truthout--2020-09-01--Corporate-Backed State Attorneys General Seek End to Obamacare

The Supreme Court may gut the Affordable Care Act in a case called Texas v. California brought on behalf of the attorneys general in 18 states .
All of them are Republicans , and all but one were elected .
Publicly traded corporations and their trade associations spent money in most of these elections through the Republican Attorneys General Association ( RAGA ) .
One of the unusual things about the United States is that we elect offices that in other nations would be appointed positions , from state supreme court justices to dogcatcher .
As the Brennan Center and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O ’ Connor , the fact that we elect judges in 39 states creates all sorts of problems .
But less attention is usually paid to the fact that attorneys general are elected in 43 states and the District of Columbia .
On the positive side , electing these offices means a corrupt or ineffective attorney general can be voted out .
However , electing a state ’ s chief law enforcement officer allows for all of the troubles of money in politics to infect races for attorney @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the perception that justice is for sale to the highest bidder .
And unlike federal races , where corporate contributions to candidates are banned , in roughly half of the states , corporations can give money directly to candidates for state office .
Many corporations are repeat players in litigation , hence their interest in who sits on the bench in state courts , as well as who is manning the state ’ s head legal office as attorney general .
Consequently , corporate donors are found giving to candidates for statewide office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Atlantic reported back in 2014 , the U.S. Chamber of Commerce , a corporate trade association , spent heavily to keep Democrats from becoming attorneys general in several states .
In 2016 , the Washington Post similarly noted the high spending in attorney general elections by RAGA , which has many corporate and corporate trade association donors , as well as dark money donors .
A new report by the Center for Political Accountability called Conflicted Consequences teases out the political spending of corporations that is often seemingly at odds with official @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overview of how corporate political spending has expanded in the decade after Citizens United , and it contains some of the first analysis of corporate political spending in the 2018 election .
The report notes that “ Between 2009 and 2018 , six large , partisan state oriented 527 committees — Democratic and Republican — [ including RAGA ] cumulatively raised $ 1.3 billion .
Taking full advantage of the Supreme Court ’ s Citizens United decision , they more than tripled their fundraising per election cycle , taking in $ 385.5 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from less than $ 122 million in the 2008 election cycle.
” One of the areas that the report explores is corporate funding of state attorney general races .
RAGA ’ s 2018 corporate donors included Anthem , Fresenius Medical Care , and Pfizer , and its corporate trade association givers included the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America ( PhARMA ) .
RAGA then gave money in 2018 to 13 of the 18 Republican attorneys general suing to overturn the Affordable Care Act , also known @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attorneys general suing , four had elections in later years ( the one from Tennessee is not elected ) .
You may have never heard of RAGA , but it a big player in state elections and is often pivotal in who has funding to make a successful run for attorney general .
According to FollowTheMoney.org , RAGA was the third biggest donor to the Republican candidate who became the attorney general of Mississippi in 2019 , and the second biggest donor to the candidate who was reelected in Texas in 2018 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ donor to the incumbent attorney general of Alabama , who won reelection , and the largest donor to the winner in South Dakota .
So far in 2020 , RAGA is the largest donor to the Republican incumbent attorney general of Utah running for reelection .
All of these attorneys general are parties to the Texas v. California suit attacking Obamacare .
As Conflicted Consequences sums up , “ Public companies and their trade associations have contributed generously to the Republican Attorneys General Association , which supported the election of the attorneys general @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Affordable Care Act.
” And according to FollowTheMoney.org , the AGs who brought this case often have donations directly from corporate coffers .
For example , the sixth largest donor to the incumbent attorney general in North Dakota ’ s was BSNF Railway , and in Kansas the fifth largest donor to the incumbent was AT & T .
Similarly , in Missouri the incumbent ’ s fourth biggest funder so far is Anheuser-Busch , and in South Carolina the third largest donor to the incumbent in 2018 was Duke Energy .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the incumbent , who won reelection in 2018 , was United Health Group .
It ’ s an empirical question why these AGs are acting the way they are in attacking Obamacare in federal court .
Some of them , like Texas ’ s Ken Paxton , are clearly true believers who ran for office to fight the health care law .
However , one reason to worry about the litigation posture of these attorneys general is they seem out of step with their own state ’ s approach to Obamacare .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ involved in the suit , 8 of them have chosen to expand Medicaid : Arkansas , Arizona , Indiana , Louisiana , Missouri , Nebraska , Utah and West Virginia .
The most recent is Missouri , where voters approved a ballot measure on August 4 to add the Medicaid expansion to the state ’ s constitution .
If the lawsuit is successful , all of Obamacare could go away , including the Medicaid expansion that 38 states and the District of Columbia have adopted .
Every time Obamacare has been challenged at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would make the entire law unravel , Chief Justice John Roberts has sided with the more liberal justices to uphold the law .
This could happen again in Texas v. California , especially since the optics of throwing 20 million people off of health insurance during a pandemic are particularly grim .
But it might not .
And like much else that happens in politics , there ’ s a follow-the-money story to who gets elected state attorney general and who is empowered to litigate such suits all the way up to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the author ’ s own and not necessarily those of the Brennan Center .

The Supreme Court may gut the Affordable Care Act in a case called Texas v. California brought on behalf of the attorneys general in 18 states. All of them are Republicans, and all but one were elected. Publicly traded corporations and their trade associations spent money in most of these elections through the Republican Attorneys General Association (RAGA).
One of the unusual things about the United States is that we elect offices that in other nations would be appointed positions, from state supreme court justices to dogcatcher. As the Brennan Center and many others have noted, including former Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, the fact that we elect judges in 39 states creates all sorts of problems. But less attention is usually paid to the fact that attorneys general are elected in 43 states and the District of Columbia.
On the positive side, electing these offices means a corrupt or ineffective attorney general can be voted out. However, electing a state’s chief law enforcement officer allows for all of the troubles of money in politics to infect races for attorney general, from conflicts of interest to the perception that justice is for sale to the highest bidder. And unlike federal races, where corporate contributions to candidates are banned, in roughly half of the states, corporations can give money directly to candidates for state office.
Many corporations are repeat players in litigation, hence their interest in who sits on the bench in state courts, as well as who is manning the state’s head legal office as attorney general. Consequently, corporate donors are found giving to candidates for statewide office, including incumbent attorneys general. As the Atlantic reported back in 2014, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, a corporate trade association, spent heavily to keep Democrats from becoming attorneys general in several states. In 2016, the Washington Post similarly noted the high spending in attorney general elections by RAGA, which has many corporate and corporate trade association donors, as well as dark money donors.
A new report by the Center for Political Accountability called Conflicted Consequences teases out the political spending of corporations that is often seemingly at odds with official corporate positions. It also provides an overview of how corporate political spending has expanded in the decade after Citizens United, and it contains some of the first analysis of corporate political spending in the 2018 election.
The report notes that “Between 2009 and 2018, six large, partisan state oriented 527 committees — Democratic and Republican — [including RAGA] cumulatively raised $1.3 billion. Taking full advantage of the Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision, they more than tripled their fundraising per election cycle, taking in $385.5 million for the 2018 election cycle, up from less than $122 million in the 2008 election cycle.”
One of the areas that the report explores is corporate funding of state attorney general races. RAGA’s 2018 corporate donors included Anthem, Fresenius Medical Care, and Pfizer, and its corporate trade association givers included the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhARMA). RAGA then gave money in 2018 to 13 of the 18 Republican attorneys general suing to overturn the Affordable Care Act, also known as Obamacare. Of the other five attorneys general suing, four had elections in later years (the one from Tennessee is not elected).
You may have never heard of RAGA, but it a big player in state elections and is often pivotal in who has funding to make a successful run for attorney general. According to FollowTheMoney.org, RAGA was the third biggest donor to the Republican candidate who became the attorney general of Mississippi in 2019, and the second biggest donor to the candidate who was reelected in Texas in 2018. That same year it was the largest donor to the incumbent attorney general of Alabama, who won reelection, and the largest donor to the winner in South Dakota. So far in 2020, RAGA is the largest donor to the Republican incumbent attorney general of Utah running for reelection. All of these attorneys general are parties to the Texas v. California suit attacking Obamacare.
As Conflicted Consequences sums up, “Public companies and their trade associations have contributed generously to the Republican Attorneys General Association, which supported the election of the attorneys general who brought suit to strike down the Affordable Care Act.”
And according to FollowTheMoney.org, the AGs who brought this case often have donations directly from corporate coffers. For example, the sixth largest donor to the incumbent attorney general in North Dakota’s was BSNF Railway, and in Kansas the fifth largest donor to the incumbent was AT&T. Similarly, in Missouri the incumbent’s fourth biggest funder so far is Anheuser-Busch, and in South Carolina the third largest donor to the incumbent in 2018 was Duke Energy. And in Georgia, the second largest donor to the incumbent, who won reelection in 2018, was United Health Group.
It’s an empirical question why these AGs are acting the way they are in attacking Obamacare in federal court. Some of them, like Texas’s Ken Paxton, are clearly true believers who ran for office to fight the health care law. However, one reason to worry about the litigation posture of these attorneys general is they seem out of step with their own state’s approach to Obamacare.
For example, of the 18 states involved in the suit, 8 of them have chosen to expand Medicaid: Arkansas, Arizona, Indiana, Louisiana, Missouri, Nebraska, Utah and West Virginia. The most recent is Missouri, where voters approved a ballot measure on August 4 to add the Medicaid expansion to the state’s constitution.
If the lawsuit is successful, all of Obamacare could go away, including the Medicaid expansion that 38 states and the District of Columbia have adopted.
Every time Obamacare has been challenged at the Supreme Court in a way that would make the entire law unravel, Chief Justice John Roberts has sided with the more liberal justices to uphold the law. This could happen again in Texas v. California, especially since the optics of throwing 20 million people off of health insurance during a pandemic are particularly grim. But it might not. And like much else that happens in politics, there’s a follow-the-money story to who gets elected state attorney general and who is empowered to litigate such suits all the way up to the Supreme Court.
The views expressed are the author’s own and not necessarily those of the Brennan Center.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-09-01--“Defund Police” Doesn’t Mean Hire Private Guns — But Cities Are Doing Just That

When the uprisings against police-perpetrated violence first hit Chicago in late May , the phone lines of AGB Investigative Services started ringing off the hook .
The private security firm employs more than 750 security guards throughout 12 states and the District of Columbia .
Its clients typically include government agencies , businesses and individuals seeking security and concealed carry training .
Since May , though , the firm has been deluged with requests from business owners worried that uprisings will target their store windows and merchandise ; wealthy residents on the city ’ s North side fearing for their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , seeking to supplement its own police force .
During a weekend in June , Chicago spent up to $ 1.2 million to hire AGB and two other private security firms to supply more than 100 unarmed guards “ to protect the local retail shops , grocery stores and pharmacies , ” on the city ’ s South and West sides , according to Mayor Lori Lightfoot ’ s office .
The contract was temporary , but Tifair Hamed , AGB ’ s vice president of marketing and communications , says the city @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on an ongoing basis .
Overall , Hamed says , business has increased by about 25 percent for both the firm ’ s retail sector and concealed carry training services since May .
Hours for guards stationed at retail shops , utility substations and commercial real estate have increased , and the firm ’ s clientele has expanded to include hotels .
The company is looking to hire as many guards as possible , she says .
But Lightfoot ’ s decision to hire private security to patrol the city in June raised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at least two freshman aldermen who said they ’ re worried about Chicago ’ s liability , and that security guards aren ’ t subject to the same ( albeit minimal and grossly inadequate ) accountability measures as police .
“ We ’ ve heard from hundreds of neighbors this week who feel police make them feel less safe , not more , ” tweeted Alderman Matt Martin on June 5 .
“ We need to take these concerns seriously , and not add unaccountable security officers to the streets.
” Following additional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mayor Lightfoot released a statement promising that the guards would be unarmed and wear ID .
Chicago isn ’ t the only city increasingly relying on private security firms to supplement patrols amid national uprisings over racist police-perpetrated violence .
Portland , Oregon , has also hired private security amid the uprisings .
The city approved a $ 10 million contract with the firm G4S Security Solutions just for security at City Hall last year .
Like Chicago , Portland levies a special tax on property owners in certain business districts for services @ @ @ @ @ @ @ removal — and private security .
But a city audit released last month found that the city failed to conduct oversight over how these “ Enhanced Service Districts ” spend their collected funds .
The audit found that three private security firms employed by the districts treat unsheltered people in those areas more harshly .
It also found that renters have little say in their districts because they are largely controlled by property and business owners , and that the city failed to even collect complaints made against security guards in the districts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ private contractors were deployed by the Department of Homeland Security ( DHS ) to repress Portland ’ s uprisings in July .
One DHS unit deployed by the Trump administration this summer , the Federal Protective Service ( FPS ) , employs 13,000 security guards nationwide through its contracts with private security firms .
In fact , FPS spends $ 1.5 billion on “ incident response ” to contract security guards to conduct crowd control at federal properties , such as those FPS was tasked with protecting in Portland .
Many of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ firms like Triple Canopy , which merged with Erik Prince ’ s Academi , formerly Blackwater , in 2014 .
( Speculation that federal agents in Portland were mercenaries for the private security company ZTI or contracted by Prince turned out to be false , however . )
Security guards are flooding into other major cities like New York and Seattle , as retailers and homeowners hire private protection for their properties amid national rebellions .
Demand for both unarmed and armed security guards in “ every market is as high as it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a New Jersey security firm cited in The Wall Street Journal .
This year ’ s surge in demand is accelerating a neoliberal policing trend that was already well underway over the past two decades .
The ranks of security officers began to outnumber those of public sector cops in the U.S. after many police department budgets saw cuts following the economic crash of 2008 .
Those cuts , however , didn ’ t result in less policing but rather , an overall shift toward privatization .
Today , the U.S. has more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compared to 666,000 police officers .
Private security workers outnumber police in more than 40 countries , according to The Guardian .
The industry now dwarfs what is spent trying to end global poverty .
Civil liberties proponents warn that this year ’ s flood of private security into major cities could become the new normal .
They caution that municipalities may respond disingenuously to the movement to defund police by decreasing public policing budgets while quietly fueling an even greater shift toward privatization of policing and surveillance .
While organizers are clearly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whether public or private — city officials may attempt to simply reallocate budgets from local police departments to hired guns .
At least 13 cities have cut funding from police department budgets or decreased officer numbers since Minneapolis led the charge by voting to disband the city ’ s police department in June .
Several more have initiated the defunding process .
Austin , Texas , is the latest city to decrease funding for its police department , joining cities in other red states like Norman , Oklahoma , and Salt Lake City @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coastal centers like New York and Los Angeles .
Last week ’ s unrest in Kenosha , Wisconsin , has renewed calls to shift city funds toward community health , safety and violence prevention programs .
But some of the same cities that have voted to cut police funding have also experienced an influx of private security guards in recent months .
In addition to wealthy residents and businesses hiring more security in New York and Los Angeles , Minneapolis council members came under fire for spending $ 4,500 per day to hire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voting to disband the city ’ s municipal police .
As Truthout has previously reported , even before this year ’ s movement to defund police emerged , the past decade saw cash-strapped cities like Detroit , Oakland , New Orleans , Baltimore and Atlanta hire private security to supplement their police departments .
Private security officers as a replacement mechanism , however , has become most pronounced in local school districts where school boards are replacing school resource officers ( SROs ) with security guards .
In June , for instance , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school security contracts with the Minneapolis Police Department .
The next month , it posted 11 job openings for “ public safety support specialists , ” with law enforcement experience whose responsibilities would include breaking up fights .
Unlike SROs , the security officers are not allowed to carry guns on campus or make arrests .
The Minneapolis Federation of Teachers discovered the job postings and quickly organized a protest of about 100 teachers and families outside the district headquarters .
The district later released a statement saying the job postings mistakenly required @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most of the people scheduled for interviews do not have that experience .
Despite the protests , the district moved forward with its hiring decisions but did ultimately allow teachers to sit in on interviews with candidates .
Federation President Greta Callahan , a teacher at the city ’ s Bethune Community School , says the district ’ s hiring of security officers doesn ’ t make any sense , especially since classes are being held remotely this semester amid the pandemic .
“ There is zero reason to put so much money @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t need to be there right now , ” Callahan says .
“ We see this like everything else ; this is about profiting off of our children .
Public schools are being dismantled… .
So , if they can create distrust within the system , then they can defund it .
If they can defund it , they can privatize.
” Callahan said she ’ d rather see the district hire from within , reallocating the funding for security officers to underpaid education support professionals like counselors and other social workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wants to see the district ’ s schools fully funded so that it doesn ’ t have to rely on security officers in the first place .
“ We just view [ security guards ] as a Band Aid , ” Callahan said .
“ We actually want to solve the real issues , which is that our students need support and help , and we ’ re not giving it to them .
By defunding us for three decades , we have lost a lot of the people who could have helped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re seeing in our schools right now.
” Beyond Minneapolis , the Denver public school district passed a resolution in July to reduce its SRO unit by 25 percent by the end of 2020 and eliminate all remaining officers by the end of the 2020-2021 school year .
Yet the district will retain 100 unarmed and armed security officers .
Some of the nation ’ s largest private police forces already patrol college campuses , such as the University of Chicago Police Department , which has jurisdiction over more than 65,000 Chicago residents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ticket , arrest and detain citizens as a municipal police force .
Student organizers are pushing university leaders to defund , and eventually abolish , the school ’ s police force .
Meanwhile , the libertarian right is hailing private security as the solution to systemic police-perpetrated violence as cities reimagine public safety in response to growing calls to defund municipal police departments .
Private security , libertarians argue , gives “ rise to positive competitive dynamics ” that allow citizens to gauge their respective performance and “ cost effectiveness.
” The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less oversight than public police : Shootings by private security are rarely investigated or even reported .
In fact , most state regulatory agencies don ’ t require security guards to file firearm discharge reports .
Further , citizens ’ legal protections in encounters with guards are often unclear .
The private security industry ’ s problems mirror those of municipal police departments , including civil rights violations , excessive force and guard-perpetrated shootings .
Armed guards who shoot fleeing suspects at shopping malls , apartment complexes and parking lots seldom face any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ companies are required to file firearm discharge reports .
Typically , regulatory agencies tasked with monitoring the private security industry only take action when a conviction of an armed guard has been secured in the courts first .
Regulators usually rely on slow criminal investigations to determine whether or not a firearm license should be revoked .
Moreover , security guards typically receive only a small fraction of the training municipal police must undergo to work as beat cops .
Concerns over lax oversight and training have prompted bills in state legislatures over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s growth continues to outpace regulation .
As security expert Bruce Schneier notes , laws designed to establish due process and other legal protections from municipal police often don ’ t apply to the private security industry .
While a complaint regarding a municipal officer can be taken to an elected board of police commissioners , no such mechanism even exists for security guards .
Likewise , private firms can ’ t be compelled to open up their records to the public , even when , in many cases , they are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Information Act and other state open records laws typically don ’ t apply to private security firms .
The private sector also has wider latitude to collect private information , often the same information the government is prohibited from collecting from citizens .
That information is then sold to the police , who often moonlight part time as security guards .
AGB Investigative Service ’ s Hamed argues the company ’ s security guards “ come from the neighborhoods which we ’ re protecting ” and “ are the largest community policing resource @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just as “ community policing ” and other reforms fail to deal with the systemic racism and violence endemic to policing , similar approaches in the private sector are likely to simply exacerbate economic inequality and the already violent and racist culture of public policing as the industry expands .

When the uprisings against police-perpetrated violence first hit Chicago in late May, the phone lines of AGB Investigative Services started ringing off the hook.
The private security firm employs more than 750 security guards throughout 12 states and the District of Columbia. Its clients typically include government agencies, businesses and individuals seeking security and concealed carry training.
Since May, though, the firm has been deluged with requests from business owners worried that uprisings will target their store windows and merchandise; wealthy residents on the city’s North side fearing for their gated communities; and the city itself, seeking to supplement its own police force.
During a weekend in June, Chicago spent up to $1.2 million to hire AGB and two other private security firms to supply more than 100 unarmed guards “to protect the local retail shops, grocery stores and pharmacies,” on the city’s South and West sides, according to Mayor Lori Lightfoot’s office. The contract was temporary, but Tifair Hamed, AGB’s vice president of marketing and communications, says the city can tap the firm’s services on an ongoing basis.
Overall, Hamed says, business has increased by about 25 percent for both the firm’s retail sector and concealed carry training services since May. Hours for guards stationed at retail shops, utility substations and commercial real estate have increased, and the firm’s clientele has expanded to include hotels. The company is looking to hire as many guards as possible, she says.
But Lightfoot’s decision to hire private security to patrol the city in June raised concerns from activists, as well as at least two freshman aldermen who said they’re worried about Chicago’s liability, and that security guards aren’t subject to the same (albeit minimal and grossly inadequate) accountability measures as police.
“We’ve heard from hundreds of neighbors this week who feel police make them feel less safe, not more,” tweeted Alderman Matt Martin on June 5. “We need to take these concerns seriously, and not add unaccountable security officers to the streets.” Following additional criticism from Alderman Daniel La Spata, Mayor Lightfoot released a statement promising that the guards would be unarmed and wear ID.
Chicago isn’t the only city increasingly relying on private security firms to supplement patrols amid national uprisings over racist police-perpetrated violence. Portland, Oregon, has also hired private security amid the uprisings. The city approved a $10 million contract with the firm G4S Security Solutions just for security at City Hall last year.
Like Chicago, Portland levies a special tax on property owners in certain business districts for services including extra police, transportation, graffiti removal — and private security. But a city audit released last month found that the city failed to conduct oversight over how these “Enhanced Service Districts” spend their collected funds.
The audit found that three private security firms employed by the districts treat unsheltered people in those areas more harshly. It also found that renters have little say in their districts because they are largely controlled by property and business owners, and that the city failed to even collect complaints made against security guards in the districts.
It’s also likely federal private contractors were deployed by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to repress Portland’s uprisings in July. One DHS unit deployed by the Trump administration this summer, the Federal Protective Service (FPS), employs 13,000 security guards nationwide through its contracts with private security firms.
“We need to take these concerns seriously, and not add unaccountable security officers to the streets.”
In fact, FPS spends $1.5 billion on “incident response” to contract security guards to conduct crowd control at federal properties, such as those FPS was tasked with protecting in Portland. Many of the agency’s contractors come from security firms like Triple Canopy, which merged with Erik Prince’s Academi, formerly Blackwater, in 2014. (Speculation that federal agents in Portland were mercenaries for the private security company ZTI or contracted by Prince turned out to be false, however.)
Security guards are flooding into other major cities like New York and Seattle, as retailers and homeowners hire private protection for their properties amid national rebellions. Demand for both unarmed and armed security guards in “every market is as high as it has ever been,” according to a New Jersey security firm cited in The Wall Street Journal.
This year’s surge in demand is accelerating a neoliberal policing trend that was already well underway over the past two decades. The ranks of security officers began to outnumber those of public sector cops in the U.S. after many police department budgets saw cuts following the economic crash of 2008. Those cuts, however, didn’t result in less policing but rather, an overall shift toward privatization.
Today, the U.S. has more than 1.1 million private security guards, compared to 666,000 police officers. Private security workers outnumber police in more than 40 countries, according to The Guardian. The industry now dwarfs what is spent trying to end global poverty.
Civil liberties proponents warn that this year’s flood of private security into major cities could become the new normal. They caution that municipalities may respond disingenuously to the movement to defund police by decreasing public policing budgets while quietly fueling an even greater shift toward privatization of policing and surveillance.
While organizers are clearly calling for the dismantling of policing — whether public or private — city officials may attempt to simply reallocate budgets from local police departments to hired guns.
Replacing Police With Private Security
At least 13 cities have cut funding from police department budgets or decreased officer numbers since Minneapolis led the charge by voting to disband the city’s police department in June. Several more have initiated the defunding process.
Austin, Texas, is the latest city to decrease funding for its police department, joining cities in other red states like Norman, Oklahoma, and Salt Lake City, Utah, as well as major coastal centers like New York and Los Angeles. Last week’s unrest in Kenosha, Wisconsin, has renewed calls to shift city funds toward community health, safety and violence prevention programs.
But some of the same cities that have voted to cut police funding have also experienced an influx of private security guards in recent months. In addition to wealthy residents and businesses hiring more security in New York and Los Angeles, Minneapolis council members came under fire for spending $4,500 per day to hire private guards for their own protection after voting to disband the city’s municipal police.
As Truthout has previously reported, even before this year’s movement to defund police emerged, the past decade saw cash-strapped cities like Detroit, Oakland, New Orleans, Baltimore and Atlanta hire private security to supplement their police departments.
Private security officers as a replacement mechanism, however, has become most pronounced in local school districts where school boards are replacing school resource officers (SROs) with security guards.
In June, for instance, the Minneapolis Board of Education canceled its school security contracts with the Minneapolis Police Department. The next month, it posted 11 job openings for “public safety support specialists,” with law enforcement experience whose responsibilities would include breaking up fights. Unlike SROs, the security officers are not allowed to carry guns on campus or make arrests.
“There is zero reason to put so much money into [security officers] who don’t need to be [at schools] right now.”
The Minneapolis Federation of Teachers discovered the job postings and quickly organized a protest of about 100 teachers and families outside the district headquarters. The district later released a statement saying the job postings mistakenly required a law enforcement background, and that most of the people scheduled for interviews do not have that experience. Despite the protests, the district moved forward with its hiring decisions but did ultimately allow teachers to sit in on interviews with candidates.
Federation President Greta Callahan, a teacher at the city’s Bethune Community School, says the district’s hiring of security officers doesn’t make any sense, especially since classes are being held remotely this semester amid the pandemic.
“There is zero reason to put so much money into [security officers] who don’t need to be there right now,” Callahan says. “We see this like everything else; this is about profiting off of our children. Public schools are being dismantled…. So, if they can create distrust within the system, then they can defund it. If they can defund it, they can privatize.”
Callahan said she’d rather see the district hire from within, reallocating the funding for security officers to underpaid education support professionals like counselors and other social workers already familiar with students. The Federation wants to see the district’s schools fully funded so that it doesn’t have to rely on security officers in the first place.
“We just view [security guards] as a Band Aid,” Callahan said. “We actually want to solve the real issues, which is that our students need support and help, and we’re not giving it to them. By defunding us for three decades, we have lost a lot of the people who could have helped with many of the issues we’re seeing in our schools right now.”
Beyond Minneapolis, the Denver public school district passed a resolution in July to reduce its SRO unit by 25 percent by the end of 2020 and eliminate all remaining officers by the end of the 2020-2021 school year. Yet the district will retain 100 unarmed and armed security officers.
Some of the nation’s largest private police forces already patrol college campuses, such as the University of Chicago Police Department, which has jurisdiction over more than 65,000 Chicago residents and has the same power to search, ticket, arrest and detain citizens as a municipal police force. Student organizers are pushing university leaders to defund, and eventually abolish, the school’s police force.
We see this like everything else; this is about profiting off of our children.”
Meanwhile, the libertarian right is hailing private security as the solution to systemic police-perpetrated violence as cities reimagine public safety in response to growing calls to defund municipal police departments. Private security, libertarians argue, gives “rise to positive competitive dynamics” that allow citizens to gauge their respective performance and “cost effectiveness.”
The reality is that guards operate with even less oversight than public police: Shootings by private security are rarely investigated or even reported. In fact, most state regulatory agencies don’t require security guards to file firearm discharge reports. Further, citizens’ legal protections in encounters with guards are often unclear.
Outsourcing Accountability
The private security industry’s problems mirror those of municipal police departments, including civil rights violations, excessive force and guard-perpetrated shootings. Armed guards who shoot fleeing suspects at shopping malls, apartment complexes and parking lots seldom face any consequences, even in states where security companies are required to file firearm discharge reports.
Typically, regulatory agencies tasked with monitoring the private security industry only take action when a conviction of an armed guard has been secured in the courts first. Regulators usually rely on slow criminal investigations to determine whether or not a firearm license should be revoked.
Moreover, security guards typically receive only a small fraction of the training municipal police must undergo to work as beat cops. Concerns over lax oversight and training have prompted bills in state legislatures over the past decade, but the industry’s growth continues to outpace regulation.
As security expert Bruce Schneier notes, laws designed to establish due process and other legal protections from municipal police often don’t apply to the private security industry. While a complaint regarding a municipal officer can be taken to an elected board of police commissioners, no such mechanism even exists for security guards.
Likewise, private firms can’t be compelled to open up their records to the public, even when, in many cases, they are performing public functions. The Freedom of Information Act and other state open records laws typically don’t apply to private security firms.
The private sector also has wider latitude to collect private information, often the same information the government is prohibited from collecting from citizens. That information is then sold to the police, who often moonlight part time as security guards.
AGB Investigative Service’s Hamed argues the company’s security guards “come from the neighborhoods which we’re protecting” and “are the largest community policing resource for the city of Chicago.”
But just as “community policing” and other reforms fail to deal with the systemic racism and violence endemic to policing, similar approaches in the private sector are likely to simply exacerbate economic inequality and the already violent and racist culture of public policing as the industry expands.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-09-02--Fauci Says We Have an “Unacceptably High” Rate of Daily COVID Cases

As we enter the Labor Day weekend , Anthony Fauci , the nation ’ s top infectious diseases expert , has some dire words regarding the spread of coronavirus : new daily infection numbers are still much too high .
Fauci , who serves as director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases and is a member of the White House ’ s coronavirus task force , discussed on Wednesday the high daily new case totals of COVID-19 while being interviewed on MSNBC .
“ We ’ re right around 40,000 new cases ” per day , Fauci @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unacceptably high baseline .
We ’ ve got to get it down , I ’ d like to see it 10,000 or less , hopefully less.
” The last time the seven-day average of daily new COVID-19 cases was below 40,000 was on June 28 , according to data collection by The New York Times , and the last time it was at or below 30,000 cases per day was on June 23 — 71 days ago .
As of September 1 , the seven-day average of new cases being reported was at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ incumbent upon Americans to help bring COVID-19 levels down , urging people to wear masks , avoid crowds whenever possible , wash their hands regularly , and stay six feet apart from others .
“ I really want to use this opportunity almost to have a plea to the people in this country to realize that we really still need to get our arms around this , ” he added .
Understanding that many would be celebrating the upcoming Labor Day weekend , Fauci conceded that if people were to gather , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social distancing rules .
“ You don ’ t need to lock yourself down , but don ’ t be careless about things , ” he said .
Unfortunately for Fauci , not everyone is on board with his suggestions for preventing the spread of the disease — including President Donald Trump ’ s newest coronavirus adviser Scott Atlas , who is an advocate of a number of questionable beliefs regarding the pandemic .
Atlas , for example , has suggested that there isn ’ t a scientific consensus that wearing masks can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and has also stated he does not believe children can spread the disease .
Both ideas , however , contradict what is widely understood about coronavirus , as mask mandates have been shown to have had positive outcomes , and recent studies have demonstrated children played a bigger role in spreading the virus .
Trump ’ s new adviser is also a believer in allowing the disease to run its course , with the thinking that a “ herd immunity ” will develop at some point — a belief that has been condemned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and has been derided by many as having a link to eugenics .
A number of models , including one previously touted by the White House , showcase that wearing masks can help save thousands of lives between now and the end of the year , in spite of Atlas ’ s aversion to the idea .
According to the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation at the University of Washington ( IHME ) , it is predicted that the cumulative death count for COVID-19 in the U.S. will reach 317,000 by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reduced by 67,000 , however , if 95 percent of the population wore masks in public , the model predicted — or , put another way , the number of deaths that would occur between now and December 1 could be cut in half if the vast majority of the population practiced wearing a mask .
As of Wednesday afternoon , more than 6 million cases of COVID-19 have been identified in the United States , with close to 185,000 deaths attributed to the disease .

One health model predicts COVID deaths could be cut in half if people wore masks regularly between now and December.
As we enter the Labor Day weekend, Anthony Fauci, the nation’s top infectious diseases expert, has some dire words regarding the spread of coronavirus: new daily infection numbers are still much too high.
Fauci, who serves as director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases and is a member of the White House’s coronavirus task force, discussed on Wednesday the high daily new case totals of COVID-19 while being interviewed on MSNBC.
“We’re right around 40,000 new cases” per day, Fauci noted. “That’s an unacceptably high baseline. We’ve got to get it down, I’d like to see it 10,000 or less, hopefully less.”
The last time the seven-day average of daily new COVID-19 cases was below 40,000 was on June 28, according to data collection by The New York Times, and the last time it was at or below 30,000 cases per day was on June 23 — 71 days ago. As of September 1, the seven-day average of new cases being reported was at 42,214.
Fauci added that it was incumbent upon Americans to help bring COVID-19 levels down, urging people to wear masks, avoid crowds whenever possible, wash their hands regularly, and stay six feet apart from others.
“I really want to use this opportunity almost to have a plea to the people in this country to realize that we really still need to get our arms around this,” he added.
Understanding that many would be celebrating the upcoming Labor Day weekend, Fauci conceded that if people were to gather, they should do so outdoors while observing those social distancing rules.
“You don’t need to lock yourself down, but don’t be careless about things,” he said.
Unfortunately for Fauci, not everyone is on board with his suggestions for preventing the spread of the disease — including President Donald Trump’s newest coronavirus adviser Scott Atlas, who is an advocate of a number of questionable beliefs regarding the pandemic.
Atlas, for example, has suggested that there isn’t a scientific consensus that wearing masks can help prevent the spread of COVID-19, and has also stated he does not believe children can spread the disease. Both ideas, however, contradict what is widely understood about coronavirus, as mask mandates have been shown to have had positive outcomes, and recent studies have demonstrated children played a bigger role in spreading the virus.
Trump’s new adviser is also a believer in allowing the disease to run its course, with the thinking that a “herd immunity” will develop at some point — a belief that has been condemned by a wide number of health experts, and has been derided by many as having a link to eugenics.
A number of models, including one previously touted by the White House, showcase that wearing masks can help save thousands of lives between now and the end of the year, in spite of Atlas’s aversion to the idea. According to the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation at the University of Washington (IHME), it is predicted that the cumulative death count for COVID-19 in the U.S. will reach 317,000 by December 1.
That number can be reduced by 67,000, however, if 95 percent of the population wore masks in public, the model predicted — or, put another way, the number of deaths that would occur between now and December 1 could be cut in half if the vast majority of the population practiced wearing a mask.
As of Wednesday afternoon, more than 6 million cases of COVID-19 have been identified in the United States, with close to 185,000 deaths attributed to the disease.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-09-02--Eviction Moratorium Delays Crisis Until January, When Tenants Will Owe Back Rent

The nationwide eviction moratorium announced Tuesday by the Department of Health and Human Services ( HHS ) and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ( CDC ) will provide immediate and welcome relief through the end of the year for certain renters , but housing rights advocates say the move is woefully inadequate because it fails to provide any payment assistance to renters .
Tenants will still owe back rent plus interest and fees once the moratorium ends in January .
The HHS/CDC eviction moratorium goes further than the moratorium in the CARES Act passed in March , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assistance programs or whose landlord had a federally backed mortgage .
The move by the Trump administration follows weeks where anti-eviction activists shut down eviction courts in New Orleans , as well actions in 15 cities protesting the failure of Congress to provide rent relief .
It also comes following a week of criticism after a Department of Housing and Urban Development official deceived New York public housing residents into appearing in a Trump campaign video without their consent .
The news is a welcome respite for the 30 to 40 million people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eviction .
As Deborah Thrope , deputy director of the National Housing Law Project , pointed out , “ Housing access is critical to stem the effects of the coronavirus.
” But the moratorium merely delays the evictions crisis , according to the National Low Income Housing Coalition , a nonprofit that advocates for affordable housing .
Diane Yentel , the president and CEO of the coalition , said in a statement that , “ while an eviction moratorium is an essential step , it is a half-measure that extends a financial cliff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the moratorium expires and back rent is owed , ” and called for at least $ 100 billion in emergency rental relief to properly address the crisis .
This new eviction moratorium is in effect from September 4 through December 31 , 2020 , and is expected to face legal challenges by landlords .
It applies to all 50 states , the District of Columbia and U.S. territories , with the exception of American Samoa , which is excluded for now as it has reported no cases of COVID-19 .
In order to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
First , they must expect to face homelessness , or expect to move into “ close quarters ” with others if they are evicted .
Second , they must be unable to pay their rent either due to a loss of income or major medical expenses .
Third , they must have “ used best efforts ” to find government assistance for rent .
Finally , they must either have received a stimulus check , not filed a tax return in 2019 or make less than $ 99,000 ( or less than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ return ) .
If a renter meets all of these criteria , they must sign a written declaration to their landlord , under penalty of perjury , stating they meet the requirements .
( A declaration form can be found on the last few pages of the HHS/CDC notice ) .
Needing to supply this written declaration directly to their landlord may prove difficult to renters whose only access to a computer or internet is through a smartphone — which is about one in five U.S. residents .
Those without easy access to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of libraries due to the pandemic ) may also have difficulty getting the required documentation to their landlord .
“ Any time you impose even minimal documentation requirements to qualify for a protection like this , it raises an impediment for people to comply , ” said Eric Dunn , director of litigation at the National Housing Law Project .
The documentation requirement may also create opportunities for landlords to say what tenants submit isn ’ t sufficient .
Ending the moratorium on December 31 , 2020 , could create a new evictions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the new administration won ’ t begin until after inauguration on January 20 , 2021 .
This could mean renters ring in New Year ’ s Day with a sheriff evicting them from their home — with a three-week gap before the next administration could extend the moratorium .
Democrats have advocated a more aggressive approach : a $ 100 billion emergency rental assistance fund .
Providing funds to renters sidesteps the problem of tenants owing back rent once the moratorium is over .
The bill , the Emergency Rental Assistance and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Representatives Maxine Waters ( D-California ) and Denny Heck ( D-Washington ) , and Sen. Sherrod Brown ( D-Ohio ) .
It is widely supported by the Democratic Caucus : co-sponsored by 41 Senate Democrats and 160 House Democrats .
To truly respond to the ongoing evictions crisis , we need a way to properly track it .
Currently , there is no federal evictions database , just as there was no foreclosure database during the 2008 subprime crisis — and there remains no foreclosure database more than a decade later .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s City Life Vida Urbana , San Francisco ’ s Anti-Eviction Mapping Project and The Right to Counsel NYC Coalition have tried to fill the vacuum , but they are no replacement for a centralized , federal system .
Democrats have proposed fixing this problem with the Housing Emergencies Lifeline Program ( HELP ) Act .
Proposed by Representatives Ayanna Pressley ( D-Massachusetts ) and Rosa DeLauro ( D-Connecticut ) , and Sen. Kamala Harris ( D-California ) , the bill would create a much-needed federal evictions tracking database , so that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make informed decisions about the scale of help required .
There is also a bipartisan bill that would also create an evictions database , the 2019 Eviction Crisis Act led by Senators Michael Bennet ( D-Colorado ) and Rob Portman ( R-Ohio ) .
The nation ’ s housing and homelessness crisis exacerbates the threats of our health crisis .
This new eviction moratorium will provide temporary relief for millions , but it delays the core problem .
The evictions crisis is still waiting for us , and unless Congress or the Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be spending New Year ’ s Day being kicked out of their homes .

The nationwide eviction moratorium announced Tuesday by the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) will provide immediate and welcome relief through the end of the year for certain renters, but housing rights advocates say the move is woefully inadequate because it fails to provide any payment assistance to renters.
Tenants will still owe back rent plus interest and fees once the moratorium ends in January.
The HHS/CDC eviction moratorium goes further than the moratorium in the CARES Act passed in March, which only applied to renters using federal housing assistance programs or whose landlord had a federally backed mortgage. The move by the Trump administration follows weeks where anti-eviction activists shut down eviction courts in New Orleans, as well actions in 15 cities protesting the failure of Congress to provide rent relief. It also comes following a week of criticism after a Department of Housing and Urban Development official deceived New York public housing residents into appearing in a Trump campaign video without their consent.
The news is a welcome respite for the 30 to 40 million people estimated to be on the brink of eviction. As Deborah Thrope, deputy director of the National Housing Law Project, pointed out, “Housing access is critical to stem the effects of the coronavirus.” But the moratorium merely delays the evictions crisis, according to the National Low Income Housing Coalition, a nonprofit that advocates for affordable housing. Diane Yentel, the president and CEO of the coalition, said in a statement that, “while an eviction moratorium is an essential step, it is a half-measure that extends a financial cliff for renters to fall off of when the moratorium expires and back rent is owed,” and called for at least $100 billion in emergency rental relief to properly address the crisis.
This new eviction moratorium is in effect from September 4 through December 31, 2020, and is expected to face legal challenges by landlords. It applies to all 50 states, the District of Columbia and U.S. territories, with the exception of American Samoa, which is excluded for now as it has reported no cases of COVID-19.
In order to qualify, renters must meet five requirements. First, they must expect to face homelessness, or expect to move into “close quarters” with others if they are evicted. Second, they must be unable to pay their rent either due to a loss of income or major medical expenses. Third, they must make partial rent payments each month “as close to the full payment as the individual’s circumstances may permit.” Fourth, they must have “used best efforts” to find government assistance for rent. Finally, they must either have received a stimulus check, not filed a tax return in 2019 or make less than $99,000 (or less than $198,000 if filing a joint tax return).
Tenants will still owe back rent plus interest and fees once the moratorium ends in January.
If a renter meets all of these criteria, they must sign a written declaration to their landlord, under penalty of perjury, stating they meet the requirements. Needing to supply this written declaration directly to their landlord may prove difficult to renters whose only access to a computer or internet is through a smartphone — which is about one in five U.S. residents. Those without easy access to a printer (especially with the closure of libraries due to the pandemic) may also have difficulty getting the required documentation to their landlord. “Any time you impose even minimal documentation requirements to qualify for a protection like this, it raises an impediment for people to comply,” said Eric Dunn, director of litigation at the National Housing Law Project. The documentation requirement may also create opportunities for landlords to say what tenants submit isn’t sufficient. The public interest group MassAccess, a project of Suffolk Law’s Legal Innovation and Technology Lab, has created an online tool to determine eligibility and auto populate the declaration.
Ending the moratorium on December 31, 2020, could create a new evictions cliff. If Trump loses to Biden, the new administration won’t begin until after inauguration on January 20, 2021. This could mean renters ring in New Year’s Day with a sheriff evicting them from their home — with a three-week gap before the next administration could extend the moratorium.
Democrats have advocated a more aggressive approach: a $100 billion emergency rental assistance fund. Providing funds to renters sidesteps the problem of tenants owing back rent once the moratorium is over. The bill, the Emergency Rental Assistance and Rental Market Stabilization Act, is led by Representatives Maxine Waters (D-California) and Denny Heck (D-Washington), and Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio). It is widely supported by the Democratic Caucus: co-sponsored by 41 Senate Democrats and 160 House Democrats.
U nless Congress or the Trump administration takes further action, millions may be spending New Year’s Day being kicked out of their homes.
To truly respond to the ongoing evictions crisis, we need a way to properly track it. Currently, there is no federal evictions database, just as there was no foreclosure database during the 2008 subprime crisis — and there remains no foreclosure database more than a decade later.
Advocacy groups like Eviction Lab, Boston’s City Life Vida Urbana, San Francisco’s Anti-Eviction Mapping Project and The Right to Counsel NYC Coalition have tried to fill the vacuum, but they are no replacement for a centralized, federal system.
Democrats have proposed fixing this problem with the Housing Emergencies Lifeline Program (HELP) Act. Proposed by Representatives Ayanna Pressley (D-Massachusetts) and Rosa DeLauro (D-Connecticut), and Sen. Kamala Harris (D-California), the bill would create a much-needed federal evictions tracking database, so that lawmakers can track this ongoing crisis and make informed decisions about the scale of help required. There is also a bipartisan bill that would also create an evictions database, the 2019 Eviction Crisis Act led by Senators Michael Bennet (D-Colorado) and Rob Portman (R-Ohio).
The nation’s housing and homelessness crisis exacerbates the threats of our health crisis. This new eviction moratorium will provide temporary relief for millions, but it delays the core problem. The evictions crisis is still waiting for us, and unless Congress or the Trump administration takes further action, millions may be spending New Year’s Day being kicked out of their homes.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-09-02--Trump’s Kenosha Tour Was Another Crude Appeal to White Grievance

“ We ’ re gon na help you rebuild , ” President Trump said to the former owners of Rode ’ s Camera Store .
The 109-year-old shop was burned down in Kenosha , Wisconsin , during protests against the police shooting of Jacob Blake .
The current owner , Tom Gram , declined to appear with Trump , and told local station TMJ4 , “ I think everything he does turns into a circus , and I just didn ’ t want to be involved in it.
” Trump used the charred ruins as a backdrop to bolster his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Joe Biden leads him by 7 to 8 points in recent national polls .
Panicked at losing the election , Trump doubled down on “ law and order ” rhetoric to burnish his image as the protector of suburban America .
At a round table in Kenosha , Trump said the enemy was “ violent mobs ” that were driven by “ reckless , far-left politicians ( who ) continue to push the destructive message that our nation and our law enforcement are oppressive or racist.
” It may be a hard sell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic , Trump ’ s polls went into a freefall .
As deaths from the virus ebbed , his ratings rose , but swing–state voters still give Biden a slight edge in being seen as competent enough to handle the crisis .
In an effort to look like an American “ Winston Churchill ” and a “ wartime president , ” Trump sought to divert attention from COVID-19 by framing protesters against police brutality as the enemy .
Appeals to white grievance are Trump ’ s go-to move .
The danger is that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of right-wing militias who have turned to open violence against Black Lives Matter activists .
The blood spilled in the streets can ignite into more intense conflict .
Trump has already signaled he is willing to harness that violence to keep power if he loses on election night .
On August 23 , in Kenosha , a white police officer named Rusten Sheskey shot Jacob Blake , an unarmed Black man , seven times in the back .
His children watched from inside the car .
Blake was paralyzed from the waist down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bed by the police .
The news traveled like a lit fuse through the city .
Hundreds of people gathered to protest .
The city announced a curfew .
Police launched tear gas and rubber bullets .
And then 17-year-old Trump supporter Kyle Rittenhouse strode into the streets with a gun and shot three protesters .
Two were killed .
The contrast between the August 23 protests in Kenosha and the early- to mid-summer protests over the police murder of George Floyd was a right-wing backlash .
After Floyd repeatedly said , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and begged for his life under the knee of Officer Derek Chauvin , an immense international protest movement began .
At its peak , nearly half a million activists in 550 places in the U.S. joined thousands in solidarity around the world in calling for an end to racism and police brutality .
Many ( if not at times a majority ) of the protesters were white .
Polls showed racism was widely seen as a dire problem and that Black Lives Matter activism had gained mass approval .
And then the backlash @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the subset of the protesters who were engaged in property destruction , magnifying them out of proportion in comparison to the mostly peaceful marches .
Outlets began to use the language of crime to frame Black Lives Matter as a threat to suburban , white America .
Tucker Carlson led the charge .
On his show , “ Tucker Carlson Tonight , ” he argued that Democrats want to “ replace ” the police ( many of whom he said “ voted for Donald Trump ” ) and “ swap them out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and hate the people who voted for Donald Trump.
” In essence , he accused Democrats of hating cops because they don ’ t control them , and framed calls to “ reimagine ” policing as an attempt to create political militias associated with the Democratic Party .
In later shows , he accused the left of hating the U.S. and unleashing mobs .
Up and down right-wing media , the same story was hammered relentlessly .
In July , Breitbart News highlighted a severed pig ’ s head being set on fire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s naming of Black Lives Matter as a “ Marxist ” group .
The more highbrow conservative outlet National Review compared the protests to the French Terror , writing , “ The guillotiners are starting to panic as they glimpse faces of a restless mob always starved for something to top last night ’ s torching.
” In June , Fox News wrung its hands over the cost of the protests , citing police overtime and property destruction .
Slowly , the wave of white support began to recede .
By @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public approval for Black Lives Matter activism had dipped , and white people ’ s views on race had reset almost to their default mode .
FiveThirtyEight ’ s Michael Tesler wrote , “ the protests ’ impact on public opinion appears to be fading — particularly among white Americans.
” In this ebb , it was easy for right-wing media to incite vigilante violence .
Emboldened by a racist worldview blasted from the White House to Fox News , a 17-year-old with a gun believed it was his duty to shoot protesters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same media that planted the seed in his mind .
On “ Tucker Carlson Tonight , ” Carlson said , “ How shocked are we that 17-year-olds with rifles decided they had to maintain order when no one else would.
” Blood stained the streets of Kenosha from the shooting even as President Trump landed in the city .
Two thousand miles away , on August 30 , seven days after Blake was shot , and five days after Rittenhouse murdered two and injured one , more blood was spilled in Portland , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gunned down when a right-wing caravan of trucks and cars drove through the city .
Trump ’ s law-and-order campaign , which appeared designed to shift the focus from his failed COVID-19 response that so far has left 180,000 dead , is now poised to destroy more lives .
His tactic of demonizing protests , sowing doubt about the election and sabotaging it through attacks on the U.S .
Postal Service carried about by his Postmaster General Louis DeJoy has left the United States on a collision course .
In a disputed election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , clashes in the street could spiral out of control .
Protests could erupt .
More Kyle Rittenhouses could come into the cities looking to force “ law and order ” at gunpoint .
At the Kenosha roundtable , Trump repeated the nightmare scenario that feeds the right wing violence .
He said Republicans stand in contrast to Democrats “ who want to slash police funding , oppose using the National Guard , and want to hire radical judges and prosecutors who will release rioters , looters , and criminals.
” The stakes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ led to a precipice by a man so desperate to not take responsibility for the multiple crises he made worse that he is willing to fan the flames so the smoke gets in our eyes .

“We’re gonna help you rebuild,” President Trump said to the former owners of Rode’s Camera Store. The 109-year-old shop was burned down in Kenosha, Wisconsin, during protests against the police shooting of Jacob Blake. The current owner, Tom Gram, declined to appear with Trump, and told local station TMJ4, “I think everything he does turns into a circus, and I just didn’t want to be involved in it.”
Trump used the charred ruins as a backdrop to bolster his flailing campaign anyway. Former Vice President Joe Biden leads him by 7 to 8 points in recent national polls. Panicked at losing the election, Trump doubled down on “law and order” rhetoric to burnish his image as the protector of suburban America. At a round table in Kenosha, Trump said the enemy was “violent mobs” that were driven by “reckless, far-left politicians (who) continue to push the destructive message that our nation and our law enforcement are oppressive or racist.”
It may be a hard sell. During the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic, Trump’s polls went into a freefall. As deaths from the virus ebbed, his ratings rose, but swing–state voters still give Biden a slight edge in being seen as competent enough to handle the crisis. In an effort to look like an American “Winston Churchill” and a “wartime president,” Trump sought to divert attention from COVID-19 by framing protesters against police brutality as the enemy.
Appeals to white grievance are Trump’s go-to move. The danger is that this desperate strategy has stoked the passions of right-wing militias who have turned to open violence against Black Lives Matter activists. The blood spilled in the streets can ignite into more intense conflict. Trump has already signaled he is willing to harness that violence to keep power if he loses on election night.
The Right-Wing Backlash in Kenosha
On August 23, in Kenosha, a white police officer named Rusten Sheskey shot Jacob Blake, an unarmed Black man, seven times in the back. His children watched from inside the car. Blake was paralyzed from the waist down and yet was shackled to the hospital bed by the police. The news traveled like a lit fuse through the city. Hundreds of people gathered to protest. The city announced a curfew. Police launched tear gas and rubber bullets. And then 17-year-old Trump supporter Kyle Rittenhouse strode into the streets with a gun and shot three protesters. Two were killed.
The contrast between the August 23 protests in Kenosha and the early- to mid-summer protests over the police murder of George Floyd was a right-wing backlash. After Floyd repeatedly said, “I can’t breathe,” and begged for his life under the knee of Officer Derek Chauvin, an immense international protest movement began. At its peak, nearly half a million activists in 550 places in the U.S. joined thousands in solidarity around the world in calling for an end to racism and police brutality. Many (if not at times a majority) of the protesters were white. Polls showed racism was widely seen as a dire problem and that Black Lives Matter activism had gained mass approval. And then the backlash began.
The right-wing media trained cameras on the subset of the protesters who were engaged in property destruction, magnifying them out of proportion in comparison to the mostly peaceful marches. Outlets began to use the language of crime to frame Black Lives Matter as a threat to suburban, white America.
Tucker Carlson led the charge. On his show, “Tucker Carlson Tonight,” he argued that Democrats want to “replace” the police (many of whom he said “voted for Donald Trump”) and “swap them out with new people who hate Donald Trump and hate the people who voted for Donald Trump.” In essence, he accused Democrats of hating cops because they don’t control them, and framed calls to “reimagine” policing as an attempt to create political militias associated with the Democratic Party. In later shows, he accused the left of hating the U.S. and unleashing mobs.
Up and down right-wing media, the same story was hammered relentlessly. In July, Breitbart News highlighted a severed pig’s head being set on fire, and in August, it echoed Trump’s naming of Black Lives Matter as a “Marxist” group. The more highbrow conservative outlet National Review compared the protests to the French Terror, writing, “The guillotiners are starting to panic as they glimpse faces of a restless mob always starved for something to top last night’s torching.” In June, Fox News wrung its hands over the cost of the protests, citing police overtime and property destruction.
Slowly, the wave of white support began to recede.
By the time Officer Sheskey shot Blake, public approval for Black Lives Matter activism had dipped, and white people’s views on race had reset almost to their default mode. FiveThirtyEight’s Michael Tesler wrote, “the protests’ impact on public opinion appears to be fading — particularly among white Americans.”
In this ebb, it was easy for right-wing media to incite vigilante violence. Emboldened by a racist worldview blasted from the White House to Fox News, a 17-year-old with a gun believed it was his duty to shoot protesters. He was praised by the very same media that planted the seed in his mind. On “Tucker Carlson Tonight,” Carlson said, “How shocked are we that 17-year-olds with rifles decided they had to maintain order when no one else would.”
Riding the Hate
Blood stained the streets of Kenosha from the shooting even as President Trump landed in the city. Two thousand miles away, on August 30, seven days after Blake was shot, and five days after Rittenhouse murdered two and injured one, more blood was spilled in Portland, Oregon, when a Trump supporter was gunned down when a right-wing caravan of trucks and cars drove through the city.
Trump’s law-and-order campaign, which appeared designed to shift the focus from his failed COVID-19 response that so far has left 180,000 dead, is now poised to destroy more lives. His tactic of demonizing protests, sowing doubt about the election and sabotaging it through attacks on the U.S. Postal Service carried about by his Postmaster General Louis DeJoy has left the United States on a collision course. In a disputed election or one that stretches on for days, clashes in the street could spiral out of control. Protests could erupt. More Kyle Rittenhouses could come into the cities looking to force “law and order” at gunpoint.
At the Kenosha roundtable, Trump repeated the nightmare scenario that feeds the right wing violence. He said Republicans stand in contrast to Democrats “who want to slash police funding, oppose using the National Guard, and want to hire radical judges and prosecutors who will release rioters, looters, and criminals.”
The stakes are high. The nation is being led to a precipice by a man so desperate to not take responsibility for the multiple crises he made worse that he is willing to fan the flames so the smoke gets in our eyes.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-09-02--200,000 in Georgia Wrongly Purged From Voting Rolls, Investigation Finds

An independent investigation looking into the removal of citizen names from voter registration rolls in Georgia last year found that the vast majority of those names were wrongfully purged .
The ACLU of Georgia , working with the Palast Investigative Fund , reviewed more than 313,000 names that were purged from voter registration rolls in late 2019 on the basis that the state believed those individuals had moved away from their residences .
Of those purged names , the independent investigation determined that nearly 200,000 — or over 63 percent — were removed improperly , as the registered voters were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ removes “ inactive ” voters if they do not vote during a three-year time period — or , in other words , fail to vote at least once within two general election periods .
A person who didn ’ t vote in 2016 or 2018 , for example , would risk not being registered in 2020 unless they took additional steps to ensure that they would still be included on the rolls .
According to the report itself , the number of names improperly removed is likely higher than what the investigation uncovered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ACLU of Georgia and the Palast Investigative Fund doesn ’ t include “ tens of thousands of other citizens who have moved within their neighborhood , some within their buildings , ” the report said , noting that the National Voter Registration Act does not allow for removing voters from registration rolls if they continue to reside in the same voting jurisdiction .
This is not the first time that names have been wrongfully removed from Georgia ’ s voter registration rolls on grounds that the state assumed those individuals no longer resided @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were made in 2017 , when then-Secretary of State Brian Kemp , a Republican , purged more than half a million names from voter rolls ahead of a gubernatorial election that took place the following year , and in which he won the race against Democratic candidate Stacey Abrams .
Research into that purge of names found that more than 340,000 of those who were removed still lived at the addresses they had registered .
Many maintain that purges such as these ( in Georgia and beyond ) are used by Republicans in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likely to lean Democratic in their voting behaviors .
Indeed , many believe that purges before the 2018 gubernatorial race in the state likely secured Kemp ’ s victory in his race against Abrams , which he won by a narrow margin of just 55,000 votes .
Abrams herself has refused to concede the highly contested race as a loss to this day , in part because thousands of voters , likely Democratic-leaning in her view , were prohibited from taking part in the election that year .
“ I believe we have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my values actually outnumber those who share the values of my opponent , ” Abrams said in an interview last year .
“ And that wasn ’ t made manifest because of [ Kemp ’ s ] structural racism and how he diminished people ’ s ability to vote ” as secretary of state .

The study found that 63 percent of those believed to be inactive voters still resided at their registered addresses.
An independent investigation looking into the removal of citizen names from voter registration rolls in Georgia last year found that the vast majority of those names were wrongfully purged.
The ACLU of Georgia, working with the Palast Investigative Fund, reviewed more than 313,000 names that were purged from voter registration rolls in late 2019 on the basis that the state believed those individuals had moved away from their residences. Of those purged names, the independent investigation determined that nearly 200,000 — or over 63 percent — were removed improperly, as the registered voters were still residing at those addresses.
Georgia removes “inactive” voters if they do not vote during a three-year time period — or, in other words, fail to vote at least once within two general election periods. A person who didn’t vote in 2016 or 2018, for example, would risk not being registered in 2020 unless they took additional steps to ensure that they would still be included on the rolls.
According to the report itself, the number of names improperly removed is likely higher than what the investigation uncovered. The error rate cited by the ACLU of Georgia and the Palast Investigative Fund doesn’t include “tens of thousands of other citizens who have moved within their neighborhood, some within their buildings,” the report said, noting that the National Voter Registration Act does not allow for removing voters from registration rolls if they continue to reside in the same voting jurisdiction.
This is not the first time that names have been wrongfully removed from Georgia’s voter registration rolls on grounds that the state assumed those individuals no longer resided where they had registered. Similar findings were made in 2017, when then-Secretary of State Brian Kemp, a Republican, purged more than half a million names from voter rolls ahead of a gubernatorial election that took place the following year, and in which he won the race against Democratic candidate Stacey Abrams.
Research into that purge of names found that more than 340,000 of those who were removed still lived at the addresses they had registered.
Many maintain that purges such as these (in Georgia and beyond) are used by Republicans in order to disenfranchise citizens who are more likely to lean Democratic in their voting behaviors. Indeed, many believe that purges before the 2018 gubernatorial race in the state likely secured Kemp’s victory in his race against Abrams, which he won by a narrow margin of just 55,000 votes.
Abrams herself has refused to concede the highly contested race as a loss to this day, in part because thousands of voters, likely Democratic-leaning in her view, were prohibited from taking part in the election that year.
“I believe we have reached a place where those who share my values actually outnumber those who share the values of my opponent,” Abrams said in an interview last year. “And that wasn’t made manifest because of [Kemp’s] structural racism and how he diminished people’s ability to vote” as secretary of state.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.