truthout--2020-04-18--Portland’s Rental Crisis Created an Opening for Democratic Socialist Candidates

When tenant activist Margot Black had her first “ no-cause ” eviction in which she was forced out of her apartment simply because she was not bound by a lease , she was 19 and a single mother of a 6-month-old daughter .
When she saw her second no-cause eviction in 2012 , Portland , Oregon , was an even less hospitable place .
Housing prices had soared as tech jobs came in , and Portland was branded as the next hip place for urban professionals to relocate to — making the city increasingly unlivable for working-class residents .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and alienating experience , ” Black told Truthout about her evictions , which motivated her to connect with other renters on Facebook and look for an outlet to start pushing back on the property management industry .
Black , a former math teacher at a local college , was drowning in debt and the city ’ s climbing housing costs .
When a series of housing organizations began holding town halls , she attended , connecting with other struggling renters .
This led to the creation of Portland Tenants United ( PTU ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ specific housing units in 2016 .
The rapidly growing housing union is already proving that it can punch above its weight to change the conversation around renting in the city .
Portland , and subsequently most of Oregon , is facing the same growing pains that most West Coast urban centers have experienced as tech start-ups move in .
The city ’ s skyrocketing cost of living has left low-income renters in Portland with few options , since median rents have risen by 30 percent since 2011 .
As of February 2020 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Portland was $ 1,453 , according to Rent Jungle .
Such prices , however , continue to steadily trend upward in a city increasingly defined by high-priced , short-term leases demanded by tech contractors .
Moreover , working-class areas and communities of color have been hit especially hard by the wave of gentrification , including Portland ’ s now trendy northeastern corner , which used to house historically Black neighborhoods .
Tech incubators and an ongoing development gold rush — all ironically building a brand on the city ’ s success in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at fault .
Housing has increasingly become a decisive issue for urban voters who are being priced out of their homes , often with little recourse .
As the city ’ s Democratic Party-dominated political machine fails to act , the issue has provided an opening for a slate of democratic socialist candidates backed by PTU and the city ’ s Democratic Socialists of America ( DSA ) chapter .
As tenants continue to lose their employment amid the COVID-19-induced economic recession and struggle to pay rent , the desperation that many of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is lending support to PTU and candidates ’ claims that a bolder intervention , potentially including a rent strike , is necessary .
“ PTU is first and foremost a militant tenants ’ union , in that we take our political analysis , collective action and the concept of solidarity very seriously .
We engage in legislative advocacy , very effectively , but as a tactic , not as a theory of change , ” Black says .
“ We ’ ve also supported electoral campaigns when the candidate ’ s platform adopts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during election season to ensure that housing and tenants ’ rights issues are a banner issue with bold demands.
” When Portland City Commissioner Nick Fish passed away in January 2020 , Black launched a publicly financed campaign for his spot , centering housing as a defining issue .
“ Given the unique timing and political moment , especially with [ then-presidential candidate Sen. Bernie Sanders ] gaining momentum ahead of big primary wins , it felt like public consciousness — especially in Portland — was ready for an open socialist championing real @ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ taxing ] the rich , ” Black says .
In 2016 , PTU supported left populist candidate Chloe Eudaly to unseat Democratic incumbent Steve Novick in the Portland City Council — a party favorite who many believed was going to win handily .
Eudaly had been organizing with PTU to reverse the state ’ s ban on rent control and put restrictions on no-cause evictions .
The campaigns were successful : The Oregon Legislature passed a moderate rent-control bill in 2019 , and Portland enacted no-cause eviction restrictions and requirements for providing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ While activists were disappointed with what they said were watered-down results in these measures , they still would have been unthinkable in the state ’ s landlord-friendly corners just a few years ago .
Eudaly won over her opponents in a tight runoff and helped to push the landlord protections at the city level , and now is being challenged for her council seat by Sam Adams , Portland ’ s former mayor and a politician who many landlords and business owners count as a friend .
Likewise , DSA member Paige Kreisman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s inner city for Oregon House District 42 on a progressive platform to the left of incumbent Rob Nosse — using housing as a part of what defines her campaign .
Kreisman was enlisted in the Army , and was personally affected by President Trump ’ s ban on transgender servicemembers as a trans woman .
She left the Army , moved to Portland and started organizing with PTU , eventually joining the organization ’ s board and working as a policy adviser .
“ We have a political climate that is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are exploiting our basic human need for shelter in the name of endless profits .
Addressing the housing crisis starts by taking the landlord , developer and realtor-lobby-backed politicians out of the driving seat , ” Kreisman says .
“ Tenant unions across the state play a major role .
Just as labor unions are the manifestation of democratic worker power , tenant unions are the manifestation of democratic renter ’ s power .
To address the housing crisis , we have to build a movement , and tenant unions are the basic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has lined up an impressive array of political endorsements , particularly of public employee unions critical to Oregon ’ s Democratic Party politics .
This has come largely because her incumbent challenger , Nosse , voted to cut public employee retirement benefits along with several other Democrats during the state ’ s 2019 legislative session .
Many of these unions refused to back any politician who participated in that vote , and this , coupled with Kreisman ’ s strong position on housing , has helped her to gain traction .
“ [ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and decisions have , for far too long , been dictated by this state ’ s corporations and wealthiest residents , with no real opposition despite a Democrat supermajority , ” says Portland DSA Co-Chair Olivia Katbi Smith about why the chapter is working to support Kreisman ’ s campaign .
“ We have seen the way Democrats in this state will not hesitate to throw workers under the bus in order to preserve the status quo and push more austerity budgets.
” Meanwhile , Portland ’ s mayoral contest may end up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ted Wheeler is increasingly coming under fire for how he has managed the city throughout its perpetual housing crisis .
In 2016 , DSA Electoral and Legislative Chair Sarah Iannarone ran to Wheeler ’ s left , but lost the race after local media focused on an arrest from her distant past instead of her progressive policy platform .
She is running to unseat Wheeler again this year , emphasizing how the city ’ s housing crisis has created a question of electability .
“ When you boil it down , I am @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of community , and the current mayor responds to grassroots power as a threat rather than an asset in the challenges our city is facing , especially climate chaos , lack of affordable housing and rising inequality , ” Iannarone told Truthout .
Portland voters approved a tax to raise $ 258.4 million to invest in 1,300 units of affordable housing in November 2016 , yet under Wheeler ’ s leadership , Iannarone says only a small fraction of those units have actually become available .
( At the time of publication , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Truthout ’ s request for comment . )
The units are just a tiny piece of what many housing advocates say is needed to start truly confronting the problem .
This situation has only gotten more dire in the wake of the coronavirus layoffs and the impending economic recession that means that the specter of unpayable rents will linger in the city long after business returns to near normal .
“ I see it as a mayor ’ s job to protect human health and safety — especially of the most vulnerable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that means displacing the burden up the food chain off the backs of local renters onto the financier class , then we should commit to that course , acknowledge our uncertainty in the moment , and fight for the suspension of rent for our residential and commercial tenants for as long as is needed , ” says Iannarone .
One of the foundations of Iannarone ’ s campaign is a plan she is calling “ Housing for All , ” an in-depth series of policy proposals including a five-year plan to end the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ including open support for tenant union organizing , an anti-displacement program and a massive increase in affordable housing .
“ This status quo is unsustainable , and Portlanders deserve better : Our crisis demands a more collaborative , community-based approach to housing all Portlanders , ” Iannarone says .
“ People are hurting .
People are sick of being told things are getting better , of being shown statistics to show how successful centrists have been in alleviating the burdens of unfettered capitalism .
People are sick of voting for something and then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around housing ramped up across Oregon in 2018 , a renter protection bill went before the Oregon State Legislature with five renter protection measures , a piece of legislation that was separate from the Portland-specific measures .
Tenant activist and commissioner candidate Black , alongside PTU , lobbied for the bill and watched as Republicans and Democrats , including landlord Rod Monroe , stripped three of those measures out of the bill .
“ The housing-hero-Dems didn ’ t fight to make the bill stronger , fought our attempts to get a hearing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the local ban on rent control , and signaled very strongly after the hasty passage of the bill that they were done with tenants ’ rights for the foreseeable future , ” Black said .
“ They bruised their backs with all the back-patting after its passage , swore that it was ‘ just the first step , ’ and [ would ] keep working to make it stronger , and then promptly stopped talking about it.
” PTU joined the fight to unseat Monroe in his District 24 primary that year , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the legislature , and now believe the time is right to start to push for candidates who will act as allies with bolder tenant support solutions .
Black hopes that her message of a complete overhaul of the housing system in the city will resonate with voters and mobilize a volunteer base even as she lacks many of the endorsements and financial backing that many Democratic Party favorites have .
“ For decades , the Democratic Party has veered to the right — to the point where they are virtually indistinguishable from Republicans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ increasingly social issues , ” Black says .
“ We have a chance with voters because we ’ re part of a movement , and renters know that we are the campaign putting forth bold solutions to actually address the crisis they ’ re experiencing in material and impactful ways , not by just throwing more money at developers.
” DSA is not just organizing in Oregon .
The organization has been instrumental in making housing a priority across the country , particularly around tenant organizing in response to the COVID-19 crisis .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Valley DSA is making tenant support a priority and demanding the state release an executive order forgiving back rent .
Some New York City tenants are considering a rent strike connected with the local DSA branch for organizing support .
Now that local municipalities are urging renter protections amid the coronavirus layoffs , such as the Denver City Council ’ s calls for a rent freeze , the DSA has a potentially bigger role to play in mobilizing its base in local elections .
With rents being one of the most biting features @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that DSA has a nationwide advantage in speaking to young people and pushing local elections to the left .

When tenant activist Margot Black had her first “no-cause” eviction in which she was forced out of her apartment simply because she was not bound by a lease, she was 19 and a single mother of a 6-month-old daughter. When she saw her second no-cause eviction in 2012, Portland, Oregon, was an even less hospitable place. Housing prices had soared as tech jobs came in, and Portland was branded as the next hip place for urban professionals to relocate to — making the city increasingly unlivable for working-class residents.
“It was such a humiliating, confusing and alienating experience,” Black told Truthout about her evictions, which motivated her to connect with other renters on Facebook and look for an outlet to start pushing back on the property management industry.
Black, a former math teacher at a local college, was drowning in debt and the city’s climbing housing costs. When a series of housing organizations began holding town halls, she attended, connecting with other struggling renters. This led to the creation of Portland Tenants United (PTU), which began organizing against evictions in specific housing units in 2016. The rapidly growing housing union is already proving that it can punch above its weight to change the conversation around renting in the city.
Portland, and subsequently most of Oregon, is facing the same growing pains that most West Coast urban centers have experienced as tech start-ups move in. The city’s skyrocketing cost of living has left low-income renters in Portland with few options, since median rents have risen by 30 percent since 2011. As of February 2020, the average rent for a two-bedroom apartment in Portland was $1,453, according to Rent Jungle. Such prices, however, continue to steadily trend upward in a city increasingly defined by high-priced, short-term leases demanded by tech contractors. Moreover, working-class areas and communities of color have been hit especially hard by the wave of gentrification, including Portland’s now trendy northeastern corner, which used to house historically Black neighborhoods. Tech incubators and an ongoing development gold rush — all ironically building a brand on the city’s success in becoming a progressive cultural space — are at fault.
Campaigning on Housing
Housing has increasingly become a decisive issue for urban voters who are being priced out of their homes, often with little recourse. As the city’s Democratic Party-dominated political machine fails to act, the issue has provided an opening for a slate of democratic socialist candidates, some of whom have been backed by PTU or the city’s chapter of Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).
As tenants continue to lose their employment amid the COVID-19-induced economic recession and struggle to pay rent, the desperation that many of the city’s residents are feeling is lending support to PTU and candidates’ claims that a bolder intervention, potentially including a rent strike, is necessary.
“Just as labor unions are the manifestation of democratic worker power, tenant unions are the manifestation of democratic renter’s power.”
“PTU is first and foremost a militant tenants’ union, in that we take our political analysis, collective action and the concept of solidarity very seriously. We engage in legislative advocacy, very effectively, but as a tactic, not as a theory of change,” Black says. “We’ve also supported electoral campaigns when the candidate’s platform adopts our demands, and we strategically intervene during election season to ensure that housing and tenants’ rights issues are a banner issue with bold demands.”
When Portland City Commissioner Nick Fish passed away in January 2020, Black launched a publicly financed campaign for his spot, centering housing as a defining issue. “Given the unique timing and political moment, especially with [then-presidential candidate Sen. Bernie Sanders] gaining momentum ahead of big primary wins, it felt like public consciousness — especially in Portland — was ready for an open socialist championing real rent control, unions for all and [taxing] the rich,” Black says.
In 2016, PTU supported left populist candidate Chloe Eudaly to unseat Democratic incumbent Steve Novick in the Portland City Council — a party favorite who many believed was going to win handily. Eudaly had been organizing with PTU to reverse the state’s ban on rent control and put restrictions on no-cause evictions. The campaigns were successful: The Oregon Legislature passed a moderate rent-control bill in 2019, and Portland enacted no-cause eviction restrictions and requirements for providing relocation assistance for renters in 2018. While activists were disappointed with what they said were watered-down results in these measures, they still would have been unthinkable in the state’s landlord-friendly corners just a few years ago. Eudaly won over her opponents in a tight runoff and helped to push the landlord protections at the city level, and now is being challenged for her council seat by Sam Adams, Portland’s former mayor and a politician who many landlords and business owners count as a friend.
Likewise, DSA member Paige Kreisman is running in the heart of Portland’s inner city for Oregon House District 42 on a progressive platform to the left of incumbent Rob Nosse — using housing as a part of what defines her campaign. Kreisman is one of only two candidates formally endorsed by Portland’s DSA chapter, the other being Albert Lee who is running for Oregon’s 3rd District in Congress. Kreisman was enlisted in the Army, and was personally affected by President Trump’s ban on transgender servicemembers as a trans woman. She left the Army, moved to Portland and started organizing with PTU, eventually joining the organization’s board and working as a policy adviser.
“We have a political climate that is dominated by the same corporate interests who are exploiting our basic human need for shelter in the name of endless profits. Addressing the housing crisis starts by taking the landlord, developer and realtor-lobby-backed politicians out of the driving seat,” Kreisman says. “Tenant unions across the state play a major role. Just as labor unions are the manifestation of democratic worker power, tenant unions are the manifestation of democratic renter’s power. To address the housing crisis, we have to build a movement, and tenant unions are the basic building block of that movement.”
Kreisman has lined up an impressive array of political endorsements, particularly of public employee unions critical to Oregon’s Democratic Party politics. This has come largely because her incumbent challenger, Nosse, voted to cut public employee retirement benefits along with several other Democrats during the state’s 2019 legislative session. Many of these unions refused to back any politician who participated in that vote, and this, coupled with Kreisman’s strong position on housing, has helped her to gain traction.
“[The state legislature’s] actions and decisions have, for far too long, been dictated by this state’s corporations and wealthiest residents, with no real opposition despite a Democrat supermajority,” says Portland DSA Co-Chair Olivia Katbi Smith about why the chapter is working to support Kreisman’s campaign. “We have seen the way Democrats in this state will not hesitate to throw workers under the bus in order to preserve the status quo and push more austerity budgets.”
Meanwhile, Portland’s mayoral contest may end up even more heated, as current Mayor Ted Wheeler is increasingly coming under fire for how he has managed the city throughout its perpetual housing crisis. In 2016, Sarah Iannarone ran to Wheeler’s left, but lost the race after local media focused on an arrest from her distant past instead of her progressive policy platform. She is running to unseat Wheeler again this year, emphasizing how the city’s housing crisis has created a question of electability.
“When you boil it down, I am driven by my faith in the power of community, and the current mayor responds to grassroots power as a threat rather than an asset in the challenges our city is facing, especially climate chaos, lack of affordable housing and rising inequality,” Iannarone told Truthout.
“To address the housing crisis, we have to build a movement, and tenant unions are the basic building block of that movement.”
Portland voters approved a tax to raise $258.4 million to invest in 1,300 units of affordable housing in November 2016, yet under Wheeler’s leadership, Iannarone says only a small fraction of those units have actually become available. (At the time of publication, Wheeler’s office did not respond to Truthout’s request for comment.) The units are just a tiny piece of what many housing advocates say is needed to start truly confronting the problem. This situation has only gotten more dire in the wake of the coronavirus layoffs and the impending economic recession that means that the specter of unpayable rents will linger in the city long after business returns to near normal.
“I see it as a mayor’s job to protect human health and safety — especially of the most vulnerable — by whatever means possible. If that means displacing the burden up the food chain off the backs of local renters onto the financier class, then we should commit to that course, acknowledge our uncertainty in the moment, and fight for the suspension of rent for our residential and commercial tenants for as long as is needed,” says Iannarone.
One of the foundations of Iannarone’s campaign is a plan she is calling “Housing for All,” an in-depth series of policy proposals including a five-year plan to end the “housing state of emergency,” including open support for tenant union organizing, an anti-displacement program and a massive increase in affordable housing.
“This status quo is unsustainable, and Portlanders deserve better: Our crisis demands a more collaborative, community-based approach to housing all Portlanders,” Iannarone says. “People are hurting. People are sick of being told things are getting better, of being shown statistics to show how successful centrists have been in alleviating the burdens of unfettered capitalism. People are sick of voting for something and then never feeling the results.”
Pushing the State Left
As organizing around housing ramped up across Oregon in 2016, a renter protection bill went before the Oregon State Legislature with five renter protection measures, a piece of legislation that was separate from the Portland-specific measures. Tenant activist and commissioner candidate Black, alongside PTU, lobbied for the bill and watched as Republicans and Democrats, including landlord Rod Monroe, stripped three of those measures out of the bill.
With rents one of the most biting features of the pandemic, [Democratic Socialists of America have] a nationwide advantage in speaking to young people and pushing local elections to the left.
“The housing-hero-Dems didn’t fight to make the bill stronger, fought our attempts to get a hearing on another bill that would have lifted the local ban on rent control, and signaled very strongly after the hasty passage of the bill that they were done with tenants’ rights for the foreseeable future,” Black said about a subsequent 2019 bill. “They bruised their backs with all the back-patting after its passage, swore that it was ‘just the first step,’ and [would] keep working to make it stronger, and then promptly stopped talking about it.”
PTU joined the fight to unseat Monroe in his District 24 primary that year, fought to get another tenant bill through the legislature, and now believe the time is right to start to push for candidates who will act as allies with bolder tenant support solutions. Black hopes that her message of a complete overhaul of the housing system in the city will resonate with voters and mobilize a volunteer base even as she lacks many of the endorsements and financial backing that many Democratic Party favorites have.
“For decades, the Democratic Party has veered to the right — to the point where they are virtually indistinguishable from Republicans on a host of economic issues and increasingly social issues,” Black says. “We have a chance with voters because we’re part of a movement, and renters know that we are the campaign putting forth bold solutions to actually address the crisis they’re experiencing in material and impactful ways, not by just throwing more money at developers.”
DSA is not just organizing in Oregon. The organization has been instrumental in making housing a priority across the country, particularly around tenant organizing in response to the COVID-19 crisis. In North Dakota, the Red River Valley DSA is making tenant support a priority and demanding the state release an executive order forgiving back rent. Some New York City tenants are considering a rent strike connected with the local DSA branch for organizing support. Now that local municipalities are urging renter protections amid the coronavirus layoffs, such as the Denver City Council’s calls for a rent freeze, the DSA has a potentially bigger role to play in mobilizing its base in local elections. With rents being one of the most biting features of the pandemic, this could mean that DSA has a nationwide advantage in speaking to young people and pushing local elections to the left.
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truthout--2020-04-18--As Coronavirus Spreads Through Prisons, States Are Failing Incarcerated People

On April 6 , Illinois Gov .
J.B. Pritzker signed an executive order allowing “ medically vulnerable ” incarcerated people to be temporarily released on medical furlough for the duration of the state ’ s disaster proclamation .
Furloughs are typically temporary releases from prison , usually for no more than 14 days .
Pritzker ’ s executive order extends the order indefinitely during the pandemic ; it is unclear whether people will be expected to return to prison once the pandemic is past .
For 76-year-old Pearl Tuma , who is serving a life sentence at Logan Correctional Center @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be the only opportunity she has to rejoin her family .
Imprisoned since 1980 , Tuma is one of the oldest women in Illinois ’ s prison system .
Now , she suffers from chronic obstructive pulmonary disease , hyperlipidemia , cataracts , arthritis and a degenerative spine condition .
She must use a wheelchair to get around the prison .
She has applied for clemency numerous times under several governors ; each time , she has been denied .
“ I am very fearful that if COVID-19 comes into this prison , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” wrote Tuma from prison .
“ Our living conditions are deplorable and unsanitary .
We are 66 inmates to a wing , one ‘ toilet ’ area per wing .
It ’ s our only means to wash our dishes , wash our hands or brush our teeth.
” At Logan , as in nearly all prisons , it ’ s impossible to follow Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidelines to frequently wash hands or practice social distancing .
“ There is a foam soap dispenser in the toilet area @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Tuma wrote .
“ It ’ s almost always empty .
Sixty-six women use it how many times a day ?
They tell us to cope by limiting ourselves to three showers per week.
” As the numbers of confirmed coronavirus cases climb inside the nation ’ s jails and prisons , incarcerated people and their family members fear for their lives .
In response , some elected officials are pledging to reduce jail and prison populations to prevent the rapid spread of coronavirus in overcrowded facilities .
But are they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ headlines with its announcement that officials planned to consider releasing up to 3,500 people from its prison system , which is operating at over 130 percent capacity .
However , those 3,500 people are within two months of their parole dates and do not include people with violent or sex offense convictions .
California Gov .
Gavin Newsom also halted the transfer of people from county jails to state prisons for 30 days , which will temporarily stop approximately 3,000 new arrivals at the prisons ( though it will simply keep people in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) .
Newsom has publicly rejected the idea of releasing large numbers of people early .
California state attorneys asked federal judges not to intervene and order prison releases , although more than a dozen prisons are severely overcrowded , hovering between 140 to 169 percent capacity .
At a mid-March press conference , Newsom said that doing so would exacerbate homelessness and strain the health care system .
“ I have no interest , and I want to make this crystal clear , in releasing violent criminals from our system , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as an excuse to create another crisis , ” he stated .
“ That ’ s not the way we will go about this .
We will do it in a very deliberative way.
” Four days later , however , he issued 21 commutations to people in prison , including people serving life sentences on convictions such as murder and manslaughter .
His press release noted that Newsom had considered each person ’ s health status in his decision .
The announcement caused a stir and a flurry of hope within the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ EXCITED ABOUT THE COMMUTATIONS because it gives them hope for themselves , ” Lynda Axell , a 66-year-old who has been imprisoned since December 1989 , told Truthout via email , “ but there are always the feelings of WHY NOT ME ?
” Kentucky prisons have reported less than 20 positive cases of coronavirus ( nine incarcerated people and five employees ) .
But even before those cases came to light , Gov .
Andy Beshear announced that he was commuting the sentences of approximately 1,000 people with nonviolent convictions in state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spread .
( Kentucky prisons confine approximately 12,000 people . )
His commutations were limited to two categories : people who have either health conditions , such as respiratory illnesses or heart conditions , or people with less than six months remaining on their prison sentence .
Still , that ’ s better than Oklahoma , where Gov .
Kevin Stitt initially made headlines when he announced that he was granting 450 commutations .
Oklahoma currently has nearly 25,000 people in its state prisons , which have been plagued for years by overcrowding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number of people released from the state ’ s bloated prison system will be closer to 100 .
The majority of the governor ’ s clemency recipients have other charges for which they must still serve prison sentences .
In Minnesota , Gov .
Tim Walz has not committed to reducing the state ’ s prison population .
During his live-streamed address on Friday , April 3 , however , prison commissioner Paul Schnell stated that officials were reviewing people with nonviolent convictions and within 90 days of their release date .
Inside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Shakopee , incarcerated people are fearful that such a measure will be too little , too late .
In some housing units , four people are confined in cells originally designed for two .
“ I can reach over and touch my roommate , ” one woman , serving her first year of a four-year drug sentence , told Truthout .
“ The staff treat us as if we are the threat , ” Kendra* , another incarcerated woman , told Truthout in an email , noting that the majority of staff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s prison job is cleaning the housing unit ; recently , she wrote , staff replaced disposable gloves with reusable rubber kitchen gloves .
“ We are assigned our own pair , ” she said .
But , she added , “ we are in close contact with staff and vulnerable offenders as we are charged with pushing those in wheelchairs and are constantly cleaning behind everyone and everywhere in the units.
” Many staff members seem indifferent to their potential for spreading the virus .
Kendra reported that , in early April @ @ @ @ @ @ @ woman asked an officer why she was not wearing a mask .
“ You are the threat to bring in the virus , ” the woman pointed out .
In response , the officer simply said , “ That is a lie.
” Kendra is less worried about her own health than about being an asymptomatic carrier , especially because her cellmate is an older woman with health problems and relies on others to push her wheelchair .
“ I don ’ t want to kill someone … and shouldn ’ t be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reflected .
Kendra ’ s husband , who asked not to be named in publication , worries about her health and safety .
His biggest fear , he told Truthout , is that she ’ ll contract the virus .
“ Some people might be feeling symptoms , but they ’ re afraid to tell anyone because they don ’ t want to be put in isolation .
That ’ s the place where you go if you break the rules , ” he said , referring to solitary confinement .
“ That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on a farm 10 miles from a hospital affiliated with the Mayo Clinic ; if Kendra were to feel sick , he said , “ she would get better medical attention out of prison than in prison.
” In other states , governors are passing the buck .
Rather than using his clemency pen , Ohio Gov .
Mike DeWine initially asked judges to consider releasing 38 people with nonviolent convictions from the state ’ s prisons .
Twenty-three of those people are either pregnant or had recently given birth while in prison @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of 60 and within 60 days of being released .
Eleven days later , after the death of a staff member and an incarcerated person , he asked a bipartisan panel of lawmakers to recommend releasing another 141 people .
Ohio ’ s 31 prisons currently incarcerate 48,991 people .
In Pennsylvania , where the governor has the power to grant reprieves ( temporary suspension of prison sentences ) as well as commutations , Tom Wolf has chosen to do neither .
Instead , his administration is drafting legislation to allow the release @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nonviolent , low-level convictions and who are deemed medically vulnerable .
The legislation does not include people who are elderly — a population which , according to Legislative Director Sarah Speed , “ are almost exclusively serving life sentences or are sex offenders.
” The 44,600 people in Pennsylvania ’ s 25 prisons are now on lockdown after an incarcerated person tested positive for coronavirus .
After 11 incarcerated people and 18 staff members tested positive for — and one incarcerated person died from — COVID-19 , the governor stated that he will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are medically vulnerable and have less than 12 months left on their sentence .
Those convicted of violence , however , will remain ineligible .
Some governors have no plans to reduce state prison populations through early release or commutations .
“ We have no measures to lessen crowding in state prisons , ” New York Gov .
Andrew Cuomo , who has issued 21 commutations during his nine years in office , said at his April 3 press conference .
“ But reducing the prison population ?
We don ’ t have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” That same day , he signed the state budget which included rollbacks to the state ’ s newly enacted bail reform .
These changes , which Cuomo had pushed , add 15 new charges in which a judge can set bail and , as Peter Goldberg , director of the Brooklyn Community Bail Fund , noted , will “ expand pretrial jailing so thousands more New Yorkers will be subjected to imprisonment and unspeakable harm ” during a deadly pandemic .
New York Mayor Authorizes Release of 900 From Jails While Police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New York City , nearly 1,000 people ( 334 incarcerated people and 657 staff members ) in the jails have tested positive for coronavirus , bringing the infection rate to 8.24 percent ( compared to 1.36 percent in New York City ) .
The chief physician of correctional health care called it a “ public health disaster unfolding before our eyes.
” In response , Mayor Bill de Blasio released 900 people from the city ’ s jail system .
At the same time , however , de Blasio authorized police to enforce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supposed to issue warnings and , as a last result , fines .
During the last weekend in March , however , three New Yorkers were arrested and jailed , possibly exposing them to coronavirus while held in overcrowded holding cells .
One woman had been in a parking lot with her boyfriend when police ordered them to leave .
Before they had time to comply , officers grabbed her boyfriend and arrested both , according to the woman .
She was taken to central booking and held in a cell for 36 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Those who already had masks were allowed to keep them ; those who did not were not given any .
In addition , she said that the cell was dirty and lacked soap .
At one point , an officer distributed drops of hand sanitizer .
The woman was released on March 29 , but her employer has not allowed her to return to work because of fears she might have been exposed to coronavirus in the cell .
Since then , at least 15 people have been arrested , sometimes violently , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ distance .
The de Blasio administration is also interfering with efforts to mitigate risk to jail staff .
Though four corrections officers have died from coronavirus , city lawyers appealed a judge ’ s decision to provide masks and protective gear to jail correction officers at the start of each shift .
In Illinois , Governor Pritzker ’ s executive order comes on the heels of his earlier action — releasing nearly 300 people from prisons on March 31 .
Among them were 34-year-old Mandi Grammer , her 7-month-old Brenleigh Jolea , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nursery in Decatur .
One week earlier , Illinois prisons confirmed the first coronavirus case at Stateville Correctional Center in Joliet .
Within five days , 12 incarcerated people had been hospitalized with confirmed cases .
At his March 31 press conference , Pritzker stated , “ An incarcerated person is a person , and my administration will not be in the business of claiming one life is more than another.
” The release decreased the prison population by less than 1 percent , a reduction that advocates argue is “ far lower @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those who remain in custody and the surrounding communities.
” Advocates continued to push the governor to do more .
The Uptown People ’ s Law Center filed a lawsuit , demanding the governor and Department of Corrections immediately release people who are elderly , have serious medical conditions or have already served the majority of their sentences .
As many as 13,000 of the state ’ s 36,000 people could be eligible .
By April 5 , the number of confirmed cases in Stateville had risen to 80 — 56 among incarcerated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up the majority of the 102 confirmed cases in Illinois ’ s 28 prisons .
By then , Stateville also had two deaths from coronavirus .
The following day , on April 6 , Pritzker announced his executive order .
He also commuted the sentences of 17 people , including seven who had been convicted of murder .
For Tuma ’ s granddaughter , Shanneah Davidson-Welch , that might be reason for hope .
Davidson-Welch was already worried about her grandmother even before coronavirus began spreading throughout the country .
“ She ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” she told Truthout , adding that her grandmother constantly struggles with pain and obtaining proper medical care .
She also notes that Tuma ’ s arrest and imprisonment stem from being entangled in an abusive marriage in which her husband frequently forced her to shoplift and commit other thefts .
In 1979 , Tuma was preparing to flee with her young daughter .
Fearing her husband ’ s violence , she obtained a gun .
Before she could escape , however , her husband drove her to a department store and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
When she was approached by a store employee , Tuma panicked .
She shot ( and missed ) the store employee .
Then , when turning to flee , she shot and killed a store security guard .
She was convicted of first-degree murder and sentenced to life without the possibility of parole .
“ The main person , my grandfather , was released [ from prison ] and he ’ s doing good , following the rules of society , ” Davidson-Welch said .
“ It ’ s only fair that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deserves a second chance .
We deserve to have her be a part of our life .
I should be able to experience being around my grandmother.
” *Kendra asked to use a pseudonym to prevent retaliation .

Some officials pledged to reduce incarceration to curb the spread of COVID-19, but are they actually following through?
Part of the Series Despair and Disparity: The Uneven Burdens of COVID-19
On April 6, Illinois Gov. J.B. Pritzker signed an executive order allowing “medically vulnerable” incarcerated people to be temporarily released on medical furlough for the duration of the state’s disaster proclamation. Furloughs are typically temporary releases from prison, usually for no more than 14 days. Pritzker’s executive order extends the order indefinitely during the pandemic; it is unclear whether people will be expected to return to prison once the pandemic is past.
For 76-year-old Pearl Tuma, who is serving a life sentence at Logan Correctional Center, the governor’s order might be the only opportunity she has to rejoin her family. Imprisoned since 1980, Tuma is one of the oldest women in Illinois’s prison system. Now, she suffers from chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, hyperlipidemia, cataracts, arthritis and a degenerative spine condition. She must use a wheelchair to get around the prison. She has applied for clemency numerous times under several governors; each time, she has been denied.
“I am very fearful that if COVID-19 comes into this prison, there is no safe place for anyone,” wrote Tuma from prison. “Our living conditions are deplorable and unsanitary. We are 66 inmates to a wing, one ‘toilet’ area per wing. It’s our only means to wash our dishes, wash our hands or brush our teeth.”
At Logan, as in nearly all prisons, it’s impossible to follow Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidelines to frequently wash hands or practice social distancing. “There is a foam soap dispenser in the toilet area that is refilled maybe once a week,” Tuma wrote. “It’s almost always empty. Sixty-six women use it how many times a day? They tell us to cope by limiting ourselves to three showers per week.”
As the numbers of confirmed coronavirus cases climb inside the nation’s jails and prisons, incarcerated people and their family members fear for their lives. In response, some elected officials are pledging to reduce jail and prison populations to prevent the rapid spread of coronavirus in overcrowded facilities. But are they actually fulfilling their promises?
California Announces Potential Release of 3,500 People From Prison
California made headlines with its announcement that officials planned to consider releasing up to 3,500 people from its prison system, which is operating at over 130 percent capacity. However, those 3,500 people are within two months of their parole dates and do not include people with violent or sex offense convictions. California Gov. Gavin Newsom also halted the transfer of people from county jails to state prisons for 30 days, which will temporarily stop approximately 3,000 new arrivals at the prisons (though it will simply keep people in jails, as opposed to releasing them).
Newsom has publicly rejected the idea of releasing large numbers of people early. California state attorneys asked federal judges not to intervene and order prison releases, although more than a dozen prisons are severely overcrowded, hovering between 140 to 169 percent capacity.
At a mid-March press conference, Newsom said that doing so would exacerbate homelessness and strain the health care system. “I have no interest, and I want to make this crystal clear, in releasing violent criminals from our system, and I won’t use a crisis as an excuse to create another crisis,” he stated. “That’s not the way we will go about this. We will do it in a very deliberative way.”
Four days later, however, he issued 21 commutations to people in prison, including people serving life sentences on convictions such as murder and manslaughter. His press release noted that Newsom had considered each person’s health status in his decision.
California state attorneys asked federal judges not to intervene and order prison releases, although more than a dozen prisons are severely overcrowded, hovering between 140 to 169 percent capacity.
The announcement caused a stir and a flurry of hope within the prisons. “The LADIES ARE ALWAYS EXCITED ABOUT THE COMMUTATIONS because it gives them hope for themselves,” Lynda Axell, a 66-year-old who has been imprisoned since December 1989, told Truthout via email, “but there are always the feelings of WHY NOT ME?”
In Kentucky, the Governor Commutes 1,000 Prison Sentences
Kentucky prisons have reported less than 20 positive cases of coronavirus (nine incarcerated people and five employees). But even before those cases came to light, Gov. Andy Beshear announced that he was commuting the sentences of approximately 1,000 people with nonviolent convictions in state prisons to decrease the chances of coronavirus spread. (Kentucky prisons confine approximately 12,000 people.) His commutations were limited to two categories: people who have either health conditions, such as respiratory illnesses or heart conditions, or people with less than six months remaining on their prison sentence. Still, that’s better than Oklahoma, where Gov. Kevin Stitt initially made headlines when he announced that he was granting 450 commutations. Oklahoma currently has nearly 25,000 people in its state prisons, which have been plagued for years by overcrowding and understaffing.
However, the actual number of people released from the state’s bloated prison system will be closer to 100. The majority of the governor’s clemency recipients have other charges for which they must still serve prison sentences.
In Minnesota, Gov. Tim Walz has not committed to reducing the state’s prison population. During his live-streamed address on Friday, April 3, however, prison commissioner Paul Schnell stated that officials were reviewing people with nonviolent convictions and within 90 days of their release date.
Inside Minnesota’s women’s prison at Shakopee, incarcerated people are fearful that such a measure will be too little, too late. In some housing units, four people are confined in cells originally designed for two. “I can reach over and touch my roommate,” one woman, serving her first year of a four-year drug sentence, told Truthout.
“The staff treat us as if we are the threat,” Kendra*, another incarcerated woman, told Truthout in an email, noting that the majority of staff do not wear masks. Kendra’s prison job is cleaning the housing unit; recently, she wrote, staff replaced disposable gloves with reusable rubber kitchen gloves. “We are assigned our own pair,” she said. But, she added, “we are in close contact with staff and vulnerable offenders as we are charged with pushing those in wheelchairs and are constantly cleaning behind everyone and everywhere in the units.”
“I don’t want to kill someone … and shouldn’t be put in that position.”
Many staff members seem indifferent to their potential for spreading the virus. Kendra reported that, in early April, she was present when another incarcerated woman asked an officer why she was not wearing a mask. “You are the threat to bring in the virus,” the woman pointed out. In response, the officer simply said, “That is a lie.”
Kendra is less worried about her own health than about being an asymptomatic carrier, especially because her cellmate is an older woman with health problems and relies on others to push her wheelchair. “I don’t want to kill someone … and shouldn’t be put in that position,” she reflected.
Kendra’s husband, who asked not to be named in publication, worries about her health and safety. His biggest fear, he told Truthout, is that she’ll contract the virus. “Some people might be feeling symptoms, but they’re afraid to tell anyone because they don’t want to be put in isolation. That’s the place where you go if you break the rules,” he said, referring to solitary confinement. “That’s not humane.” He lives on a farm 10 miles from a hospital affiliated with the Mayo Clinic; if Kendra were to feel sick, he said, “she would get better medical attention out of prison than in prison.”
In other states, governors are passing the buck. Rather than using his clemency pen, Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine initially asked judges to consider releasing 38 people with nonviolent convictions from the state’s prisons. Twenty-three of those people are either pregnant or had recently given birth while in prison; the others are over the age of 60 and within 60 days of being released. Eleven days later, after the death of a staff member and an incarcerated person, he asked a bipartisan panel of lawmakers to recommend releasing another 141 people. Ohio’s 31 prisons currently incarcerate 48,991 people.
In Pennsylvania, where the governor has the power to grant reprieves (temporary suspension of prison sentences) as well as commutations, Tom Wolf has chosen to do neither. Instead, his administration is drafting legislation to allow the release of imprisoned people serving short sentences for nonviolent, low-level convictions and who are deemed medically vulnerable. The legislation does not include people who are elderly — a population which, according to Legislative Director Sarah Speed, “are almost exclusively serving life sentences or are sex offenders.” The 44,600 people in Pennsylvania’s 25 prisons are now on lockdown after an incarcerated person tested positive for coronavirus. After 11 incarcerated people and 18 staff members tested positive for — and one incarcerated person died from — COVID-19, the governor stated that he will use his reprieve powers for people who are medically vulnerable and have less than 12 months left on their sentence. Those convicted of violence, however, will remain ineligible.
At least 15 people have been arrested, sometimes violently, by the police for failure to social distance.
Some governors have no plans to reduce state prison populations through early release or commutations. “We have no measures to lessen crowding in state prisons,” New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who has issued 21 commutations during his nine years in office, said at his April 3 press conference. “But reducing the prison population? We don’t have any way to do that right now.” That same day, he signed the state budget which included rollbacks to the state’s newly enacted bail reform. These changes, which Cuomo had pushed, add 15 new charges in which a judge can set bail and, as Peter Goldberg, director of the Brooklyn Community Bail Fund, noted, will “expand pretrial jailing so thousands more New Yorkers will be subjected to imprisonment and unspeakable harm” during a deadly pandemic.
New York Mayor Authorizes Release of 900 From Jails While Police Arrest for Failure to Social Distance
In New York City, nearly 1,000 people (334 incarcerated people and 657 staff members) in the jails have tested positive for coronavirus, bringing the infection rate to 8.24 percent (compared to 1.36 percent in New York City). The chief physician of correctional health care called it a “public health disaster unfolding before our eyes.” In response, Mayor Bill de Blasio released 900 people from the city’s jail system.
At the same time, however, de Blasio authorized police to enforce social distancing with penalties. Officers are supposed to issue warnings and, as a last result, fines. During the last weekend in March, however, three New Yorkers were arrested and jailed, possibly exposing them to coronavirus while held in overcrowded holding cells.
One woman had been in a parking lot with her boyfriend when police ordered them to leave. Before they had time to comply, officers grabbed her boyfriend and arrested both, according to the woman. She was taken to central booking and held in a cell for 36 hours with two dozen other women. Those who already had masks were allowed to keep them; those who did not were not given any. In addition, she said that the cell was dirty and lacked soap. At one point, an officer distributed drops of hand sanitizer. The woman was released on March 29, but her employer has not allowed her to return to work because of fears she might have been exposed to coronavirus in the cell. Since then, at least 15 people have been arrested, sometimes violently, by the police for failure to social distance.
The de Blasio administration is also interfering with efforts to mitigate risk to jail staff. Though four corrections officers have died from coronavirus, city lawyers appealed a judge’s decision to provide masks and protective gear to jail correction officers at the start of each shift.
“An Incarcerated Person Is a Person”
In Illinois, Governor Pritzker’s executive order comes on the heels of his earlier action — releasing nearly 300 people from prisons on March 31. Among them were 34-year-old Mandi Grammer, her 7-month-old Brenleigh Jolea, and four other mother-baby pairs from the prison nursery in Decatur.
One week earlier, Illinois prisons confirmed the first coronavirus case at Stateville Correctional Center in Joliet. Within five days, 12 incarcerated people had been hospitalized with confirmed cases.
At his March 31 press conference, Pritzker stated, “An incarcerated person is a person, and my administration will not be in the business of claiming one life is more than another.” The release decreased the prison population by less than 1 percent, a reduction that advocates argue is “far lower than the population reduction needed to protect those who remain in custody and the surrounding communities.”
Advocates continued to push the governor to do more. The Uptown People’s Law Center filed a lawsuit, demanding the governor and Department of Corrections immediately release people who are elderly, have serious medical conditions or have already served the majority of their sentences. As many as 13,000 of the state’s 36,000 people could be eligible.
By April 5, the number of confirmed cases in Stateville had risen to 80 — 56 among incarcerated people and 24 among staff, making up the majority of the 102 confirmed cases in Illinois’s 28 prisons. By then, Stateville also had two deaths from coronavirus.
The following day, on April 6, Pritzker announced his executive order. He also commuted the sentences of 17 people, including seven who had been convicted of murder.
For Tuma’s granddaughter, Shanneah Davidson-Welch, that might be reason for hope. Davidson-Welch was already worried about her grandmother even before coronavirus began spreading throughout the country. “She’s already sick and in a wheelchair,” she told Truthout, adding that her grandmother constantly struggles with pain and obtaining proper medical care.
She also notes that Tuma’s arrest and imprisonment stem from being entangled in an abusive marriage in which her husband frequently forced her to shoplift and commit other thefts. In 1979, Tuma was preparing to flee with her young daughter. Fearing her husband’s violence, she obtained a gun. Before she could escape, however, her husband drove her to a department store and ordered her to go inside to shoplift. When she was approached by a store employee, Tuma panicked. She shot (and missed) the store employee. Then, when turning to flee, she shot and killed a store security guard. She was convicted of first-degree murder and sentenced to life without the possibility of parole.
“The main person, my grandfather, was released [from prison] and he’s doing good, following the rules of society,” Davidson-Welch said. “It’s only fair that she has the same opportunity. She deserves a second chance. We deserve to have her be a part of our life. I should be able to experience being around my grandmother.”
*Kendra asked to use a pseudonym to prevent retaliation.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-04-19--Warren Slams Trump for Supporting Protests Against Stay-at-Home Orders

Democratic lawmakers have joined with advocacy groups in criticizing President Donald Trump for encouraging recent protests against stay-at-home orders enacted by state and local governments in response to the ongoing coronavirus pandemic—including Sen. Elizabeth Warren , who accused the president of using the COVID-19 crisis to garner voter support .
In a Saturday appearance on MSNBC ’ s “ AM Joy , ” the Massachusetts Democrat declared that during this crisis , Trump has failed in his responsibility to keep Americans safe .
“ He has failed abysmally in that , and he has also failed just in the notion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , saying liberate , free Michigan , Virginia , encouraging people to come out and trying to turn this health crisis into a political rally for himself , ” Warren told host Joy Reid , referencing Trump ’ s Friday tweets about the protests .
“ That is absolutely the wrong kind of leadership , ” Warren said .
“ It is the kind of leadership that puts lives at risk , and it is the kind of leadership that undermines the very strength of this country.
” After dozens of demonstrators on-foot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ descended on the Michigan Capitol Wednesday with signs that read “ Liberty once lost is lost forever ” and “ Security without liberty is called prison ” to protest Democratic Gov .
Gretchen Whitmer ’ s stay-at-home order , Rep. Debbie Dingell ( D-Mich. ) called the event “ inexcusable.
” Dingell added to her criticism of the “ Operation Gridlock ” protest during a Saturday appearance on MSNBC ’ s “ Weekends With Alex Witt.
” The congresswoman emphasized the importance of preventing more deaths from COVID-19 and urged against politicizing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump encouraging the protests throughout the country , Dingell warned “ adding this kind of kerosene to a tinderbox is very dangerous ” and said that she connected with “ a lot of people on both sides of the aisle ” to express her concerns and call for political unity in the fight against the pandemic .
Reporting Saturday on a protest outside the Texas Capitol building in Austin , the New York Times noted : The rally rode a wave of similar protests at statehouses and in city streets this past week @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Indianapolis ; Carson City , Nevada ; Annapolis , Maryland ; and Brookfield , Wisconsin .
As some governors expressed interest in reopening their states , some prominent local conservatives turned to Facebook groups and other social media to set up protests .
In Austin , the Times reported , “ there were Trump signs , flags , caps , and T-shirts .
There were loud chants of ‘ Let us work !
Let us work !
’ but also ‘ Fire Fauci !
Fire Fauci ! '
” Anthony Stephen Fauci @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Allergy and Infectious Diseases and a lead member of the White House Coronavirus Task Force .
Demonstrators are gathering outside the Texas Capitol building to protest stay-at-home orders , chanting “ Fire Fauci , Fire Fauci ” pic.twitter.com/oI7GIzZPUr Over the past week , there have also been protests against stay-at-home orders in Huntington Beach , California as well as at the statehouses in New Jersey and Virginia .
A Republican state lawmaker is organizing a “ Re-Open Maine ” Convoy and Parade for Monday outside the Governor ’ s Mansion in Augusta @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over into protests in Texas , Indiana , New Hampshire , Nevada , Maryland , Utah , and Wisconsin Saturday .
Polls suggest the protesters are actually part of a very vocal minority .
https : //t.co/bmBJlPzAnb Trump came under fire Friday for proclaiming in a series of tweets , “ LIBERATE MINNESOTA !
” and “ LIBERATE MICHIGAN !
” He added : “ LIBERATE VIRGINIA , and save your great 2nd Amendment .
It is under siege !
” The latter comment was an apparent reference to gun control measures recently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Following those tweets , the president was asked during a Friday press briefing : “ Sir , are you concerned , though , that people coming out in protest are going to spread COVID to other people ?
They ’ re congregating in ways that health experts have said they should not.
” Trump responded : “ No , these are people expressing their views .
I see where they are and I see the way they ’ re working .
They seem to be very responsible people to me , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve been treated a little bit rough.
” The president stopped short of saying that the states seeing protests should lift their stay-at-home orders but said “ I think elements of what they ’ ve done are too much.
” Later in the briefing Fauci was asked : “ Does that concern you though , as a health expert , when you see folks congregate ?
And are you worried if that ’ s encouraged ?
” Fauci said : “ Well , I mean , I ’ m looking at it from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could understand the frustration of people , but my main role in the task force is to make recommendations to protect the health and the safety of the American people .
And I would hope that people understand that that ’ s the reason why we ’ re doing what we ’ re doing , and hopefully we ’ ll put an end to this .
”

Sen. Elizabeth Warren said the president is “trying to turn this health crisis into a political rally for himself.”
Democratic lawmakers have joined with advocacy groups in criticizing President Donald Trump for encouraging recent protests against stay-at-home orders enacted by state and local governments in response to the ongoing coronavirus pandemic—including Sen. Elizabeth Warren, who accused the president of using the COVID-19 crisis to garner voter support.
In a Saturday appearance on MSNBC’s “AM Joy,” the Massachusetts Democrat declared that during this crisis, Trump has failed in his responsibility to keep Americans safe.
“He has failed abysmally in that, and he has also failed just in the notion of what he’s telling people, saying liberate, free Michigan, Virginia, encouraging people to come out and trying to turn this health crisis into a political rally for himself,” Warren told host Joy Reid, referencing Trump’s Friday tweets about the protests.
“That is absolutely the wrong kind of leadership,” Warren said. “It is the kind of leadership that puts lives at risk, and it is the kind of leadership that undermines the very strength of this country.”
After dozens of demonstrators on-foot and thousands of people in their vehicles descended on the Michigan Capitol Wednesday with signs that read “Liberty once lost is lost forever” and “Security without liberty is called prison” to protest Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer’s stay-at-home order, Rep. Debbie Dingell (D-Mich.) called the event “inexcusable.”
Dingell added to her criticism of the “Operation Gridlock” protest during a Saturday appearance on MSNBC’s “Weekends With Alex Witt.” The congresswoman emphasized the importance of preventing more deaths from COVID-19 and urged against politicizing the pandemic and containment measures.
As for Trump encouraging the protests throughout the country, Dingell warned “adding this kind of kerosene to a tinderbox is very dangerous” and said that she connected with “a lot of people on both sides of the aisle” to express her concerns and call for political unity in the fight against the pandemic.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-04-19--COVID-19 Isn’t Halting Corporate Media’s Attacks on Universal Health Care

There ’ s nothing like a global pandemic to demonstrate that a universal single-payer healthcare system like Medicare for All is not an idealistic fantasy , but an immediate , urgent necessity .
When over 16 million Americans have already filed for unemployment benefits within the last three weeks , it ’ s clear that the American system of making health insurance a privilege only for those who work—or for those poor and old enough to qualify for Medicaid and Medicare—has made the US especially vulnerable to Covid-19 .
Despite the false choice often presented to us by politicians and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the economy ” ) , not only is it possible to address both , a stronger coronavirus response is an absolute prerequisite for avoiding the worst-case economic scenarios ( Jacobin , 4/1/20 ) .
While there have been several op-eds ( Washington Post , 2/26/20 ; New York Times , 3/11/20 ; Bloomberg , 3/13/20 ) recognizing that Medicare for All is necessary because it ’ s disastrous to have people delaying or avoiding necessary treatment during a pandemic without a vaccine , many in corporate media are still engaging in class warfare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( FAIR.org , 4/29/19 , 10/2/19 ) .
Politico contributing editor Bill Scher ’ s “ No , Coronavirus Isn ’ t Proof We Need Socialism ” ( 3/24/20 ) parroted the typical canards about technocratic centrists like New York Gov .
Andrew Cuomo prioritizing “ competence , ” and the “ nuts and bolts of effective crisis response , ” over opportunistic “ socialists ” like Sen. Bernie Sanders trying to “ exploit the crisis in order to advance their ideology.
” ( It ’ s worth pointing out that Cuomo ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ action against the coronavirus until New York State had by far the worst outbreak in the country—FAIR.org , 4/11/20 . )
Scher ’ s doublethink take of arguing against ideology , and any action beyond “ temporary stimulus , ” because that would be “ socialism , ” while saying he wants to shelve the debate over universal healthcare for “ another day , ” indicates insincerity .
Especially given that Scher has published hot takes like “ The Single-Payer Insanity ” ( 9/12/17 ) and “ Down Goes Socialism ” ( 8/18/18 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suggests Scher does indeed have an ideology—one that prioritizes preservation of the status quo over addressing the severity of the crisis .
Bloomberg columnist Ramesh Ponnuru ’ s “ Italy Shows That Medicare for All Is No Cure for Coronavirus ” ( 3/17/20 ) confused an array of issues through non sequiturs and category errors .
Arguing that “ Italy ’ s high death rate ” proves Medicare for All is “ not a solution to this problem , ” Ponnoru claimed there are adequate solutions that don ’ t require “ going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Even if one were to accept the recommended arbitrary “ solution ” of making “ coronavirus testing free for all , ” which leaves out treatment for coronavirus—let alone testing and treatment for other diseases —Ponnoru doesn ’ t explain why Americans should settle for a measure that isn ’ t as good as Medicare for All .
It doesn ’ t logically follow that because countries with single-payer healthcare systems can ’ t literally cure Covid-19 , it is therefore not part of a necessary response to a pandemic .
Neither @ @ @ @ @ @ @ himself noted , single-payer advocates are not arguing that universal healthcare would cure coronavirus and eliminate deaths , but that it would help prevent infections by allowing people to seek the testing and treatment they need without worrying about the cost .
This isn ’ t difficult to understand .
The US ’ s employer-based healthcare system is exceptionally vulnerable and incapable of addressing a pandemic , because enforcing the economic shutdown required by quarantine causes massive spikes in unemployment , which then lead to further drops in healthcare coverage , and further @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Which is why it is bizarre to hear Ponnoru arguing against Medicare for All because it would not bring as much cost savings as single-payer advocates claim it would , as it would raise “ demand for medical services by making it free at the point of service.
” Aside from faulty arguments related to “ cutting doctors ’ pay , ” yes , more people seeking testing and treatment for Covid-19 and other ailments is a good thing , and precisely why universal healthcare is necessary to combat a pandemic .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ strict quarantines and economic shutdowns , the point is that a universal system like Medicare for All must be paired with strong government action to supply enough medical equipment , aggressively test for the virus , and enforce strict and timely quarantines to minimize the coronavirus ’ spread ( FAIR.org , 3/17/20 , 3/20/20 ) .
The same presumptions in Bloomberg ’ s opinion pages can be found in the New York Times ’ news reporting .
While publishing informative reports on Medicare for All ( 10/31/19 , 2/25/20 ) , the Times @ @ @ @ @ @ @ France , Coronavirus Tests a Vaunted Healthcare System ” ( 3/27/20 ) , which demonstrate the same confusion of issues .
When the Times ’ Adam Nossiter writes that whether , compared to the Chinese example , France ’ s laxer “ experiment in confining its citizens ” succeeds will “ say much about the ultimate adequacy of a well-funded , well-equipped and broadly accessible national treatment plan , ” he makes it seem as if the vindication of France ’ s universal healthcare system depends on it being able to handle the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ looser quarantine efforts .
It doesn ’ t .
Even if the French healthcare system can ’ t handle the stress from a more lenient attitude toward quarantine , that has no relevance to the point that a universal healthcare system is a necessary , albeit insufficient , component in a nation ’ s pandemic response .
As the Times itself reported earlier ( 3/21/20 ) on the “ tragedy of Italy , ” if Italy ’ s experience shows anything , it ’ s that “ measures to isolate affected areas and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need to be taken early , put in place with absolute clarity , then strictly enforced.
” Not only do Italians themselves reject the notion that their single-payer system is unnecessary , they actually credit it for preventing what would certainly be an even worse disaster than the one they ’ re currently facing ( Jacobin , 3/31/20 ) .
As horrifying as their situation is , Italians don ’ t experience being denied treatment because they ’ re uninsured .
An overwhelmed single-payer system is not evidence that universal healthcare is therefore @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that nation failed to learn from real-world success stories in containing the virus , perhaps because that nation ’ s media were more interested in scapegoats than in role models ( FAIR.org , 3/24/20 ) .
Yet , despite support for Medicare for All surging in recent polling , and exit polls from a majority of primary states demonstrating that Democratic voters prefer a single-payer system to the status quo , media-anointed presidential candidate Joe Biden has been doubling down on his opposition to Medicare for All .
Echoing corporate media ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ CNN debate ( 3/15/20 ) , Biden remarked : Echoing Biden , one can still find reports and op-eds in the New York Times , in the midst of a pandemic , discouraging efforts to push for necessary overhauls to the fragmented US employer-based healthcare system .
Instead of publishing reports informing citizens on the immediate necessity of universal healthcare and galvanizing a call to action , the Times chose to publish defeatist reports like “ Even if Sanders Wins , Medicare for All Almost Certainly Won ’ t Happen ” ( 3/9/20 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Get Medicare for All ” ( 3/14/20 ) .
In the latter , instead of explaining the importance of a strong organized labor movement to the rise of European welfare states , the Times ’ Eduardo Porter depicted the US as doomed by demographics , arguing that Americans with their multiethnic society can never get universal healthcare , since “ uncompromising racism ” is a “ forbidding obstacle.
” While racism is certainly a longstanding presence in American life , the voting behavior of racists is also more complex than the Times ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get their votes while still rejecting racism ( FAIR.org , 8/29/19 ) .
Perhaps the real reason the Times argues that “ the chances of a President Sanders pushing Medicare for all through Congress would be slim to none ” is because it shares the same hostility toward taking the profit out of healthcare that the healthcare industry does ( FAIR.org , 1/24/20 ) .
Resembling Students for Life of America ’ s Kristan Hawkins ’ outlandish take “ Medicare for All Scares Me More Than Coronavirus ” ( RealClearPolitics , 3/28/20 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on “ The Dangers of Medicare for All ” ( 3/9/20 ) by the right-wing Hoover Institution ’ s Scott Atlas , which made evidence-free histrionic assertions like , “ Medicare for All could very well destroy Medicare as we know it and jeopardize medical care for seniors.
” The piece deceptively argues that Medicare for All would harm retirees because “ more than 70 % of them use private insurance in addition to or instead of traditional Medicare ” ; Medicare would actually expand benefits for everyone , including seniors , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from private insurers .
It also asserts that healthcare providers would “ lose money ” because Medicare pays less than private insurers do for healthcare—a claim that resembles a misleading Times report ( 4/21/19 ) that told readers hospitals would “ lose billions ” under Medicare for All .
The notion that Medicare for All would bankrupt hospitals because current Medicare rates have lower reimbursement rates than private insurance is unclear at best , and deceitful at worst .
While single-payer advocates have pointed out flaws with Sanders ’ Medicare for All bill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hospitals will continue to be paid on a per-patient basis under single-payer to current Medicare reimbursement rates , and ignore how Sanders ’ bill , as well as better single-payer proposals from Rep. Pramila Jayapal , also call for replacing per-patient payments with a “ global budgeting ” system ( Health Affairs , 3/3/19 , 12/9/19 ) .
Under a global budgeting system , hospitals would be funded through annual lump sums distributed in monthly installments , where hospitals can receive extra funding if unexpected deficits occur to prevent bankruptcies , and would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ driving up costs ( The Nation , 7/16/18 ) .
Under the current system , private insurers are already bankrupting rural hospitals—often the economic heart of a community , and sole healthcare provider for miles—because they ’ re unprofitable , and Medicare for All , on even a per-patient basis , would actually save hospitals , because Medicare rates would increase revenue for hospitals serving high levels of uninsured and Medicaid patients ( Kaiser Health News , 6/27/19 ; Salon , 7/28/19 ) .
It ’ s also true that lower payments wouldn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but instead in positive changes to their business model .
The strain in these arguments is due to their unspoken goal : How can we keep everything the same if we change things ?
This outlook suggests that no one loses out under the status quo—or those who do are negligible .
As FAIR ( 4/1/20 ) has noted , corporate media coverage of the coronavirus crisis is quick to report on problems , and slow to provide any analysis or explanations of these problems .
Several people have already pointed out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ healthcare system is unequipped to handle a sudden surge of new cases , as there aren ’ t enough ventilators and hospital beds .
The coronavirus crisis should be an opportune time to explain how the US ’ s for-profit healthcare system has led to relentless cost-cutting , reducing “ surplus ” hospital beds that are now desperately needed , and how resources are unevenly distributed between profitable and unprofitable hospitals .
Yet the profit motive incentivizing shortsighted “ just in time ” and “ lean production ” healthcare delivery rarely features as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less staff and equipment relative to its population than other countries .
As several outlets have noted , the case fatality rates for Covid-19 differ from country to country , and one of the reasons so many Italians are dying is that their system was overwhelmed by government inaction , and faces the nightmare scenario of having to reject patients and triage care .
Given that the US death toll has already surpassed Italy ’ s , it ’ s crucial for journalists to inform their audiences of larger causes .
A Lancet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ healthcare would prevent at least 68,000 deaths per year ( the death toll of nearly 23 September 11 attacks annually ) even without a pandemic .
But the case for Medicare for All isn ’ t merely a moral argument that no one deserves to die because they can ’ t afford healthcare .
It ’ s also a pragmatic awareness that we are only as secure as the most vulnerable among us ; when millions of people are unable to see a doctor or receive treatment because they can ’ t afford @ @ @ @ @ @ @ themselves as a “ coronavirus timebomb.
” The US ’ s employer-based insurance system was already unaffordable before the pandemic , but with private insurers ’ business rationale leading them to hike premiums by as much as 40 % in its midst , it ’ s vital that media do everything they can to press the government and inform citizens about a system that can deliver the healthcare we need when we have never needed it more .

There’s nothing like a global pandemic to demonstrate that a universal single-payer healthcare system like Medicare for All is not an idealistic fantasy, but an immediate, urgent necessity. When over 16 million Americans have already filed for unemployment benefits within the last three weeks, it’s clear that the American system of making health insurance a privilege only for those who work—or for those poor and old enough to qualify for Medicaid and Medicare—has made the US especially vulnerable to Covid-19.
Despite the false choice often presented to us by politicians and corporate media (our health vs. “the economy”), not only is it possible to address both, a stronger coronavirus response is an absolute prerequisite for avoiding the worst-case economic scenarios (Jacobin, 4/1/20).
While there have been several op-eds (Washington Post, 2/26/20; New York Times, 3/11/20; Bloomberg, 3/13/20) recognizing that Medicare for All is necessary because it’s disastrous to have people delaying or avoiding necessary treatment during a pandemic without a vaccine, many in corporate media are still engaging in class warfare by continuing their crusade against universal healthcare (FAIR.org, 4/29/19, 10/2/19).
Politico contributing editor Bill Scher’s “No, Coronavirus Isn’t Proof We Need Socialism” (3/24/20) parroted the typical canards about technocratic centrists like New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo prioritizing “competence,” and the “nuts and bolts of effective crisis response,” over opportunistic “socialists” like Sen. Bernie Sanders trying to “exploit the crisis in order to advance their ideology.” (It’s worth pointing out that Cuomo’s “competence” delayed taking effective action against the coronavirus until New York State had by far the worst outbreak in the country—FAIR.org, 4/11/20.)
Scher’s doublethink take of arguing against ideology, and any action beyond “temporary stimulus,” because that would be “socialism,” while saying he wants to shelve the debate over universal healthcare for “another day,” indicates insincerity. Especially given that Scher has published hot takes like “The Single-Payer Insanity” (9/12/17) and “Down Goes Socialism” (8/18/18) in more stable times, it suggests Scher does indeed have an ideology—one that prioritizes preservation of the status quo over addressing the severity of the crisis.
Bloomberg columnist Ramesh Ponnuru’s “Italy Shows That Medicare for All Is No Cure for Coronavirus” (3/17/20) confused an array of issues through non sequiturs and category errors. Arguing that “Italy’s high death rate” proves Medicare for All is “not a solution to this problem,” Ponnoru claimed there are adequate solutions that don’t require “going all the way to Medicare for All.” Even if one were to accept the recommended arbitrary “solution” of making “coronavirus testing free for all,” which leaves out treatment for coronavirus—let alone testing and treatment for other diseases —Ponnoru doesn’t explain why Americans should settle for a measure that isn’t as good as Medicare for All.
It doesn’t logically follow that because countries with single-payer healthcare systems can’t literally cure Covid-19, it is therefore not part of a necessary response to a pandemic. Neither is it relevant because, as Ponnoru himself noted, single-payer advocates are not arguing that universal healthcare would cure coronavirus and eliminate deaths, but that it would help prevent infections by allowing people to seek the testing and treatment they need without worrying about the cost. This isn’t difficult to understand. The US’s employer-based healthcare system is exceptionally vulnerable and incapable of addressing a pandemic, because enforcing the economic shutdown required by quarantine causes massive spikes in unemployment, which then lead to further drops in healthcare coverage, and further compound the problem in a vicious circle.
Which is why it is bizarre to hear Ponnoru arguing against Medicare for All because it would not bring as much cost savings as single-payer advocates claim it would, as it would raise “demand for medical services by making it free at the point of service.” Aside from faulty arguments related to “cutting doctors’ pay,” yes, more people seeking testing and treatment for Covid-19 and other ailments is a good thing, and precisely why universal healthcare is necessary to combat a pandemic. Despite corporate media’s resistance to strict quarantines and economic shutdowns, the point is that a universal system like Medicare for All must be paired with strong government action to supply enough medical equipment, aggressively test for the virus, and enforce strict and timely quarantines to minimize the coronavirus’ spread (FAIR.org, 3/17/20, 3/20/20).
The same presumptions in Bloomberg’s opinion pages can be found in the New York Times’ news reporting. While publishing informative reports on Medicare for All (10/31/19, 2/25/20), the Times also publishes problematic reports like “For France, Coronavirus Tests a Vaunted Healthcare System” (3/27/20), which demonstrate the same confusion of issues. When the Times’ Adam Nossiter writes that whether, compared to the Chinese example, France’s laxer “experiment in confining its citizens” succeeds will “say much about the ultimate adequacy of a well-funded, well-equipped and broadly accessible national treatment plan,” he makes it seem as if the vindication of France’s universal healthcare system depends on it being able to handle the stress on French healthcare providers resulting from looser quarantine efforts. It doesn’t.
Even if the French healthcare system can’t handle the stress from a more lenient attitude toward quarantine, that has no relevance to the point that a universal healthcare system is a necessary, albeit insufficient, component in a nation’s pandemic response. As the Times itself reported earlier (3/21/20) on the “tragedy of Italy,” if Italy’s experience shows anything, it’s that “measures to isolate affected areas and limit the movement of the broader population need to be taken early, put in place with absolute clarity, then strictly enforced.” Not only do Italians themselves reject the notion that their single-payer system is unnecessary, they actually credit it for preventing what would certainly be an even worse disaster than the one they’re currently facing (Jacobin, 3/31/20). As horrifying as their situation is, Italians don’t experience being denied treatment because they’re uninsured.
An overwhelmed single-payer system is not evidence that universal healthcare is therefore unnecessary; it’s evidence that that nation failed to learn from real-world success stories in containing the virus, perhaps because that nation’s media were more interested in scapegoats than in role models (FAIR.org, 3/24/20).
Yet, despite support for Medicare for All surging in recent polling, and exit polls from a majority of primary states demonstrating that Democratic voters prefer a single-payer system to the status quo, media-anointed presidential candidate Joe Biden has been doubling down on his opposition to Medicare for All. Echoing corporate media’s confusion of issues, in the last CNN debate (3/15/20), Biden remarked:
And with all due respect for Medicare for All, you have a single-payer system in Italy. It doesn’t work there. It has nothing to do with Medicare for All. That would not solve the problem at all.
Echoing Biden, one can still find reports and op-eds in the New York Times, in the midst of a pandemic, discouraging efforts to push for necessary overhauls to the fragmented US employer-based healthcare system.
Instead of publishing reports informing citizens on the immediate necessity of universal healthcare and galvanizing a call to action, the Times chose to publish defeatist reports like “Even if Sanders Wins, Medicare for All Almost Certainly Won’t Happen” (3/9/20) and “Why America Will Never Get Medicare for All” (3/14/20). In the latter, instead of explaining the importance of a strong organized labor movement to the rise of European welfare states, the Times’ Eduardo Porter depicted the US as doomed by demographics, arguing that Americans with their multiethnic society can never get universal healthcare, since “uncompromising racism” is a “forbidding obstacle.”
While racism is certainly a longstanding presence in American life, the voting behavior of racists is also more complex than the Times’ simplistic portrayal, and it is possible to get their votes while still rejecting racism (FAIR.org, 8/29/19). Perhaps the real reason the Times argues that “the chances of a President Sanders pushing Medicare for all through Congress would be slim to none” is because it shares the same hostility toward taking the profit out of healthcare that the healthcare industry does (FAIR.org, 1/24/20).
Resembling Students for Life of America’s Kristan Hawkins’ outlandish take “Medicare for All Scares Me More Than Coronavirus” (RealClearPolitics, 3/28/20), the Times ran an op-ed on “The Dangers of Medicare for All” (3/9/20) by the right-wing Hoover Institution’s Scott Atlas, which made evidence-free histrionic assertions like, “Medicare for All could very well destroy Medicare as we know it and jeopardize medical care for seniors.” The piece deceptively argues that Medicare for All would harm retirees because “more than 70% of them use private insurance in addition to or instead of traditional Medicare”; Medicare would actually expand benefits for everyone, including seniors, which is why it would ban duplicative coverage from private insurers.
It also asserts that healthcare providers would “lose money” because Medicare pays less than private insurers do for healthcare—a claim that resembles a misleading Times report (4/21/19) that told readers hospitals would “lose billions” under Medicare for All. The notion that Medicare for All would bankrupt hospitals because current Medicare rates have lower reimbursement rates than private insurance is unclear at best, and deceitful at worst. While single-payer advocates have pointed out flaws with Sanders’ Medicare for All bill, the Times’ projections assume that hospitals will continue to be paid on a per-patient basis under single-payer to current Medicare reimbursement rates, and ignore how Sanders’ bill, as well as better single-payer proposals from Rep. Pramila Jayapal, also call for replacing per-patient payments with a “global budgeting” system (Health Affairs, 3/3/19, 12/9/19).
Under a global budgeting system, hospitals would be funded through annual lump sums distributed in monthly installments, where hospitals can receive extra funding if unexpected deficits occur to prevent bankruptcies, and would be unable to keep the surpluses currently driving up costs (The Nation, 7/16/18). Under the current system, private insurers are already bankrupting rural hospitals—often the economic heart of a community, and sole healthcare provider for miles—because they’re unprofitable, and Medicare for All, on even a per-patient basis, would actually save hospitals, because Medicare rates would increase revenue for hospitals serving high levels of uninsured and Medicaid patients (Kaiser Health News, 6/27/19; Salon, 7/28/19). It’s also true that lower payments wouldn’t necessarily result in hospital closures, but instead in positive changes to their business model.
The strain in these arguments is due to their unspoken goal: How can we keep everything the same if we change things? This outlook suggests that no one loses out under the status quo—or those who do are negligible.
As FAIR (4/1/20) has noted, corporate media coverage of the coronavirus crisis is quick to report on problems, and slow to provide any analysis or explanations of these problems. Several people have already pointed out, for example, that the US healthcare system is unequipped to handle a sudden surge of new cases, as there aren’t enough ventilators and hospital beds. The coronavirus crisis should be an opportune time to explain how the US’s for-profit healthcare system has led to relentless cost-cutting, reducing “surplus” hospital beds that are now desperately needed, and how resources are unevenly distributed between profitable and unprofitable hospitals. Yet the profit motive incentivizing shortsighted “just in time” and “lean production” healthcare delivery rarely features as an explanation for why the US has less staff and equipment relative to its population than other countries.
As several outlets have noted, the case fatality rates for Covid-19 differ from country to country, and one of the reasons so many Italians are dying is that their system was overwhelmed by government inaction, and faces the nightmare scenario of having to reject patients and triage care. Given that the US death toll has already surpassed Italy’s, it’s crucial for journalists to inform their audiences of larger causes.
A Lancet study (2/15/20) found that universal healthcare would prevent at least 68,000 deaths per year (the death toll of nearly 23 September 11 attacks annually) even without a pandemic. But the case for Medicare for All isn’t merely a moral argument that no one deserves to die because they can’t afford healthcare. It’s also a pragmatic awareness that we are only as secure as the most vulnerable among us; when millions of people are unable to see a doctor or receive treatment because they can’t afford for-profit health insurance, some uninsured describe themselves as a “coronavirus timebomb.”
The US’s employer-based insurance system was already unaffordable before the pandemic, but with private insurers’ business rationale leading them to hike premiums by as much as 40% in its midst, it’s vital that media do everything they can to press the government and inform citizens about a system that can deliver the healthcare we need when we have never needed it more.
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