truthout--2020-04-30--The Coronavirus Pandemic Has Exposed the “Violence of Social Inequality”’

As nearly 30 million Americans have filed for unemployment in just six weeks and millions worldwide face hunger and poverty , we look at the global economic catastrophe triggered by the pandemic and its impact on the most vulnerable .
As the World Food Programme warns of a massive spike in global hunger and more than 100 million people in cities worldwide could fall into poverty , can this crisis be a catalyst for change ?
We ask French economist Thomas Piketty .
His 2014 internationally best-selling book , Capital in the Twenty-First Century , looked at economic inequality and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new book , Capital and Ideology , has been described as a manifesto for political change .
This is a rush transcript .
Copy may not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : This is Democracy Now !
, democracynow.org , The Quarantine Report .
I ’ m Amy Goodman , here in New York City , the epicenter of the pandemic , joined by my co-host Nermeen Shaikh , who is staying home to help stop community spread .
Hi , Nermeen .
NERMEEN SHAIKH : Good morning , Amy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ viewers around the country and around the world .
AMY GOODMAN : Today we look at how the coronavirus pandemic has shone a light on inequality around the world .
The World Food Programme warns the pandemic could lead to a massive spike in global hunger , and a new report predicts more than 100 million people in cities worldwide will likely fall into poverty .
The United Nations labor agency said Wednesday some 1.6 billion workers in the informal economy , quote , “ stand in immediate danger of having their livelihoods @ @ @ @ @ @ @ global economic catastrophe triggered by the pandemic .
Well , for more on how the coronavirus pandemic has impacted the most vulnerable and whether the crisis could be a catalyst for change , we ’ re joined from Paris , France , by French economist Thomas Piketty , whose work focuses on wealth and income inequality .
His 2014 internationally best-selling book , Capital in the Twenty-First Century , looked at economic inequality and the necessity of wealth taxes .
His new book , more than a thousand pages long , is called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been described as a manifesto for political change .
Thomas Piketty , welcome to Democracy Now !
AMY GOODMAN : Well , it is a great honor to have you with us .
Can you talk now about how this pandemic is likely to trigger the sharpest recession in the United States since the Great Depression , perhaps a depression ?
Can you talk about the long-term effects of the crisis , and perhaps what can be done to ameliorate it ?
THOMAS PIKETTY : Right .
So , you know , what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Capital and Ideology , is that this kind of crisis , very often in history , has a potential to change dominant views about what we should do about the economy , how we should organize our societies , the level of inequality .
So , you know , the first visible impact of the crisis is that we see the violence of social inequality .
So , you know , people are not equal with respect to lockdowns .
They are not equal with respect to joblessness , income loss .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people who have a very small home or people who have no home , who are homeless , are in a very different situation than people who are locked down in their nice apartment or nice house .
And in terms of income support , you know , when you don ’ t have any wealth in saving and when you are in a very precarious labor market position , you lose your income resources very fast .
And I should say that , you know , the unemployment benefit system in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too restrictive , and you have lots of workers who actually don ’ t have access to adequate income support .
You have lots of people who don ’ t have access to housing .
And we ’ ve seen some of your reports , from just before , that it ’ s a service issue .
You know , we should do more .
And the U.S. government and governments around the world should do more about changing their view on what we do with housing , you know , getting urgent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t have proper housing , extending income support , making them over and beyond what we ’ ve been doing in the different countries .
And then we also need to start thinking about a different kind of recovery .
We can not just go business as usual with the same economic sectors again .
I think it ’ s an opportunity to rethink about a different kind of recovery , you know , more green , more social and trying to reach a more equitable and more sustainable development model , because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ discussing for a long time , especially since the 2008 financial crisis .
And I think , with the financing of this crisis , we are going to have to change our view about what ’ s a proper level of inequality in a society .
You know , we see today that all the ideologies against government action , in particular against public health systems and public investment in the hospitals , this discourse today , of course , looks very weak , given the reality of the situation .
So , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likely to change .
It has already been changed to some extent , but this needs to go much further than what we have done so far .
NERMEEN SHAIKH : Thomas Piketty , before we get to what might happen once this pandemic has come to an end , could you respond to the stimulus package that the Trump administration has proposed and that the U.S. Congress has approved , who that stimulus package is helping or what companies the package is helping , and how it compares to the stimulus package @ @ @ @ @ @ @ THOMAS PIKETTY : Yeah , you know , there ’ s a number of differences between the U.S. and the European stimulus package .
I would say , you know , the first thing is that the U.S. package is certainly insufficient in terms of unemployment insurance .
Generally speaking , unemployment insurance gives , in Europe — not only in France , but also in Germany , in Denmark , throughout Europe — are more developed than in the U.S. You know , they are more generous , including to wages , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three times , four times the minimum wage , whereas the unemployment benefit system in the U.S. is going to be pretty weak .
And also , in terms of coverage of workers which don ’ t have a permanent wage earner status and who have different labor market status , including temporary work , I would say , on both sides of the Atlantic , there is a lot of missing areas and a lot of gaps — I mean , a lot of people who simply don ’ t have access @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can see them in the streets of Paris , and I assume this is the same in the U.S. , you know , people who have to keep working , doing dirty , dirty jobs , on their bicycle , or all sorts of jobs where we don ’ t have adequate unemployment benefit .
What ’ s missing also from the Trump recovery plan , I think , is a clear understanding of how we are going to have a recovery in the medium run that puts more emphasis on , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sector .
You know , I think it will be a good time in the U.S. to move in the direction of a universal healthcare system — that ’ s for sure — but , more generally , to invest more in the hospital sector .
I think we are going to have — we can not just recover with the same sectors as before — you know , automobile , airplane , etc .
We also have to take this opportunity to think about a more sustainable and equitable development model .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ like health , hospitals , but , more generally , investing more in innovation and environmental technologies .
We have to invest more in schools , universities .
You know , historically , the source of prosperity has been education and relatively equal level of education .
And the U.S. , in particular , has been an economic leader for most of the 20th century because it was an educational leader .
And I think we ’ ve lost memory of that , because this has been replaced , starting in the 1980s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of ideology , according to which prosperity will come from more and more inequality , more concentration of wealth in a few hands .
But , in fact , this doesn ’ t work .
And , in fact , the growth rate of the U.S. economy has been divided by two .
If you look at national income per capita in the U.S. between 1990 and 2020 , it has been only 1.1 % per year , whereas between 1950 and 1990 it was 2.2 % .
And if you look between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % ; 1870-1910 , about 2.1 % , as well .
So , the last 30 years have been characterized by very high levels of inequality , rising concentration of wealth at the top , declining wages at the bottom , in particular decline in minimum wage , and also decline in growth .
So , in the end , this course toward more and more inequality didn ’ t work .
And I think we should take this opportunity of this crisis , and after the 2008 financial crisis , to just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and investing more in hospitals , which is a just conclusion from this crisis , but also to rethink about our economic model more generally and moving toward more equality , more sustainability .
And this is what I don ’ t see .
And I don ’ t see it with Trump .
I don ’ t really see it with Macron .
You know , both presidents , of course , are supposed to be very different , as we all know , but at the same time , there is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s that they started their mandate by giving a big tax cut to the wealthy , to summarize .
You know , in France , there was a repeal of the wealth tax .
In the U.S. , there was a big tax cut for very high-income taxpayers and for large corporations .
Trump also wanted to get rid of the estate tax .
He couldn ’ t get it adopted , but that was his plan .
And so , both presidents made these huge tax cuts to the wealthy .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going to be able today to sort of change , you know , hold back a little bit and say , “ Well , look , now we are going to have to pay for more investment in public services .
We have to care more about all these healthcare workers , all these homeless .
We have to ” — are they going to be able to change their mind and change their ideology about these tax cuts ?
And , you know , I think it ’ s very much an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will depend on the strengths of the mobilization in the opposition parties and various social groups as a push for different policy .
It will also depend on what people within the Republican Party or people within Macron ’ s party , in the case of France , whether they will accept to continue supporting their champion without a change in the policy package .
And yeah , I guess it ’ s too early to say what the full , long-run consequences , in terms of economic policy and political ideology of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And it ’ s a general lesson that I take also from my book Capital and Ideology , which is that the crises are a time when you have — you know , different trajectories are possible .
You have very fast bifurcation .
That ’ s a very general lesson of history , that the level of social inequality across societies primarily depends on political mobilization and ideological change , rather than pure economic or technological determinants .
So , you know , things can change much faster than the dominant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ societies tend to imagine .
And , you know , elites always tend to present inequalities as sort of fair and natural and sort of something that you can not change , as if it was a rule of nature .
But what we observe in history is very frequent and very rapid change in the way we organize systems .
So , think of the wealth tax .
You know , a few years ago , the idea of a progressive wealth tax on billionaires was hardly discussed .
And we ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that it was actually very popular .
So , you know , Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren didn ’ t win the primary , but their wealth tax proposal was extremely popular among voters — and not only among Democratic voters , but also among Republican voters .
And I think Joe Biden would be well inspired to borrow some of these ideas in order to show that more economic justice can actually come together with more economic prosperity , which was the case historically for a very long time in the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case .
And , you know , I think this is the right time to change the narrative and to change the trajectory .
NERMEEN SHAIKH : Thomas , could you also respond to efforts that have been made at the global level to address this crisis ?
The International Monetary Fund announced that it will provide immediate debt relief to 25 different countries , among them the poorest in the world — Yemen , the Central African Republic , Mozambique , etc .
And creditor countries , including France and the U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
What effect do you think this will have ?
How much will it affect debtor countries ?
And what more do you think needs to be done ?
THOMAS PIKETTY : Well , first , let me make clear two things .
You know , this suspension of debt payment , it ’ s better than nothing , but I think it ’ s not enough , because in the decisions that have been taken is that this country will have to repay more one year from now , two years from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what it didn ’ t pay this year .
So it ’ s just a suspension , but you still have the payments that are pending .
And I think , in many cases , we should just cancel some of this debt for good , or other , you know , much longer horizon , with a much longer suspension .
There ’ s also one thing I want to stress , is that the French proposal to suspend the debt payments in Africa was a bit hypocritical in the sense that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by France , it ’ s held by China or other countries .
And , you know , it ’ s good to propose that other countries suspend their debt , but I think it ’ s even better if you can show the example , so you can decide to stop your payment for your own debt .
You should also , you know , in the case of Europe , develop more solidarity within Europe .
And I would like France to propose to mutualize the interest rate to countries like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hit very hard .
And , you know , the usual excuse for not doing that in France is to say , “ Well , look , the Netherlands or Germany don ’ t want to do it , therefore we can ’ t do it.
” But , you know , it ’ s always better to do something with two countries or three countries rather than one .
Of course , it ’ s even better if all countries join after that .
But to begin with , every initiative is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this issue of debt , which is very important , I think this crisis , especially in developing countries in Africa or in India , for instance , should be used as an opportunity to accelerate the development of the welfare state , of the safety net system .
And in many of these countries , you just don ’ t have anything in terms of safety net , which means that when you decide a lockdown , when you decide a confinement , like what happened in India a couple of weeks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that it ’ s really something you can sustain for very long , because , in practice , what happened — and we ’ ve seen that on TV and in many articles — is that , in practice , many of the rural workers or migrants were just pushed away of the cities .
You know , many people that were working on construction sites in cities or who didn ’ t really have a solid home in the cities were pushed away , which is sometimes violent , and mass transportation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is probably not the best way to avoid the spreading of the virus .
And , you know , in any case , if you don ’ t have a basic safety net , at some point people will have to go out and work and find work and find money and find food .
And so , you know , this should be an opportunity , both in India , in Africa , in every country where you don ’ t have such a system , to develop this kind of basic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ You know , let me say that if you look in the case of India , which is a very important case , of course — you know , it is about to become the largest country in the world very soon .
This is the largest democracy , electoral democracy , in the world .
And last year , during the electoral campaign in India , there was a proposal by the Congress Party and by a number of low workers ’ party to put in place a minimum income scheme .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the election , partly because there were terror attacks in Kashmir in January 2019 , which allowed the Hindu nationalist party of Modi to reframe the election more in the direction of a Hindu-Muslim identity conflict , rather than redistribution and sort of social inequality .
This is sad .
But , you know , this is not the end of history .
I think the discussion will continue .
And sometimes what you see in history following like big crises like this one is that even a government like Modi , you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ didn ’ t plan to introduce the welfare state or to introduce progressive taxation — like you see it after World War I , after World War II , even sort of right-wing governments or governments who didn ’ t have such plans end up developing new policy tools just because the circumstances sort of force them to do so .
And at this stage , nobody knows .
You know , at this stage , we talk mostly about the U.S. , about Europe .
Nobody knows how the epidemic is going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t have much data .
This might take a bit more time .
What we know from the Spanish flu of 1918 , 1919 , which is the closest historical precedent to what we have today , is that the human casualties , as a proportion of the population , were much , much larger in India , in Indonesia , in South Africa .
It was up to 5 % of the population who died in these countries , as compared to 0.5 % to 1 % in Europe or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already enormous .
You know , today , 0.5 % to 1 % in the world would mean 50 million people killed in this .
So this is already an enormous mortality rate .
But in poor countries , it was five time more .
So , nobody knows at this stage how things are going to work out in the South , but it ’ s clear that in case things go bad and in case a more complete lockdown is necessary in these countries , then governments will have to develop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the international community will have not only to suspend all debt and to actually cancel all this debt , but we will really — we will also to think also to a different international economic , financial and tax system .
You know , there ’ s been a lot of discussion over the past 10 years at the level of the OECD on how you tax large multinational corporations , which , as we know , very often don ’ t pay tax anywhere .
So there ’ s a proposal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ everybody ’ s around the table and pretending to be cooperative , at least for one time .
And the idea is to have a common declaration of profits at the world level for large multinational corporations .
And then the question is : How do you distribute these taxable profits across countries ?
And so far , because the OECD is a club of rich countries , countries in Europe and North America have said , “ Well , we are going to try to get the money out of tax havens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , back to us , ” basically , rather than back to the South .
So they are discussing about distributing the corporate tax base in proportion to the sales , in proportion to indicators , which are sort of moot , in effect , for where the final consumers are in the North in terms of total value that is being sorted .
AMY GOODMAN : Thomas Piketty , I hate to cut you off — THOMAS PIKETTY : But , you know , I think there are other proposals — yeah @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only have a minute to go , and I want to ask you — AMY GOODMAN : The U.S. Labor Department has just released its latest unemployment numbers , as you were speaking , showing more than 3.8 million people filed for unemployment benefits in the last week .
So that brings the total number to 30 million people who have filed for unemployment in just six weeks .
I want to go back to two months ago .
Bernie Sanders was the Democratic front-runner for president , a man you supported .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the U.S. just reported its first coronavirus death .
So , I want to ask you about the significance of this .
Last month , you tweeted a graph showing voter turnout from 1945 to 2020 , which revealed far fewer Americans over that period voted in elections than the electorate , proportionally , in either Britain or France .
You tweeted , “ Sanders to the aid of US democracy .
Only a full-scale reorientation of the type proposed by Sanders would eventually rid American democracy of the inegalitarian practices which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disaffection of the working classes.
” That ’ s what you wrote then .
Talk about what has happened in this two months , what you think needs to happen , this as the Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has said states should simply go bankrupt , unless they agree to a Republican austerity plan , and then they might get some U.S. government aid .
THOMAS PIKETTY : Yeah .
I mean , this statement is particularly crazy .
I mean , we had this kind of statement back in the ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what we call the liquidationist ideology : “ Let ’ s liquidate bad firms , bad banks , bad states.
” But , of course , this is the worst policy you can imagine , both in terms of social consequences and in terms of macroeconomic consequences .
Look , I think , you know , coming back to Joe Biden and the Democratic Party , I think Joe Biden will be very well inspired to borrow some of the new ideas that were put forward by Bernie Sander , Elizabeth Warren , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , including more investment in public hospitals , in public universities .
You know , I think this is the time for the Democratic Party to show to the middle class and the lower-middle class and the lower socioeconomic groups that they care about redistribution and they care about improving the minimum wage , which is what the Democratic Party stood for until the ’ 60s , ’ 70s and even ’ 80s .
And then , what I show in my book Capital and Ideology — which , by the way , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a very readable book .
You know , it ’ s a bit long , but it can really be read .
It ’ s not technical at all , and it ’ s a broad history of inequality regime across societies .
And I show that the Democratic Party in the U.S. , starting , as you were saying , in the ’ 50s , ’ 60s , just like social democratic parties in Europe , gradually lost touch with the more disadvantaged electorate .
And , you know , I compare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And my conclusion is that this is largely because they failed to renew their policy package and to keep redistributive ambition .
And I think many of the lower-class and lower-middle-class voters have just stopped voting , so now , somehow , also voting for Trump , and , in Europe , somehow , also voting for the nationalist party , I think , largely , for lack of a better alternative .
And they feel that protection and return to the nation-state and the frontiers of the nation-state at least will protect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at all .
And I ’ m not sure they are so optimistic that all the gesticulation by people like Trump or Marine Le Pen in France will do a lot of good , but at least they see something new , and they hear nothing for them on the other side , therefore they feel — but let ’ s remember that most of these voters are actually staying at home .
You know , if they were really enthusiastic about Trump or Le Pen , they would all go and vote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % participation rate , which is not at all what you have .
THOMAS PIKETTY : Yeah .
If you look , in the U.S. , in particular , the bottom 50 % income voters , you have huge abstention , you know , very low turnout .
So I think this shows that there ’ s a need for a different discourse trying to bring back these voters to the voting booth .
And I think this crisis is that opportunity for Joe Biden , in particular , to send a strong @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : Well , I want to thank you so much , Thomas Piketty , and there ’ s so much more to talk about .
But people can read a lot about your thoughts in your new book .
Thomas Piketty , French economist whose work focuses on wealth and income inequality .
His new book is just out ; it ’ s called Capital and Ideology .
When we come back , President Trump invokes the Defense Production Act to bar local governments from closing meatpacking plants around the U.S. , even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the coronavirus .
What does this mean for the thousands of workers who have gotten sick ?
We ’ ll get response from global health law expert Lawrence Gostin .
Stay with us .
AMY GOODMAN : Mozart ’ s The Marriage of Figaro , performed by the National Orchestra of Île-de-France while socially distancing in their homes , playing alone together .

As nearly 30 million Americans have filed for unemployment in just six weeks and millions worldwide face hunger and poverty, we look at the global economic catastrophe triggered by the pandemic and its impact on the most vulnerable. As the World Food Programme warns of a massive spike in global hunger and more than 100 million people in cities worldwide could fall into poverty, can this crisis be a catalyst for change? We ask French economist Thomas Piketty. His 2014 internationally best-selling book, Capital in the Twenty-First Century, looked at economic inequality and the necessity of wealth taxes. His new book, Capital and Ideology, has been described as a manifesto for political change.
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The Quarantine Report. I’m Amy Goodman, here in New York City, the epicenter of the pandemic, joined by my co-host Nermeen Shaikh, who is staying home to help stop community spread. Hi, Nermeen.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: Good morning, Amy. And welcome to our listeners and viewers around the country and around the world.
AMY GOODMAN: Today we look at how the coronavirus pandemic has shone a light on inequality around the world. The World Food Programme warns the pandemic could lead to a massive spike in global hunger, and a new report predicts more than 100 million people in cities worldwide will likely fall into poverty. The United Nations labor agency said Wednesday some 1.6 billion workers in the informal economy, quote, “stand in immediate danger of having their livelihoods destroyed,” unquote, by the global economic catastrophe triggered by the pandemic.
Well, for more on how the coronavirus pandemic has impacted the most vulnerable and whether the crisis could be a catalyst for change, we’re joined from Paris, France, by French economist Thomas Piketty, whose work focuses on wealth and income inequality. His 2014 internationally best-selling book, Capital in the Twenty-First Century, looked at economic inequality and the necessity of wealth taxes. His new book, more than a thousand pages long, is called Capital and Ideology. It’s been described as a manifesto for political change.
Thomas Piketty, welcome to Democracy Now!
THOMAS PIKETTY: Hello.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, it is a great honor to have you with us. Can you talk now about how this pandemic is likely to trigger the sharpest recession in the United States since the Great Depression, perhaps a depression? Can you talk about the long-term effects of the crisis, and perhaps what can be done to ameliorate it?
THOMAS PIKETTY: Right. So, you know, what I show in my new book, Capital and Ideology, is that this kind of crisis, very often in history, has a potential to change dominant views about what we should do about the economy, how we should organize our societies, the level of inequality.
So, you know, the first visible impact of the crisis is that we see the violence of social inequality. So, you know, people are not equal with respect to lockdowns. They are not equal with respect to joblessness, income loss. So, you know, you can see people who have a very small home or people who have no home, who are homeless, are in a very different situation than people who are locked down in their nice apartment or nice house.
And in terms of income support, you know, when you don’t have any wealth in saving and when you are in a very precarious labor market position, you lose your income resources very fast. And I should say that, you know, the unemployment benefit system in the U.S., in particular, is far too restrictive, and you have lots of workers who actually don’t have access to adequate income support. You have lots of people who don’t have access to housing.
And we’ve seen some of your reports, from just before, that it’s a service issue. You know, we should do more. And the U.S. government and governments around the world should do more about changing their view on what we do with housing, you know, getting urgent solutions for the people who don’t have proper housing, extending income support, making them over and beyond what we’ve been doing in the different countries.
And then we also need to start thinking about a different kind of recovery. We cannot just go business as usual with the same economic sectors again. I think it’s an opportunity to rethink about a different kind of recovery, you know, more green, more social and trying to reach a more equitable and more sustainable development model, because this is something we’ve been discussing for a long time, especially since the 2008 financial crisis. And I think, with the financing of this crisis, we are going to have to change our view about what’s a proper level of inequality in a society.
You know, we see today that all the ideologies against government action, in particular against public health systems and public investment in the hospitals, this discourse today, of course, looks very weak, given the reality of the situation. So, you know, I think this is likely to change. It has already been changed to some extent, but this needs to go much further than what we have done so far.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: Thomas Piketty, before we get to what might happen once this pandemic has come to an end, could you respond to the stimulus package that the Trump administration has proposed and that the U.S. Congress has approved, who that stimulus package is helping or what companies the package is helping, and how it compares to the stimulus package put together by the Macron government?
THOMAS PIKETTY: Yeah, you know, there’s a number of differences between the U.S. and the European stimulus package. I would say, you know, the first thing is that the U.S. package is certainly insufficient in terms of unemployment insurance. Generally speaking, unemployment insurance gives, in Europe — not only in France, but also in Germany, in Denmark, throughout Europe — are more developed than in the U.S. You know, they are more generous, including to wages, you know, at two times, three times, four times the minimum wage, whereas the unemployment benefit system in the U.S. is going to be pretty weak.
And also, in terms of coverage of workers which don’t have a permanent wage earner status and who have different labor market status, including temporary work, I would say, on both sides of the Atlantic, there is a lot of missing areas and a lot of gaps — I mean, a lot of people who simply don’t have access to adequate income support. And I can see them in the streets of Paris, and I assume this is the same in the U.S., you know, people who have to keep working, doing dirty, dirty jobs, on their bicycle, or all sorts of jobs where we don’t have adequate unemployment benefit.
What’s missing also from the Trump recovery plan, I think, is a clear understanding of how we are going to have a recovery in the medium run that puts more emphasis on, I think, first investing in the hospital sector. You know, I think it will be a good time in the U.S. to move in the direction of a universal healthcare system — that’s for sure — but, more generally, to invest more in the hospital sector. I think we are going to have — we cannot just recover with the same sectors as before — you know, automobile, airplane, etc. We also have to take this opportunity to think about a more sustainable and equitable development model. So this means investing more in sectors like health, hospitals, but, more generally, investing more in innovation and environmental technologies. We have to invest more in schools, universities. You know, historically, the source of prosperity has been education and relatively equal level of education. And the U.S., in particular, has been an economic leader for most of the 20th century because it was an educational leader.
And I think we’ve lost memory of that, because this has been replaced, starting in the 1980s, 1990s, by a different kind of ideology, according to which prosperity will come from more and more inequality, more concentration of wealth in a few hands. But, in fact, this doesn’t work. And, in fact, the growth rate of the U.S. economy has been divided by two. If you look at national income per capita in the U.S. between 1990 and 2020, it has been only 1.1% per year, whereas between 1950 and 1990 it was 2.2%. And if you look between 1910 and 1950, it was 2.1%; 1870-1910, about 2.1%, as well. So, the last 30 years have been characterized by very high levels of inequality, rising concentration of wealth at the top, declining wages at the bottom, in particular decline in minimum wage, and also decline in growth. So, in the end, this course toward more and more inequality didn’t work. And I think we should take this opportunity of this crisis, and after the 2008 financial crisis, to just rethink not only about our health policy and investing more in hospitals, which is a just conclusion from this crisis, but also to rethink about our economic model more generally and moving toward more equality, more sustainability.
And this is what I don’t see. And I don’t see it with Trump. I don’t really see it with Macron. You know, both presidents, of course, are supposed to be very different, as we all know, but at the same time, there is one important common point. It’s that they started their mandate by giving a big tax cut to the wealthy, to summarize. You know, in France, there was a repeal of the wealth tax. In the U.S., there was a big tax cut for very high-income taxpayers and for large corporations. Trump also wanted to get rid of the estate tax. He couldn’t get it adopted, but that was his plan. And so, both presidents made these huge tax cuts to the wealthy.
And the big question is: Are they going to be able today to sort of change, you know, hold back a little bit and say, “Well, look, now we are going to have to pay for more investment in public services. We have to care more about all these healthcare workers, all these homeless. We have to” — are they going to be able to change their mind and change their ideology about these tax cuts? And, you know, I think it’s very much an open question at this stage. It will depend on the strengths of the mobilization in the opposition parties and various social groups as a push for different policy. It will also depend on what people within the Republican Party or people within Macron’s party, in the case of France, whether they will accept to continue supporting their champion without a change in the policy package.
And yeah, I guess it’s too early to say what the full, long-run consequences, in terms of economic policy and political ideology of this crisis, are going to be. And it’s a general lesson that I take also from my book Capital and Ideology, which is that the crises are a time when you have — you know, different trajectories are possible. You have very fast bifurcation. That’s a very general lesson of history, that the level of social inequality across societies primarily depends on political mobilization and ideological change, rather than pure economic or technological determinants. So, you know, things can change much faster than the dominant discourse and the various elite in different societies tend to imagine. And, you know, elites always tend to present inequalities as sort of fair and natural and sort of something that you cannot change, as if it was a rule of nature. But what we observe in history is very frequent and very rapid change in the way we organize systems.
So, think of the wealth tax. You know, a few years ago, the idea of a progressive wealth tax on billionaires was hardly discussed. And we’ve seen in the recent U.S. campaign that it was actually very popular. So, you know, Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren didn’t win the primary, but their wealth tax proposal was extremely popular among voters — and not only among Democratic voters, but also among Republican voters. And I think Joe Biden would be well inspired to borrow some of these ideas in order to show that more economic justice can actually come together with more economic prosperity, which was the case historically for a very long time in the United States but has ceased to be the case. And, you know, I think this is the right time to change the narrative and to change the trajectory.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: Thomas, could you also respond to efforts that have been made at the global level to address this crisis? The International Monetary Fund announced that it will provide immediate debt relief to 25 different countries, among them the poorest in the world — Yemen, the Central African Republic, Mozambique, etc. And creditor countries, including France and the U.S., have also agreed to suspend debt. What effect do you think this will have? How much will it affect debtor countries? And what more do you think needs to be done?
THOMAS PIKETTY: Well, first, let me make clear two things. You know, this suspension of debt payment, it’s better than nothing, but I think it’s not enough, because in the decisions that have been taken is that this country will have to repay more one year from now, two years from now, in order to compensate for what it didn’t pay this year. So it’s just a suspension, but you still have the payments that are pending. And I think, in many cases, we should just cancel some of this debt for good, or other, you know, much longer horizon, with a much longer suspension.
There’s also one thing I want to stress, is that the French proposal to suspend the debt payments in Africa was a bit hypocritical in the sense that most of the debt is not held by France, it’s held by China or other countries. And, you know, it’s good to propose that other countries suspend their debt, but I think it’s even better if you can show the example, so you can decide to stop your payment for your own debt.
You should also, you know, in the case of Europe, develop more solidarity within Europe. And I would like France to propose to mutualize the interest rate to countries like Italy and Spain, which have been hit very hard. And, you know, the usual excuse for not doing that in France is to say, “Well, look, the Netherlands or Germany don’t want to do it, therefore we can’t do it.” But, you know, it’s always better to do something with two countries or three countries rather than one. Of course, it’s even better if all countries join after that. But to begin with, every initiative is good.
Now, over and beyond this issue of debt, which is very important, I think this crisis, especially in developing countries in Africa or in India, for instance, should be used as an opportunity to accelerate the development of the welfare state, of the safety net system. And in many of these countries, you just don’t have anything in terms of safety net, which means that when you decide a lockdown, when you decide a confinement, like what happened in India a couple of weeks ago, it’s not clear that it’s really something you can sustain for very long, because, in practice, what happened — and we’ve seen that on TV and in many articles — is that, in practice, many of the rural workers or migrants were just pushed away of the cities. You know, many people that were working on construction sites in cities or who didn’t really have a solid home in the cities were pushed away, which is sometimes violent, and mass transportation of people through the countryside, which is probably not the best way to avoid the spreading of the virus. And, you know, in any case, if you don’t have a basic safety net, at some point people will have to go out and work and find work and find money and find food. And so, you know, this should be an opportunity, both in India, in Africa, in every country where you don’t have such a system, to develop this kind of basic income scheme, which is possible.
You know, let me say that if you look in the case of India, which is a very important case, of course — you know, it is about to become the largest country in the world very soon. This is the largest democracy, electoral democracy, in the world. And last year, during the electoral campaign in India, there was a proposal by the Congress Party and by a number of low workers’ party to put in place a minimum income scheme. Unfortunately, they didn’t win the election, partly because there were terror attacks in Kashmir in January 2019, which allowed the Hindu nationalist party of Modi to reframe the election more in the direction of a Hindu-Muslim identity conflict, rather than redistribution and sort of social inequality. This is sad. But, you know, this is not the end of history. I think the discussion will continue.
And sometimes what you see in history following like big crises like this one is that even a government like Modi, you know, even a government which initially didn’t plan to introduce the welfare state or to introduce progressive taxation — like you see it after World War I, after World War II, even sort of right-wing governments or governments who didn’t have such plans end up developing new policy tools just because the circumstances sort of force them to do so.
And at this stage, nobody knows. You know, at this stage, we talk mostly about the U.S., about Europe. Nobody knows how the epidemic is going to spread in the South. We don’t have much data. This might take a bit more time. What we know from the Spanish flu of 1918, 1919, which is the closest historical precedent to what we have today, is that the human casualties, as a proportion of the population, were much, much larger in India, in Indonesia, in South Africa. It was up to 5% of the population who died in these countries, as compared to 0.5% to 1% in Europe or in the United States, which is already enormous. You know, today, 0.5% to 1% in the world would mean 50 million people killed in this. So this is already an enormous mortality rate. But in poor countries, it was five time more. So, nobody knows at this stage how things are going to work out in the South, but it’s clear that in case things go bad and in case a more complete lockdown is necessary in these countries, then governments will have to develop safety net.
And, you know, the international community will have not only to suspend all debt and to actually cancel all this debt, but we will really — we will also to think also to a different international economic, financial and tax system. You know, there’s been a lot of discussion over the past 10 years at the level of the OECD on how you tax large multinational corporations, which, as we know, very often don’t pay tax anywhere. So there’s a proposal at the level of OECD, so everybody’s around the table and pretending to be cooperative, at least for one time. And the idea is to have a common declaration of profits at the world level for large multinational corporations. And then the question is: How do you distribute these taxable profits across countries? And so far, because the OECD is a club of rich countries, countries in Europe and North America have said, “Well, we are going to try to get the money out of tax havens to bring them, those taxable profit, back to us,” basically, rather than back to the South. So they are discussing about distributing the corporate tax base in proportion to the sales, in proportion to indicators, which are sort of moot, in effect, for where the final consumers are in the North in terms of total value that is being sorted.
AMY GOODMAN: Thomas Piketty, I hate to cut you off —
THOMAS PIKETTY: But, you know, I think there are other proposals — yeah.
AMY GOODMAN: — but we only have a minute to go, and I want to ask you —
THOMAS PIKETTY: Sure.
AMY GOODMAN: The U.S. Labor Department has just released its latest unemployment numbers, as you were speaking, showing more than 3.8 million people filed for unemployment benefits in the last week. So that brings the total number to 30 million people who have filed for unemployment in just six weeks. I want to go back to two months ago. Bernie Sanders was the Democratic front-runner for president, a man you supported. The unemployment rate was 3.5%, and the U.S. just reported its first coronavirus death. So, I want to ask you about the significance of this. Last month, you tweeted a graph showing voter turnout from 1945 to 2020, which revealed far fewer Americans over that period voted in elections than the electorate, proportionally, in either Britain or France. You tweeted, “Sanders to the aid of US democracy. Only a full-scale reorientation of the type proposed by Sanders would eventually rid American democracy of the inegalitarian practices which undermine it and deal with the electoral disaffection of the working classes.” That’s what you wrote then. Talk about what has happened in this two months, what you think needs to happen, this as the Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has said states should simply go bankrupt, unless they agree to a Republican austerity plan, and then they might get some U.S. government aid.
THOMAS PIKETTY: Yeah. I mean, this statement is particularly crazy. I mean, we had this kind of statement back in the ’30s. You know, they were what we call the liquidationist ideology: “Let’s liquidate bad firms, bad banks, bad states.” But, of course, this is the worst policy you can imagine, both in terms of social consequences and in terms of macroeconomic consequences.
Look, I think, you know, coming back to Joe Biden and the Democratic Party, I think Joe Biden will be very well inspired to borrow some of the new ideas that were put forward by Bernie Sander, Elizabeth Warren, including a progressive wealth tax on billionaires, including more investment in public hospitals, in public universities. You know, I think this is the time for the Democratic Party to show to the middle class and the lower-middle class and the lower socioeconomic groups that they care about redistribution and they care about improving the minimum wage, which is what the Democratic Party stood for until the ’60s, ’70s and even ’80s.
And then, what I show in my book Capital and Ideology — which, by the way, I should say, it’s a very readable book. You know, it’s a bit long, but it can really be read. It’s not technical at all, and it’s a broad history of inequality regime across societies. And I show that the Democratic Party in the U.S., starting, as you were saying, in the ’50s, ’60s, just like social democratic parties in Europe, gradually lost touch with the more disadvantaged electorate. And, you know, I compare all these countries and timing together. And my conclusion is that this is largely because they failed to renew their policy package and to keep redistributive ambition.
And I think many of the lower-class and lower-middle-class voters have just stopped voting, so now, somehow, also voting for Trump, and, in Europe, somehow, also voting for the nationalist party, I think, largely, for lack of a better alternative. And they feel that protection and return to the nation-state and the frontiers of the nation-state at least will protect them a little bit more than nothing at all. And I’m not sure they are so optimistic that all the gesticulation by people like Trump or Marine Le Pen in France will do a lot of good, but at least they see something new, and they hear nothing for them on the other side, therefore they feel — but let’s remember that most of these voters are actually staying at home. You know, if they were really enthusiastic about Trump or Le Pen, they would all go and vote, and you would have a 90% participation rate, which is not at all what you have.
AMY GOODMAN: Twenty seconds.
THOMAS PIKETTY: Yeah. If you look, in the U.S., in particular, the bottom 50% income voters, you have huge abstention, you know, very low turnout. So I think this shows that there’s a need for a different discourse trying to bring back these voters to the voting booth. And I think this crisis is that opportunity for Joe Biden, in particular, to send a strong signal to this electorate.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, I want to thank you so much, Thomas Piketty, and there’s so much more to talk about. But people can read a lot about your thoughts in your new book. Thomas Piketty, French economist whose work focuses on wealth and income inequality. His new book is just out; it’s called Capital and Ideology.
When we come back, President Trump invokes the Defense Production Act to bar local governments from closing meatpacking plants around the U.S., even though they are the major hot spots for the coronavirus. What does this mean for the thousands of workers who have gotten sick? We’ll get response from global health law expert Lawrence Gostin. Stay with us.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: Mozart’s The Marriage of Figaro, performed by the National Orchestra of Île-de-France while socially distancing in their homes, playing alone together.


truthout--2020-04-30--“No One in Puerto Rico” Has Received Stimulus Checks, Says San Juan Mayor

Carmen Yulín Cruz , the mayor of San Juan , Puerto Rico , alleged that the federal government has yet to provide a single resident on the island with a coronavirus stimulus check , weeks after payments began to go out .
Cruz , who feuded with President Donald Trump over his administration ’ s lagging response to the damage wreaked by Hurricane Maria in 2017 , called out the administration for neglecting the island ’ s residents once again in its distribution of the stimulus funds .
Cruz told MSNBC that the island has also struggled to distribute $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rico Gov .
Wanda Vázquez Garced and unemployment benefits to more than 130,000 residents who have applied since the outbreak began .
“ No one in Puerto Rico has received their $ 1,200 coronavirus stimulus checks from the federal government , ” she told the network .
“ We ’ re having problems with a local $ 500 check that the governor said was going to be distributed.
” Cruz said that she and other mayors have had to rely on religious and community leaders to distribute food to those in need because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not getting into people ’ s hands because of the current local government of Puerto Rico , and perhaps guidelines that have not been distributed , ” she added .
“ But the problem is not getting the support that we need .
The problem is that the support goes to the higher levels of government , and doesn ’ t reach the people that it ’ s supposed to reach.
” Cruz ’ s comments came after the Treasury Department , which has already sent out more than 88 million payments across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ payments to Puerto Ricans in the coming “ weeks.
” “ As we complete the agreements with the Internal Revenue Service and the U.S. Treasury on the distribution of the Economic Impact Payment , we have already identified some 486,000 taxpayers who would receive approximately $ 800.1 million , in all likelihood , in the upcoming weeks , ” Francisco Parés , secretary at the Puerto Rico Treasury Department , told the Puerto Rican business news outlet News Is My Business .
He insisted that the Treasury ’ s distribution plan is “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assurances from the IRS that it would send a distribution plan to the Treasury “ later this month.
” Puerto Rico has long dealt with severe health challenges .
The Health Resources and Services Administration reported that 72 of its 78 municipalities faced “ unmet health care needs ” before the outbreak .
The island , a U.S. commonwealth , also filed for bankruptcy in 2017 after determining its government could not pay $ 120 billion owed in bond and pension obligations .
A group of 11 U.S. House members , many of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nancy Pelosi and Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy to “ guarantee that Puerto Rico is treated equally to the states in any of the upcoming coronavirus stimulus packages.
” “ Even before COVID-19 , Puerto Rico was suffering immensely from earthquakes earlier this year , longstanding economic and physical damage from Hurricane Maria and decades of economic neglect , ” Rep. Nydia Velázquez , D-N.Y. , told NBC News .
The letter , which was first obtained by the outlet , called for future stimulus packages to include “ robust funding for nutritional assistance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disaster loans.
” “ As Congress begins the next phase of legislation with help for states and localities , ” Velázquez said , “ I ’ ll be working hand-in-glove with Speaker Pelosi on solutions that address the unique challenges facing Puerto Rico and the 3.5 million U.S. citizens who live there .
”

The Treasury Department has sent out more than 88 million payments. Not one of them went to Puerto Rico.
Carmen Yulín Cruz, the mayor of San Juan, Puerto Rico, alleged that the federal government has yet to provide a single resident on the island with a coronavirus stimulus check, weeks after payments began to go out.
Cruz, who feuded with President Donald Trump over his administration’s lagging response to the damage wreaked by Hurricane Maria in 2017, called out the administration for neglecting the island’s residents once again in its distribution of the stimulus funds.
Cruz told MSNBC that the island has also struggled to distribute $500 payments that were promised by Puerto Rico Gov. Wanda Vázquez Garced and unemployment benefits to more than 130,000 residents who have applied since the outbreak began.
“No one in Puerto Rico has received their $1,200 coronavirus stimulus checks from the federal government,” she told the network. “We’re having problems with a local $500 check that the governor said was going to be distributed.”
Cruz said that she and other mayors have had to rely on religious and community leaders to distribute food to those in need because of the delays.
“Money is not getting into people’s hands because of the current local government of Puerto Rico, and perhaps guidelines that have not been distributed,” she added. “But the problem is not getting the support that we need. The problem is that the support goes to the higher levels of government, and doesn’t reach the people that it’s supposed to reach.”
Cruz’s comments came after the Treasury Department, which has already sent out more than 88 million payments across the country, vowed to start sending payments to Puerto Ricans in the coming “weeks.”
“As we complete the agreements with the Internal Revenue Service and the U.S. Treasury on the distribution of the Economic Impact Payment, we have already identified some 486,000 taxpayers who would receive approximately $800.1 million, in all likelihood, in the upcoming weeks,” Francisco Parés, secretary at the Puerto Rico Treasury Department, told the Puerto Rican business news outlet News Is My Business.
He insisted that the Treasury’s distribution plan is “very close” and said he received assurances from the IRS that it would send a distribution plan to the Treasury “later this month.”
Puerto Rico has long dealt with severe health challenges. The Health Resources and Services Administration reported that 72 of its 78 municipalities faced “unmet health care needs” before the outbreak. The island, a U.S. commonwealth, also filed for bankruptcy in 2017 after determining its government could not pay $120 billion owed in bond and pension obligations.
A group of 11 U.S. House members, many of Hispanic descent, called on House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy to “guarantee that Puerto Rico is treated equally to the states in any of the upcoming coronavirus stimulus packages.”
“Even before COVID-19, Puerto Rico was suffering immensely from earthquakes earlier this year, longstanding economic and physical damage from Hurricane Maria and decades of economic neglect,” Rep. Nydia Velázquez, D-N.Y., told NBC News.
The letter, which was first obtained by the outlet, called for future stimulus packages to include “robust funding for nutritional assistance” and “debt forgiveness of community disaster loans.”
“As Congress begins the next phase of legislation with help for states and localities,” Velázquez said, “I’ll be working hand-in-glove with Speaker Pelosi on solutions that address the unique challenges facing Puerto Rico and the 3.5 million U.S. citizens who live there.”
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truthout--2020-04-30--California City Was Accused of Police Brutality Weeks Before Cop Beat Black Teen

A federal lawsuit alleging that the California city of Rancho Cordova “ fostered a culture of violence ” among local police was filed just weeks before videos showing a white Rancho Cordova police officer pummeling a Black teenager sparked national outrage on Monday .
Local law enforcement officials are investigating the latest incident , which reportedly began when the officer stopped a 14-year-old boy for buying a cigar .
The encounter escalated , and now-infamous videos circulating widely online show the officer pinning the boy to the ground and punching him several times .
For many , the videos are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of color , particularly Black and Native people , must turn to social media to seek accountability for acts of racist police violence .
Moreover , a lawsuit filed by two brothers arrested in March claims Rancho Cordova has “ fostered a culture of violence ” that allows its police officers to use excessive force against the public .
Together the two cases raise important questions about race and police accountability in the diverse , working-class suburb of Sacramento — and around the country .
Last month , twin brothers Thomas and Carlos @ @ @ @ @ @ @ federal court alleging that they were wrongfully arrested and violently beaten by three Rancho Cordova police officers on March 23 .
The two brothers were doing yard work outside Carlos Williams ’ s new home in Rancho Cordova when a white neighbor mistook them for burglars and called 911 , according to the lawsuit filed on behalf of Thomas Williams .
Without warning , the officers busted into the yard yelling expletives with their guns drawn .
The Williams brothers , who are Black , tried to tell the officers that they were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not care , ” the lawsuit claims .
Thomas Williams , an education professor who founded a school for children with disabilities , told local reporters that he was “ kneed in the head and elbowed on the side of my face.
” The officers later accused the brothers of resisting their orders , but the brothers say their hands were in the air .
One officer held Thomas Williams in a chokehold for over a minute until he became unconscious , according to the complaint .
“ I said , ‘ Man @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it.
’ I saw the veins and the officer just squeezing him tight , ” Carlos Williams told CBS Sacramento .
While Thomas Williams was collapsed on the ground in handcuffs , the officers searched the two brothers and found Carlos Williams ’ s driver ’ s license , which made it “ plainly obvious to the arresting officers that Carlos was not burglarizing his own home , ” the lawsuit claims .
Still , the officers searched the home and property before arresting the two brothers and holding them in custody for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with a crime , and the lawsuit alleges the officers have since made numerous false statements to justify the excessive use of force .
Now , five weeks later , a controversy over police violence unfolding in Rancho Cordova has ignited social media across the country .
On Monday , 14-year-old Elijah Tufono was stopped and aggressively detained by a Rancho Cordova police deputy identified as Officer Brian Fowell in local reports .
On the evening news , Tufono said he had just bought a cigar off a stranger when a cop pulled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his hand .
Tufono said he handed the cigar over to the officer right away , but the officer continued to ask him questions .
Frightened , Tufono tried to talk his way out of it and the situation escalated into a scuffle as Fowell tried to put him in handcuffs .
In the video , Fowell is seen wrestling Tufono on the ground and throwing punches into the boy ’ s abdomen .
Tufono was arrested and cited before being released to his family .
Videos of the arrest posted by friends @ @ @ @ @ @ @ condemnation from thousands of viewers as well as former Democratic presidential candidates Julian Castro and Kamala Harris .
While law enforcement officials in Rancho Cordova say they are investigating the use of force against Tufono , it remains unclear if the use of force against the Williams brothers is also being investigated .
The Rancho Cordova Sheriff ’ s Department , which contracts with the city ’ s police department , did not respond to an email from Truthout .
Unlike the arrest of Tufono , it appears that no clear video footage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arrest , and the plaintiffs are not certain of the officers ’ identities .
A dashboard camera in one of the police cars was turned off shortly before the incident , and at least one officer repeatedly turned on and off a microphone attached to his body , according to the lawsuit .
So far , the police have made similar claims in both cases , accusing the arrestees of verbally and physically resisting officers attempting to make an arrest .
In a statement released Tuesday , the police and sheriff ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s takedown of Tufono , saying the teenager “ refused to give the deputy identifying information ” and “ resisted arrest , ” causing the officer to lose his handcuffs .
The officer “ attempted to maintain control of the juvenile ” until backup arrived .
“ He ’ s on top of me and it looks like he ’ s about to hit me , ” Tufono said .
“ Like , I ’ m reacting like any other normal human being would.
” In similar statements to the media , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brothers were not following directions and became “ resistant both verbally and physically.
” The lawsuit claims this statement is false , along with numerous statements included in incident reports filed by the officers .
The officers charged the two brothers with felony assault and resisting arrest , but the district attorney quickly dropped the charges .
It remains to be seen if and how the police will be held accountable in Rancho Cordova .
Tufono said he has forgiven Officer Fowell , but the Williams brothers fear they were targeted because they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their civil rights .
Thomas Williams told his attorneys that local law enforcement appear to be “ engaged in a coordinated intimidation campaign ” against his brother , involving “ unmarked cars repeatedly circling Carlos ’ home , spotlights shining brightly into Carlos ’ home at night , and frequent flat tires to Carlos ’ vehicle.
” “ This is a case of police brutality , ” his lawsuit states .

A federal lawsuit alleging that the California city of Rancho Cordova “fostered a culture of violence” among local police was filed just weeks before videos showing a white Rancho Cordova police officer pummeling a Black teenager sparked national outrage on Monday. Local law enforcement officials are investigating the latest incident, which reportedly began when the officer stopped a 14-year-old boy for buying a cigar. The encounter escalated, and now-infamous videos circulating widely online show the officer pinning the boy to the ground and punching him several times.
For many, the videos are just the latest example of how people of color, particularly Black and Native people, must turn to social media to seek accountability for acts of racist police violence. Moreover, a lawsuit filed by two brothers arrested in March claims Rancho Cordova has “fostered a culture of violence” that allows its police officers to use excessive force against the public. Together the two cases raise important questions about race and police accountability in the diverse, working-class suburb of Sacramento — and around the country.
Last month, twin brothers Thomas and Carlos Williams filed separate lawsuits in a California federal court alleging that they were wrongfully arrested and violently beaten by three Rancho Cordova police officers on March 23. The two brothers were doing yard work outside Carlos Williams’s new home in Rancho Cordova when a white neighbor mistook them for burglars and called 911, according to the lawsuit filed on behalf of Thomas Williams. Without warning, the officers busted into the yard yelling expletives with their guns drawn.
The Williams brothers, who are Black, tried to tell the officers that they were residents, but the officers “did not care,” the lawsuit claims. Thomas Williams, an education professor who founded a school for children with disabilities, told local reporters that he was “kneed in the head and elbowed on the side of my face.” The officers later accused the brothers of resisting their orders, but the brothers say their hands were in the air. One officer held Thomas Williams in a chokehold for over a minute until he became unconscious, according to the complaint.
“I said, ‘Man he’s not going to make it.’ I saw the veins and the officer just squeezing him tight,” Carlos Williams told CBS Sacramento.
While Thomas Williams was collapsed on the ground in handcuffs, the officers searched the two brothers and found Carlos Williams’s driver’s license, which made it “plainly obvious to the arresting officers that Carlos was not burglarizing his own home,” the lawsuit claims. Still, the officers searched the home and property before arresting the two brothers and holding them in custody for 20 hours. Neither has been charged with a crime, and the lawsuit alleges the officers have since made numerous false statements to justify the excessive use of force.
Now, five weeks later, a controversy over police violence unfolding in Rancho Cordova has ignited social media across the country. On Monday, 14-year-old Elijah Tufono was stopped and aggressively detained by a Rancho Cordova police deputy identified as Officer Brian Fowell in local reports. On the evening news, Tufono said he had just bought a cigar off a stranger when a cop pulled up and asked him what was in his hand. Tufono said he handed the cigar over to the officer right away, but the officer continued to ask him questions. Frightened, Tufono tried to talk his way out of it and the situation escalated into a scuffle as Fowell tried to put him in handcuffs.
In the video, Fowell is seen wrestling Tufono on the ground and throwing punches into the boy’s abdomen. Tufono was arrested and cited before being released to his family. Videos of the arrest posted by friends and family quickly went viral, drawing condemnation from thousands of viewers as well as former Democratic presidential candidates Julian Castro and Kamala Harris.
This is a horrific abuse of power. This officer must be held accountable. pic.twitter.com/jcAABFzWvj — Kamala Harris (@SenKamalaHarris) April 28, 2020
While law enforcement officials in Rancho Cordova say they are investigating the use of force against Tufono, it remains unclear if the use of force against the Williams brothers is also being investigated. The Rancho Cordova Sheriff’s Department, which contracts with the city’s police department, did not respond to an email from Truthout. Unlike the arrest of Tufono, it appears that no clear video footage has emerged of the Williams brothers’ arrest, and the plaintiffs are not certain of the officers’ identities. A dashboard camera in one of the police cars was turned off shortly before the incident, and at least one officer repeatedly turned on and off a microphone attached to his body, according to the lawsuit.
So far, the police have made similar claims in both cases, accusing the arrestees of verbally and physically resisting officers attempting to make an arrest. In a statement released Tuesday, the police and sheriff’s department appear to defend Officer Fowell’s takedown of Tufono, saying the teenager “refused to give the deputy identifying information” and “resisted arrest,” causing the officer to lose his handcuffs. The officer “attempted to maintain control of the juvenile” until backup arrived.
“He’s on top of me and it looks like he’s about to hit me,” Tufono said. “Like, I’m reacting like any other normal human being would.”
In similar statements to the media, the sheriff’s department said the Williams brothers were not following directions and became “resistant both verbally and physically.” The lawsuit claims this statement is false, along with numerous statements included in incident reports filed by the officers. The officers charged the two brothers with felony assault and resisting arrest, but the district attorney quickly dropped the charges.
It remains to be seen if and how the police will be held accountable in Rancho Cordova. Tufono said he has forgiven Officer Fowell, but the Williams brothers fear they were targeted because they are Black and face ongoing violations of their civil rights. Thomas Williams told his attorneys that local law enforcement appear to be “engaged in a coordinated intimidation campaign” against his brother, involving “unmarked cars repeatedly circling Carlos’ home, spotlights shining brightly into Carlos’ home at night, and frequent flat tires to Carlos’ vehicle.”
“This is a case of police brutality,” his lawsuit states.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-04-30--Trump Says COVID Will Disappear Even Without Vaccine as US Cases Top 1 Million

Having apparently learned nothing about the novel coronavirus since February — when he predicted the contagion would disappear “ like a miracle ” by April — President Donald Trump insisted during a roundtable with corporate executives Wednesday that Covid-19 will soon “ be gone ” even in the absence of a vaccine , a view that is not shared by public health professionals .
“ It ’ s gon na go , it ’ s gon na leave , it ’ s gon na be gone , it ’ s gon na be eradicated , ” Trump said when asked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disappear without a vaccine .
“ It might take longer , it might be in smaller sections .
It won ’ t be what we had.
” “ If you have a flare-up in a certain area , if you have a , I call them burning embers , boom .
We put it out , ” Trump continued .
“ We know how to put it out now .
But we put it out.
” In response to Trump ’ s remarks , Rep. Ted Lieu ( D-Calif. ) tweeted that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ downplaying of the virus has led to over 61,000 American deaths.
” “ Saying the virus is gon na leave doesn ’ t make it go away , ” Lieu said .
“ But more testing and [ personal protective equipment ] would help stop its spread.
” The president ’ s latest prediction came after coronavirus cases in the U.S. officially topped one million and deaths surpassed 60,000 .
Despite the mounting death toll , lack of nationwide testing capacity , and fears of a devastating second wave , states across the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economy as the federal government races to develop a Covid-19 vaccine .
Bloomberg reported Wednesday that the Trump administration “ is organizing a Manhattan Project-style effort to drastically cut the time needed to develop a coronavirus vaccine , with a goal of making enough doses for most Americans by year ’ s end.
” “ Called ‘ Operation Warp Speed , ’ the program will pull together private pharmaceutical companies , government agencies , and the military to try to cut the development time for a vaccine by as much as eight months @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As part of the arrangement , taxpayers will shoulder much of the financial risk that vaccine candidates may fail , instead of drug companies.
” In contrast to Trump ’ s insistence that the virus will soon “ be gone , ” Dr. Anthony Fauci — the nation ’ s leading infectious disease expert — warned in an interview on CNN Wednesday that a second wave of the coronavirus in the coming months is “ inevitable.
” “ If by that time we have put into place all of the countermeasures that you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do reasonably well , ” Fauci said .
“ If we don ’ t do that successfully , we could be in for a bad fall and a bad winter .
”

Having apparently learned nothing about the novel coronavirus since February — when he predicted the contagion would disappear “like a miracle” by April — President Donald Trump insisted during a roundtable with corporate executives Wednesday that Covid-19 will soon “be gone” even in the absence of a vaccine, a view that is not shared by public health professionals.
“It’s gonna go, it’s gonna leave, it’s gonna be gone, it’s gonna be eradicated,” Trump said when asked to explain how the virus will simply disappear without a vaccine. “It might take longer, it might be in smaller sections. It won’t be what we had.”
“If you have a flare-up in a certain area, if you have a, I call them burning embers, boom. We put it out,” Trump continued. “We know how to put it out now. But we put it out.”
In response to Trump’s remarks, Rep. Ted Lieu (D-Calif.) tweeted that the president’s “magical thinking and downplaying of the virus has led to over 61,000 American deaths.”
“Saying the virus is gonna leave doesn’t make it go away,” Lieu said. “But more testing and [personal protective equipment] would help stop its spread.”
Watch Trump’s comments:
.@benstracy asks Pres. Trump how he expects coronavirus to be “gone” without a vaccine Trump: “It’s gonna go, it’s gonna leave, it’s gonna be gone, it’s gonna be eradicated. It might take longer, it might be in smaller sections. It won’t be what we had.” https://t.co/9T8aUPjUrs pic.twitter.com/mc1TqQCPMH — CBS News (@CBSNews) April 29, 2020
The president’s latest prediction came after coronavirus cases in the U.S. officially topped one million and deaths surpassed 60,000. Despite the mounting death toll, lack of nationwide testing capacity, and fears of a devastating second wave, states across the nation are slowly reopening sectors of their economy as the federal government races to develop a Covid-19 vaccine.
Bloomberg reported Wednesday that the Trump administration “is organizing a Manhattan Project-style effort to drastically cut the time needed to develop a coronavirus vaccine, with a goal of making enough doses for most Americans by year’s end.”
“Called ‘Operation Warp Speed,’ the program will pull together private pharmaceutical companies, government agencies, and the military to try to cut the development time for a vaccine by as much as eight months,” according to Bloomberg. “As part of the arrangement, taxpayers will shoulder much of the financial risk that vaccine candidates may fail, instead of drug companies.”
In contrast to Trump’s insistence that the virus will soon “be gone,” Dr. Anthony Fauci — the nation’s leading infectious disease expert — warned in an interview on CNN Wednesday that a second wave of the coronavirus in the coming months is “inevitable.”
“If by that time we have put into place all of the countermeasures that you need to address this, we should do reasonably well,” Fauci said. “If we don’t do that successfully, we could be in for a bad fall and a bad winter.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-04-30--Bernie’s Army Redeploys to Support COVID-19’s Frontline Workers

As shoppers crowded into the McAllen , Texas , branch of Sprouts Farmers Market in mid-March to stockpile food , store clerk Josh Cano grew alarmed at the lack of safety precautions in place .
“ There weren ’ t sneeze guards or masks or gloves , ” he says .
“ There was zero sense of urgency from management.
” Cano , 24 , worried about bringing the coronavirus home because his mother has cancer and is undergoing chemotherapy .
He had heard of an online form that activists from the Democratic Socialists of America ( DSA ) and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) were using to help workers organize to make their workplaces safer as the Covid-19 pandemic spread .
The two groups — which had previously worked together on the Bernie Sanders campaign — were calling their joint effort the Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee ( EWOC ) .
The experience many EWOC organizers gained from the Sanders movement had a direct impact on their work .
Officials from the DSA and UE said the group took ideas from the Sanders campaign — such as building a largely volunteer operation to do complex organizing — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an election .
Many former Sanders staff members also volunteered to help workers organize .
It ’ s one example of a possible path forward for the grassroots movement that powered the Sanders campaign — a way to channel its insurgent energy into new battles for social justice .
Cano filled out the form , and Michael Enriquez , former deputy field director of the Sanders campaign in Iowa and a member of the EWOC planning committee , responded to assist the Sprouts workers .
With guidance from Enriquez , who previously ran @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kansas City , Cano and a co-worker , Michael Martinez , soon got 44 of their store ’ s 50 workers to sign a petition demanding personal protective equipment , a $ 3 an hour increase for hazard pay , 14 days of paid sick leave and an in-store safety committee .
“ We started the petition out of fear , ” Martinez says .
On the afternoon of April 1 , six Sprouts workers marched on their boss ’ s office with their petition and protest signs saying , “ Health and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Make the pay worth the risk.
” The workers wanted outside support , and with Enriquez ’ s help , they got the petition circulated through Change.org .
Within a week it had 7,000 signatures , including workers from some of Sprouts ’ 340 other stores .
A huge boost came when Sanders himself tweeted his support for the Sprouts workers .
“ Seeing that tweet made me and my coworkers feel we weren ’ t alone , ” Cano says .
“ We were kind of scared about management .
Seeing that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lot of power on our side.
” Feeling heat from the petition , Sprouts agreed to provide masks , gloves and more sanitizer and to limit the number of customers inside the McAllen store at any one time .
The workers hailed it as a victory , even though management refused to provide hazard pay .
“ There ’ s no power like workers united , ” Martinez says .
He adds that Enriquez ’ expertise was “ instrumental in our success.
” Colette Perold , a DSA activist and member of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ began when some DSA members started hearing from friends worried about the dangers at their jobs .
“ They were being forced to do a lot of dangerous things , ” she says .
So the DSA and the United Electrical Workers decided to reach out to workers .
“ The campaigns that workers are leading in their workplaces are life or death fights , and we want to support that self-activity and help them win , ” Perold says .
Mark Meinster , an international representative with the United Electrical Workers , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ we ’ re seeing so many workers take risks to protect their own lives.
” “ Unions have a choice right now , ” he says .
“ We can either hunker down and ride out the storm , or we can get on the side of the workers in struggle , many of whom are nonunion workers .
If we can help workers wage a broad , militant fight back , we can hopefully set the stage and make some changes in society for the common good.
” Since launching in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have helped several hundred workers fight for improved safety at warehouses , fast-food restaurants , hospitals , bottling plants , supermarkets and child-care centers across America .
Dani Shuster , a cashier and customer service worker at a Mom ’ s Organic Market in Philadelphia , says she is thankful for the advice the workers at her store received from EWOC .
For two weeks in early March , panicked shoppers flooded the grocery .
( One day , Shuster says , actress Kate Winslet entered the store wearing gloves and filled up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were putting in 10- or 12-hour days to meet the surging demand .
“ A lot of workers expressed fear , anxiety , feelings of being overwhelmed , and we were hearing nothing from the corporate leadership , ” Shuster , 29 , says .
Workers complained that Mom ’ s — a chain with 19 stores in four states and Washington , D.C. — was not providing masks and that there wasn ’ t enough hand sanitizer throughout the store .
“ We just seemed to be abandoned by the people in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We started to conclude we needed to do something.
” Although she had no prior experience in workplace organizing , she was inspired by the message of the Sanders campaign .
“ The realization that our collective power can challenge corporate greed and we can win helped make the possibility of organizing in my own workplace a reality.
” After surveying their coworkers , Shuster and several colleagues plunged into drafting a list of demands and a petition .
At that point , Shuster , recognizing she could use some organizing advice , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had heard about through an acquaintance in DSA .
Shuster says that EWOC felt like a “ natural ” outgrowth of the Sanders campaign .
“ In my own experience and observations , the Sanders campaign helped reignite worker organizing in this country , ” she says .
Dan advised her on how to get coworkers to sign a petition ; its demands included hazard pay of time and a half , a midday break for sanitizing , and limiting the number of customers in the store to 20 at a time .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ having direct conversations with workers and really posing the question , ‘ Are you willing to sign this petition to protect your own life and the lives all around you ?
’ ” Shuster says .
Nineteen of the store ’ s roughly 33 workers signed , and Shuster presented the petition to store management with six coworkers on April 6 .
They then held a protest outside the store as a caravan of supporters drove around honking .
( Many supporters came from a community group , One Pennsylvania . )
Management @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grocery says it stepped up cleaning procedures and installed protective plexiglass at the registers .
In the days after the protest , the workers grew increasingly impatient , and pressure on Mom ’ s grew .
The Pennsylvania Attorney General ’ s office even got involved , holding meetings with organizers and , Shuster says , contacting the CEO of Mom ’ s .
Mom ’ s ultimately provided masks and more sanitizer and agreed to set customer limits in sections of the store .
It also said it would institute a special @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — something the Mom ’ s workers had demanded .
Management also agreed to a retroactive bonus , though it disappointed the workers by refusing to grant regular hazard pay .
“ We saw what happens when you speak out individually — not much , ” Shuster says .
“ We demonstrated that when workers come together , they can accomplish a lot.
” Asked about forming a union , Michael Martinez of Sprouts says , “ A labor union , that ’ s not what we ’ re going for .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ workers have strength in numbers and that we won ’ t accept the bare minimum.
” The UE ’ s Meinster acknowledges that what EWOC is doing is not typical union organizing .
“ These are immediate fights around immediate demands , ” he says .
“ The kind of tasks confronting the labor movement is to provide support and leadership to those workers and help develop the workplace leaders we ’ ll need in coming years .
”

A worker at the Sprouts Farmers Market in McAllen, Texas, protests for hazard pay and coronavirus-safe working conditions. Courtesy of Democratic Socialists of America
As shoppers crowded into the McAllen, Texas, branch of Sprouts Farmers Market in mid-March to stockpile food, store clerk Josh Cano grew alarmed at the lack of safety precautions in place.
“There weren’t sneeze guards or masks or gloves,” he says. “There was zero sense of urgency from management.”
Cano, 24, worried about bringing the coronavirus home because his mother has cancer and is undergoing chemotherapy. He had heard of an online form that activists from the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and the United Electrical Workers union (UE) were using to help workers organize to make their workplaces safer as the Covid-19 pandemic spread. The two groups — which had previously worked together on the Bernie Sanders campaign — were calling their joint effort the Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee (EWOC).
The experience many EWOC organizers gained from the Sanders movement had a direct impact on their work. Officials from the DSA and UE said the group took ideas from the Sanders campaign — such as building a largely volunteer operation to do complex organizing — and applied them to workplaces rather than an election. Many former Sanders staff members also volunteered to help workers organize. It’s one example of a possible path forward for the grassroots movement that powered the Sanders campaign — a way to channel its insurgent energy into new battles for social justice.
Cano filled out the form, and Michael Enriquez, former deputy field director of the Sanders campaign in Iowa and a member of the EWOC planning committee, responded to assist the Sprouts workers. With guidance from Enriquez, who previously ran the Fight for $15 office in Kansas City, Cano and a co-worker, Michael Martinez, soon got 44 of their store’s 50 workers to sign a petition demanding personal protective equipment, a $3 an hour increase for hazard pay, 14 days of paid sick leave and an in-store safety committee. “We started the petition out of fear,” Martinez says.
On the afternoon of April 1, six Sprouts workers marched on their boss’s office with their petition and protest signs saying, “Health and safety over profit,” and “Make the pay worth the risk.”
The workers wanted outside support, and with Enriquez’s help, they got the petition circulated through Change.org. Within a week it had 7,000 signatures, including workers from some of Sprouts’ 340 other stores. A huge boost came when Sanders himself tweeted his support for the Sprouts workers.
“Seeing that tweet made me and my coworkers feel we weren’t alone,” Cano says. “We were kind of scared about management. Seeing that tweet, we saw we had a lot of power on our side.”
Feeling heat from the petition, Sprouts agreed to provide masks, gloves and more sanitizer and to limit the number of customers inside the McAllen store at any one time. The workers hailed it as a victory, even though management refused to provide hazard pay. “There’s no power like workers united,” Martinez says. He adds that Enriquez’ expertise was “instrumental in our success.”
Colette Perold, a DSA activist and member of the EWOC planning committee, explains the project began when some DSA members started hearing from friends worried about the dangers at their jobs. “They were being forced to do a lot of dangerous things,” she says. So the DSA and the United Electrical Workers decided to reach out to workers. “The campaigns that workers are leading in their workplaces are life or death fights, and we want to support that self-activity and help them win,” Perold says.
Mark Meinster, an international representative with the United Electrical Workers, says his union helped form EWOC because “we’re seeing so many workers take risks to protect their own lives.”
“Unions have a choice right now,” he says. “We can either hunker down and ride out the storm, or we can get on the side of the workers in struggle, many of whom are nonunion workers. If we can help workers wage a broad, militant fight back, we can hopefully set the stage and make some changes in society for the common good.”
Since launching in early March, EWOC’s organizers have helped several hundred workers fight for improved safety at warehouses, fast-food restaurants, hospitals, bottling plants, supermarkets and child-care centers across America.
Dani Shuster, a cashier and customer service worker at a Mom’s Organic Market in Philadelphia, says she is thankful for the advice the workers at her store received from EWOC. For two weeks in early March, panicked shoppers flooded the grocery. (One day, Shuster says, actress Kate Winslet entered the store wearing gloves and filled up four shopping carts.) Many workers were putting in 10- or 12-hour days to meet the surging demand.
“A lot of workers expressed fear, anxiety, feelings of being overwhelmed, and we were hearing nothing from the corporate leadership,” Shuster, 29, says. Workers complained that Mom’s — a chain with 19 stores in four states and Washington, D.C. — was not providing masks and that there wasn’t enough hand sanitizer throughout the store.
“We just seemed to be abandoned by the people in power,” Shuster says. “We started to conclude we needed to do something.” Although she had no prior experience in workplace organizing, she was inspired by the message of the Sanders campaign. “The realization that our collective power can challenge corporate greed and we can win helped make the possibility of organizing in my own workplace a reality.”
After surveying their coworkers, Shuster and several colleagues plunged into drafting a list of demands and a petition. At that point, Shuster, recognizing she could use some organizing advice, reached out to EWOC, which she had heard about through an acquaintance in DSA.
Shuster says that EWOC felt like a “natural” outgrowth of the Sanders campaign. “In my own experience and observations, the Sanders campaign helped reignite worker organizing in this country,” she says.
Dan advised her on how to get coworkers to sign a petition; its demands included hazard pay of time and a half, a midday break for sanitizing, and limiting the number of customers in the store to 20 at a time. “Dan helped me feel confident in having direct conversations with workers and really posing the question, ‘Are you willing to sign this petition to protect your own life and the lives all around you?’” Shuster says.
Nineteen of the store’s roughly 33 workers signed, and Shuster presented the petition to store management with six coworkers on April 6. They then held a protest outside the store as a caravan of supporters drove around honking. (Many supporters came from a community group, One Pennsylvania.) Management did not respond immediately, although the grocery says it stepped up cleaning procedures and installed protective plexiglass at the registers.
In the days after the protest, the workers grew increasingly impatient, and pressure on Mom’s grew. The Pennsylvania Attorney General’s office even got involved, holding meetings with organizers and, Shuster says, contacting the CEO of Mom’s. Mom’s ultimately provided masks and more sanitizer and agreed to set customer limits in sections of the store. It also said it would institute a special shopping hour for seniors and vulnerable populations — something the Mom’s workers had demanded. Management also agreed to a retroactive bonus, though it disappointed the workers by refusing to grant regular hazard pay.
“We saw what happens when you speak out individually — not much,” Shuster says. “We demonstrated that when workers come together, they can accomplish a lot.”
Asked about forming a union, Michael Martinez of Sprouts says, “A labor union, that’s not what we’re going for. We’re trying to show that the workers have strength in numbers and that we won’t accept the bare minimum.”
The UE’s Meinster acknowledges that what EWOC is doing is not typical union organizing. “These are immediate fights around immediate demands,” he says. “The kind of tasks confronting the labor movement is to provide support and leadership to those workers and help develop the workplace leaders we’ll need in coming years.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Originally published at In These Times.