truthout--2020-04-28--To Understand COVID in Prisons, Listen to Incarcerated People

The last few years I have written many articles attempting to diagnose the deep malaise within the U.S. criminal legal system — in particular , the human costs of high walls , razor wire , locked doors , grossly restricted mobility , punishment-violence and execution — prison ’ s defining characteristics .
I have also attempted to expose and explain how over time , communities have been forced to give up their rights and power to help their members when harmed by conflict , crime or just crises in general .
Policies and practices have taken root that transform communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the state and a clique of private companies .
I am witnessing this in real time with prison officials ’ self-serving self-reporting response to COVID-19 .
Despite a few incomplete gestures toward fulfilling Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommendations of social distancing and wearing masks , prison officials remain committed to one objective above all others : absolute domination .
Prison officials are releasing daily COVID-19 updates to the press , but the public should not trust they are truthful or factually accurate .
First , right now , no one who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its particular interests is allowed to enter prisons and witness for themselves why most incarcerated citizens are living in a constant state of fear of falling ill and dying from the virus .
The state can say whatever it wants .
Second , why do state officials have the only say ?
What member of the mainstream media has interviewed incarcerated people diagnosed with COVID-19 for a firsthand account ?
What member of the mainstream media has pushed back on claims that a major contributor of COVID-19-related deaths is the result of incarcerated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thus blaming the victims ) ?
What member of the media has toured the hallways and gyms where incarcerated people are suffering from COVID-19 , without medical attention from an actual doctor ?
( Of course , this last possibility is not an option — but it simply underscores the necessity of trusting incarcerated people ’ s accounts of COVID-19 behind bars . )
The distance between self-reporting and the facts is reflected in the culture .
The horrific global coronavirus pandemic is revealing flaws in our current state-sponsored capitalist system , hollowness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actual strength of the economy , the true scale of “ preexisting conditions ” and shortcomings in basic social protections .
It is also making common cause across race , class , occupation , religious denomination , city and state lines .
The virus is pulling the covers off the American socioeconomic system , and the most basic test of the legitimacy of government : the ability to protect its own population .
The virus gives us moral authority to denounce decades of unrelenting privatization at the hands of the oligarch-serving Republican and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ denounce the absurdity of an employer-based health insurance system where tens of millions of people are without health insurance and many more with inadequate insurance .
And moral authority to denounce the fact that , in this country , livable wages , food , housing , health care and education are not human rights .
Those of us behind bars are painfully qualified to speak about these realities and these injustices .
Unfortunately , because of the enormous barrier of state-sponsored reporting on what is taking place in prisons right now , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back to expose the life and death plight of incarcerated people , which speaks to the larger plight of vulnerable people in the United States .
The populations of prisons and jails reflect the stark differences between rich and poor , the existence of absolute tyranny , the glaring racism of the system , the use of victims against other victims , endless reforms that change nothing and an utter lack of resources to speak out .
Incarcerated people are expected to passively comply with the demands of prison officials , expected to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of daily living , including the elimination of critical thinking and individual decision making .
We are largely deprived of access to education , vocational training and transformative programming .
And we are rendered largely invisible to the general public .
There are valiant attempts to break through this manufactured invisibleness .
Courageous incarcerated people who , amid an environment whose brutality demands that people concentrate on their own safety , are concerned for the rights and safety of others .
People have been making connections between the personal and the socioeconomic system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ punished severely for daring to foster a dialogue among all stakeholders .
There are also equally courageous and valiant attempts by alternative media to supply information ignored by mainstream media .
These include attempts to be “ a voice for the voiceless.
” But , in fact , we are not voiceless .
We need our voices to be heard .
More open lines of communication between us on the inside and the general public still do not exist , and they should .
Prison officials having basically the only say about what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ locked doors can not help but give license to shamelessly distort the truth .
There is a strong belief among incarcerated citizens that we have a responsibility to help keep the public informed , in real time , and help figure out how to prevent the spread of coronavirus .
But the system is fine-tuned to control people through the control of information .
And what better way to do that than control what information does and does not get to the public ?
The fact that prison officials are the only ones @ @ @ @ @ @ @ allows the system to steer clear of mentioning the underlying causes of the long continuity of making incarcerated citizens ’ lives a merciless struggle for survival .
They steer clear of mentioning how privatizing its health services is a permanent step backwards for health care rights .
And they steer clear of mentioning how it is nearly impossible for an institution not rationally planned for human needs to care for people under the extremes of a global pandemic .
COVID-19 has made clear the limits of both state-sponsored capitalism and private insurance — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of state violence ( such as prisons ) to “ care ” for those it punishes and controls .
Such fundamental problems can not be solved without information sharing .
The inside and outside must do this together in order to stop the worst outcome of the virus from becoming reality .
That begins with a constant and consistent flow of information directly from all stakeholders .
Prison officials have proven they can not do it for us .
We must do it for ourselves .
We must refuse to accept the role @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cast upon us .
For those of you on the outside , I call on you to rethink your approach to gathering , analyzing and sharing information , as opposed to simply trusting official reports that come from oppressive institutions .
We need to think about building an approach that is long-range and does not go back to “ business as usual ” after the virus recedes .
And , when it comes to larger goals of pursuing justice and a healthy society for all , we must move forward with the understanding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of people who believe this country should be democratic and participatory , inclusive and affirming of human agency and human capacities for working collaboratively to create change .

Part of the Series Despair and Disparity: The Uneven Burdens of COVID-19
The last few years I have written many articles attempting to diagnose the deep malaise within the U.S. criminal legal system — in particular, the human costs of high walls, razor wire, locked doors, grossly restricted mobility, punishment-violence and execution — prison’s defining characteristics.
I have also attempted to expose and explain how over time, communities have been forced to give up their rights and power to help their members when harmed by conflict, crime or just crises in general. Policies and practices have taken root that transform communities into passive observers of the totalitarianism of the state and a clique of private companies.
I am witnessing this in real time with prison officials’ self-serving self-reporting response to COVID-19. Despite a few incomplete gestures toward fulfilling Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommendations of social distancing and wearing masks, prison officials remain committed to one objective above all others: absolute domination.
Prison officials are releasing daily COVID-19 updates to the press, but the public should not trust they are truthful or factually accurate. First, right now, no one who is completely independent of the state and its particular interests is allowed to enter prisons and witness for themselves why most incarcerated citizens are living in a constant state of fear of falling ill and dying from the virus. The state can say whatever it wants.
Second, why do state officials have the only say? What member of the mainstream media has interviewed incarcerated people diagnosed with COVID-19 for a firsthand account? What member of the mainstream media has pushed back on claims that a major contributor of COVID-19-related deaths is the result of incarcerated people failing to seek medical attention (thus blaming the victims)? What member of the media has toured the hallways and gyms where incarcerated people are suffering from COVID-19, without medical attention from an actual doctor? (Of course, this last possibility is not an option — but it simply underscores the necessity of trusting incarcerated people’s accounts of COVID-19 behind bars.) The distance between self-reporting and the facts is reflected in the culture.
The horrific global coronavirus pandemic is revealing flaws in our current state-sponsored capitalist system, hollowness in the private health insurance system, actual strength of the economy, the true scale of “preexisting conditions” and shortcomings in basic social protections. It is also making common cause across race, class, occupation, religious denomination, city and state lines. The virus is pulling the covers off the American socioeconomic system, and the most basic test of the legitimacy of government: the ability to protect its own population. The virus gives us moral authority to denounce decades of unrelenting privatization at the hands of the oligarch-serving Republican and Democratic political parties. Moral authority to denounce the absurdity of an employer-based health insurance system where tens of millions of people are without health insurance and many more with inadequate insurance. And moral authority to denounce the fact that, in this country, livable wages, food, housing, health care and education are not human rights.
Those of us behind bars are painfully qualified to speak about these realities and these injustices. Unfortunately, because of the enormous barrier of state-sponsored reporting on what is taking place in prisons right now, the covers are not being pulled far enough back to expose the life and death plight of incarcerated people, which speaks to the larger plight of vulnerable people in the United States. The populations of prisons and jails reflect the stark differences between rich and poor, the existence of absolute tyranny, the glaring racism of the system, the use of victims against other victims, endless reforms that change nothing and an utter lack of resources to speak out.
The covers are not being pulled far enough back to expose the life and death plight of incarcerated people, which speaks to the larger plight of vulnerable people in the United States.
Incarcerated people are expected to passively comply with the demands of prison officials, expected to passively accept severely repressed and restricted acts of daily living, including the elimination of critical thinking and individual decision making. We are largely deprived of access to education, vocational training and transformative programming. And we are rendered largely invisible to the general public.
There are valiant attempts to break through this manufactured invisibleness. Courageous incarcerated people who, amid an environment whose brutality demands that people concentrate on their own safety, are concerned for the rights and safety of others. People have been making connections between the personal and the socioeconomic system — and many of us have been punished severely for daring to foster a dialogue among all stakeholders.
There are also equally courageous and valiant attempts by alternative media to supply information ignored by mainstream media. These include attempts to be “a voice for the voiceless.” But, in fact, we are not voiceless. We need our voices to be heard. More open lines of communication between us on the inside and the general public still do not exist, and they should. Prison officials having basically the only say about what is or is not taking place behind locked doors cannot help but give license to shamelessly distort the truth.
There is a strong belief among incarcerated citizens that we have a responsibility to help keep the public informed, in real time, and help figure out how to prevent the spread of coronavirus. But the system is fine-tuned to control people through the control of information. And what better way to do that than control what information does and does not get to the public?
It is nearly impossible for an institution not rationally planned for human needs to care for people under the extremes of a global pandemic.
The fact that prison officials are the only ones making reports about COVID-19 to the public allows the system to steer clear of mentioning the underlying causes of the long continuity of making incarcerated citizens’ lives a merciless struggle for survival. They steer clear of mentioning how privatizing its health services is a permanent step backwards for health care rights. And they steer clear of mentioning how it is nearly impossible for an institution not rationally planned for human needs to care for people under the extremes of a global pandemic.
COVID-19 has made clear the limits of both state-sponsored capitalism and private insurance — as well as the limits of institutions of state violence (such as prisons) to “care” for those it punishes and controls. Such fundamental problems cannot be solved without information sharing. The inside and outside must do this together in order to stop the worst outcome of the virus from becoming reality. That begins with a constant and consistent flow of information directly from all stakeholders.
Prison officials have proven they cannot do it for us. We must do it for ourselves. We must refuse to accept the role of noncritical thinkers, which they have cast upon us.
For those of you on the outside, I call on you to rethink your approach to gathering, analyzing and sharing information, as opposed to simply trusting official reports that come from oppressive institutions. We need to think about building an approach that is long-range and does not go back to “business as usual” after the virus recedes. And, when it comes to larger goals of pursuing justice and a healthy society for all, we must move forward with the understanding and good will of a broad coalition of people who believe this country should be democratic and participatory, inclusive and affirming of human agency and human capacities for working collaboratively to create change.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-04-29--As Many as 9,000 Early COVID-19 Deaths May Not Have Been Counted

Two studies looking at “ excess ” death counts across the country seem to suggest that the total number of casualties from COVID-19 in the U.S. so far may have been undercounted in a dramatic way during the early weeks of the crisis .
“ Excess deaths ” from both studies were calculated by taking the total number of deaths documented from March to early April , then subtracting the average number of deaths typically seen at that time of year .
From that number , the total number of deaths related to COVID-19 were also subtracted , demonstrating a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been misattributed .
There appears to be a 50 percent increase in excess deaths in the seven states that were observed , according to an analysis of numbers from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ( CDC ) assembled by The New York Times .
In New York , New Jersey , Michigan , Massachusetts , Colorado , Maryland , and Illinois , a total of 18,000 coronavirus-related deaths were documented from March 8 to April 11 .
But those states also had a count of 9,000 additional deaths — not yet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ higher than usually seen during that period of time .
Another analysis , from the Yale School of Public Health , found a similar spike in excess deaths during the early weeks of the rise in COVID-19 deaths across the country .
The United States reported 8,128 deaths from the start of March to early April related to COVID-19 , according to Yale ’ s research .
Within that same time period , however , there were 15,400 excess deaths seen as well , compared to what is typically observed during those same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s possible some of the excess deaths documented in these studies are unrelated to coronavirus — a number of them could have come about , for example , from people who had other medical conditions who were unwilling to get treatment during the pandemic , and who died as a result .
But the high number of excess deaths could also indicate that the initial calculations of coronavirus-related mortalities may have been severely undercounted .
Indeed , the CDC previously warned that initial data on coronavirus-related deaths could be incomplete , as some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as pneumonia deaths in the absence of positive test results.
” More than 1.04 million cases of COVID-19 have been identified in the U.S. so far , with 60,082 deaths documented as well , as of 12:30 p.m. Eastern Time on Wednesday .
While there appears to be an undercount of coronavirus-related deaths , some right-wing media personalities have tried to suggest the opposite , that the current death count might be exaggerated .
Their suppositions , in many cases , however , sound more conspiratorial than based on actual evidence of malfeasance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for example , told his listeners earlier this month that “ governments are eager , almost , to chalk up as many deaths to coronavirus as they can ” in order to further “ policies they have put in place.
” Limbaugh ’ s comments , however , are without merit , lacking proof of any kind to back them up .

Analysis of mortality figures for March and April in seven states suggests a spike in numbers compared to past years.
Two studies looking at “excess” death counts across the country seem to suggest that the total number of casualties from COVID-19 in the U.S. so far may have been undercounted in a dramatic way during the early weeks of the crisis.
“Excess deaths” from both studies were calculated by taking the total number of deaths documented from March to early April, then subtracting the average number of deaths typically seen at that time of year. From that number, the total number of deaths related to COVID-19 were also subtracted, demonstrating a wide gap of deaths that may have been misattributed.
There appears to be a 50 percent increase in excess deaths in the seven states that were observed, according to an analysis of numbers from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) assembled by The New York Times.
In New York, New Jersey, Michigan, Massachusetts, Colorado, Maryland, and Illinois, a total of 18,000 coronavirus-related deaths were documented from March 8 to April 11. But those states also had a count of 9,000 additional deaths — not yet attributed to COVID-19 — that’s higher than usually seen during that period of time.
Another analysis, from the Yale School of Public Health, found a similar spike in excess deaths during the early weeks of the rise in COVID-19 deaths across the country.
The United States reported 8,128 deaths from the start of March to early April related to COVID-19, according to Yale’s research. Within that same time period, however, there were 15,400 excess deaths seen as well, compared to what is typically observed during those same dates in other years.
It’s possible some of the excess deaths documented in these studies are unrelated to coronavirus — a number of them could have come about, for example, from people who had other medical conditions who were unwilling to get treatment during the pandemic, and who died as a result.
But the high number of excess deaths could also indicate that the initial calculations of coronavirus-related mortalities may have been severely undercounted.
Indeed, the CDC previously warned that initial data on coronavirus-related deaths could be incomplete, as some individuals who died “may be misclassified as pneumonia deaths in the absence of positive test results.”
More than 1.04 million cases of COVID-19 have been identified in the U.S. so far, with 60,082 deaths documented as well, as of 12:30 p.m. Eastern Time on Wednesday.
While there appears to be an undercount of coronavirus-related deaths, some right-wing media personalities have tried to suggest the opposite, that the current death count might be exaggerated. Their suppositions, in many cases, however, sound more conspiratorial than based on actual evidence of malfeasance.
Conservative radio host Rush Limbaugh, for example, told his listeners earlier this month that “governments are eager, almost, to chalk up as many deaths to coronavirus as they can” in order to further “policies they have put in place.” Limbaugh’s comments, however, are without merit, lacking proof of any kind to back them up.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-04-29--Kelli Ward’s Call for “Reopen” Protesters to Dress as Nurses Reveals GOP Cruelty

Kelli Ward , former state senator and chairwoman of the Arizona Republican Party , is messing with medical professionals in the middle of a global pandemic to get some ink for herself and maybe a fawning tweet from the president .
I have personal reasons to have a serious problem with that .
Three years ago nearly to the day , I was admitted to the Intensive Care Unit ( ICU ) at the local hospital here with pneumonia in both lungs and a larger infection running like wildfire through my body .
I stopped breathing the first night I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ventilator for the next five days while they wrung the poison out of me like I was a dirty sponge .
I was in the ICU for a total of 11 days , and it was a wretched experience I would not wish upon my worst enemy .
The damage my body absorbed remains with me , and to some yet-unknown extent always will .
My lungs are lesser things now , scarred and limping through their duties .
Staircases are my sworn foe .
I will heave for breath if I run @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relatives if I run 30 steps , and I need another year of healing before I try for 40 .
I run a bit every day , though , for my little girl , who likes when I pretend to be a bear and chase her .
I haven ’ t caught her yet , but the day is coming .
That experience is my very personal reason for being terrified of COVID-19 .
COVID at bottom is pneumonia with fangs , and if I catch this thing with my lungs made of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ done for .
That experience is also the reason why nurses , and specifically ICU nurses , are my heart .
Nurses are the reason I am still here , mostly intact .
It was the nurses who did the dirty work of putting Humpty back together every minute I was there , and I will never forget it .
The nurses who saved my life have been much on my mind as COVID-19 has turned hospitals all across the country into nightmare abattoirs of sorrow and solitary death .
The pandemic has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ corner of New Hampshire , but we have been largely spared the harrowing calamity that has enveloped hospitals in New York , Boston and other large cities .
I wonder , today , where my ICU nurses are , what they have seen , and how they are holding up .
I pray for them , even as prayer is uncomfortable to me , because they are special and they need all the spiritual support that can be summoned .
They are the difference between the Devil and the deep blue sea for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now .
They have changed the face of heroism , because heroism — whether voluntary or coerced — is now masked and gowned , if it can find the scant personal protective equipment ( PPE ) in Trump ’ s winning America .
This is why , when former Arizona state senator and current chairwoman of the Arizona Republican Party Kelli Ward told people to dress like health care workers when they attend anti-stay-at-home rallies , I wanted to put Public Enemy on a fused loop in my headphones until I got to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ days ago , a number of health care professionals in Colorado wore their PPE gear to counterprotest against the strange death-seekers that have cropped up around Donald Trump like a groundburst of deadly nightshade .
Those protesters think COVID-19 is a hoax , thanks to Trump , and are demanding that everyone else go back to work so they can get haircuts and sit-down restaurant service again .
They don ’ t care about how such behavior will cause a new spike in infections , because the president has enabled them to believe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
So a clutch of Colorado medical professionals geared up in their PPE and stood before these nihilist protesters to show them what the real world looks like now .
Kelli Ward didn ’ t like it , and got to work undermining the very people who may save her life one day , or worse , hold her hand when she dies of COVID-19 hospitalized in quarantine like so many thousands of others have already .
“ EVEN IF these ‘ spontaneously ’ appearing ppl at protests against govt overreach ( sporting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ facial expressions ) ARE involved in healthcare – when they appeared at rallies , they were actors playing parts # Propaganda # FakeOutrage , ” tweeted Ward after the Colorado protest .
Not to be outdone even by herself , Ward later wrote , “ Planning protest to # ReOpenAmerica ?
EVERYONE wear scrubs & masks — the media doesn ’ t care if you are really in healthcare or not — it ’ s the ‘ message ’ that matters.
” Most responses to this pestiferous act of medical sabotage leaned toward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ front-line medical workers who are keeping a lid on this thing with spit and baling wire , but there is a deeper dagger here .
Ward has been a staunch foe of abortion rights throughout her career , when she hasn ’ t been peddling theories about how John McCain ended his cancer treatments to damage her Senate campaign in 2016 .
This trick with the medical gear is straight out of the radical anti-choice playbook .
One of the more notorious tactics deployed by the anti-choice movement is to set up sham @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) next to actual clinics that provide women ’ s reproductive health services .
They trick women into coming inside , where everything looks like a doctor ’ s office should , and then slam them with Christian-bent propaganda to try and fool them out of exercising their rights over their own bodies .
“ CPCs regularly attempt to legitimize their tactics by medicalizing their facilities , ” explains the National Abortion Federation .
“ CPCs without medical professionals often use ultrasound machines and dress their staff in hospital scrubs or white coats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actual medical providers ” ( emphasis added ) .
This is a time of deep and confusing darkness .
There will almost certainly be no sudden resolution to this crisis .
There is no promise that a vaccine will ever be found , and the hardships we endure are very likely a permanent part of our daily lives in one form or another for the next several years .
The wolf is loose .
This is the long slog , and there is nothing left to do but accept it as best we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Caricaturing health care professions at protests designed to lure people quite literally to their deaths is an act of such loathsome profundity under these grim circumstances that it beggars proper description .
People like Kelli Ward and Donald Trump are so focused on what passes for winning in their lexicon , i.e .
“ owning the libs , ” that they are apparently ready to feed us into the maw of this beast if it affords them five more minutes of ink in the press .
Medical professionals saved my life three years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virus , they will be tasked to do it again , because people who have had pneumonia are wide open to getting it again if it decides to tap them on the shoulder , and recovering a second time is twice as hard .
The power people like Ward and Trump bring to the political table is their utter and abject lack of shame .
They will say or do anything if it wins them a news cycle .
These are the people who have brought this country to its knees .
If @ @ @ @ @ @ @ put us six feet under and walk away with a bag of money slung over their shoulder .
I stand with the nurses , the doctors , the EMTs and everyone who treated the act of saving my life three years ago as just another day at the office , because that ’ s what it was for them .
These are our extraordinary people , the iron heart of righteous service and selfless dedication .
I ’ ve seen it with my own eyes and am still here to say it because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ better than Kelli Ward and Donald Trump .

Kelli Ward, former state senator and chairwoman of the Arizona Republican Party, is messing with medical professionals in the middle of a global pandemic to get some ink for herself and maybe a fawning tweet from the president. I have personal reasons to have a serious problem with that.
Three years ago nearly to the day, I was admitted to the Intensive Care Unit (ICU) at the local hospital here with pneumonia in both lungs and a larger infection running like wildfire through my body. I stopped breathing the first night I was there and was put on a ventilator for the next five days while they wrung the poison out of me like I was a dirty sponge.
I was in the ICU for a total of 11 days, and it was a wretched experience I would not wish upon my worst enemy. The damage my body absorbed remains with me, and to some yet-unknown extent always will. My lungs are lesser things now, scarred and limping through their duties. Staircases are my sworn foe. I will heave for breath if I run 10 steps, see spots and dead relatives if I run 30 steps, and I need another year of healing before I try for 40. I run a bit every day, though, for my little girl, who likes when I pretend to be a bear and chase her. I haven’t caught her yet, but the day is coming.
That experience is my very personal reason for being terrified of COVID-19. COVID at bottom is pneumonia with fangs, and if I catch this thing with my lungs made of delicately spun glass, I’m done for.
That experience is also the reason why nurses, and specifically ICU nurses, are my heart. Nurses are the reason I am still here, mostly intact. It was the nurses who did the dirty work of putting Humpty back together every minute I was there, and I will never forget it.
The nurses who saved my life have been much on my mind as COVID-19 has turned hospitals all across the country into nightmare abattoirs of sorrow and solitary death. The pandemic has done its damage here in this little corner of New Hampshire, but we have been largely spared the harrowing calamity that has enveloped hospitals in New York, Boston and other large cities.
I wonder, today, where my ICU nurses are, what they have seen, and how they are holding up. I pray for them, even as prayer is uncomfortable to me, because they are special and they need all the spiritual support that can be summoned. They are the difference between the Devil and the deep blue sea for tens of thousands, right here and now. They have changed the face of heroism, because heroism — whether voluntary or coerced — is now masked and gowned, if it can find the scant personal protective equipment (PPE) in Trump’s winning America.
This is why, when former Arizona state senator and current chairwoman of the Arizona Republican Party Kelli Ward told people to dress like health care workers when they attend anti-stay-at-home rallies, I wanted to put Public Enemy on a fused loop in my headphones until I got to Arizona to put things straight.
Nurses are the reason I am still here, mostly intact.
Several days ago, a number of health care professionals in Colorado wore their PPE gear to counterprotest against the strange death-seekers that have cropped up around Donald Trump like a groundburst of deadly nightshade. Those protesters think COVID-19 is a hoax, thanks to Trump, and are demanding that everyone else go back to work so they can get haircuts and sit-down restaurant service again. They don’t care about how such behavior will cause a new spike in infections, because the president has enabled them to believe it is all a bunch of hooey.
So a clutch of Colorado medical professionals geared up in their PPE and stood before these nihilist protesters to show them what the real world looks like now. Kelli Ward didn’t like it, and got to work undermining the very people who may save her life one day, or worse, hold her hand when she dies of COVID-19 hospitalized in quarantine like so many thousands of others have already.
“EVEN IF these ‘spontaneously’ appearing ppl at protests against govt overreach (sporting the same outfits, postures, & facial expressions) ARE involved in healthcare – when they appeared at rallies, they were actors playing parts #Propaganda #FakeOutrage,” tweeted Ward after the Colorado protest.
Not to be outdone even by herself, Ward later wrote, “Planning protest to #ReOpenAmerica? EVERYONE wear scrubs & masks — the media doesn’t care if you are really in healthcare or not — it’s the ‘message’ that matters.”
Most responses to this pestiferous act of medical sabotage leaned toward the idea that Ward was mocking the front-line medical workers who are keeping a lid on this thing with spit and baling wire, but there is a deeper dagger here.
Ward has been a staunch foe of abortion rights throughout her career, when she hasn’t been peddling theories about how John McCain ended his cancer treatments to damage her Senate campaign in 2016. This trick with the medical gear is straight out of the radical anti-choice playbook.
One of the more notorious tactics deployed by the anti-choice movement is to set up sham “Crisis Pregnancy Centers” (CPCs) next to actual clinics that provide women’s reproductive health services. They trick women into coming inside, where everything looks like a doctor’s office should, and then slam them with Christian-bent propaganda to try and fool them out of exercising their rights over their own bodies.
The nurses, the doctors and the EMTs deserve better than Kelli Ward and Donald Trump.
“CPCs regularly attempt to legitimize their tactics by medicalizing their facilities,” explains the National Abortion Federation. “CPCs without medical professionals often use ultrasound machines and dress their staff in hospital scrubs or white coats to cultivate an appearance that they are actual medical providers” (emphasis added).
This is a time of deep and confusing darkness. There will almost certainly be no sudden resolution to this crisis. There is no promise that a vaccine will ever be found, and the hardships we endure are very likely a permanent part of our daily lives in one form or another for the next several years. The wolf is loose. This is the long slog, and there is nothing left to do but accept it as best we can and rewire our lives accordingly.
Caricaturing health care professions at protests designed to lure people quite literally to their deaths is an act of such loathsome profundity under these grim circumstances that it beggars proper description. People like Kelli Ward and Donald Trump are so focused on what passes for winning in their lexicon, i.e. “owning the libs,” that they are apparently ready to feed us into the maw of this beast if it affords them five more minutes of ink in the press.
Medical professionals saved my life three years ago. If I catch this deadly virus, they will be tasked to do it again, because people who have had pneumonia are wide open to getting it again if it decides to tap them on the shoulder, and recovering a second time is twice as hard.
The power people like Ward and Trump bring to the political table is their utter and abject lack of shame. They will say or do anything if it wins them a news cycle. These are the people who have brought this country to its knees. If they have their way, they will put us six feet under and walk away with a bag of money slung over their shoulder.
I stand with the nurses, the doctors, the EMTs and everyone who treated the act of saving my life three years ago as just another day at the office, because that’s what it was for them. These are our extraordinary people, the iron heart of righteous service and selfless dedication. I’ve seen it with my own eyes and am still here to say it because of what I saw. They deserve better than Kelli Ward and Donald Trump.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-04-29--Head of Postal Union Says Mailed Ballots Are Best Way to Secure 2020 Election

President Trump calls the U.S .
Postal Service “ a joke , ” and as millions face orders to stay home , his attacks on the agency could also threaten efforts to vote by mail , a method Trump has called “ a terrible thing.
” “ We ’ re talking now about basic access to the ballot box , ” says American Postal Workers Union President Mark Dimondstein , who notes “ the Post Office is the most trusted federal agency.
” This is a rush transcript .
Copy may not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump , before we end , talking about mail-in voting .
PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP : You get thousands and thousands of people sitting in somebody ’ s living room signing ballots all over the place .
No , I think that mail-in voting is a terrible thing .
I think if you vote , you should go .
And even the concept of early voting is not the greatest , because a lot of things happen .
But it ’ s OK .
But you should go , and you should vote .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ should vote .
You look at what they do , where they grab thousands of mail-in ballots , and they dump it .
I ’ ll tell you what — and I don ’ t have to tell you , you can look at the statistics — there ’ s a lot of dishonesty going along with mail-in voting .
AMY GOODMAN : [ inaudible ] go on to ask him , “ Didn ’ t you mail-in vote ?
” Which he did in Florida .
But , Mark Dimondstein , let @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the time of the coronavirus pandemic , I mean , we see what happened in Wisconsin , the fiasco around voting , when people were afraid to go out to vote .
The issue of mail-in voting , increasingly significant in this critical election year , how is it threatened ?
What does this mean ?
MARK DIMONDSTEIN : Well , look , we ’ re talking now about basic access to the ballot box and defense of our cherished and hard-fought right to vote .
And the reality is , the Post @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 91 % in the last Pew Research poll last week , obviously also reflecting a new and great appreciation for what postal workers are doing during this crisis .
But we ’ ve been servicing the people of this country on vote by mail and the information around balloting , voter registration and so on , for decades and decades .
And the states that have mandatory vote by mail have absolutely no fraud .
So that ’ s just not true .
And so , if people are going have true @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re going to have to have vote by mail .
And that ’ s been really brought home in this tragic crisis .
And if we don ’ t have a United States public Postal Service , we will not be able to have vote by mail .
And anybody that thinks voting can take place on the internet and take place safely , that ’ s a pipe dream .
The internet , in all aspects , can be easily hacked .
Mail can not be .
So , it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voting voluntarily that way , long before this crisis , in California — AMY GOODMAN : And they don ’ t have to pay , of course , when they ’ re sending in their vote by mail — AMY GOODMAN : — because we have a U.S. Post Office , unlike the private corporations .
MARK DIMONDSTEIN : That ’ s right .
That ’ s right .
It actually saves the cities , states , counties money .
It works well .
It increases voter participation .
And just the opposite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out each other ’ s ballots , it actually gives people a chance to make a more informed vote , to think about it , but to have access to the ballot box .
The last time I went to vote , last November , was a three-hour wait at the polling place .
And , of course , our elections are on a workday , so it ’ s much more hard — it ’ s much harder for working people to vote .
So , it ’ s a thrust towards @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rights .
And obviously , this pandemic has brought home that if we ’ re going to have true access to the ballot box — or more access to the ballot box , because we really don ’ t have true access now — vote by mail is definitely the way to go .
It was before .
Now it ’ s very , very clear .
And postal workers are ready to continue to serve the people of this country in all sorts of ways , including that defense of our democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mark Dimondstein , we want to thank you for being with us , president of the American Postal Workers Union .
We go from the Post Office to education in this country .
Stay with us .

President Trump calls the U.S. Postal Service “a joke,” and as millions face orders to stay home, his attacks on the agency could also threaten efforts to vote by mail, a method Trump has called “a terrible thing.” “We’re talking now about basic access to the ballot box,” says American Postal Workers Union President Mark Dimondstein, who notes “the Post Office is the most trusted federal agency.”
TRANSCRIPT
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: I want to go to President Trump, before we end, talking about mail-in voting.
PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: You get thousands and thousands of people sitting in somebody’s living room signing ballots all over the place. No, I think that mail-in voting is a terrible thing. I think if you vote, you should go. And even the concept of early voting is not the greatest, because a lot of things happen. But it’s OK. But you should go, and you should vote. I think you should go and you should vote. You look at what they do, where they grab thousands of mail-in ballots, and they dump it. I’ll tell you what — and I don’t have to tell you, you can look at the statistics — there’s a lot of dishonesty going along with mail-in voting.
AMY GOODMAN: [inaudible] go on to ask him, “Didn’t you mail-in vote?” Which he did in Florida. But, Mark Dimondstein, let’s talk about this. In the time of the coronavirus pandemic, I mean, we see what happened in Wisconsin, the fiasco around voting, when people were afraid to go out to vote. The issue of mail-in voting, increasingly significant in this critical election year, how is it threatened? What does this mean?
MARK DIMONDSTEIN: Well, look, we’re talking now about basic access to the ballot box and defense of our cherished and hard-fought right to vote. And the reality is, the Post Office is the most trusted federal agency, 91% in the last Pew Research poll last week, obviously also reflecting a new and great appreciation for what postal workers are doing during this crisis. But we’ve been servicing the people of this country on vote by mail and the information around balloting, voter registration and so on, for decades and decades. And the states that have mandatory vote by mail have absolutely no fraud. So that’s just not true. And so, if people are going have true access to the ballot box, we’re going to have to have vote by mail. And that’s been really brought home in this tragic crisis. And if we don’t have a United States public Postal Service, we will not be able to have vote by mail. And anybody that thinks voting can take place on the internet and take place safely, that’s a pipe dream. The internet, in all aspects, can be easily hacked. Mail cannot be. So, it’s a great way. People are voting voluntarily that way, long before this crisis, in California —
AMY GOODMAN: And they don’t have to pay, of course, when they’re sending in their vote by mail —
MARK DIMONDSTEIN: No.
AMY GOODMAN: — because we have a U.S. Post Office, unlike the private corporations.
MARK DIMONDSTEIN: That’s right. That’s right. It actually saves the cities, states, counties money. It works well. It increases voter participation. And just the opposite of thousands of people getting together filling out each other’s ballots, it actually gives people a chance to make a more informed vote, to think about it, but to have access to the ballot box. The last time I went to vote, last November, was a three-hour wait at the polling place. And, of course, our elections are on a workday, so it’s much more hard — it’s much harder for working people to vote.
So, it’s a thrust towards more democracy, defense of our democratic rights. And obviously, this pandemic has brought home that if we’re going to have true access to the ballot box — or more access to the ballot box, because we really don’t have true access now — vote by mail is definitely the way to go. It was before. Now it’s very, very clear. And postal workers are ready to continue to serve the people of this country in all sorts of ways, including that defense of our democratic right to vote.
AMY GOODMAN: Mark Dimondstein, we want to thank you for being with us, president of the American Postal Workers Union. We go from the Post Office to education in this country. Stay with us.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-04-29--Students Face Unequal Access During COVID-19 Shutdown

We look at the impact of the pandemic on schools , universities , students , parents , teachers and professors — and who is at the table to shape what happens next .
“ We now have an economic crisis on top of the public health crisis , and the ways that we ’ re choosing to educate children is simply unequal and is going to lead to an educational crisis , ” says education scholar and Cornell University professor Noliwe Rooks , author of Cutting School : Privatization , Segregation , and the End of Public Education .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : This is Democracy Now !
, democracynow.org , The Quarantine Report .
I ’ m Amy Goodman in New York .
Juan González is co-hosting from New Jersey , as we turn to the impact of the pandemic on schools , universities , students , parents , teachers and professors .
Here in New York City , the epicenter of the pandemic , home to the largest school district in the United States , public schools have been closed since March 16th .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ died from coronavirus , including 28 teachers , 25 teacher ’ s assistants , also administrators , office workers , school aides , food service workers , guidance counselors , a parent coordinator and a technology specialist .
On Tuesday , New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio announced a new grading system for the rest of the coronavirus-disrupted school year and said some so-called underperforming students may be enrolled in virtual summer school .
This is is Mayor de Blasio .
AMY GOODMAN : This comes as the Los Angeles Unified School @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the U.S. , has announced no student will receive an F grade .
California Governor Gavin Newsom said the state ’ s academic year could start in late July or early August , and some K-through-12 campuses may reopen to offer summer school programs .
Meanwhile , here in New York , at least 12 , and possibly as many as 17 , faculty and staff in the public City University of New York system have died since the coronavirus pandemic began , including five at Brooklyn College .
This comes as universities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ down their campuses and moving instruction online during the pandemic .
For more on all this , we ’ re joined by education scholar Noliwe Rooks , the W.E.B .
Du Bois professor of literature at Cornell University , where she ’ s also director of American studies and a professor in Africana studies .
She ’ s the author of Cutting School : Privatization , Segregation , and the End of Public Education , joining us from her home in Ithaca , New York .
She ’ ll be the featured guest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the future of public schools in Queens after COVID-19 .
Professor Rooks , welcome to Democracy Now !
What has the coronavirus pandemic exposed about education in America ?
NOLIWE ROOKS : Well , first of all , thank you so much for having me .
I think , as we ’ ve seen in so many other areas , the pandemic is exposing , just shining a light on , inequalities that are already there , as we see people who are impacted , who are falling ill , tend to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Latinx .
The children who are suffering the most with this closing down of schools share similar kinds of demographics .
One of the things that is perplexing — and hopefully we can come out of the other end of this really taking this seriously — is we had absolutely no conversation .
There were no emergency plans for closing of schools , for ceasing education .
When it became clear that it was putting teachers and students and , as you mentioned , the numbers of educational workers who have lost their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in classrooms , we had no plans for what happens if you take schooling offline .
We quickly , across the country , New York City and elsewhere , decided on remote education .
There are two things about that that are particularly disturbing .
One , the fact that something as central to communities , as central to children , as central to vulnerable communities as public education — public education is not just about education for vulnerable communities .
It ’ s also about healthcare .
It ’ s also about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about — for some kids , it ’ s about where you get your clothes washed .
It ’ s about where you get the food you ’ re going to eat during the day .
To take something that central offline , in a hodgepodge , in a rush , without even thinking that disaster preparation should account for , like , what we do in the absence .
The second thing is , what we have put in place instead of in-person education is online schooling .
What education scholars , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an open question anymore — know is online education advantages some children and disadvantages , severely disadvantages , others .
Communities that can not have easy access to fast , to stable internet , it matters .
The ways that those children are able to learn , to keep up , to have their learning abilities evaluated , you just can ’ t do it as easily .
A majority of poor Black and Latinx families access their internet through their phone , so there ’ s additional charges that are racked up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to try to access learning .
We know that .
We also know that in terms of standardized tests , in terms of closing gaps in educational learning , online learning consistently performs worse than any other delivery method .
We know that from 20 years ’ worth of research .
It ’ s not something new .
So , in this moment of crisis — which it was a crisis — something had to happen .
You know , it wasn ’ t — couldn ’ t be planned for .
That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We both shut down schools in a way that further harmed certain kids , and we instituted a kind of learning that ’ s going to cause an educational pandemic once these schools reopen .
JUAN GONZÁLEZ : Well , Professor Rooks , I wanted to ask you .
At Rutgers University , one of my teams — I teach investigative reporting .
I had — one of my teams , that ’ s doing a project on the coronavirus , did a survey of several hundred Rutgers students precisely on this issue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they came up with were astounding .
Eighty-five percent of the students who responded to the survey said that their ability to concentrate , in the shift to online classes — 85 % of them said — was extremely affected or very much affected .
And also , 71 % of them said that their home environment was poor for being able to actually participate in the classes , in online classes .
So , there is a — this is at the university level .
JUAN GONZÁLEZ : Now take this down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sense of the impact that this is having even on the ability of students to learn ?
NOLIWE ROOKS : Right .
You know , we ’ re seeing things like children who are sitting on a sidewalk in front of a McDonald ’ s because there ’ s stable Wi-Fi there , looking for some Wi-Fi so that they can in fact complete the assignments .
They want to learn .
They want to keep up .
They want to do well .
But this form of education makes it difficult .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ I have students all across the socioeconomic spectrum in my classes .
I have students who went back to homes that were housing insecure in New York City , in various family shelters , where the Wi-Fi is spotty at best .
And I have students whose families became involved in ICE actions in the period between the declaration of the emergency and when they had to go home , and trying to navigate all of that ; and now students , you know , whose parents are unemployed , whose family members @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , as you do , firsthand , from a college perspective , how disruptive this is .
It ’ s not a leap to think , you know , students who were already at risk , who were already vulnerable , who were already in families worried about their ability to make ends meet , we now have an economic crisis on top of the public health crisis .
And the ways that we ’ re choosing to educate children is simply unequal and is going to lead to an educational crisis , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ side .
You can not ask students to perform well with a medium that requires a lot of concentration .
You really have to pay attention , and you have to know how to make your computer work if it goes off .
You have to know what to do if your Wi-Fi all of a sudden goes down , in the midst of trying to learn new concepts , of trying to learn foundational knowledge that you ’ re going to need to continue to move through the educational system .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ top of disruption for communities and children who can least afford it .
JUAN GONZÁLEZ : I ’ m also wondering if you ’ ve been following the experiment that Los Angeles — unlike many of the other places around the country , in Los Angeles , the local public television station immediately switched to having different bands of its spectrum to provide instruction to different classes .
I haven ’ t heard this happening in many other places around the country , using public television , which is obviously accessible to many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get instruction out to students .
NOLIWE ROOKS : That ’ s a great idea .
And that is — no , I have not heard about that , and I had not been following it .
I do know , all over the country , though , you are seeing businesses , parents , activists and families get together to talk about what would work best for them , what they think needs to happen .
There have been some calls for allowing children to access the Wi-Fi in public schools .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ place in New York City public schools for a variety of reasons , but is it the case that children on school grounds could not access that Wi-Fi in order to have something stable ?
There are people who are asking for creativity in this moment .
And certainly , as we think about what happens on the other side , we don ’ t know when schools are going to open up again .
We don ’ t know what form .
We don ’ t know .
But we know that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other side of this .
And as we reach that other side , I ’ m hopeful that we do not repeat some of the unintentional mistakes that were made when we shut things down , when we did not ask , school by school , neighborhood by neighborhood , “ What do you need from us ?
” What is it that — give them a seat at the table .
Give folks who are most impacted a seat at the table and say , just ask the question , “ How @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a way that does not disadvantage your children ?
What do you know that we need to know ?
” And I think we ’ re at a point in the crisis where we need that kind of creativity and collaboration .
AMY GOODMAN : What about the mental health of young people right now , who are at home , who , you know , in a lot of cases , either they don ’ t have access to screens or their parents didn ’ t want them to , now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And also , this vision you have of the future ?
You have the president of Brown University saying if schools don ’ t reopen in the fall — higher education — higher education is imperiled .
AMY GOODMAN : Now , most kids go to public schools — AMY GOODMAN : — whether we ’ re talking about community colleges , whether we ’ re talking about public universities .
What about all of this , that we don ’ t even know what ’ s going to happen , and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the Ivy Leagues have versus the rest of higher education in this country ?
Are we going to see a closing of hundreds of schools ?
NOLIWE ROOKS : Right .
You know , one of the things — the conversation about higher education is sort of mirroring the conversation that we ’ re having about K-12 in that we ’ re tending to — we ’ re not .
Our public policy , our sense of urgency is not around children who are most in need or institutions that are serving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The vast majority , well over 50 % , well over 60 % , of Black and Latinx kids who get BAs , who get college degrees , do so at community colleges or for-profit universities , not at four-year institutions , and certainly not at schools like one that I teach — in which I teach .
But the conversation about reopening colleges and universities has so far excluded community colleges almost wholly .
I ’ m hearing very little in the national media about what is the impact on community colleges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actually being served .
It ’ s a similar phenomena that you ’ re finding with K-12 , where there ’ s almost no conversation about the kind and the quality of instruction that ’ s even taking place online based on the socioeconomic background of the kids .
Some kids are having — some of the plans entail them having limited — like 40 minutes a week or two 40-minute sessions a week , that actually involve the computer .
And the rest of the times , not even online , parents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are being given different kinds of worksheets and plans , and they are being asked to step in and to help ensure that kids are completing this work .
The parents have different abilities to offer that kind of help .
So , in both K-12 as well as in higher education , as is so often the case , our public policy is not starting from the bottom up .
It ’ s starting from the top down .
It ’ s starting with what works best .
In a time of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it ’ s still asking , “ What works best for the most wealthy ?
” AMY GOODMAN : Well , of course , this is a conversation that we ’ ll have to continue .
Noliwe Rooks , we want to thank you for joining us , the W.E.B .
Du Bois professor of literature at Cornell University , author of Cutting School : Privatization , Segregation , and the End of Public Education .
That does it for our broadcast .
Democracy Now !
is working with as few people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of our amazing team is working from home .
I ’ m Amy Goodman , with Juan González , for another edition of Democracy Now !
, democracynow.org .
Stay safe .

We look at the impact of the pandemic on schools, universities, students, parents, teachers and professors — and who is at the table to shape what happens next. “We now have an economic crisis on top of the public health crisis, and the ways that we’re choosing to educate children is simply unequal and is going to lead to an educational crisis,” says education scholar and Cornell University professor Noliwe Rooks, author of Cutting School: Privatization, Segregation, and the End of Public Education.
TRANSCRIPT
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The Quarantine Report. I’m Amy Goodman in New York. Juan González is co-hosting from New Jersey, as we turn to the impact of the pandemic on schools, universities, students, parents, teachers and professors. Here in New York City, the epicenter of the pandemic, home to the largest school district in the United States, public schools have been closed since March 16th. At least 68 Education Department staffers have died from coronavirus, including 28 teachers, 25 teacher’s assistants, also administrators, office workers, school aides, food service workers, guidance counselors, a parent coordinator and a technology specialist.
On Tuesday, New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio announced a new grading system for the rest of the coronavirus-disrupted school year and said some so-called underperforming students may be enrolled in virtual summer school. This is is Mayor de Blasio.
MAYOR BILL DE BLASIO: We want to make sure the grading policy we use now fits the moment we’re in now and the reality of our kids, our parents, our educators now. So, the chancellor, his team worked with parents, teachers, elected officials, advocates, listened to all different viewpoints. We’ve had a series of conversations confirming the direction of this policy. And it came down to the notion of what we owe our kids at this moment: first of all, flexibility. Related Story News | Education & Youth Pandemic Reveals Limits of Education System to Assist Students and Families COVID-19 is forcing administrators to address the roles schools play in communities. Truthout
AMY GOODMAN: This comes as the Los Angeles Unified School District, the second-largest school system in the U.S., has announced no student will receive an F grade. California Governor Gavin Newsom said the state’s academic year could start in late July or early August, and some K-through-12 campuses may reopen to offer summer school programs.
Meanwhile, here in New York, at least 12, and possibly as many as 17, faculty and staff in the public City University of New York system have died since the coronavirus pandemic began, including five at Brooklyn College. This comes as universities nationwide face massive financial losses from closing down their campuses and moving instruction online during the pandemic.
For more on all this, we’re joined by education scholar Noliwe Rooks, the W.E.B. Du Bois professor of literature at Cornell University, where she’s also director of American studies and a professor in Africana studies. She’s the author of Cutting School: Privatization, Segregation, and the End of Public Education, joining us from her home in Ithaca, New York. She’ll be the featured guest tonight at a virtual community conversation on the future of public schools in Queens after COVID-19.
Professor Rooks, welcome to Democracy Now! What has the coronavirus pandemic exposed about education in America?
NOLIWE ROOKS: Well, first of all, thank you so much for having me.
I think, as we’ve seen in so many other areas, the pandemic is exposing, just shining a light on, inequalities that are already there, as we see people who are impacted, who are falling ill, tend to be poor, tend to be Black, Latinx. The children who are suffering the most with this closing down of schools share similar kinds of demographics.
One of the things that is perplexing — and hopefully we can come out of the other end of this really taking this seriously — is we had absolutely no conversation. There were no emergency plans for closing of schools, for ceasing education. When it became clear that it was putting teachers and students and, as you mentioned, the numbers of educational workers who have lost their lives or fallen ill attempting to stay in classrooms, we had no plans for what happens if you take schooling offline. We quickly, across the country, New York City and elsewhere, decided on remote education.
There are two things about that that are particularly disturbing. One, the fact that something as central to communities, as central to children, as central to vulnerable communities as public education — public education is not just about education for vulnerable communities. It’s also about healthcare. It’s also about mental health stability. It’s about — for some kids, it’s about where you get your clothes washed. It’s about where you get the food you’re going to eat during the day. To take something that central offline, in a hodgepodge, in a rush, without even thinking that disaster preparation should account for, like, what we do in the absence.
The second thing is, what we have put in place instead of in-person education is online schooling. What education scholars, what scholars — this is not even an open question anymore — know is online education advantages some children and disadvantages, severely disadvantages, others. Communities that cannot have easy access to fast, to stable internet, it matters. The ways that those children are able to learn, to keep up, to have their learning abilities evaluated, you just can’t do it as easily. A majority of poor Black and Latinx families access their internet through their phone, so there’s additional charges that are racked up when they have to use their phones to try to access learning. We know that. We also know that in terms of standardized tests, in terms of closing gaps in educational learning, online learning consistently performs worse than any other delivery method. We know that from 20 years’ worth of research. It’s not something new.
So, in this moment of crisis — which it was a crisis — something had to happen. You know, it wasn’t — couldn’t be planned for. That’s what a disaster is. We both shut down schools in a way that further harmed certain kids, and we instituted a kind of learning that’s going to cause an educational pandemic once these schools reopen.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, Professor Rooks, I wanted to ask you. At Rutgers University, one of my teams — I teach investigative reporting. I had — one of my teams, that’s doing a project on the coronavirus, did a survey of several hundred Rutgers students precisely on this issue of remote teaching. And the figures they came up with were astounding. Eighty-five percent of the students who responded to the survey said that their ability to concentrate, in the shift to online classes — 85% of them said — was extremely affected or very much affected. And also, 71% of them said that their home environment was poor for being able to actually participate in the classes, in online classes. So, there is a — this is at the university level.
NOLIWE ROOKS: Right.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Now take this down to the public school level. Your sense of the impact that this is having even on the ability of students to learn?
NOLIWE ROOKS: Right. You know, we’re seeing things like children who are sitting on a sidewalk in front of a McDonald’s because there’s stable Wi-Fi there, looking for some Wi-Fi so that they can in fact complete the assignments. They want to learn. They want to keep up. They want to do well. But this form of education makes it difficult.
Much like your students at Rutgers, I have students all across the socioeconomic spectrum in my classes. I have students who went back to homes that were housing insecure in New York City, in various family shelters, where the Wi-Fi is spotty at best. And I have students whose families became involved in ICE actions in the period between the declaration of the emergency and when they had to go home, and trying to navigate all of that; and now students, you know, whose parents are unemployed, whose family members have died. So, I know, as you do, firsthand, from a college perspective, how disruptive this is.
It’s not a leap to think, you know, students who were already at risk, who were already vulnerable, who were already in families worried about their ability to make ends meet, we now have an economic crisis on top of the public health crisis. And the ways that we’re choosing to educate children is simply unequal and is going to lead to an educational crisis, an educational pandemic, on the other side.
You cannot ask students to perform well with a medium that requires a lot of concentration. You really have to pay attention, and you have to know how to make your computer work if it goes off. You have to know what to do if your Wi-Fi all of a sudden goes down, in the midst of trying to learn new concepts, of trying to learn foundational knowledge that you’re going to need to continue to move through the educational system. It is disruption on top of disruption on top of disruption for communities and children who can least afford it.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: I’m also wondering if you’ve been following the experiment that Los Angeles — unlike many of the other places around the country, in Los Angeles, the local public television station immediately switched to having different bands of its spectrum to provide instruction to different classes. I haven’t heard this happening in many other places around the country, using public television, which is obviously accessible to many more people, to be able to get instruction out to students.
NOLIWE ROOKS: That’s a great idea. And that is — no, I have not heard about that, and I had not been following it.
I do know, all over the country, though, you are seeing businesses, parents, activists and families get together to talk about what would work best for them, what they think needs to happen. There have been some calls for allowing children to access the Wi-Fi in public schools. We can’t have instruction take place in New York City public schools for a variety of reasons, but is it the case that children on school grounds could not access that Wi-Fi in order to have something stable? There are people who are asking for creativity in this moment.
And certainly, as we think about what happens on the other side, we don’t know when schools are going to open up again. We don’t know what form. We don’t know. But we know that there’s going to be a other side of this. And as we reach that other side, I’m hopeful that we do not repeat some of the unintentional mistakes that were made when we shut things down, when we did not ask, school by school, neighborhood by neighborhood, “What do you need from us?” What is it that — give them a seat at the table. Give folks who are most impacted a seat at the table and say, just ask the question, “How can we bring these schools back online in a way that does not disadvantage your children? What do you know that we need to know?” And I think we’re at a point in the crisis where we need that kind of creativity and collaboration.
AMY GOODMAN: What about the mental health of young people right now, who are at home, who, you know, in a lot of cases, either they don’t have access to screens or their parents didn’t want them to, now of course online all the time? And also, this vision you have of the future? You have the president of Brown University saying if schools don’t reopen in the fall — higher education — higher education is imperiled.
NOLIWE ROOKS: Right.
AMY GOODMAN: Now, most kids go to public schools —
NOLIWE ROOKS: Exactly.
AMY GOODMAN: — whether we’re talking about community colleges, whether we’re talking about public universities. What about all of this, that we don’t even know what’s going to happen, and the inequitable, very different kind of endowments that the Ivy Leagues have versus the rest of higher education in this country? Are we going to see a closing of hundreds of schools?
NOLIWE ROOKS: Right. You know, one of the things — the conversation about higher education is sort of mirroring the conversation that we’re having about K-12 in that we’re tending to — we’re not. Our public policy, our sense of urgency is not around children who are most in need or institutions that are serving children who are most in need.
The vast majority, well over 50%, well over 60%, of Black and Latinx kids who get BAs, who get college degrees, do so at community colleges or for-profit universities, not at four-year institutions, and certainly not at schools like one that I teach — in which I teach. But the conversation about reopening colleges and universities has so far excluded community colleges almost wholly. I’m hearing very little in the national media about what is the impact on community colleges, where most of these kids are actually being served.
It’s a similar phenomena that you’re finding with K-12, where there’s almost no conversation about the kind and the quality of instruction that’s even taking place online based on the socioeconomic background of the kids. Some kids are having — some of the plans entail them having limited — like 40 minutes a week or two 40-minute sessions a week, that actually involve the computer. And the rest of the times, not even online, parents are being asked to step in, are being given different kinds of worksheets and plans, and they are being asked to step in and to help ensure that kids are completing this work. The parents have different abilities to offer that kind of help.
So, in both K-12 as well as in higher education, as is so often the case, our public policy is not starting from the bottom up. It’s starting from the top down. It’s starting with what works best. In a time of crisis when we’re all impacted, it’s still asking, “What works best for the most wealthy?”
AMY GOODMAN: Well, of course, this is a conversation that we’ll have to continue. Noliwe Rooks, we want to thank you for joining us, the W.E.B. Du Bois professor of literature at Cornell University, author of Cutting School: Privatization, Segregation, and the End of Public Education.
That does it for our broadcast. Democracy Now! is working with as few people on site as possible. The majority of our amazing team is working from home. I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan González, for another edition of Democracy Now!, democracynow.org. Stay safe.
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