “firefighters are unable to focus on firefighting. All they can do is get people out ahead of time and even then we’re beginning to fail at greater numbers.” We need a better plan. For taxpayers. For WUI residents, like those seniors evacuated from their homes after midnight in Santa Rosa on Monday and then evacuated from the evacuation center around 3 am. For people, including her son, on the front line.
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truthout--2020-10-06--Trump’s Strict Immigration Laws Exacerbate Human Trafficking in the US

Several virtual summits in California , North Carolina , South Carolina and Louisiana over the past several weeks and an upcoming summit in New Jersey addressing human trafficking ( also referred to as trafficking in persons or modern slavery ) suggest a widespread awareness of the crisis in this country .
Yet , a Summit on Human Trafficking hosted at the White House earlier this year , before COVID-19 was a concern , demonstrated what critics called a push that was “ undermining ” efforts and using the opportunity as a “ photo op.
” Notably absent from this meeting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ space .
Indeed , trends do suggest an overwhelming aspect of human trafficking that have been worsened by Trump administration policies , particularly for those vulnerable to trafficking due to their immigration status .
It is clear that the administration ’ s dedication to ending human trafficking is lacking in important ways .
Human trafficking most likely ensnares approximately 40 million people worldwide , which translates to about five people trafficked for every 1,000 people .
Within the United States , about 403,000 individuals were trafficked in 2016 .
Over 50,000 of these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ frequently from Mexico and the Philippines .
Importantly , these estimates are only the best guess of what trafficking in the United States looks like , as enumerating trafficking is difficult due to the hidden nature of the crime .
Migration clearly plays an important role in understanding human trafficking .
As a result , immigration policies can increase the risk factors that make one susceptible to being trafficked .
Immigrants may be trafficked whether they have work visas or no visas .
In some cases , individuals are recruited abroad for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ within the protection of the U.S. government have found themselves trafficked .
For instance , the 2018 documentary , Trafficked in America , showed unaccompanied minors who were placed into state care , and subsequently trafficked on a chicken farm in Ohio .
Additionally , a visa tied to an employer can allow for increased vulnerability of trafficked individuals .
Temporary work visas — H2A and H2B visas , which provide visas to workers in agriculture , construction and restaurants ( among other industries ) — are directly tied to the approval of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ H2A and H2B programs have previously led to trafficking of migrants within the United States .
A Polaris report identified 797 cases of foreign nationals who held temporary visas and were subsequently trafficked from 2015-2017 .
These programs allow employers to have control on their employee ’ s migration status which creates potential for abuse .
Fraud can play a role in these trafficking cases ; for example , if recruiters or employers advertise fair wages yet pay only a portion of the promised legal wages .
Coercion that includes threats to family @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plays a role in these trafficking scenarios .
For workers who may already be isolated due to language barriers and are less likely to be familiar with U.S. labor laws , these abuses can be less visible .
Finally , immigration policies are a key component in access to migrants who are currently trafficked or have been trafficked .
The three-fold goals of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 ( TVPA ) , last amended in 2008 , are to provide means for prosecution , protection and prevention .
The strong anti-immigrant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are counter to these goals .
Prosecution necessarily requires trafficked individuals to work with law enforcement , something that migrants concerned over their status may be afraid to do .
More importantly , a key provision of the TVPA was to create a special type of visa , the T-visa , for foreign nationals who have been trafficked .
Under President Barack Obama , nearly 73 percent of applicants were given visas from 2009-2016 .
In contrast , under President Donald Trump , only 50 percent of applicants have received visas in 2017 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ applications has increased , the number of pending applications has more than doubled .
Wait times and the difficulty in attaining appropriate certifications for visas has increased , making the T-visa provision in the TVPA minimally helpful .
The Trump administration has indeed acted on issues concerning trafficking victims , but not with a full view of what trafficking is .
For individuals who are vulnerable to trafficking because of their immigration status , change on a range of policy issues could shift policy in ways that help trafficked individuals .
These changes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s record , however .
Policy needs to shift the temporary visa process to create greater clarity and oversight in the recruitment process and remove control over visa status from employers .
Barriers to accessing T-visas need to be minimized , including decreasing fees and wait times and increasing access to certifications .
Rhetoric , policy and practice around immigration generally should foster an environment wherein migrants suffering any type of abuse are not afraid to access protection .
Immigration policies that promote unsafe environments for migrants do not help human trafficking .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ its ties to immigration may lead to better policy on both issues , particularly if that knowledge translated into pressure on policy makers .
In my research conducted with Cecilia Mo on public opinion of human trafficking , we discovered fully disseminating how traffickers leverage different types of vulnerabilities can actually increase support from the public on anti-trafficking efforts .
We also find that increased knowledge around human trafficking maintains high public support against anti-trafficking measures .
Voters should be fully informed on human trafficking and hold their elected officials accountable for immigration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ encourage policy that makes trafficking more likely .
While the current administration inherited a number of these problems , if the goal is truly to combat human trafficking , it is necessary work to revise migration policies that increase vulnerability to human trafficking .
Whoever wins in November , an administration that wants to combat human trafficking needs more than occasional summits ; it must create a safer environment for migrants .

Several virtual summits in California, North Carolina, South Carolina and Louisiana over the past several weeks and an upcoming summit in New Jersey addressing human trafficking (also referred to as trafficking in persons or modern slavery) suggest a widespread awareness of the crisis in this country.
Yet, a Summit on Human Trafficking hosted at the White House earlier this year, before COVID-19 was a concern, demonstrated what critics called a push that was “undermining” efforts and using the opportunity as a “photo op.” Notably absent from this meeting were several prominent leaders in the anti-trafficking space.
Indeed, trends do suggest an overwhelming aspect of human trafficking that have been worsened by Trump administration policies, particularly for those vulnerable to trafficking due to their immigration status. It is clear that the administration’s dedication to ending human trafficking is lacking in important ways.
Human trafficking most likely ensnares approximately 40 million people worldwide, which translates to about five people trafficked for every 1,000 people. Within the United States, about 403,000 individuals were trafficked in 2016. Over 50,000 of these individuals are foreign-born, with known survivors frequently from Mexico and the Philippines.
Importantly, these estimates are only the best guess of what trafficking in the United States looks like, as enumerating trafficking is difficult due to the hidden nature of the crime. Migration clearly plays an important role in understanding human trafficking. As a result, immigration policies can increase the risk factors that make one susceptible to being trafficked.
Immigrants may be trafficked whether they have work visas or no visas. In some cases, individuals are recruited abroad for the purposes of trafficking, but even migrants within the protection of the U.S. government have found themselves trafficked. For instance, the 2018 documentary, Trafficked in America, showed unaccompanied minors who were placed into state care, and subsequently trafficked on a chicken farm in Ohio.
Additionally, a visa tied to an employer can allow for increased vulnerability of trafficked individuals. Temporary work visas — H2A and H2B visas, which provide visas to workers in agriculture, construction and restaurants (among other industries) — are directly tied to the approval of that employer. Known abuses in the H2A and H2B programs have previously led to trafficking of migrants within the United States. A Polaris report identified 797 cases of foreign nationals who held temporary visas and were subsequently trafficked from 2015-2017.
These programs allow employers to have control on their employee’s migration status which creates potential for abuse. Fraud can play a role in these trafficking cases; for example, if recruiters or employers advertise fair wages yet pay only a portion of the promised legal wages. Coercion that includes threats to family members or threats about immigration status also plays a role in these trafficking scenarios. For workers who may already be isolated due to language barriers and are less likely to be familiar with U.S. labor laws, these abuses can be less visible.
Finally, immigration policies are a key component in access to migrants who are currently trafficked or have been trafficked. The three-fold goals of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 (TVPA), last amended in 2008, are to provide means for prosecution, protection and prevention. The strong anti-immigrant narratives put forth by the Trump administration are counter to these goals. Prosecution necessarily requires trafficked individuals to work with law enforcement, something that migrants concerned over their status may be afraid to do.
More importantly, a key provision of the TVPA was to create a special type of visa, the T-visa, for foreign nationals who have been trafficked. Under President Barack Obama, nearly 73 percent of applicants were given visas from 2009-2016.
In contrast, under President Donald Trump, only 50 percent of applicants have received visas in 2017 and 2018. While the number of applications has increased, the number of pending applications has more than doubled. Wait times and the difficulty in attaining appropriate certifications for visas has increased, making the T-visa provision in the TVPA minimally helpful.
The Trump administration has indeed acted on issues concerning trafficking victims, but not with a full view of what trafficking is. For individuals who are vulnerable to trafficking because of their immigration status, change on a range of policy issues could shift policy in ways that help trafficked individuals.
These changes run counter to the Trump administration’s record, however. Policy needs to shift the temporary visa process to create greater clarity and oversight in the recruitment process and remove control over visa status from employers. Barriers to accessing T-visas need to be minimized, including decreasing fees and wait times and increasing access to certifications. Rhetoric, policy and practice around immigration generally should foster an environment wherein migrants suffering any type of abuse are not afraid to access protection.
Immigration policies that promote unsafe environments for migrants do not help human trafficking. A public that understands human trafficking and its ties to immigration may lead to better policy on both issues, particularly if that knowledge translated into pressure on policy makers. In my research conducted with Cecilia Mo on public opinion of human trafficking, we discovered fully disseminating how traffickers leverage different types of vulnerabilities can actually increase support from the public on anti-trafficking efforts.
We also find that increased knowledge around human trafficking maintains high public support against anti-trafficking measures. Voters should be fully informed on human trafficking and hold their elected officials accountable for immigration and trafficking policy — particularly when officials encourage policy that makes trafficking more likely.
While the current administration inherited a number of these problems, if the goal is truly to combat human trafficking, it is necessary work to revise migration policies that increase vulnerability to human trafficking. Whoever wins in November, an administration that wants to combat human trafficking needs more than occasional summits; it must create a safer environment for migrants.
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truthout--2020-10-07--Trump Loses Yet Another Attempt in Appeals Court to Keep His Tax Returns Hidden

A federal appeals court has unanimously rejected arguments made by lawyers for President Trump regarding a subpoena for his tax returns in a case that ’ s examining whether he or his business entities engaged in criminal activities over the past several years .
The ruling by the 2nd U.S .
Circuit Court of Appeals , which effectively says the president must allow his accounting firm Mazars USA to hand over tax records for the last eight years to Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance Jr. , will likely be appealed by Trump ’ s legal team to the Supreme Court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ order from the court will likely be stayed , which means Trump ’ s taxes will almost certainly not be handed over to Vance before the presidential election takes place on November 3 .
Trump ’ s lawyers lost an argument before the Supreme Court in July related to the same case , when they asserted that the president had “ absolute immunity ” from all legal cases , including state investigations like Vance ’ s .
In a 7-2 decision , the Court rejected that notion , with Chief Justice John Roberts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even the President , is categorically above the common duty to produce evidence when called upon in a criminal proceeding.
” The case was remanded back to lower courts , however , in order to allow other legal challenges by Trump to proceed .
An appeal to the Supreme Court now , which Trump has signaled he would pursue if he lost the case in the appellate court , would have to defend new arguments made by his lawyers to the 2nd Circuit Court .
Those arguments center upon claims that Vance ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” an overly broad examination for criminal conduct that they say amounted to harassment of the president .
Vance first sought to obtain Trump ’ s tax records two years ago , and it was believed at that time that his investigation into the president and his businesses was centered on his hush-money payments to adult film star Stormy Daniels .
However , in court filings made from August of this year , Vance explained that his investigation was delving further than that , due to public reports of “ extensive and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” including “ public allegations of possible criminal activity at Plaintiff ’ s New York County-based Trump Organization dating back over a decade.
” The issue of Trump ’ s taxes has been on the minds of voters since he had promised to share details of his earnings with the American people as a candidate for president in the last election cycle .
Trump reneged on that promise , and continues to refuse to share that information with the public .
Every serious candidate for president has made their tax returns available @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The New York Times reported in September that it had obtained documents that detailed Trump ’ s earnings and tax payments to the federal government , revealing that he only paid $ 750 to the feds in his first year of being president ( he also paid the same amount the year prior ) .
In 10 of the 15 years prior to him winning office , Trump didn ’ t pay any federal income taxes at all .
But by the Times ’ s own admission , the records they pored over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unanswered , which is why Vance is continuing to pursue a subpoena for Trump ’ s tax returns .

The unanimous ruling by the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals means Trump will turn once again to the Supreme Court.
A federal appeals court has unanimously rejected arguments made by lawyers for President Trump regarding a subpoena for his tax returns in a case that’s examining whether he or his business entities engaged in criminal activities over the past several years.
The ruling by the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, which effectively says the president must allow his accounting firm Mazars USA to hand over tax records for the last eight years to Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance Jr., will likely be appealed by Trump’s legal team to the Supreme Court.
During the appeals process, the order from the court will likely be stayed, which means Trump’s taxes will almost certainly not be handed over to Vance before the presidential election takes place on November 3.
Trump’s lawyers lost an argument before the Supreme Court in July related to the same case, when they asserted that the president had “absolute immunity” from all legal cases, including state investigations like Vance’s. In a 7-2 decision, the Court rejected that notion, with Chief Justice John Roberts writing that “no citizen, not even the President, is categorically above the common duty to produce evidence when called upon in a criminal proceeding.”
The case was remanded back to lower courts, however, in order to allow other legal challenges by Trump to proceed.
An appeal to the Supreme Court now, which Trump has signaled he would pursue if he lost the case in the appellate court, would have to defend new arguments made by his lawyers to the 2nd Circuit Court. Those arguments center upon claims that Vance’s inquiry was a “fishing expedition,” an overly broad examination for criminal conduct that they say amounted to harassment of the president.
Vance first sought to obtain Trump’s tax records two years ago, and it was believed at that time that his investigation into the president and his businesses was centered on his hush-money payments to adult film star Stormy Daniels.
However, in court filings made from August of this year, Vance explained that his investigation was delving further than that, due to public reports of “extensive and protracted criminal conduct at the Trump Organization,” including “public allegations of possible criminal activity at Plaintiff’s New York County-based Trump Organization dating back over a decade.”
The issue of Trump’s taxes has been on the minds of voters since he had promised to share details of his earnings with the American people as a candidate for president in the last election cycle. Trump reneged on that promise, and continues to refuse to share that information with the public. Every serious candidate for president has made their tax returns available for public inspection since the 1970s.
The New York Times reported in September that it had obtained documents that detailed Trump’s earnings and tax payments to the federal government, revealing that he only paid $750 to the feds in his first year of being president (he also paid the same amount the year prior). In 10 of the 15 years prior to him winning office, Trump didn’t pay any federal income taxes at all.
But by the Times’s own admission, the records they pored over were incomplete, and left many questions unanswered, which is why Vance is continuing to pursue a subpoena for Trump’s tax returns.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-10-07--“Super-Spreader” Trump Wants to Return to Oval Office Despite Being Contagious

At every turn , Donald Trump and Republican lawmakers have opted to hide information around COVID-19 diagnoses rather than disclose it , despite the enormous health risks this creates for everyone around them .
In his latest selfish act of endangerment , Trump , still infected with coronavirus , reportedly wants to leave isolation and work from the Oval Office , requiring staff to wear personal protective equipment like a gown , surgical mask and eye protectors supplied at a so-called “ isolation cart.
” Trump ’ s combination of obfuscation and aggressive recklessness has unleashed a tide of infections @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the White House staff , but also on top military personnel and the broader populace of the District of Columbia .
The White House is still refusing to answer basic questions , such as when Trump ’ s last negative COVID-19 test was ; we still don ’ t know when Trump got infected .
The September 29 debate relied on an “ honor system ” that allowed the Trump campaign , which arrived too late to test and get back results on-site , to enter anyway .
But it ’ s possible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ days before the debate : The New York Times reported that the White House was merely creating an “ impression ” that Trump was being tested daily , and in fact , Trump was not tested daily .
What we do know is that even after the White House knew Trump ’ s close adviser Hope Hicks was experiencing coronavirus symptoms , the president traveled to a New Jersey fundraiser at his Bedminster golf resort anyway , exposing his security detail , staff and his donors , who paid up to attend .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ announced Hope Hicks had tested positive ; the story was broken by Bloomberg ’ s Jennifer Jacobs .
Without Jacobs ’ s reporting , it seems likely the White House would have hidden everything it could .
Trump has long relied on lies and obfuscation in his tenure , and now he and his inner circle are endangering both the nation and their own staff to try to maintain their grip on power .
Attorney General Bill Barr — who ’ s an integral part of Trump ’ s ongoing efforts to suppress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by 1,600 former Department of Justice attorneys of trying to help Trump in the election — initially refused to quarantine despite his extensive exposure at a Rose Garden event on September 26 .
On October 4 , he did , but not before likely exposing many others due to his recklessness .
Republican lawmakers have been equally negligent .
Sen. Mike Lee experienced symptoms on October 1 , got a test , but went to the Senate anyway and potentially exposed his colleagues .
Lee was likely infected at the Amy Coney Barrett @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where he was taped hugging people without wearing a mask .
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has refused to tell reporters the last time he was tested ; and Sen. Chuck Grassley , who ’ s 87 years old and third in line of succession after House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , has said he will not bother to get tested .
Sen. Ron Johnson got tested for COVID-19 on October 2 , but rather than quarantine while awaiting results , he went to an Oktoberfest-themed fundraiser .
And Sen. Roger Wicker was photographed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Delta flight out of Washington , D.C. , leading to the airline announcing it would investigate the incident .
This behavior is happening even as the entire Republican Senate caucus has likely been exposed , as they meet three times a week in person for lunch , and they remove their masks while eating and talking .
This cavalier attitude extends to Republican lawmakers outside D.C. and has already had lethal consequences : A GOP county chair in Arkansas died from COVID-19 , after his committee hosted a maskless gathering last month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Louie Gohmert attended .
Trump and Republicans ’ behavior is also likely responsible for stymieing the nation ’ s military leadership .
Admiral Charles Ray , the vice commandant of the Coast Guard , tested positive on Monday , creating a risk of exposure throughout senior military leadership , and leading all the Joint Chiefs of Staff to quarantine .
Ray attended a September 27 event at the White House with Gold Star families where guests were indoors , without masks .
Trump ’ s deputies have also been reckless with the health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Disease Control and Prevention ( CDC ) guidelines to quarantine after exposure .
White House Spokesperson Kayleigh McEnany briefed the press without a mask just one day before she tested positive .
One of McEnany ’ s staff assistants has subsequently tested positive , too .
The consequences have been devastating for the region .
Trump ’ s series of maskless , close-quarter events , from the Rose Garden to the Gold Star families event on September 27 , haven ’ t just infected the White House ’ s inner circle — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ District of Columbia overall .
On October 5 , Washington , D.C. , saw 105 new cases , its largest one-day spike in new infections since June .
At the U.S. Capitol , several people are on leave after testing positive , or presumed positive .
Two members of the White House residence staff have tested positive , and were told to use “ discretion ” when discussing it .
The residence staff numbers nearly 90 , are largely Black and Latino , and often elderly .
Meanwhile , in an abject display @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not allowing staff to test for the coronavirus at the White House Medical Unit clinic , according to an October 4 report from CNN ’ s Kaitlan Collins .
Instead , the White House is directing staff members to stay home and talk to their primary care physicians if they are experiencing symptoms .
The lack of care for White House staff may have contributed to a spike in the number of people using the District of Columbia ’ s free , outdoor coronavirus testing sites .
On October 5 , 600 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ testing site — about double the daily average .
As a result of the chaos in the region and the vacuum of leadership , members of Congress from the D.C. , Maryland and Virginia region wrote to the White House demanding it release the total number of positive tests among White House personnel .
The lawmakers are also demanding that the White House conduct expedited contact tracing to identify and notify anyone who came into contact with Trump .
But the White House has refused to do so , even as the CDC @ @ @ @ @ @ @ absence of crucial transparency from the White House , Middlebury college student Benjy Renton has partnered with infectious disease researcher Jesse O ’ Shea and media analytics professional Peter Walker to launch a crowdsourced website to track the events that likely led to infections , and compiled the results of White House staff ’ s tests .
Meanwhile , reporters have been compiling timelines .
No one has been as reckless with others ’ health than Trump himself , nor as shamelessly theatrical about it .
On Monday , Trump tweeted the ableist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus “ dominate your life , ” implying that the more than 210,000 who ’ ve died from the virus thus far did so due to some personal failing , rather than succumbing to a deadly disease .
And when he left Walter Reed hospital to return to ongoing medical care at the White House on Monday , he stood on the balcony before cameras , dramatically removing his mask — his breathing visibly strained .
It was a visual meant to project strength , but most saw through it for the larger @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protect the wearer from large droplets expelled by others , they are most effective in preventing the wearer from spreading the virus to others .
By ceremoniously removing his mask on Monday , Trump was implicitly declaring , “ I will infect you ” to a nation on edge .

At every turn, Donald Trump and Republican lawmakers have opted to hide information around COVID-19 diagnoses rather than disclose it, despite the enormous health risks this creates for everyone around them. In his latest selfish act of endangerment, Trump, still infected with coronavirus, left isolation Wednesday afternoon and worked from the Oval Office, requiring staff to wear personal protective equipment like a gown, surgical mask and eye protectors supplied at a so-called “isolation cart.”
Trump’s combination of obfuscation and aggressive recklessness has unleashed a tide of infections and increased exposure risks not only on the White House staff, but also on top military personnel and the broader populace of the District of Columbia.
The White House is still refusing to answer basic questions, such as when Trump’s last negative COVID-19 test was; we still don’t know when Trump got infected. The September 29 debate relied on an “honor system” that allowed the Trump campaign, which arrived too late to test and get back results on-site, to enter anyway. But it’s possible Trump hadn’t been tested for days before the debate: The New York Times reported that the White House was merely creating an “impression” that Trump was being tested daily, and in fact, Trump was not tested daily.
What we do know is that even after the White House knew Trump’s close adviser Hope Hicks was experiencing coronavirus symptoms, the president traveled to a New Jersey fundraiser at his Bedminster golf resort anyway, exposing his security detail, staff and his donors, who paid up to attend. It was not the White House that announced Hope Hicks had tested positive; the story was broken by Bloomberg’s Jennifer Jacobs. Without Jacobs’s reporting, it seems likely the White House would have hidden everything it could.
Trump has long relied on lies and obfuscation in his tenure, and now he and his inner circle are endangering both the nation and their own staff to try to maintain their grip on power. Attorney General Bill Barr — who’s an integral part of Trump’s ongoing efforts to suppress the vote, and who stands accused by 1,600 former Department of Justice attorneys of trying to help Trump in the election — initially refused to quarantine despite his extensive exposure at a Rose Garden event on September 26. On October 4, he did, but not before likely exposing many others due to his recklessness.
Republican lawmakers have been equally negligent. Sen. Mike Lee experienced symptoms on October 1, got a test, but went to the Senate anyway and potentially exposed his colleagues. Lee was likely infected at the Amy Coney Barrett nomination announcement in the Rose Garden, where he was taped hugging people without wearing a mask. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has refused to tell reporters the last time he was tested; and Sen. Chuck Grassley, who’s 87 years old and third in line of succession after House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, has said he will not bother to get tested. Sen. Ron Johnson got tested for COVID-19 on October 2, but rather than quarantine while awaiting results, he went to an Oktoberfest-themed fundraiser. And Sen. Roger Wicker was photographed with his mask below his face on a Delta flight out of Washington, D.C., leading to the airline announcing it would investigate the incident.
The White House is still refusing to answer basic questions, such as when Trump ’ s last negative COVID -19 test was .
This behavior is happening even as the entire Republican Senate caucus has likely been exposed, as they meet three times a week in person for lunch, and they remove their masks while eating and talking. This cavalier attitude extends to Republican lawmakers outside D.C. and has already had lethal consequences: A GOP county chair in Arkansas died from COVID-19, after his committee hosted a maskless gathering last month that Republican Sen. Tom Cotton and Rep. Louie Gohmert attended.
Trump and Republicans’ behavior is also likely responsible for stymieing the nation’s military leadership. Admiral Charles Ray, the vice commandant of the Coast Guard, tested positive on Monday, creating a risk of exposure throughout senior military leadership, and leading all the Joint Chiefs of Staff to quarantine. Ray attended a September 27 event at the White House with Gold Star families where guests were indoors, without masks.
Andrea Hanks / White House
Trump’s deputies have also been reckless with the health of those around them, flouting Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) guidelines to quarantine after exposure. White House Spokesperson Kayleigh McEnany briefed the press without a mask just one day before she tested positive. One of McEnany’s staff assistants has subsequently tested positive, too.
The entire Republican Senate caucus has likely been exposed, as they meet three times a week in person for lunch, and they remove their masks while eating and talking.
The consequences have been devastating for the region. Trump’s series of maskless, close-quarter events, from the Rose Garden to the Gold Star families event on September 27, haven’t just infected the White House’s inner circle — their effect has spread out into the District of Columbia overall. On October 5, Washington, D.C., saw 105 new cases, its largest one-day spike in new infections since June. At the U.S. Capitol, several people are on leave after testing positive, or presumed positive. Two members of the White House residence staff have tested positive, and were told to use “discretion” when discussing it. The residence staff numbers nearly 90, are largely Black and Latino, and often elderly.
Meanwhile, in an abject display of medical malfeasance, the White House is not allowing staff to test for the coronavirus at the White House Medical Unit clinic, according to an October 4 report from CNN’s Kaitlan Collins. Instead, the White House is directing staff members to stay home and talk to their primary care physicians if they are experiencing symptoms. The lack of care for White House staff may have contributed to a spike in the number of people using the District of Columbia’s free, outdoor coronavirus testing sites. On October 5, 600 coronavirus tests were conducted at just one testing site — about double the daily average.
As a result of the chaos in the region and the vacuum of leadership, members of Congress from the D.C., Maryland and Virginia region wrote to the White House demanding it release the total number of positive tests among White House personnel. The lawmakers are also demanding that the White House conduct expedited contact tracing to identify and notify anyone who came into contact with Trump. But the White House has refused to do so, even as the CDC has offered its help. In the absence of crucial transparency from the White House, Middlebury college student Benjy Renton has partnered with infectious disease researcher Jesse O’Shea and media analytics professional Peter Walker to launch a crowdsourced website to track the events that likely led to infections, and compiled the results of White House staff’s tests. Meanwhile, reporters have been compiling timelines.
In an abject display of medical malfeasance, the White House is not allowing staff to test for the coronavirus at the White House Medical Unit clinic.
No one has been as reckless with others’ health than Trump himself, nor as shamelessly theatrical about it. On Monday, Trump tweeted the ableist sentiment that one shouldn’t let coronavirus “dominate your life,” implying that the more than 210,000 who’ve died from the virus thus far did so due to some personal failing, rather than succumbing to a deadly disease. And when he left Walter Reed hospital to return to ongoing medical care at the White House on Monday, he stood on the balcony before cameras, dramatically removing his mask — his breathing visibly strained. It was a visual meant to project strength, but most saw through it for the larger symbolism. While cloth masks may help protect the wearer from large droplets expelled by others, they are most effective in preventing the wearer from spreading the virus to others. By ceremoniously removing his mask on Monday, Trump was implicitly declaring, “I will infect you” to a nation on edge.
Note: This article was updated late Wednesday to incorporate new information about Trump’s return to the Oval Office.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.