truthout--2020-09-13--Rural and Native Communities Are Hard Hit by COVID-Era Food Insecurity

Nonie Woolf , a retired public health nutritionist and chair of Food Access and Sustainability Team Blackfeet , is excited .
By October , she says , the program ’ s Ō´yō´•ṗ´ on Wheels , a refrigerated truck whose name means “ we are eating , ” will deliver groceries directly to hungry and food-insecure residents of the eight communities that comprise Montana ’ s Blackfeet Reservation .
The need is enormous , Woolf told Truthout .
But it isn ’ t new .
Even before the COVID-19 pandemic , she says , median annual household income on the reservation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was $ 30,762 , with more than a third of residents ( 37.1 percent ) living in poverty .
More than two-thirds ( 69 percent ) had either gone hungry or experienced food insecurity — defined as having unreliable access to nutritious food — in 2017 .
Then COVID hit and Ō´yō´•ṗ´ Food Pantry — established in 2019 to meet the nutritional needs of low-income residents — went into overdrive .
In the month of July alone , the pantry distributed 52,770 pounds of food , more than three times the amount distributed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to more than 100 elders unable to travel to Browning , where the pantry is located .
“ There ’ s a sense of community here , ” Woolf says .
“ People help each other .
They share rides , food and information .
Our goal at Ō´yō´•ṗ´ is to fend off hunger so they can cope with the other things in their lives.
” Ō´yō´•ṗ´on Wheels , she says , will traverse the reservation ’ s 1.5 million acres with weekly drop-offs to some of the community ’ s poorest residents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fresh and frozen food to people who we ’ re working to identify : homeless families , grandparents caring for grandkids , kids in foster care , and unaccompanied minors living doubled up with friends or extended family .
We also hope to reach out to people who never had financial problems before , but now , because of COVID , are hurting.
” Food Banks Scramble to Meet New Needs Indeed , the number of people who are hurting , not just on the reservation but throughout the U.S. , is staggering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the largest spike in food prices since February 1974 , food banks throughout the country are scrambling to meet the needs of the hungry .
Children have been particularly hard-hit , with millions who ’ d eaten free or low-cost meals in school suddenly stuck at home .
Caretakers are often at their wits ’ end — not only overseeing online learning , but also juggling jobs and other community and family responsibilities .
They often have no idea where to turn for food assistance .
Confusion is particularly widespread because the two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ child hunger at bay — outdoor school meal distribution and the Pandemic Electronic Benefits Transfer ( P-EBT ) Program — have been beset by bureaucratic snafus and roadblocks .
School meal distribution entered a chaotic period when schools closed in March , and within days , administrators had to apply for up to eight separate waivers in the U.S. Department of Agriculture in order to dispense curbside meals , distribute food from bus stops , or arrange drop-offs at student homes .
Additional waivers were required to allow food to be picked up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out meals without first verifying the income of recipients .
These waivers expired just as the 2020-2021 school year was about to begin — or , in some places , when schools were in the first weeks of instruction .
And while the waivers were later extended to the end of the calendar year , the back-and-forth forced school staff and anti-hunger activists to mount an emergency campaign to keep the waivers in place .
Director of school and out-of-school time programs at the Food Research & Action Center , Crystal FitzSimons , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year rolls out , schools are working hard to figure out how best to operate food programs .
“ When schools closed last spring , there was no time to plan , ” FitzSimons said .
“ Meal distribution programs had to operate in ways they ’ d never operated before .
These programs don ’ t turn on a dime .
It takes administrative oversight to get meal programs up and running.
” Then there ’ s the Pandemic EBT program .
P-EBT provides approximately $ 5.70 per child per day in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ low-income families whose kids were previously eligible for free or reduced-price school meals .
“ Pandemic EBT is not available unless schools are closed for five consecutive days .
How does this work for kids doing hybrid learning ?
What does it mean for kids whose schools have delayed opening to get things together ?
” FitzSimons asks .
“ Some of the biggest issues occur because things keep changing .
Schools initially thought they ’ d be closed for three or four weeks , but ended up being shuttered for the rest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need to be as flexible as possible to be able to respond to needs that pop up , or that exist in a particular place at a particular time.
” Diane Pratt-Heavner , director of media relations at the School Nutrition Association , agrees , and told Truthout that school meal providers are struggling to meet the nutritional needs of three specific cohorts : distance learners , hybrid learners and those who are attending school in-person five days a week .
“ Schools need to determine how to serve kids who come into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bags for the other days ; kids who are fully remote ; and kids who may need to see social distancing protocols in place so that they can eat in the cafeteria or in their classrooms .
New cleaning regimens also need to be established , ” she says .
Another problem , Pratt-Heavner adds , is that immigrant parents ( regardless of whether they are undocumented or not ) may be hesitant to fill out applications for school meals and P-EBT for fear of breaking a federal rule on receipt of public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is true even though their children have been hard-hit by pandemic food insecurity , since many immigrants prefer to remain under the radar rather than expose their households to possible government scrutiny .
“ Food hardship is persistent , ” Ellen Vollinger , legal director at the Food Research & Action Center , told Truthout .
“ In July , 10 million more people were unemployed than in February .
People who never thought they ’ d be in need are applying for food stamps.
” In fact , within the first three @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 6 million people had been added to the food stamp rolls .
What ’ s more , Vollinger reports that since the additional $ 600 a week Pandemic Unemployment Assistance program was allowed to lapse , jobless people who had previously been deemed “ over income ” for food stamps have been flocking to apply for whatever help has become available .
The need is particularly acute in rural areas .
According to Feeding America , 2.3 million rural Americans currently lack adequate nutrition or are food-insecure .
Nikki Hannon , director of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Public Schools in Montana , is working hard to ensure that the 2,000 kids enrolled in the district do not become part of this statistic .
Like Woolf , she is pleased that Ō´yō´•ṗ´ on Wheels will soon be up and running , but says that low-income kids in pre-K to sixth grade have been receiving weekly weekend food deliveries since the pandemic began through an effort called āissṗoōmmoǒtsiiyō•ṗ ( “ We Help Each Other ” ) .
Older students , all of whom are learning remotely during this academic quarter , can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at their schools .
“ It ’ s not ideal , ” Hannon says .
“ Before the pandemic , they could come in and choose whatever they wanted .
Now they can ’ t do that .
They have to take pre-made , ready-to-go boxes that someone else packed .
They get what they get , but at least it ’ s something.
” Another issue , she told Truthout , is convincing people that it ’ s okay to ask for help .
“ The chronically needy have figured out the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the radio , reads the newspaper or is on Facebook , and they may not know what benefits are available.
” In the meantime , mobile food distribution remains spotty at best , a problem that has a profound impact on people with disabilities .
“ Even before the pandemic , there were significant unaddressed barriers for people with mobility issues or other disabilities in accessing food , ” says Elaine Waxman , senior fellow at the Urban Institute ’ s Income and Benefits Policy Center .
Some of the issues are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in rural and suburban areas , but urban residents can also experience difficulties .
“ Public transportation may not go near the store with the best prices , ” she says .
“ Or it may not stop anywhere near the food pantry.
” The pandemic has made everything harder since people who once got rides from family members or friends may no longer be welcomed into cars due to fears about contracting the virus .
In addition , a number of food pantries have closed because they were run by volunteers who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ travel to the site .
“ In some areas , charitable food programs disappeared overnight , and while there have been a lot of heroic efforts to get food to people , those who lack transportation or who can ’ t stand in a miles-long line to get a bag or box of groceries , are left without , ” Waxman told Truthout .
Programs that either ship or deliver food , she adds , have also hit snags , and while she says there is a pipeline between challenge and innovation , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For example , ” she says , “ there are no last-mile deliveries in parts of Alaska , so the recipient of a food parcel has to figure out a way to get to and from the post office to get a shipment.
” Those with mobility limitations are particularly hamstrung .
“ In the best of times , people with disabilities often face grave challenges , ” Joel Berg , CEO of Hunger Free America , told Truthout .
“ The only variable almost as great as poverty in determining who goes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an even greater obstacle if there are language barriers.
” Still , people do what they have to do , whether that means bringing a child to a food pantry to translate , standing in line for long periods or begging for rides .
John ( who only provided his first name to Truthout ) , 57 , says that he visits a different food pantry in Brooklyn , New York , every day of the week .
A lawyer who lost his livelihood when the courts closed six months ago , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as well as for four elderly neighbors .
“ The older people can ’ t stand in line , so I do that , ” he says .
“ Yesterday I got a can of applesauce and gave it to the lady next door .
She is going to make applesauce cake later today .
She ’ ll give pieces to everyone in the building .
We help each other that way .
It ’ s nice that we ’ ve gotten to know each other , that we all support each other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then pauses for a few minutes before continuing .
“ I still can ’ t wait for the pandemic to be over , ” he says .
“ This has been rough .
I never imagined that I ’ d be in line for free food .
”

The pandemic has caused tremendous suffering for rural and Native people as well as youth and people with disabilities.
Part of the Series Despair and Disparity: The Uneven Burdens of COVID-19
Nonie Woolf, a retired public health nutritionist and chair of Food Access and Sustainability Team Blackfeet, is excited. By October, she says, the program’s Ō´yō´•ṗ´ on Wheels, a refrigerated truck whose name means “we are eating,” will deliver groceries directly to hungry and food-insecure residents of the eight communities that comprise Montana’s Blackfeet Reservation.
The need is enormous, Woolf told Truthout. But it isn’t new.
Even before the COVID-19 pandemic, she says, median annual household income on the reservation — home to approximately 11,000 people — was $30,762, with more than a third of residents (37.1 percent) living in poverty. More than two-thirds (69 percent) had either gone hungry or experienced food insecurity — defined as having unreliable access to nutritious food — in 2017.
Then COVID hit and Ō´yō´•ṗ´ Food Pantry — established in 2019 to meet the nutritional needs of low-income residents — went into overdrive.
In the month of July alone, the pantry distributed 52,770 pounds of food, more than three times the amount distributed in February, and delivered hot meals to more than 100 elders unable to travel to Browning, where the pantry is located.
“There’s a sense of community here,” Woolf says. “People help each other. They share rides, food and information. Our goal at Ō´yō´•ṗ´ is to fend off hunger so they can cope with the other things in their lives.”
Ō´yō´•ṗ´on Wheels, she says, will traverse the reservation’s 1.5 million acres with weekly drop-offs to some of the community’s poorest residents. “The plan is to take fresh and frozen food to people who we’re working to identify: homeless families, grandparents caring for grandkids, kids in foster care, and unaccompanied minors living doubled up with friends or extended family. We also hope to reach out to people who never had financial problems before, but now, because of COVID, are hurting.”
Food Banks Scramble to Meet New Needs
Indeed, the number of people who are hurting, not just on the reservation but throughout the U.S., is staggering. With millions unemployed, coupled with the largest spike in food prices since February 1974, food banks throughout the country are scrambling to meet the needs of the hungry.
Children have been particularly hard-hit, with millions who’d eaten free or low-cost meals in school suddenly stuck at home. Caretakers are often at their wits’ end — not only overseeing online learning, but also juggling jobs and other community and family responsibilities. They often have no idea where to turn for food assistance.
Confusion is particularly widespread because the two government programs that were established to keep child hunger at bay — outdoor school meal distribution and the Pandemic Electronic Benefits Transfer (P-EBT) Program — have been beset by bureaucratic snafus and roadblocks.
School meal distribution entered a chaotic period when schools closed in March, and within days, administrators had to apply for up to eight separate waivers in the U.S. Department of Agriculture in order to dispense curbside meals, distribute food from bus stops, or arrange drop-offs at student homes. Additional waivers were required to allow food to be picked up by parents or guardians or to hand out meals without first verifying the income of recipients.
These waivers expired just as the 2020-2021 school year was about to begin — or, in some places, when schools were in the first weeks of instruction. And while the waivers were later extended to the end of the calendar year, the back-and-forth forced school staff and anti-hunger activists to mount an emergency campaign to keep the waivers in place.
Director of school and out-of-school time programs at the Food Research & Action Center, Crystal FitzSimons, told Truthout that as the new school year rolls out, schools are working hard to figure out how best to operate food programs.
“When schools closed last spring, there was no time to plan,” FitzSimons said. “Meal distribution programs had to operate in ways they’d never operated before. These programs don’t turn on a dime. It takes administrative oversight to get meal programs up and running.”
Then there’s the Pandemic EBT program. P-EBT provides approximately $5.70 per child per day in additional Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program benefits to low-income families whose kids were previously eligible for free or reduced-price school meals. “Pandemic EBT is not available unless schools are closed for five consecutive days. How does this work for kids doing hybrid learning? What does it mean for kids whose schools have delayed opening to get things together?” FitzSimons asks. “Some of the biggest issues occur because things keep changing. Schools initially thought they’d be closed for three or four weeks, but ended up being shuttered for the rest of the academic year. Food programs need to be as flexible as possible to be able to respond to needs that pop up, or that exist in a particular place at a particular time.”
Diane Pratt-Heavner, director of media relations at the School Nutrition Association, agrees, and told Truthout that school meal providers are struggling to meet the nutritional needs of three specific cohorts: distance learners, hybrid learners and those who are attending school in-person five days a week.
“Schools need to determine how to serve kids who come into school twice a week and need grab-and-go bags for the other days; kids who are fully remote; and kids who may need to see social distancing protocols in place so that they can eat in the cafeteria or in their classrooms. New cleaning regimens also need to be established,” she says.
Another problem, Pratt-Heavner adds, is that immigrant parents (regardless of whether they are undocumented or not) may be hesitant to fill out applications for school meals and P-EBT for fear of breaking a federal rule on receipt of public benefits. This, she says, is true even though their children have been hard-hit by pandemic food insecurity, since many immigrants prefer to remain under the radar rather than expose their households to possible government scrutiny.
Hunger Remains Persistent
“Food hardship is persistent,” Ellen Vollinger, legal director at the Food Research & Action Center, told Truthout. “In July, 10 million more people were unemployed than in February. People who never thought they’d be in need are applying for food stamps.”
In fact, within the first three months of the pandemic, more than 6 million people had been added to the food stamp rolls. What’s more, Vollinger reports that since the additional $600 a week Pandemic Unemployment Assistance program was allowed to lapse, jobless people who had previously been deemed “over income” for food stamps have been flocking to apply for whatever help has become available.
The need is particularly acute in rural areas. According to Feeding America, 2.3 million rural Americans currently lack adequate nutrition or are food-insecure.
Nikki Hannon, director of the Parent Community Outreach Program for Browning Public Schools in Montana, is working hard to ensure that the 2,000 kids enrolled in the district do not become part of this statistic. Like Woolf, she is pleased that Ō´yō´•ṗ´ on Wheels will soon be up and running, but says that low-income kids in pre-K to sixth grade have been receiving weekly weekend food deliveries since the pandemic began through an effort called āissṗoōmmoǒtsiiyō•ṗ (“We Help Each Other”).
Older students, all of whom are learning remotely during this academic quarter, can get porch deliveries or pick up food at their schools. “It’s not ideal,” Hannon says. “Before the pandemic, they could come in and choose whatever they wanted. Now they can’t do that. They have to take pre-made, ready-to-go boxes that someone else packed. They get what they get, but at least it’s something.”
Another issue, she told Truthout, is convincing people that it’s okay to ask for help. “The chronically needy have figured out the support networks, but not everyone listens to the radio, reads the newspaper or is on Facebook, and they may not know what benefits are available.”
In the meantime, mobile food distribution remains spotty at best, a problem that has a profound impact on people with disabilities.
Problems Arranging Deliveries
“Even before the pandemic, there were significant unaddressed barriers for people with mobility issues or other disabilities in accessing food,” says Elaine Waxman, senior fellow at the Urban Institute’s Income and Benefits Policy Center. Some of the issues are practical, like limited access to transportation in rural and suburban areas, but urban residents can also experience difficulties. “Public transportation may not go near the store with the best prices,” she says. “Or it may not stop anywhere near the food pantry.”
The pandemic has made everything harder since people who once got rides from family members or friends may no longer be welcomed into cars due to fears about contracting the virus. In addition, a number of food pantries have closed because they were run by volunteers who are no longer willing or able to travel to the site. “In some areas, charitable food programs disappeared overnight, and while there have been a lot of heroic efforts to get food to people, those who lack transportation or who can’t stand in a miles-long line to get a bag or box of groceries, are left without,” Waxman told Truthout.
Programs that either ship or deliver food, she adds, have also hit snags, and while she says there is a pipeline between challenge and innovation, red flags are nonetheless apparent. “For example,” she says, “there are no last-mile deliveries in parts of Alaska, so the recipient of a food parcel has to figure out a way to get to and from the post office to get a shipment.”
Those with mobility limitations are particularly hamstrung. “In the best of times, people with disabilities often face grave challenges,” Joel Berg, CEO of Hunger Free America, told Truthout. “The only variable almost as great as poverty in determining who goes hungry is disability status. Disability is an even greater obstacle if there are language barriers.”
Still, people do what they have to do, whether that means bringing a child to a food pantry to translate, standing in line for long periods or begging for rides.
John (who only provided his first name to Truthout), 57, says that he visits a different food pantry in Brooklyn, New York, every day of the week. A lawyer who lost his livelihood when the courts closed six months ago, he says that he gets food for himself as well as for four elderly neighbors. “The older people can’t stand in line, so I do that,” he says. “Yesterday I got a can of applesauce and gave it to the lady next door. She is going to make applesauce cake later today. She’ll give pieces to everyone in the building. We help each other that way. It’s nice that we’ve gotten to know each other, that we all support each other and share what we have.”
John then pauses for a few minutes before continuing. “I still can’t wait for the pandemic to be over,” he says. “This has been rough. I never imagined that I’d be in line for free food.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-09-13--Workers’ Health Data Collected for COVID Safety Poses Risk to Labor Rights

With numbers of COVID-19 infections soaring again in the United States and around the world , we have to learn how to manage its long-term ramifications for our economies .
As people adjust to minimizing the risk of infections in everyday settings , one critical context is work .
Even though millions have shifted to working from home during the past months , remote work is not possible for every industry .
While the pandemic has had a critical disruptive effect on work and employment virtually everywhere in the world , it has not affected everyone in the same ways @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the current crisis significantly affects women , workers in precarious situations who lack access to health care or limited social security benefits , and informal workers , who work jobs that are not taxed or registered by the government .
In Latin America , 60 % of workers are considered informal , with 58 % of informal workers living in economic vulnerability on 13 U.S. dollars or less per day or in poverty on less than 5.5 U.S. dollars per day .
Many have no choice but to work outside the home .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ livelihoods on the line , especially in countries with insufficient public health care or unemployment programs .
As businesses strive to re-open , and many workers depend on them doing so , many employers are looking at experimental technologies to navigate the risk of infections among their workforce .
Over the past months , dozens of new apps , wearables , and other technologies have sought to help mitigate the risks of COVID at work , not counting the many examples of pre-existing workplace technologies already in use for different purposes .
Some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one person with another to estimate whether they are less than approximately six feet ( or two meters ) apart for a sufficient time .
This data can be used to notify workers of potential exposures to COVID .
Decentralized Bluetooth proximity is the most promising approach for technology-assisted exposure notification that minimizes privacy risks .
But while some employers aim for that goal , others are using apps that track workers ’ individualized phone location data with GPS .
GPS is extremely sensitive , especially when it collects worker movements outside the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ identify when two co-workers were close enough together to transmit the virus .
Other companies ask employees to submit daily symptom checks to their employers .
Some checks may be as simple as one or two yes/no questions , while others collect more granular symptom data .
The more information a company collects , the greater the risk that it can be used to detect conditions , or side effects of treatments , that have nothing to do with COVID-19 .
This is an issue because many companies are not subject to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Insurance Portability and Accountability Act ( “ HIPAA ” ) .
HIPAA has a very limited scope because protections for health information in the U.S. rely on who has the data .
In general , only data created or maintained by health plans , health care clearinghouses , health care providers that conduct certain health care transactions electronically , and their business associates have HIPAA protections .
Data collected by any other entity , such as an employer , usually do not .
Under the EU General Data Protection Regulation ( GDPR ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concerning their health includes all data about their “ health status ( … ) which reveals information relating to the past , current or future physical or mental health status ” .
Peoples ’ rights flow with their data .
The European Union has always treated such personal data as sensitive with stringent limitations .
In short , many of them seriously undermine employees ’ privacy and other fundamental rights and collect information in a way that gives employees little protection .
One common category of technology to mitigate COVID-19 at work are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about their health status .
One is ProtectWell , developed by Microsoft in cooperation with United Health , a for-profit health care company located in Minnesota .
Urging its prospective users not to keep “ life on hold , ” ProtectWell allows organizations to build custom health surveys .
It also offers Microsoft ’ s healthcare bot to help triage which symptoms are most concerning .
When users are considered to be at risk , employers can direct them to undergo a testing process that will report the results directly back to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clarifies , as it should , that any information disclosed to the app is not considered health information as defined in HIPAA , and hence not protected as such .
The privacy policy further allows United Health to share test results and responses to symptom surveys with a user ’ s employer , without requiring the worker ’ s consent .
While both Microsoft and United Health plan on deploying the app for their workforces , it is not clear whether their employees have a choice in that , or how widely other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But ProtectWell evokes many of the privacy concerns related to workplace wellness programs .
Many workplaces offer wellness programs meant to incentivize employees to participate in health screenings or fitness programs .
Workers often face the difficult choice of forgoing certain benefits by not participating , or giving their employers access to potentially sensitive health data which can be abused in a myriad of ways .
Another example is Check-in , a suite of products developed and marketed by Price Waterhouse Cooper ( PwC ) .
Noting that “ 83 % of companies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ place to track all of their workforces , ” PwC offers customers an app that combines location tracking using GPS with a tool that monitors employees ’ productivity .
Once downloaded , the app activates WiFi and Bluetooth capabilities to keep track of which workers have been in close contact , and uses the phones ’ GPS signals to determine when they are at the company ’ s premises .
As the company itself notes , “ app-based contact tracing can result in processing more data than is needed for the intended purpose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in particular , can expose where a worker has been and what they have been doing , both inside and outside the office .
PwC does not provide detailed information about the location tracking capabilities of the app .
A spokesman explains that the data collected is made available to managers to help trace workers who might have been in proximity to a COVID patient .
PwC has not shown that employees ’ consent to such use before the app shares their health data with their employers .
Even if the policy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ questionable , since workers—with their livelihoods at stake—may not exercise real choice when their employer tells them to strap it on or release personal data .
In the European Union , under the GDPR , consent can ’ t be a valid legal ground to process the data when the employee feels compelled to consent or endure negative consequences if they do not consent .
Employers may find another legal basis to process employee ’ s health data , such as legitimate interest .
However , legitimate interest may not be possible to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ are overridden by the interests or fundamental rights and freedoms of the data subject which require protection of personal data.
” Such an assessment might need to be done case-by-case .
Beyond its location and proximity tracking features , the app also includes a feature named “ status connect ” which allows employers to check in with their workers to understand factors that may inhibit their productivity on a given day .
Designed to “ spot productivity blockers for remote workers , ” Status Connect offers employers access to a trove of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , location ( remote or on-site ) , and productivity .
According to reports , PwC is currently testing the suite .
Blackline Safety , a Canadian company , has found another approach to location tracking by combining its “ intrinsically safe ” G7C wearable device ( designed to detect gas leakages ) and a smartphone app to supervise ‘ lone ’ workers .
Blackline is thus an example of companies repurposing existing technology for COVID purposes , with questionable results .
Blackline ’ s G7C wearable uses GPS tracking to locate its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ employee location data streams to the Blackline Safety Cloud , ” allowing companies to “ immediately retrace [ an ] individual ’ s steps ” in order to see whom they may have been in contact with .
This tool may be appropriate for some non-COVID purposes , such as promoting safety for employees who work in remote or hazardous environments .
Still , GPS data is too sensitive , too prone to abuse , and not effective enough to serve as the basis for COVID exposure notification .
Besides mobile apps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their quest to control COVID infections in their organization .
Several companies have developed machine vision software designed to augment existing camera systems to monitor people ’ s compliance with social distancing rules .
Smartvid.io , a company prominent in the construction industry , claims that its technology can help organizations identify and log the numbers of people not adhering to social distancing or not wearing protective masks .
The software automatically generates reports to help managers “ reward COVID-19 safety practices.
” It is unclear whether and how Smartvid.io has access to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its software , which could be used to collect detailed logs of workers ’ locations , productivity levels , and even with whom they socialize at work .
Based in Pune , India , Glimpse Analytics is another company that claims to help employers implement health guidelines .
Like Smartvid , its One Glimpse Edge ’ device connects with pre-existing CCTV cameras and triggers alerts when rooms reach maximum occupancy , or when individuals appear to be too close or fail to wear masks .
The software also ‘ tracks ’ housekeeping staff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Analytics maintains that its software ensures people ’ s privacy , as it does not recognize faces , and that all data is encrypted and processed locally , it enables sweeping workplace surveillance .
It amasses large volumes of sensitive data , without requiring workers ’ consent .
Likewise , Amazon recently introduced its ‘ Distance Assistant.
’ The software , which was made open source , aims to monitor workers ’ distance to implement social distancing guidelines .
Hooked up to cameras , sensors , and a TV screen , the assistant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when workers are too close to each other .
Amazon has deployed the software , which businesses and individuals can access free of charge , across several of its buildings .
Besides the question of just how useful this piece of technology can be in keeping workers safe , it is unclear how the captured data is stored , used , and shared , and what steps Amazon is taking to maintain workers ’ privacy .
Data about workers ’ movement patterns could likely be abused to provide managers with information about which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a variety of new and repurposed surveillance technologies seek to help employers mitigate the risks of workplace COVID infections .
But many of these technologies pose severe threats to workers ’ privacy and other fundamental rights .
In particular , a technology that creates graphs of interactions between co-workers could stifle workers ’ freedom to associate , even safely , and enable turnkey union-busting .
Furthermore , many of these tools are untested and unproven , and may not be as effective as employers hope .
While employers must do what they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such efforts should not come at the price of undermining workers ’ privacy .

With numbers of COVID-19 infections soaring again in the United States and around the world, we have to learn how to manage its long-term ramifications for our economies. As people adjust to minimizing the risk of infections in everyday settings, one critical context is work. Even though millions have shifted to working from home during the past months, remote work is not possible for every industry. While the pandemic has had a critical disruptive effect on work and employment virtually everywhere in the world, it has not affected everyone in the same ways. The International Labor Organization notes that the current crisis significantly affects women, workers in precarious situations who lack access to health care or limited social security benefits, and informal workers, who work jobs that are not taxed or registered by the government. In Latin America, 60% of workers are considered informal, with 58% of informal workers living in economic vulnerability on 13 U.S. dollars or less per day or in poverty on less than 5.5 U.S. dollars per day. Many have no choice but to work outside the home. This can involve putting their health and livelihoods on the line, especially in countries with insufficient public health care or unemployment programs.
As businesses strive to re-open, and many workers depend on them doing so, many employers are looking at experimental technologies to navigate the risk of infections among their workforce. Over the past months, dozens of new apps, wearables, and other technologies have sought to help mitigate the risks of COVID at work, not counting the many examples of pre-existing workplace technologies already in use for different purposes. Some technologies seek to trace the proximity of one person with another to estimate whether they are less than approximately six feet (or two meters) apart for a sufficient time. This data can be used to notify workers of potential exposures to COVID. Decentralized Bluetooth proximity is the most promising approach for technology-assisted exposure notification that minimizes privacy risks. But while some employers aim for that goal, others are using apps that track workers’ individualized phone location data with GPS. GPS is extremely sensitive, especially when it collects worker movements outside the workplace, and is insufficiently granular to identify when two co-workers were close enough together to transmit the virus.
Other companies ask employees to submit daily symptom checks to their employers. Some checks may be as simple as one or two yes/no questions, while others collect more granular symptom data. The more information a company collects, the greater the risk that it can be used to detect conditions, or side effects of treatments, that have nothing to do with COVID-19. This is an issue because many companies are not subject to the privacy protections in the 1996 Federal Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (“HIPAA”). HIPAA has a very limited scope because protections for health information in the U.S. rely on who has the data. In general, only data created or maintained by health plans, health care clearinghouses, health care providers that conduct certain health care transactions electronically, and their business associates have HIPAA protections. Data collected by any other entity, such as an employer, usually do not. Under the EU General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), an employee’s personal data concerning their health includes all data about their “health status (…) which reveals information relating to the past, current or future physical or mental health status”. Peoples’ rights flow with their data. The European Union has always treated such personal data as sensitive with stringent limitations. In short, many of them seriously undermine employees’ privacy and other fundamental rights and collect information in a way that gives employees little protection.
Health Surveys and Contact Tracing Apps
One common category of technology to mitigate COVID-19 at work are apps that prompt workers to report information about their health status. One is ProtectWell, developed by Microsoft in cooperation with United Health, a for-profit health care company located in Minnesota. Urging its prospective users not to keep “life on hold,” ProtectWell allows organizations to build custom health surveys. It also offers Microsoft’s healthcare bot to help triage which symptoms are most concerning. When users are considered to be at risk, employers can direct them to undergo a testing process that will report the results directly back to the employer. ProtectWell’s privacy policy clarifies, as it should, that any information disclosed to the app is not considered health information as defined in HIPAA, and hence not protected as such. The privacy policy further allows United Health to share test results and responses to symptom surveys with a user’s employer, without requiring the worker’s consent. While both Microsoft and United Health plan on deploying the app for their workforces, it is not clear whether their employees have a choice in that, or how widely other organizations have taken up the app. But ProtectWell evokes many of the privacy concerns related to workplace wellness programs. Many workplaces offer wellness programs meant to incentivize employees to participate in health screenings or fitness programs. Workers often face the difficult choice of forgoing certain benefits by not participating, or giving their employers access to potentially sensitive health data which can be abused in a myriad of ways.
Another example is Check-in, a suite of products developed and marketed by Price Waterhouse Cooper (PwC). Noting that “83% of companies do not have processes and systems in place to track all of their workforces,” PwC offers customers an app that combines location tracking using GPS with a tool that monitors employees’ productivity. Once downloaded, the app activates WiFi and Bluetooth capabilities to keep track of which workers have been in close contact, and uses the phones’ GPS signals to determine when they are at the company’s premises. As the company itself notes, “app-based contact tracing can result in processing more data than is needed for the intended purpose of notifying affected individuals.” GPS data, in particular, can expose where a worker has been and what they have been doing, both inside and outside the office.
PwC does not provide detailed information about the location tracking capabilities of the app. A spokesman explains that the data collected is made available to managers to help trace workers who might have been in proximity to a COVID patient. PwC has not shown that employees’ consent to such use before the app shares their health data with their employers. Even if the policy requires this, such consent can be questionable, since workers—with their livelihoods at stake—may not exercise real choice when their employer tells them to strap it on or release personal data. In the European Union, under the GDPR, consent can’t be a valid legal ground to process the data when the employee feels compelled to consent or endure negative consequences if they do not consent. Employers may find another legal basis to process employee’s health data, such as legitimate interest. However, legitimate interest may not be possible to use if the employer’s interests “are overridden by the interests or fundamental rights and freedoms of the data subject which require protection of personal data.” Such an assessment might need to be done case-by-case.
Beyond its location and proximity tracking features, the app also includes a feature named “status connect” which allows employers to check in with their workers to understand factors that may inhibit their productivity on a given day. Designed to “spot productivity blockers for remote workers,” Status Connect offers employers access to a trove of sensitive information regarding their employees’ health, location (remote or on-site), and productivity. According to reports, PwC is currently testing the suite.
Blackline Safety, a Canadian company, has found another approach to location tracking by combining its “intrinsically safe” G7C wearable device (designed to detect gas leakages) and a smartphone app to supervise ‘lone’ workers. Blackline is thus an example of companies repurposing existing technology for COVID purposes, with questionable results. Blackline’s G7C wearable uses GPS tracking to locate its wearer. When using the product, “employee location data streams to the Blackline Safety Cloud,” allowing companies to “immediately retrace [an] individual’s steps” in order to see whom they may have been in contact with. This tool may be appropriate for some non-COVID purposes, such as promoting safety for employees who work in remote or hazardous environments. Still, GPS data is too sensitive, too prone to abuse, and not effective enough to serve as the basis for COVID exposure notification.
Enforcing Social Distancing
Besides mobile apps, employers can also deploy hardware in their quest to control COVID infections in their organization. Several companies have developed machine vision software designed to augment existing camera systems to monitor people’s compliance with social distancing rules. Smartvid.io, a company prominent in the construction industry, claims that its technology can help organizations identify and log the numbers of people not adhering to social distancing or not wearing protective masks. The software automatically generates reports to help managers “reward COVID-19 safety practices.” It is unclear whether and how Smartvid.io has access to the data generated by cameras equipped with its software, which could be used to collect detailed logs of workers’ locations, productivity levels, and even with whom they socialize at work.
Based in Pune, India, Glimpse Analytics is another company that claims to help employers implement health guidelines. Like Smartvid, its One Glimpse Edge’ device connects with pre-existing CCTV cameras and triggers alerts when rooms reach maximum occupancy, or when individuals appear to be too close or fail to wear masks. The software also ‘tracks’ housekeeping staff tasked with cleaning workspaces. While Glimpse Analytics maintains that its software ensures people’s privacy, as it does not recognize faces, and that all data is encrypted and processed locally, it enables sweeping workplace surveillance. It amasses large volumes of sensitive data, without requiring workers’ consent.
Likewise, Amazon recently introduced its ‘Distance Assistant.’ The software, which was made open source, aims to monitor workers’ distance to implement social distancing guidelines. Hooked up to cameras, sensors, and a TV screen, the assistant is meant to give instant visual feedback when workers are too close to each other. Amazon has deployed the software, which businesses and individuals can access free of charge, across several of its buildings. Besides the question of just how useful this piece of technology can be in keeping workers safe, it is unclear how the captured data is stored, used, and shared, and what steps Amazon is taking to maintain workers’ privacy. Data about workers’ movement patterns could likely be abused to provide managers with information about which employees associate with each other.
Conclusion
Purveyors of a variety of new and repurposed surveillance technologies seek to help employers mitigate the risks of workplace COVID infections. But many of these technologies pose severe threats to workers’ privacy and other fundamental rights. In particular, a technology that creates graphs of interactions between co-workers could stifle workers’ freedom to associate, even safely, and enable turnkey union-busting. Furthermore, many of these tools are untested and unproven, and may not be as effective as employers hope. While employers must do what they can to keep their workers safe, such efforts should not come at the price of undermining workers’ privacy.


truthout--2020-09-14--As Right-Wingers Block Evacuation Routes, “Antifa” Lead Relief Efforts in Oregon

Law enforcement agencies in the Pacific Northwest region of the United States are struggling to dissuade people from buying into conspiracy theories alleging extremists are starting many of the wildfires currently ravaging the area .
A number of social media posts on Facebook and other sites allege without evidence that “ antifa ” is purposely starting the fires , either as a means to destroy communities or to loot homes after owners evacuate the areas .
The posts have been proven to be without merit as there is absolutely no indication that activists who identify as antifa or any organization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to achieve such ends .
“ Antifa ” is not even a formalized organization but rather a term used to describe individuals who espouse an ethical set of beliefs in opposition to fascism .
Still , posts on Facebook alleging the fictional group is setting the fires continue to persist .
A number of right-wing groups online have shared posts making such claims .
“ A lot of these fires starting around Oregon are being purposely set by ANTIFA BLM , ” reads one such post that has been shared hundreds of times @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as hard as they can against the disinformation campaign .
Ashland , Oregon , Chief of Police Tighe O ’ Meara issued a statement decrying the allegations , saying flat-out that the idea that fires near that community were set by antifa is “ 100 % false information.
” Meanwhile , leftist organizations in cities like Portland and Seattle ( places that some on the right might portray as antifa hotspots ) are stepping up , providing aid to those who have been displaced by the effects of the wildfires in these areas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these groups in Portland , which have set up mutual aid projects near a popular theater in the city , are handing out a number of items for those who may have lost their homes .
Aid is coming in the form of food ( including cooked meals ) , hygiene supplies , toys for kids , masks and other devices to prevent the spread of coronavirus , and even food for pets .
Camping space at a nearby park , as well as medical and crisis support , is also being provided @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you were wondering what anti-fa is doing right now , they ’ ve been in the movie theater parking lot at Lloyd Center delivering aid to people displaced by fire and anyone else who needs it , ” one user on Facebook pointed out .
Among many organizations taking part , Portland Equitable Workers Offering Kommunity Support ( Portland EWOKS ) is providing updates multiple times a day on social media on ways in which people can get involved to help those displaced .
In spite of these efforts from progressive organizations , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aren ’ t convinced , holding fast to the false belief that groups like these are the “ antifa ” bogeymen they were told about on social media — often with near-violent outcomes for those with no associations with antifa at all .
Just last week , a photojournalist named Nathan Howard was near Estacada , Oregon , to document the wildfires in order to showcase how climate change has contributed to the crisis .
While there , he was approached by a man who accused him of being an “ antifa ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a journalist , the man wouldn ’ t relent .
Soon after , Howard tried to drive away to avoid further confrontation , but the man followed him down the road in his own vehicle , he explained to The Guardian .
Another vehicle , coming from the opposite direction , blocked Howard from driving onward , and another man came out pointing an assault rifle at the journalist .
Only after a third vehicle came by to make sure nothing serious was happening did the men relent and allow Howard to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the state are being destroyed by fire , and we can ’ t document it because that ’ s exactly where conspiracy theories are running wild , ” Howard said of the situation .

Law enforcement agencies in the Pacific Northwest region of the United States are struggling to dissuade people from buying into conspiracy theories alleging extremists are starting many of the wildfires currently ravaging the area.
A number of social media posts on Facebook and other sites allege without evidence that “antifa” is purposely starting the fires, either as a means to destroy communities or to loot homes after owners evacuate the areas. The posts have been proven to be without merit as there is absolutely no indication that activists who identify as antifa or any organization associated with these activists are setting fires to achieve such ends.
“Antifa” is not even a formalized organization but rather a term used to describe individuals who espouse an ethical set of beliefs in opposition to fascism. Still, posts on Facebook alleging the fictional group is setting the fires continue to persist.
A number of right-wing groups online have shared posts making such claims. “A lot of these fires starting around Oregon are being purposely set by ANTIFA BLM,” reads one such post that has been shared hundreds of times.
Officials in the region are pushing as hard as they can against the disinformation campaign. Ashland, Oregon, Chief of Police Tighe O’Meara issued a statement decrying the allegations, saying flat-out that the idea that fires near that community were set by antifa is “100% false information.”
Meanwhile, leftist organizations in cities like Portland and Seattle (places that some on the right might portray as antifa hotspots) are stepping up, providing aid to those who have been displaced by the effects of the wildfires in these areas.
Images on social media demonstrate how these groups in Portland, which have set up mutual aid projects near a popular theater in the city, are handing out a number of items for those who may have lost their homes. Aid is coming in the form of food (including cooked meals), hygiene supplies, toys for kids, masks and other devices to prevent the spread of coronavirus, and even food for pets. Camping space at a nearby park, as well as medical and crisis support, is also being provided by these organizations.
Mutual Aid @ Lloyd Theater! We've got hot food, packaged food, bottled water, pet food, hygiene supplies, clothing for… Posted by PDX EWOKS on Sunday, September 13, 2020
“In case you were wondering what anti-fa is doing right now, they’ve been in the movie theater parking lot at Lloyd Center delivering aid to people displaced by fire and anyone else who needs it,” one user on Facebook pointed out.
Among many organizations taking part, Portland Equitable Workers Offering Kommunity Support (Portland EWOKS) is providing updates multiple times a day on social media on ways in which people can get involved to help those displaced.
If you are feeling overwhelmed with despair as I was earlier today, check the @PDXEWOKS donation list and get down to MALT to help out. I just left and while I am still sad and angry, I am also more hopeful for our city than I was before, and I was reminded of our strength. pic.twitter.com/Xw4pIysgma — Cherchez LaNoah #ACAB (@sheapforwheet) September 13, 2020
In spite of these efforts from progressive organizations, a number of people in these areas aren’t convinced, holding fast to the false belief that groups like these are the “antifa” bogeymen they were told about on social media — often with near-violent outcomes for those with no associations with antifa at all.
Just last week, a photojournalist named Nathan Howard was near Estacada, Oregon, to document the wildfires in order to showcase how climate change has contributed to the crisis. While there, he was approached by a man who accused him of being an “antifa” looter. Even after Howard explained he was a journalist, the man wouldn’t relent.
Soon after, Howard tried to drive away to avoid further confrontation, but the man followed him down the road in his own vehicle, he explained to The Guardian. Another vehicle, coming from the opposite direction, blocked Howard from driving onward, and another man came out pointing an assault rifle at the journalist. Only after a third vehicle came by to make sure nothing serious was happening did the men relent and allow Howard to drive away.
“Huge parts of the state are being destroyed by fire, and we can’t document it because that’s exactly where conspiracy theories are running wild,” Howard said of the situation.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-09-14--Woodward: Trump Possessed “Specific Knowledge That Could Have Saved Lives”

Veteran journalist Bob Woodward said he was shocked when he learned from President Donald Trump earlier this year that he had knowledge about the deadly nature of COVID-19 but deliberately withheld that information from the American people .
Woodward conducted a number of interviews with Trump in 2020 for his book Rage , which comes out this week .
In a discussion he had with the president on February 7 , Trump admitted to Woodward that he was made aware that the coronavirus was deadly during a briefing on January 28 .
But when Trump addressed the American people during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ February 4 , the coronavirus was mentioned just once during the speech , with the president saying that his administration was coordinating with China to mitigate the disease ’ s spread in the U.S .
Yet , three days later , when Trump spoke with Woodward , he admitted that COVID-19 , which he barely mentioned during his State of the Union speech , was “ deadly.
” Trump ’ s not sharing that knowledge with Americans disturbed Woodward , the journalist said .
“ It is one of those shocks , for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that the president of the United States possessed the specific knowledge that could have saved lives , ” Woodward said during an interview on NBC ’ s “ Today ” show on Monday .
The journalist also predicted that “ historians are going to be writing about the lost month of February for tens of years.
” Even though Trump had told Woodward in early February that this coronavirus was deadlier than the flu , the president would end up telling the American people , on a number of occasions , just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump explained to Woodward he was doing so purposely .
“ I wanted to always play it down .
I still like playing it down , because I don ’ t want to create a panic , ” Trump said at that point .
Woodward has faced a number of criticisms over having held on to the information that Trump knew early on that COVID-19 was a deadly disease , though he chose not to reveal it to the public sooner .
Had Woodward fulfilled his journalistic duty to inform the public back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it might have resulted in a greater number of Americans refusing to believe Trump ’ s dubious comments about the coronavirus from the beginning .
Woodward has since argued that his reason for not making this information public sooner was prompted by his need to verify what Trump was saying to him was accurate .
“ He tells me this , and I ’ m thinking , ‘ Wow , that ’ s interesting , but is it true ?
’ Trump says things that don ’ t check out , right ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
After Woodward ’ s recordings of his interviews were released last week , the president held on to his defense that he was merely trying to not create a panic early on , “ The fact is , I ’ m a cheerleader for this country ; I love our country , and I don ’ t want people to be frightened , ” Trump told reporters at a press briefing on Wednesday .
“ I don ’ t want to create panic , as you say .
And certainly , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country or the world into a frenzy.
” However , as many have pointed out , Trump ’ s actions on a number of other issues contradict that defense because he has demonstrated a willingness to promote panic on many occasions when it suited him .
In recent weeks he has falsely promoted conspiracy theories about threats posed by antifa groups to sow panic among voters , and also suggested that Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden wants to “ demolish the suburbs .
”

Woodward said this past February, during which Trump barely acted on COVID, will be debated by historians for decades.
Veteran journalist Bob Woodward said he was shocked when he learned from President Donald Trump earlier this year that he had knowledge about the deadly nature of COVID-19 but deliberately withheld that information from the American people.
Woodward conducted a number of interviews with Trump in 2020 for his book Rage, which comes out this week. In a discussion he had with the president on February 7, Trump admitted to Woodward that he was made aware that the coronavirus was deadly during a briefing on January 28.
But when Trump addressed the American people during his State of the Union address on February 4, the coronavirus was mentioned just once during the speech, with the president saying that his administration was coordinating with China to mitigate the disease’s spread in the U.S.
Yet, three days later, when Trump spoke with Woodward, he admitted that COVID-19, which he barely mentioned during his State of the Union speech, was “deadly.”
Trump’s not sharing that knowledge with Americans disturbed Woodward, the journalist said.
“It is one of those shocks, for me, having written about nine presidents, that the president of the United States possessed the specific knowledge that could have saved lives,” Woodward said during an interview on NBC’s “Today” show on Monday. The journalist also predicted that “historians are going to be writing about the lost month of February for tens of years.”
Even though Trump had told Woodward in early February that this coronavirus was deadlier than the flu, the president would end up telling the American people, on a number of occasions, just the opposite. On March 19, Trump explained to Woodward he was doing so purposely.
“I wanted to always play it down. I still like playing it down, because I don’t want to create a panic,” Trump said at that point.
Woodward has faced a number of criticisms over having held on to the information that Trump knew early on that COVID-19 was a deadly disease, though he chose not to reveal it to the public sooner. Had Woodward fulfilled his journalistic duty to inform the public back in the spring, for instance, it might have resulted in a greater number of Americans refusing to believe Trump’s dubious comments about the coronavirus from the beginning. Woodward has since argued that his reason for not making this information public sooner was prompted by his need to verify what Trump was saying to him was accurate.
“He tells me this, and I’m thinking, ‘Wow, that’s interesting, but is it true?’ Trump says things that don’t check out, right?” Woodward said to the Associated Press.
After Woodward’s recordings of his interviews were released last week, the president held on to his defense that he was merely trying to not create a panic early on,
“The fact is, I’m a cheerleader for this country; I love our country, and I don’t want people to be frightened,” Trump told reporters at a press briefing on Wednesday. “I don’t want to create panic, as you say. And certainly, I’m not going to drive this country or the world into a frenzy.”
However, as many have pointed out, Trump’s actions on a number of other issues contradict that defense because he has demonstrated a willingness to promote panic on many occasions when it suited him. In recent weeks he has falsely promoted conspiracy theories about threats posed by antifa groups to sow panic among voters, and also suggested that Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden wants to “demolish the suburbs.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-09-14--Trump Faces Backlash for Rally That Could Become a COVID Super-Spreader Event

As total coronavirus deaths in the United States approached 200,000 , President Trump held his first indoor campaign rally in almost three months on Sunday , hosting an event in Henderson , Nevada , without enforcing social distancing protocols .
The weekend rally was attended by over 5,000 Trump fans inside an Xtreme Manufacturing facility .
Around 20,000 more individuals gathered outside , according to preliminary estimates .
Adherence to social distancing guidelines was mostly a voluntary affair within the building .
Campaign officials defended their actions , stating they were giving temperature checks and masks to attendees .
Yet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the majority of attendees did not wear facial coverings or maintain six feet of distance between each other during the rally .
There was one exception : Those standing directly behind Trump ( and thus most likely to be seen on television ) were required to wear masks .
Nevada continues to enforce rules that restrict gatherings of over 50 individuals except in special circumstances , a point that city officials made clear in statements about the rally .
Henderson spokeswoman Kathleen Richards said the Trump campaign did not follow existing state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Large live events must be approved by the Nevada Department of Business and Industry , Division of Industrial Relations and at this time , the City has not been notified that this event has been approved , ” Richards said .
“ The City may assess a fine of up to $ 500 per violation of the governor ’ s directives as well as suspend or revoke the business license.
” Gov .
Steve Sisolak ( D-Nevada ) issued a number of critical tweets , stating that Trump “ appears to have forgotten @ @ @ @ @ @ @ middle of a global pandemic.
” Trump “ blatantly disregarded the emergency directives and tough choices made to fight this pandemic and begin reopening our economy by hosting an indoor gathering that ’ s categorized as ‘ high risk ’ according to his own CDC , ” Sisolak said .
The president ’ s actions threatened to roll back recent efforts to contain the pandemic in the state , he added .
“ This is an insult to every Nevadan who has followed the directives , made sacrifices , and put their neighbors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
“ It ’ s also a direct threat to all of the recent progress we ’ ve made , and could potentially set us back.
” “ Every rally turned superspreader event Donald Trump decides to hold serves as another reminder to Americans that Trump still refuses to take this pandemic seriously and still doesn ’ t have a plan to stop it , even after nearly 200,000 deaths and untold economic damage , ” Gwin said .
The indoor rally even garnered bipartisan outrage , as Ari Fleischer , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President George W. Bush , also spoke out against it .
“ Indoor rallies are irresponsible , ” Fleischer wrote in a tweet .
“ Covid-19 is real and this was a bad idea.
” Jonathan Reiner , a professor of medicine and surgery at George Washington University , lambasted the Trump campaign for putting people in a dangerous and potentially deadly situation .
“ What else could you call an act that , because of its negligence , results in the death of others ?
If you have a mass gathering now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like Nevada or just about any other place with hundreds of thousands of people , people will get infected and some of those people will die , ” Reiner said during an interview on CNN .
Such criticisms are warranted , as Trump ’ s last indoor campaign rally , which took place in Tulsa , Oklahoma , on June 20 , is seen as a potential cause for a subsequent spike in coronavirus cases in the city .
Although city health officials never explicitly mentioned the president ’ s rally as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ large gatherings around the time that Trump was in town were cited as “ more than likely ” responsible for the higher rates of infection .

The rally was the first indoor campaign event for Trump since his June 20 rally in Tulsa, Oklahoma.
As total coronavirus deaths in the United States approached 200,000, President Trump held his first indoor campaign rally in almost three months on Sunday, hosting an event in Henderson, Nevada, without enforcing social distancing protocols.
The weekend rally was attended by over 5,000 Trump fans inside an Xtreme Manufacturing facility. Around 20,000 more individuals gathered outside, according to preliminary estimates.
Adherence to social distancing guidelines was mostly a voluntary affair within the building. Campaign officials defended their actions, stating they were giving temperature checks and masks to attendees.
Yet according to most accounts of the event, the majority of attendees did not wear facial coverings or maintain six feet of distance between each other during the rally. There was one exception: Those standing directly behind Trump (and thus most likely to be seen on television) were required to wear masks.
Nevada continues to enforce rules that restrict gatherings of over 50 individuals except in special circumstances, a point that city officials made clear in statements about the rally. Henderson spokeswoman Kathleen Richards said the Trump campaign did not follow existing state guidelines for holding the rally.
“Large live events must be approved by the Nevada Department of Business and Industry, Division of Industrial Relations and at this time, the City has not been notified that this event has been approved,” Richards said. “The City may assess a fine of up to $500 per violation of the governor’s directives as well as suspend or revoke the business license.”
Gov. Steve Sisolak (D-Nevada) issued a number of critical tweets, stating that Trump “appears to have forgotten that this country is still in the middle of a global pandemic.”
Trump “blatantly disregarded the emergency directives and tough choices made to fight this pandemic and begin reopening our economy by hosting an indoor gathering that’s categorized as ‘high risk’ according to his own CDC,” Sisolak said.
Instead, he came into our State and blatantly disregarded the emergency directives and tough choices made to fight this pandemic and begin reopening our economy by hosting an indoor gathering that’s categorized as “high risk” according to his own CDC. — Governor Sisolak (@GovSisolak) September 14, 2020
The president’s actions threatened to roll back recent efforts to contain the pandemic in the state, he added.
“This is an insult to every Nevadan who has followed the directives, made sacrifices, and put their neighbors before themselves,” the Democratic governor said. “It’s also a direct threat to all of the recent progress we’ve made, and could potentially set us back.”
Mike Gwin, a spokesman for Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden, echoed those criticisms.
“Every rally turned superspreader event Donald Trump decides to hold serves as another reminder to Americans that Trump still refuses to take this pandemic seriously and still doesn’t have a plan to stop it, even after nearly 200,000 deaths and untold economic damage,” Gwin said.
The indoor rally even garnered bipartisan outrage, as Ari Fleischer, who served as press secretary under former Republican President George W. Bush, also spoke out against it.
“Indoor rallies are irresponsible,” Fleischer wrote in a tweet. “Covid-19 is real and this was a bad idea.”
Jonathan Reiner, a professor of medicine and surgery at George Washington University, lambasted the Trump campaign for putting people in a dangerous and potentially deadly situation.
“What else could you call an act that, because of its negligence, results in the death of others? If you have a mass gathering now in the United States in a place like Nevada or just about any other place with hundreds of thousands of people, people will get infected and some of those people will die,” Reiner said during an interview on CNN.
Such criticisms are warranted, as Trump’s last indoor campaign rally, which took place in Tulsa, Oklahoma, on June 20, is seen as a potential cause for a subsequent spike in coronavirus cases in the city. Although city health officials never explicitly mentioned the president’s rally as a catalyst for an increase in cases, large gatherings around the time that Trump was in town were cited as “more than likely” responsible for the higher rates of infection.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.