truthout--2020-05-28--We Must Respond to the COVID Crash Like We Did to the Great Depression — Boldly

Many economists believe that a recession is already underway .
So do millions of Americans struggling with bills and job losses .
While the ghosts of the 2008 financial crisis that sent inequality soaring to new heights in this country are still with us , it ’ s become abundantly clear that the economic disaster brought on by the Covid-19 pandemic has already left the initial shock of that crisis in the dust .
While the world has certainly experienced its share of staggering jolts in the past , this cycle of events is likely to prove unparalleled .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lives and decimated the economy has been both devastating and unprecedented in living memory .
Whatever happens from this moment on , a new and defining chapter in the history of the world is being written right now and we are that history .
Still , to get our bearings , it ’ s worth glancing back nearly a century , to a time when another economic crisis ravaged the country .
While the U.S. has come a long way since the Great Depression , there are still lessons to be learned from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ today .
Four key factors from that era — unemployment , the economy , the market , and the Federal Reserve ’ s response — can provide us with a roadmap for putting this era into historical context .
Unemployment Then and Now In 1933 , the height of the Great Depression , the U.S. unemployment rate reached a stunning 24.9 % .
In an eerie parallel with today , that double-digit increase had leapt from an era of remarkably low unemployment , 3.2 % in the crash year of 1929 .
By @ @ @ @ @ @ @ norm and despair was acute and widespread .
Fast forward to the present .
In February , the unemployment rate stood at a similar 3.5 % .
Yet , by May 22nd , in the aftermath of city and state shutdowns and coronavirus shocks , including the collapse of the airline industry and professional sports , new filings for unemployment claims hit an estimated 40 million in 10 weeks , the most jobs lost in the shortest period in American history .
In April , the official unemployment rate reached 14.7 % , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and that official figure doesn ’ t even account for the full scope of the disaster underway .
It excludes workers the Bureau of Labor Statistics considers “ marginally attached ” to the workforce , meaning those not looking for a job because the prospects are so dim , or those who were only laboring part-time .
If you factor them in , the unemployment rate already stands at a Great Depression-level 22.8 % .
Some industries , of course , felt more pain than others .
Employment in the leisure and hospitality @ @ @ @ @ @ @ April by 7.7 million , or 47 % .
Worse yet , low-wage workers have taken the hardest hit .
According to a recent Federal Reserve survey , although one in five American workers have lost their jobs , among the lowest-earning Americans , 40 % have done so .
Among the highest-earning American workers ( many of whom could work from home ) , the rate was “ only ” 9 % .
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis President James Bullard has already predicted that the unemployment rate could reach 30 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Other Fed economists have suggested that it could go even higher , exceeding Great Depression levels , a chilling thought .
As the country , pushed by President Trump ’ s reelection desires , “ reopens ” relatively quickly ( at whatever cost in further Covid-19 deaths ) , many workers will undoubtedly be brought back or rehired , but there ’ s no avoiding the obvious reality that any number of “ temporary ” layoffs will become permanent realities .
The Economy : A Century Apart Yet Much the Same When Covid-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the stock market plunged and many businesses were forced to shut down normal operations .
Various economists and media commentators then began musing about a V-shaped economic rebound — that is , a quick drop followed by a quick recovery .
As the fallout and uncertainty only expanded , however , it ’ s become increasingly evident that such a pattern was a fantasy .
At this point , the best recovery outcome imaginable would be U-shaped in which the bottoming-out period lasted significantly longer before we started heading up again .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Consider the possibility of an elongated L , in which for the vast majority of Americans the economy just limps along for endless months , if not years ( even if the stock market rallies ) .
In 1930 , the American gross domestic product ( GDP ) shrank by 8.5 % as the economy contracted in the wake of the stock market crash of 1929 .
It would shrink a further 6.4 % in 1931 and another 12.9 % in 1932 .
It wasn ’ t just the crash that did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the 1920s and the borrowing that supported it were also responsible .
Money funneled into the stock market in a previous age of inequality fueled grotesque financial speculation .
Instead of financing productive investments , the markets provided only the illusion of stability and prosperity while enriching the few at the top .
( Sound familiar in the age of Donald Trump ? )
Yet the Republican president of that moment , Herbert Hoover , didn ’ t want to admit that the bottom had truly fallen out on his watch .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he declared , “ We have now passed the worst , and with continued unity of effort , we shall rapidly recover.
” ( Such a claim , too , should ring a few bells in 2020 America . )
That statement became the marker for a nearly two-year Dow Jones average dive to a Depression-low of a mere 41 points on July 8 , 1932 .
His inability to truly take in what was right in front of his eyes only lengthened the Great Depression .
Turning to the present , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by President Trump on March 27th , unleashed an estimated $ 2.2 trillion in government relief ( significant parts of which were aimed at giant corporations and the wealthy ) .
That , combined with the Federal Reserve ’ s backing of the economy , could add up to perhaps $ 6.2 trillion .
What promptly transpired for Wall Street , which had previously seen the Dow plunge 34 % , was one of the best months for the stock market in more than 33 years .
Beltway leaders had learned the pivotal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the market ’ s not the economy , it always craves more .
They stood ready to green-light Wall Street with yet another stimulus package skewed to help corporate interests , even as the majority of Americans on Main Street were simply left further behind .
Meanwhile , the gross domestic product had fallen 4.8 % in the first quarter of 2020 , before Covid-19 and the corresponding social shutdown really hit hard .
In other words , GDP for the second quarter of this year is guaranteed to be truly awful .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ % to 30 % , either of which would eclipse the contractions of the Great Depression era .
The Roaring Twenties claimed that moniker not just thanks to the free-flowing bootlegged booze but rampant financial speculation — and the lack of rules to protect citizens from nefarious Wall Street shenanigans .
Having hit record highs in the summer of 1929 , stock prices began their decline that September .
By mid-October , the fall had gained steam .
On October 24th , as panic set in on what would become known as “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shares were traded by investors and speculators seeking to lock in profits before the bottom fell out of the market .
By the next Monday — “ Black Monday ” — it had gone into free fall .
And that would be followed by “ Black Tuesday , ” when stock prices plummeted yet further amid record trading volume .
Billions of dollars were lost and thousands of investors wiped out .
( Once upon a time , I even wrote a novel about that era called — you guessed it — Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dow had dropped 24.8 % in three days , though for several weeks thereafter stock prices would partially recover and bond prices rise on rumors that the Federal Reserve was going to purchase government securities .
( Again , that should sound familiar in 2020 . )
Bankers , then fortified by the Fed , did indeed inject yet more speculative money into the market in the post-crash moment , yet none of this could hide what were by then obvious systemic problems in the economy , which meant that prices soon headed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stocks were worth only 20 % of their 1929 values and the country had plunged into the Great Depression .
It would take years , substantive federal action , and ultimately an industrial mobilization for World War II to truly turn the situation around .
Fast forward to 2020 .
By March 23rd , when the coronavirus sell-off was underway , the Dow had lost about 35 % of its value .
Since then , equity markets , though down significantly from their February peaks , have rallied and the Dow has risen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , this could all prove to be an illusion , especially since the market ’ s April rally did not reflect the longer-term economic issues that lie ahead .
It was in large part a response to something that didn ’ t exist during those crash years of the Great Depression : an extremely amped up Federal Reserve .
The Fed : A Revamped Mechanism From the Last Depression In the wake of the Crash of 1929 , Wall Street bankers pushed the Fed to keep interest rates low so they could borrow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their losses .
In May 1932 , the Fed finally initiated a massive bond-buying program , agreeing to purchase $ 26 million of them from its member banks each week .
The idea was that those banks would sell their U.S. Treasury bonds to the Fed and use that money to pay off their debts .
They could then lend out the remaining cash to a desperate Main Street .
As it happened , however , they didn ’ t launch such a generous loan program ( another Great Depression reality that might @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fed eventually lowered rates from to 2.5 % in 1934 to 1.5 % in September 1937 to inject more money into the system .
That did not , however , inspire an outpouring of lending either , nor did rates make it down to zero .
In the wake of the Covid-19 shutdowns , the Fed has indeed cut rates to zero .
As Fed Chairman Jerome Powell said on May 13th , “ The scope and speed of this downturn are without modern precedent , significantly worse than any recession since World @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We have acted with unprecedented speed and force.
” His counterpart , Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin , even termed what was going on “ a war.
” Because of quantitative easing — the Fed ’ s purchasing of securities , a term that didn ’ t exist in the Great Depression era — its balance sheet now sits at nearly $ 7 trillion spent .
That ’ s almost double the figure from just last summer and equivalent to one-third of the $ 21.5 trillion gross domestic product .
The Fed has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up securities backed by debt at — to steal a term the president only recently applied toward developing a coronavirus vaccine — “ warp speed.
” With a genuine arsenal at its disposal to fight this “ war , ” the Fed ’ s activities are jacked up on the financial equivalent of steroids .
The nation ’ s central bank is prepared to provide money to the financial system in quantities and ways unimaginable in the Great Depression era .
What ’ s happening today is not , of course , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nightmare was catalyzed by a prolonged market crash , thanks to banks lying about the real value of certain securities and too much debt in the system .
Today ’ s crisis has been catalyzed by a viral pandemic spreading across the planet , by supply-and-demand shocks the world over , and by the collapse of a global economic system , as well as widespread lockdowns .
Yet certain factors are common to both eras in which economic disaster was exacerbated by too much corporate debt , a Fed-stoked market rally , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ago , the Fed put just a financial toe in the water to support the markets on the assumption that this would be enough to sustain the economy .
Today , it has jumped in big time and Chairman Powell has vowed that it “ is not going to run out of ammunition.
” The result could be a financial tug of war that lasts years .
The Fed can electronically print money , but it can ’ t print jobs .
It can buy bonds , but it can ’ t cure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ try to stimulate the market , but it can ’ t banish fear .
As it happens , the economy needs much more than Fed-style monetary support .
As even Powell noted on May 13th , “ Additional fiscal support could be costly , but worth it if it helps avoid long-term economic damage and leaves us with a stronger recovery .
This tradeoff is one for our elected representatives , who wield powers of taxation and spending.
” What ’ s needed , above all , is greater strategic action from Washington @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tribalized than ever in the Trump era .
History tells us that political actions matter even more in times of crisis .
During the Great Depression , the state of the country became so bad that , in 1932 , Herbert Hoover lost the presidential vote to Democrat Franklin Delano Roosevelt in a landslide .
However , it took until 1934 , even with a president ready to do much to help Americans in trouble , for the country to slowly emerge from the malaise .
Though unemployment remained near 22 % then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people started to spend again ) in part thanks to growing confidence in President Roosevelt ’ s New Deal programs .
Those included the creation of the Tennessee Valley Authority — the nation ’ s first regional supplier of public power — numerous jobs programs , and the passage of the Social Security Act .
Add to that the regulation of the banking system through the passage of the Glass-Steagall Act of 1933 , which protected ordinary people ’ s bank deposits and note as well that such forward-looking , economy-stabilizing programs were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ devastation today , despite multi-trillion-dollar federal stimulus packages , real political action has been lackluster at best .
Relief efforts have been skewed toward helping banks and big corporations rather than the Main Street economy .
No substantive plan has been offered for real national action to get people working again in ways that would reflect the new norms of the Covid-19 era .
Roosevelt saw such an opportunity to bolster confidence by taking on banking reform ( with the surprising help of bankers ) , launching public works initiatives , and establishing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nation , the very opposite of the speculative activity that enflamed the Crash of 1929 .
That ’ s just the sort of thing that ’ s needed to sustain the economy in our truly bad times ( whether the coronavirus becomes seasonal or not ) .
Floating trillions to Wall Street banks and big corporations might push their share prices up , but it won ’ t solve the issues that truly matter .
Struggling small businesses , stranded high school and college graduates with nowhere to land , and workers in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their jobs return any time soon are now guaranteed one thing : they ’ ll be left behind by just about any version of an attempted bipartisan “ recovery.
” For them , a Newer Deal is desperately needed , one that provides a cushion for workers , new openings for the young , better healthcare prospects for all , and infrastructure projects that meet the challenges of a post-coronavirus world .
As President Roosevelt told Americans in the midst of the Great Depression : “ There is a mysterious cycle in human @ @ @ @ @ @ @ given .
Of other generations much is expected .
This generation of Americans has a rendezvous with destiny.
” As long as Donald Trump is in the White House , focusing on optimizing his reelection prospects , he alone has a rendezvous with destiny .
But it ’ s crucial , now more than ever , not to lose sight of the dream that tomorrow can be better than today .
The only real way forward , in the end , is to meet the complex challenges of the Covid-19 moment with creative @ @ @ @

Many economists believe that a recession is already underway. So do millions of Americans struggling with bills and job losses. While the ghosts of the 2008 financial crisis that sent inequality soaring to new heights in this country are still with us, it’s become abundantly clear that the economic disaster brought on by the Covid-19 pandemic has already left the initial shock of that crisis in the dust. While the world has certainly experienced its share of staggering jolts in the past, this cycle of events is likely to prove unparalleled.
The swiftness with which the coronavirus has stolen lives and decimated the economy has been both devastating and unprecedented in living memory. Whatever happens from this moment on, a new and defining chapter in the history of the world is being written right now and we are that history.
Still, to get our bearings, it’s worth glancing back nearly a century, to a time when another economic crisis ravaged the country. While the U.S. has come a long way since the Great Depression, there are still lessons to be learned from it about where we might be heading today. Four key factors from that era — unemployment, the economy, the market, and the Federal Reserve’s response — can provide us with a roadmap for putting this era into historical context.
Unemployment Then and Now
In 1933, the height of the Great Depression, the U.S. unemployment rate reached a stunning 24.9%. In an eerie parallel with today, that double-digit increase had leapt from an era of remarkably low unemployment, 3.2% in the crash year of 1929. By mid-1931, mass layoffs were the new norm and despair was acute and widespread.
Fast forward to the present. In February, the unemployment rate stood at a similar 3.5%. Yet, by May 22nd, in the aftermath of city and state shutdowns and coronavirus shocks, including the collapse of the airline industry and professional sports, new filings for unemployment claims hit an estimated 40 million in 10 weeks, the most jobs lost in the shortest period in American history.
In April, the official unemployment rate reached 14.7%, the worst since the Great Depression, and that official figure doesn’t even account for the full scope of the disaster underway. It excludes workers the Bureau of Labor Statistics considers “marginally attached” to the workforce, meaning those not looking for a job because the prospects are so dim, or those who were only laboring part-time. If you factor them in, the unemployment rate already stands at a Great Depression-level 22.8%. Some industries, of course, felt more pain than others. Employment in the leisure and hospitality sector, for instance, fell in April by 7.7 million, or 47%.
Worse yet, low-wage workers have taken the hardest hit. According to a recent Federal Reserve survey, although one in five American workers have lost their jobs, among the lowest-earning Americans, 40% have done so. Among the highest-earning American workers (many of whom could work from home), the rate was “only” 9%.
Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis President James Bullard has already predicted that the unemployment rate could reach 30% before the end of June. Other Fed economists have suggested that it could go even higher, exceeding Great Depression levels, a chilling thought. As the country, pushed by President Trump’s reelection desires, “reopens” relatively quickly (at whatever cost in further Covid-19 deaths), many workers will undoubtedly be brought back or rehired, but there’s no avoiding the obvious reality that any number of “temporary” layoffs will become permanent realities.
The Economy: A Century Apart Yet Much the Same
When Covid-19 first hit and self-isolation set in, the stock market plunged and many businesses were forced to shut down normal operations. Various economists and media commentators then began musing about a V-shaped economic rebound — that is, a quick drop followed by a quick recovery.
As the fallout and uncertainty only expanded, however, it’s become increasingly evident that such a pattern was a fantasy. At this point, the best recovery outcome imaginable would be U-shaped in which the bottoming-out period lasted significantly longer before we started heading up again. But don’t count on that either. Consider the possibility of an elongated L, in which for the vast majority of Americans the economy just limps along for endless months, if not years (even if the stock market rallies).
In 1930, the American gross domestic product (GDP) shrank by 8.5% as the economy contracted in the wake of the stock market crash of 1929. It would shrink a further 6.4% in 1931 and another 12.9% in 1932. It wasn’t just the crash that did in that economy. The economic excesses of the 1920s and the borrowing that supported it were also responsible. Money funneled into the stock market in a previous age of inequality fueled grotesque financial speculation. Instead of financing productive investments, the markets provided only the illusion of stability and prosperity while enriching the few at the top. (Sound familiar in the age of Donald Trump?)
Yet the Republican president of that moment, Herbert Hoover, didn’t want to admit that the bottom had truly fallen out on his watch. On May Day 1930, for instance, he declared, “We have now passed the worst, and with continued unity of effort, we shall rapidly recover.” (Such a claim, too, should ring a few bells in 2020 America.) That statement became the marker for a nearly two-year Dow Jones average dive to a Depression-low of a mere 41 points on July 8, 1932. His inability to truly take in what was right in front of his eyes only lengthened the Great Depression.
Turning to the present, the CARES Act, signed into law by President Trump on March 27th, unleashed an estimated $2.2 trillion in government relief (significant parts of which were aimed at giant corporations and the wealthy). That, combined with the Federal Reserve’s backing of the economy, could add up to perhaps $6.2 trillion. What promptly transpired for Wall Street, which had previously seen the Dow plunge 34%, was one of the best months for the stock market in more than 33 years.
Beltway leaders had learned the pivotal lesson of the moment: even if the market’s not the economy, it always craves more. They stood ready to green-light Wall Street with yet another stimulus package skewed to help corporate interests, even as the majority of Americans on Main Street were simply left further behind.
Meanwhile, the gross domestic product had fallen 4.8% in the first quarter of 2020, before Covid-19 and the corresponding social shutdown really hit hard. In other words, GDP for the second quarter of this year is guaranteed to be truly awful. Estimates of its contraction range from 20% to 30%, either of which would eclipse the contractions of the Great Depression era.
The Stock Market: A Casino Shadowing an Economic Problem
The Roaring Twenties claimed that moniker not just thanks to the free-flowing bootlegged booze but rampant financial speculation — and the lack of rules to protect citizens from nefarious Wall Street shenanigans. Having hit record highs in the summer of 1929, stock prices began their decline that September. By mid-October, the fall had gained steam. On October 24th, as panic set in on what would become known as “Black Thursday,” a then-record 12,894,650 shares were traded by investors and speculators seeking to lock in profits before the bottom fell out of the market.
By the next Monday — “Black Monday” — it had gone into free fall. And that would be followed by “Black Tuesday,” when stock prices plummeted yet further amid record trading volume. Billions of dollars were lost and thousands of investors wiped out. (Once upon a time, I even wrote a novel about that era called — you guessed it — Black Tuesday.)
By then, the Dow had dropped 24.8% in three days, though for several weeks thereafter stock prices would partially recover and bond prices rise on rumors that the Federal Reserve was going to purchase government securities. (Again, that should sound familiar in 2020.)
Bankers, then fortified by the Fed, did indeed inject yet more speculative money into the market in the post-crash moment, yet none of this could hide what were by then obvious systemic problems in the economy, which meant that prices soon headed south again. By July 1932, stocks were worth only 20% of their 1929 values and the country had plunged into the Great Depression. It would take years, substantive federal action, and ultimately an industrial mobilization for World War II to truly turn the situation around.
Fast forward to 2020. By March 23rd, when the coronavirus sell-off was underway, the Dow had lost about 35% of its value. Since then, equity markets, though down significantly from their February peaks, have rallied and the Dow has risen about 30%.
As in 1929-1930, this could all prove to be an illusion, especially since the market’s April rally did not reflect the longer-term economic issues that lie ahead. It was in large part a response to something that didn’t exist during those crash years of the Great Depression: an extremely amped up Federal Reserve.
The Fed: A Revamped Mechanism From the Last Depression
In the wake of the Crash of 1929, Wall Street bankers pushed the Fed to keep interest rates low so they could borrow money more easily to make up for their losses. In May 1932, the Fed finally initiated a massive bond-buying program, agreeing to purchase $26 million of them from its member banks each week.
The idea was that those banks would sell their U.S. Treasury bonds to the Fed and use that money to pay off their debts. They could then lend out the remaining cash to a desperate Main Street. As it happened, however, they didn’t launch such a generous loan program (another Great Depression reality that might ring a bell today).
The Fed eventually lowered rates from to 2.5% in 1934 to 1.5% in September 1937 to inject more money into the system. That did not, however, inspire an outpouring of lending either, nor did rates make it down to zero.
In the wake of the Covid-19 shutdowns, the Fed has indeed cut rates to zero. As Fed Chairman Jerome Powell said on May 13th, “The scope and speed of this downturn are without modern precedent, significantly worse than any recession since World War II.” He added: “We have acted with unprecedented speed and force.” His counterpart, Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, even termed what was going on “a war.”
Because of quantitative easing — the Fed’s purchasing of securities, a term that didn’t exist in the Great Depression era — its balance sheet now sits at nearly $7 trillion spent. That’s almost double the figure from just last summer and equivalent to one-third of the $21.5 trillion gross domestic product. The Fed has been injecting money into the markets and scarfing up securities backed by debt at — to steal a term the president only recently applied toward developing a coronavirus vaccine — “warp speed.”
With a genuine arsenal at its disposal to fight this “war,” the Fed’s activities are jacked up on the financial equivalent of steroids. The nation’s central bank is prepared to provide money to the financial system in quantities and ways unimaginable in the Great Depression era.
Why History Matters
What’s happening today is not, of course, a replica of the Great Depression. That nightmare was catalyzed by a prolonged market crash, thanks to banks lying about the real value of certain securities and too much debt in the system. Today’s crisis has been catalyzed by a viral pandemic spreading across the planet, by supply-and-demand shocks the world over, and by the collapse of a global economic system, as well as widespread lockdowns. Yet certain factors are common to both eras in which economic disaster was exacerbated by too much corporate debt, a Fed-stoked market rally, and grotesque levels of inequality.
A century ago, the Fed put just a financial toe in the water to support the markets on the assumption that this would be enough to sustain the economy. Today, it has jumped in big time and Chairman Powell has vowed that it “is not going to run out of ammunition.” The result could be a financial tug of war that lasts years.
The Fed can electronically print money, but it can’t print jobs. It can buy bonds, but it can’t cure a virus. It can continue to try to stimulate the market, but it can’t banish fear. As it happens, the economy needs much more than Fed-style monetary support. As even Powell noted on May 13th, “Additional fiscal support could be costly, but worth it if it helps avoid long-term economic damage and leaves us with a stronger recovery. This tradeoff is one for our elected representatives, who wield powers of taxation and spending.”
What’s needed, above all, is greater strategic action from Washington politicians who are more desperately divided and tribalized than ever in the Trump era. History tells us that political actions matter even more in times of crisis. During the Great Depression, the state of the country became so bad that, in 1932, Herbert Hoover lost the presidential vote to Democrat Franklin Delano Roosevelt in a landslide. However, it took until 1934, even with a president ready to do much to help Americans in trouble, for the country to slowly emerge from the malaise.
Though unemployment remained near 22% then, the national mood lifted (and people started to spend again) in part thanks to growing confidence in President Roosevelt’s New Deal programs. Those included the creation of the Tennessee Valley Authority — the nation’s first regional supplier of public power — numerous jobs programs, and the passage of the Social Security Act. Add to that the regulation of the banking system through the passage of the Glass-Steagall Act of 1933, which protected ordinary people’s bank deposits and note as well that such forward-looking, economy-stabilizing programs were bipartisan acts.
In the face of devastation today, despite multi-trillion-dollar federal stimulus packages, real political action has been lackluster at best. Relief efforts have been skewed toward helping banks and big corporations rather than the Main Street economy. No substantive plan has been offered for real national action to get people working again in ways that would reflect the new norms of the Covid-19 era.
Roosevelt saw such an opportunity to bolster confidence by taking on banking reform (with the surprising help of bankers), launching public works initiatives, and establishing infrastructure programs meant to build up the nation, the very opposite of the speculative activity that enflamed the Crash of 1929. That’s just the sort of thing that’s needed to sustain the economy in our truly bad times (whether the coronavirus becomes seasonal or not).
Floating trillions to Wall Street banks and big corporations might push their share prices up, but it won’t solve the issues that truly matter. Struggling small businesses, stranded high school and college graduates with nowhere to land, and workers in devastated businesses that won’t see their jobs return any time soon are now guaranteed one thing: they’ll be left behind by just about any version of an attempted bipartisan “recovery.” For them, a Newer Deal is desperately needed, one that provides a cushion for workers, new openings for the young, better healthcare prospects for all, and infrastructure projects that meet the challenges of a post-coronavirus world.
As President Roosevelt told Americans in the midst of the Great Depression: “There is a mysterious cycle in human events. To some generations much is given. Of other generations much is expected. This generation of Americans has a rendezvous with destiny.”
As long as Donald Trump is in the White House, focusing on optimizing his reelection prospects, he alone has a rendezvous with destiny. But it’s crucial, now more than ever, not to lose sight of the dream that tomorrow can be better than today. The only real way forward, in the end, is to meet the complex challenges of the Covid-19 moment with creative and long-lasting solutions.
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truthout--2020-05-28--Trump’s Reelection Strategies Are Killing a Massive Number of People

Let us assume , for the sake of discussion , that there will be a presidential election in 159 days as scheduled .
This assumption , given the extent of the COVID pandemic combined with comprehensive Republican resistance to the very notion of voting , requires a leap of faith that would challenge even the vast talents of Simone Biles .
Bear with me , though , because there is at least one person in the U.S. who believes there will be an election in November , and the thought of it appears to have him scared spitless .
That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he has ample reason for concern .
Despite numerous attempts by the Trump campaign to frame his Democratic challenger , Joe Biden , as a mentally muddled “ deep state ” China operative who caused COVID with the help of Barack Obama after singlehandedly corrupting the entire nation of Ukraine , voters do not appear to be taking the bait .
Virtually every poll has Biden leading Trump by a substantial margin .
This , in itself , is a profoundly noteworthy phenomenon that also has much to do with the pandemic .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the campaign trail , but the fact that COVID sent him to his room has proven to be a boon ; he has far fewer opportunities to blow himself up from his basement , and if he makes a solid choice of running mate , he may never have to leave the building until he moves into the White House .
We learned in 2016 that polls have a tendency to be about as valuable as a brass nickel nowadays , but the margin between Trump and Hillary Clinton at this point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years later , not so much .
The latest national survey has Biden holding a whopping 11-point lead over Trump .
The newest Reuters/Ipsos poll shows Biden ’ s lead shrinking from 9 points to 6 since their last tally , but a 6-point lead at this juncture is twice the margin Clinton enjoyed a quadrennial ago .
Biden is leading Trump among independent voters , young voters , and “ hater ” voters who detest both candidates .
The latter group was basically Trump ’ s margin of victory in 2016 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this time around .
Trump is hemorrhaging support among elderly voters , a group that has borne the brunt of COVID ’ s lethality since the pandemic began .
This is blood on the moon not only for Trump , but for Mitch McConnell ’ s hopes of hanging on to his party ’ s majority in the Senate .
“ One of the most durable political assets that Republicans have enjoyed throughout the 21st century is their edge among Americans 65 and older , who tend to turn out at the polls @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” reports The Washington Post .
“ But with President Trump ’ s inept and erratic handling of the novel coronavirus pandemic , he is rapidly losing support among the age group most vulnerable to its ravages — which is a big warning sign to Republicans as they look to the fall.
” Trump ’ s campaign brain trust went to the White House last week to warn him of his peril .
Three days later , the campaign chiefs from Florida and Arizona were summoned to the Roosevelt Room , where Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with a length of old rawhide .
Not long after , the leadership of the national campaign was quietly reshuffled : Long-time GOP operative Bill Stepien was named deputy to campaign manager Brad Parscale , effectively kneecapping Parscale ’ s influence .
Stepien is an ally of Trump son-in-law Jared Kushner , and this move was a “ DC-style coup ” that has given Kushner “ almost singular control over the 2020 re-election campaign , ” according to a report in Business Insider .
Masticate that cud a moment .
Kushner ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ever-expanding portfolio of duties in the Trump White House was a running joke until COVID hit .
Trump gave Kushner a series of vital tasks to confront the pandemic .
Kushner — ever eager to pour honey into pop-in-law ’ s orange-hued ear — placed politics before science and helped get a whole slew of people killed .
It ’ s not incompetence when you do it on purpose .
This is not the behavior of a healthy campaign , but behavior has been the dilemma from the jump .
There has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mayhem Trump unleashed this week , which was almost certainly a product of the bad campaign noise surrounding him .
Less discussed , however , were the two inexplicable confrontations Trump instigated against states that are vital to his re-election .
In 2016 , Michigan was one of the swing states that pushed Trump over the top .
The state has been grievously impacted by COVID since March , and the center of the state has been in crisis after the failure of two dams caused massive flooding .
In preparation for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jocelyn Benson mailed out applications for absentee ballots last week .
This drew the frantic ire of Trump , who threatened to withhold COVID relief funds for the state .
This , from the man who recently encouraged armed right-wing “ Reopen ” protesters to disrupt the business of government at the Capitol building in Lansing .
“ To have this kind of distraction is just ridiculous to be honest , ” Democratic Gov .
Gretchen Whitmer told “ CBS This Morning ” in response .
“ Threatening to take money away from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as we are right now is just scary .
And I think something that is unacceptable.
” North Carolina is another key state in Trump ’ s re-election plan .
Over the Memorial Day weekend , Trump took to Twitter to pick a fight with Democratic Gov .
Roy Cooper , demanding he guarantee a full arena for the summer ’ s planned GOP convention .
Absent that guarantee , Trump threatened to move the convention to a more compliant state .
Making promises about what will happen next week is deeply irresponsible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about what will happen months from now is the very height of folly , yet this is what Trump wanted from North Carolina , a state that has been making arrangements for this convention for the last two years .
Trump ’ s threat sent the state ’ s government into a wild scramble , and according to reports , his own campaign didn ’ t know he was going to pick this fight until they read about it on social media along with everyone else .
Govs .
Ron DeSantis of Florida @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mini-Trumps who have embraced his reckless economic reopening schedule , leapt at the chance to snatch the convention from Cooper .
With one fell swoop , Trump has managed to unnecessarily antagonize three Southern states that are central to his hopes for remaining in office .
North Carolina isn ’ t happy with Trump ’ s sudden and inexplicable threat to remove the convention , and the people of Florida and Georgia likely will not embrace the idea of inviting a potential COVID bomb into their midst come summertime .
All three states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election .
Stack Michigan in the pile , and Trump appears more and more to be an arsonist looking to burn his own campaign down to the stumps .
It has not been a good week for the president .
His crusade to convince people that mail-in voting is a Democratic election-theft scam ran into a twin bill of hypocrisies : A West Virginia postal worker was charged with election fraud after altering several absentee ballots from Democratic to Republican , and it was revealed that White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last 10 years .
Beat that with a stick .
On Wednesday , Trump winged his way to Cape Canaveral to watch the launch of the much-anticipated SpaceX rocket .
On the day the U.S. COVID death toll surpassed 100,000 souls , Trump was eager to give a triumphalist speech after the launch to proclaim that everything is awesome again .
When inclement weather interfered , causing the launch to be scrubbed , Trump was forced to cancel his appearance and slink back to Washington D.C .
The grim death toll owned the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ watches these things the way cats watch laser dots on the wall — was all too aware .
Before the pandemic struck , the Trump campaign ’ s entire plan was to run on the economy .
On Thursday , another 2.1 million unemployment claims swelled the ranks of applicants to an astonishing 40 million people .
Trump ’ s rush to reopen the COVID-smashed economy as a means to salvage his re-election prospects have run headlong into the fact that a vast majority of citizens have deep reservations about getting back to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign strategy has fallen to dust .
More broadly , a consensus is building within the medical and scientific communities that COVID has no quick fix , and will be here for a long time to come .
“ There ’ s a good chance the coronavirus will never go away , ” The Washington Post ominously reported on Thursday .
“ Even after a vaccine is discovered and deployed , the coronavirus will likely remain for decades to come , circulating among the world ’ s population.
” Rather than accept this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is thrashing against it like a boated swordfish … and this has not been lost on his allies , who first and foremost seek to please the boss .
“ In at least a dozen states , health departments have inflated testing numbers or deflated death tallies by changing criteria for who counts as a coronavirus victim and what counts as a coronavirus test , ” reported Politico late Wednesday night .
How these people think they can get away with this is a flat mystery to me .
COVID does not care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Move the numbers around as you please .
The call is coming from inside the house , and the more these lickspittles kick the can down the road at Trump ’ s implied behest , the harsher the consequences will be for all of us , but most especially for them .
The dead remember , as do the living .
By the metrics of normal U.S. politics , this thunderclap of woes might compel a sitting president to pull a Lyndon “ Shall Not Seek , Will Not Accept ” Johnson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ failed one-termer .
These , however , are not normal times .
COVID promises to disrupt the election even under the most favorable of circumstances , and the mail-in vote option — complex , but hardly unworkable — is under full frontal assault by the White House .
Trump ’ s core supporters are as devoted as they have ever been , and if turnout is as low as it was in 2016 , he stands a good chance of being re-elected by the same slim margin .
One hundred million things can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Joe Biden ’ s decades-old talent for public self-immolation hardly makes his victory a mortal lock , and we still need to have an election during a pandemic … but if Donald Trump is actively trying to defenestrate his own campaign , his recent behavior has been a road map for how to do exactly , precisely that .
Meanwhile , the dying continues .

Let us assume, for the sake of discussion, that there will be a presidential election in 159 days as scheduled. This assumption, given the extent of the COVID pandemic combined with comprehensive Republican resistance to the very notion of voting, requires a leap of faith that would challenge even the vast talents of Simone Biles.
Bear with me, though, because there is at least one person in the U.S. who believes there will be an election in November, and the thought of it appears to have him scared spitless. That person is Donald J. Trump, and he has ample reason for concern.
Despite numerous attempts by the Trump campaign to frame his Democratic challenger, Joe Biden, as a mentally muddled “deep state” China operative who caused COVID with the help of Barack Obama after singlehandedly corrupting the entire nation of Ukraine, voters do not appear to be taking the bait.
Virtually every poll has Biden leading Trump by a substantial margin. This, in itself, is a profoundly noteworthy phenomenon that also has much to do with the pandemic. Biden is a notorious liability to himself on the campaign trail, but the fact that COVID sent him to his room has proven to be a boon; he has far fewer opportunities to blow himself up from his basement, and if he makes a solid choice of running mate, he may never have to leave the building until he moves into the White House.
We learned in 2016 that polls have a tendency to be about as valuable as a brass nickel nowadays, but the margin between Trump and Hillary Clinton at this point four years ago was narrow. Four years later, not so much.
The latest national survey has Biden holding a whopping 11-point lead over Trump. The newest Reuters/Ipsos poll shows Biden’s lead shrinking from 9 points to 6 since their last tally, but a 6-point lead at this juncture is twice the margin Clinton enjoyed a quadrennial ago. Biden is leading Trump among independent voters, young voters, and “hater” voters who detest both candidates. The latter group was basically Trump’s margin of victory in 2016, but they appear to be balking hard this time around.
Trump is hemorrhaging support among elderly voters, a group that has borne the brunt of COVID’s lethality since the pandemic began. This is blood on the moon not only for Trump, but for Mitch McConnell’s hopes of hanging on to his party’s majority in the Senate.
“One of the most durable political assets that Republicans have enjoyed throughout the 21st century is their edge among Americans 65 and older, who tend to turn out at the polls more reliably than any other group,” reports The Washington Post. “But with President Trump’s inept and erratic handling of the novel coronavirus pandemic, he is rapidly losing support among the age group most vulnerable to its ravages — which is a big warning sign to Republicans as they look to the fall.”
Trump’s campaign brain trust went to the White House last week to warn him of his peril. Three days later, the campaign chiefs from Florida and Arizona were summoned to the Roosevelt Room, where Trump gnawed on them furiously like a dog with a length of old rawhide.
Not long after, the leadership of the national campaign was quietly reshuffled: Long-time GOP operative Bill Stepien was named deputy to campaign manager Brad Parscale, effectively kneecapping Parscale’s influence. Stepien is an ally of Trump son-in-law Jared Kushner, and this move was a “DC-style coup” that has given Kushner “almost singular control over the 2020 re-election campaign,” according to a report in Business Insider.
Masticate that cud a moment. Kushner’s trail of failures as he assumed an ever-expanding portfolio of duties in the Trump White House was a running joke until COVID hit. Trump gave Kushner a series of vital tasks to confront the pandemic. Kushner — ever eager to pour honey into pop-in-law’s orange-hued ear — placed politics before science and helped get a whole slew of people killed. It’s not incompetence when you do it on purpose.
This is not the behavior of a healthy campaign, but behavior has been the dilemma from the jump.
This is not the behavior of a healthy campaign, but behavior has been the dilemma from the jump. There has been ample reporting on the avalanche of hateful mayhem Trump unleashed this week, which was almost certainly a product of the bad campaign noise surrounding him. Less discussed, however, were the two inexplicable confrontations Trump instigated against states that are vital to his re-election.
In 2016, Michigan was one of the swing states that pushed Trump over the top. The state has been grievously impacted by COVID since March, and the center of the state has been in crisis after the failure of two dams caused massive flooding.
In preparation for the November election, Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson mailed out applications for absentee ballots last week. This drew the frantic ire of Trump, who threatened to withhold COVID relief funds for the state. This, from the man who recently encouraged armed right-wing “Reopen” protesters to disrupt the business of government at the Capitol building in Lansing.
“To have this kind of distraction is just ridiculous to be honest,” Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer told “CBS This Morning” in response. “Threatening to take money away from a state that is hurting as bad as we are right now is just scary. And I think something that is unacceptable.”
North Carolina is another key state in Trump’s re-election plan. Over the Memorial Day weekend, Trump took to Twitter to pick a fight with Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper, demanding he guarantee a full arena for the summer’s planned GOP convention. Absent that guarantee, Trump threatened to move the convention to a more compliant state.
Making promises about what will happen next week is deeply irresponsible under the present circumstances. Making promises about what will happen months from now is the very height of folly, yet this is what Trump wanted from North Carolina, a state that has been making arrangements for this convention for the last two years.
Trump’s threat sent the state’s government into a wild scramble, and according to reports, his own campaign didn’t know he was going to pick this fight until they read about it on social media along with everyone else. Govs. Ron DeSantis of Florida and Brian Kemp of Georgia, two mini-Trumps who have embraced his reckless economic reopening schedule, leapt at the chance to snatch the convention from Cooper.
With one fell swoop, Trump has managed to unnecessarily antagonize three Southern states that are central to his hopes for remaining in office. North Carolina isn’t happy with Trump’s sudden and inexplicable threat to remove the convention, and the people of Florida and Georgia likely will not embrace the idea of inviting a potential COVID bomb into their midst come summertime. All three states are currently in play for the general election. Stack Michigan in the pile, and Trump appears more and more to be an arsonist looking to burn his own campaign down to the stumps.
It has not been a good week for the president. His crusade to convince people that mail-in voting is a Democratic election-theft scam ran into a twin bill of hypocrisies: A West Virginia postal worker was charged with election fraud after altering several absentee ballots from Democratic to Republican, and it was revealed that White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany has voted by mail 11 times in the last 10 years. Beat that with a stick.
On Wednesday, Trump winged his way to Cape Canaveral to watch the launch of the much-anticipated SpaceX rocket. On the day the U.S. COVID death toll surpassed 100,000 souls, Trump was eager to give a triumphalist speech after the launch to proclaim that everything is awesome again. When inclement weather interfered, causing the launch to be scrubbed, Trump was forced to cancel his appearance and slink back to Washington D.C. The grim death toll owned the news cycle, and Trump — who watches these things the way cats watch laser dots on the wall — was all too aware.
Before the pandemic struck, the Trump campaign’s entire plan was to run on the economy. On Thursday, another 2.1 million unemployment claims swelled the ranks of applicants to an astonishing 40 million people. Trump’s rush to reopen the COVID-smashed economy as a means to salvage his re-election prospects have run headlong into the fact that a vast majority of citizens have deep reservations about getting back to the old normal, and his core campaign strategy has fallen to dust.
More broadly, a consensus is building within the medical and scientific communities that COVID has no quick fix, and will be here for a long time to come. “There’s a good chance the coronavirus will never go away,” The Washington Post ominously reported on Thursday. “Even after a vaccine is discovered and deployed, the coronavirus will likely remain for decades to come, circulating among the world’s population.”
This thunderclap of woes might compel a sitting president to pull a Lyndon “Shall Not Seek, Will Not Accept” Johnson and voluntarily accept their fate as a failed one-termer. These, however, are not normal times.
Rather than accept this scientific assessment and act accordingly, Trump is thrashing against it like a boated swordfish … and this has not been lost on his allies, who first and foremost seek to please the boss. “In at least a dozen states, health departments have inflated testing numbers or deflated death tallies by changing criteria for who counts as a coronavirus victim and what counts as a coronavirus test,” reported Politico late Wednesday night.
How these people think they can get away with this is a flat mystery to me. COVID does not care what you think or what you want. Move the numbers around as you please. The call is coming from inside the house, and the more these lickspittles kick the can down the road at Trump’s implied behest, the harsher the consequences will be for all of us, but most especially for them. The dead remember, as do the living.
By the metrics of normal U.S. politics, this thunderclap of woes might compel a sitting president to pull a Lyndon “Shall Not Seek, Will Not Accept” Johnson and voluntarily accept their fate as a failed one-termer. These, however, are not normal times. COVID promises to disrupt the election even under the most favorable of circumstances, and the mail-in vote option — complex, but hardly unworkable — is under full frontal assault by the White House. Trump’s core supporters are as devoted as they have ever been, and if turnout is as low as it was in 2016, he stands a good chance of being re-elected by the same slim margin.
One hundred million things can and will change between now and November. Joe Biden’s decades-old talent for public self-immolation hardly makes his victory a mortal lock, and we still need to have an election during a pandemic … but if Donald Trump is actively trying to defenestrate his own campaign, his recent behavior has been a road map for how to do exactly, precisely that. Meanwhile, the dying continues.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-05-28--Trump Signs Executive Order Aimed at Twitter for Fact-Checking His Bogus Claims

President Donald Trump signed an executive order on Thursday regarding social media sites , in response to a fact-check he received from Twitter earlier this week , with hopes that his doing so will allow the reinterpretation of a law widely cited as crucial for the birth of the internet .
Trump issued an order that examines Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act of 1996 , according to CNN , which obtained a draft copy of the executive order before it was officially signed .
A key section of that law states that “ No provider or user of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another information content provider.
” That set of words is often described as “ the 26 words that created the internet , ” and gives social media sites tremendous protections when it comes to content produced by users .
The law as it ’ s interpreted today says that companies earn those protections so long as they operate in “ good faith ” — that is , they act in ways that are arguably good or beneficial for the consumers .
Trump ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are not meeting that condition .
“ In a country that has long cherished the freedom of expression , we can not allow a limited number of online platforms to hand-pick the speech that Americans may access and convey online , ” the draft of the order said .
“ This practice is fundamentally un-American and anti-democratic .
When large , powerful social media companies censor opinions with which they disagree , they exercise a dangerous power.
” Speaking to reporters on Thursday , Trump explained that he no longer viewed social media @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Currently , social media giants like Twitter received unprecedented viability shield based on the theory that they are a neutral platform , which they are not .
We are fed up with it .
It is unfair , and it ’ s been very unfair , ” Trump said .
According to CNN ’ s Jim Acosta , Trump also expressed a desire to close Twitter down for good , although he recognized he wouldn ’ t be able to do that .
“ If it were legal , if it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would do it , ” Trump said .
Trump also plans to accuse sites of “ invoking inconsistent , irrational , and groundless justifications to censor or otherwise punish Americans ’ speech here at home.
” The order represents the most aggressive response yet from the Trump administration toward social media sites .
It will undoubtedly be challenged in courts , however on a number of fronts , including the possible argument that it would be an unfair regulation of social media sites ’ First Amendment speech rights .
On Wednesday morning , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interviewed on Fox News to discuss his views on the matter — and appeared to agree with Trump on the matter .
“ I believe strongly that Facebook shouldn ’ t be the arbiter of truth of everything that people say online , ” Zuckerberg said .
“ I think in general , private companies shouldn ’ t be , especially these platform companies , shouldn ’ t be in the position of doing that.
” Perhaps in response to both Zuckerberg ’ s words and Trump ’ s executive order , Twitter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s words specifically , stood firm in his decision to issue fact checks on the president or other public figures .
“ We ’ ll continue to point out incorrect or disputed information about elections globally .
And we will admit to and own any mistakes we make , ” Dorsey wrote in a series of tweets .
“ This does not make us an ‘ arbiter of truth.
’ Our intention is to connect the dots of conflicting statements and show the information in dispute so people can judge for themselves.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ s tweets earlier in the week “ may mislead people into thinking they don ’ t need to register to get a ballot , ” thus warranting a fact-check to them .
The president on Tuesday had errantly and without evidence said that expanding the right of Americans to participate in elections using mail-in ballots would be rife with fraud — even though he himself has utilized absentee mail-in voting in the recent past , as have other members of his White House staff .
“ There is NO WAY ( ZERO !
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ less than substantially fraudulent , ” Trump had written .
“ Mail boxes will be robbed , ballots will be forged & even illegally printed out & fraudulently signed.
” In response to Trump ’ s tweets , Twitter posted a small link at the bottom of them .
“ Get the facts about mail-in ballots , ” the link said , transporting users to a page headlined , “ Trump makes unsubstantiated claim that mail-in ballots will lead to voter fraud.
” Trump responded later in the day by accusing Twitter of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that he would “ not allow it to happen.
” On Wednesday , he promised to “ regulate or close ” sites that behaved this way in the future .

The president had errantly suggested mail-in voting was rife with fraud, warranting a fact-check on his statements.
President Donald Trump signed an executive order on Thursday regarding social media sites, in response to a fact-check he received from Twitter earlier this week, with hopes that his doing so will allow the reinterpretation of a law widely cited as crucial for the birth of the internet.
Trump issued an order that examines Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act of 1996, according to CNN, which obtained a draft copy of the executive order before it was officially signed. A key section of that law states that “No provider or user of an interactive computer service shall be treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another information content provider.”
That set of words is often described as “the 26 words that created the internet,” and gives social media sites tremendous protections when it comes to content produced by users.
The law as it’s interpreted today says that companies earn those protections so long as they operate in “good faith” — that is, they act in ways that are arguably good or beneficial for the consumers. Trump’s order states that social media sites are not meeting that condition.
“In a country that has long cherished the freedom of expression, we cannot allow a limited number of online platforms to hand-pick the speech that Americans may access and convey online,” the draft of the order said. “This practice is fundamentally un-American and anti-democratic. When large, powerful social media companies censor opinions with which they disagree, they exercise a dangerous power.”
Speaking to reporters on Thursday, Trump explained that he no longer viewed social media sites as acting in a neutral way.
“Currently, social media giants like Twitter received unprecedented viability shield based on the theory that they are a neutral platform, which they are not. We are fed up with it. It is unfair, and it’s been very unfair,” Trump said.
According to CNN’s Jim Acosta, Trump also expressed a desire to close Twitter down for good, although he recognized he wouldn’t be able to do that.
“If it were legal, if it could be legally shut down, I would do it,” Trump said.
Trump also plans to accuse sites of “invoking inconsistent, irrational, and groundless justifications to censor or otherwise punish Americans’ speech here at home.”
The order represents the most aggressive response yet from the Trump administration toward social media sites. It will undoubtedly be challenged in courts, however on a number of fronts, including the possible argument that it would be an unfair regulation of social media sites’ First Amendment speech rights.
On Wednesday morning, Facebook co-founder and CEO Mark Zuckerberg was interviewed on Fox News to discuss his views on the matter — and appeared to agree with Trump on the matter.
“I believe strongly that Facebook shouldn’t be the arbiter of truth of everything that people say online,” Zuckerberg said. “I think in general, private companies shouldn’t be, especially these platform companies, shouldn’t be in the position of doing that.”
Perhaps in response to both Zuckerberg’s words and Trump’s executive order, Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, citing the president’s words specifically, stood firm in his decision to issue fact checks on the president or other public figures.
“We’ll continue to point out incorrect or disputed information about elections globally. And we will admit to and own any mistakes we make,” Dorsey wrote in a series of tweets. “This does not make us an ‘arbiter of truth.’ Our intention is to connect the dots of conflicting statements and show the information in dispute so people can judge for themselves.”
Dorsey also explained that Trump’s tweets earlier in the week “may mislead people into thinking they don’t need to register to get a ballot,” thus warranting a fact-check to them.
The president on Tuesday had errantly and without evidence said that expanding the right of Americans to participate in elections using mail-in ballots would be rife with fraud — even though he himself has utilized absentee mail-in voting in the recent past, as have other members of his White House staff.
“There is NO WAY (ZERO!) that Mail-In Ballots will be anything less than substantially fraudulent,” Trump had written. “Mail boxes will be robbed, ballots will be forged & even illegally printed out & fraudulently signed.”
In response to Trump’s tweets, Twitter posted a small link at the bottom of them. “Get the facts about mail-in ballots,” the link said, transporting users to a page headlined, “Trump makes unsubstantiated claim that mail-in ballots will lead to voter fraud.”
Trump responded later in the day by accusing Twitter of “stifling FREE SPEECH,” and that he would “not allow it to happen.” On Wednesday, he promised to “regulate or close” sites that behaved this way in the future.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-05-28--House Dems Demand Trump Admin Stop Rushing Deportations of Migrant Children

Democratic congressional leaders expressed alarm Wednesday at a sudden acceleration in the deportation of migrant children and in a strongly worded letter requested that the Department of Homeland Security and Immigration and Customs Enforcement “ cease this practice immediately.
” The letter signed by five key House leaders overseeing immigration cited a May 18 ProPublica/Texas Tribune story that found the U.S. government has aggressively begun to rush the deportations of unaccompanied children in its care to countries where they have been raped , beaten or had a parent killed , according to attorneys , court filings and congressional staff .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ 900 unaccompanied children the government has turned back at the border under an emergency declaration in March by President Donald Trump ’ s administration to stop the spread of COVID-19 .
Usually children traveling alone qualify for expansive protections under the law .
U.S. Rep. Joaquin Castro , a Texas Democrat who chairs the Congressional Hispanic Caucus and helped author the letter , said in a statement that the United States has both a legal and moral responsibility to protect migrant children from possible abuse and human trafficking .
“ It is appalling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deporting and denying due process protections to the most vulnerable of the most vulnerable people — unaccompanied children who were forced to wait in Mexico for a chance at asylum in America , ” Castro said .
“ President Trump is using the guise of public health to advance his anti-immigrant agenda.
” The letter was signed by four other House Democrats holding leadership positions , including Jerrold Nadler , a New York Democrat who chairs the Judiciary Committee with oversight over DHS .
The other members were Rosa DeLauro from Connecticut , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Health and Human Services in charge of migrant children ; Lucille Roybal-Allard of California , who chairs the appropriations subcommittee over Homeland Security ; and Californian Zoe Lofgren , who chairs a judiciary subcommittee over immigration and citizenship .
DHS did not immediately respond to a request for comment .
April Grant , a spokeswoman for ICE , said in a statement that correspondence between members of Congress and her agency is handled through official channels and “ will be addressed by appropriate officials at the department.
” In recent weeks , federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ children in the U.S. to relatives and in late-night moves have attempted to deport some of them with scant notice to their attorneys .
The government seems particularly focused on children who had been required to stay in Mexico with their families under a controversial 2019 Trump administration program named the Migrant Protection Protocols , in which most had no access to lawyers .
As violence surged in Mexican border towns and some parents were assaulted , kidnapped or even killed , many children streamed into the U.S. alone .
Since March , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at least 15 such children , according to their lawyers , and removed at least seven , including one who was 10 .
At least two children sent back in recent weeks , including a 16-year-old who had been raped by her father in Honduras , have been tracked down by international refugee agencies after U.S. counterparts asked them for help .
One boy is locked down in a relative ’ s home in Honduras and said in an interview that he fears going outside because of abuse related to his sexual orientation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attorneys being notified and despite an immigration judge agreeing to reopen his case .
At least six more such children are fighting deportation with last-minute court appeals after their lawyers said the U.S. moved suddenly to put them on planes home .
“ It is especially galling that DHS would choose a time of global pandemic to target such vulnerable children , denying them access to basic due process protections and a meaningful chance to have their cases reopened and appropriately considered , ” the congressional letter said .
The government has said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and their family already have been denied asylum in Mexico under the Migrant Protection Protocols program — even if the minors later cross the border by themselves under different circumstances .
In court filings , attorneys for the administration have maintained federal law did not require that these children receive new cases as unaccompanied minors with the broad rights that status affords .
But attorneys in lawsuits across the country argue that is a violation of both a 2008 law intended to protect migrant children from trafficking and a 1997 federal settlement forcing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ safe ” conditions and make “ prompt ” efforts to release them .
The attorneys contend the government is breaking the law by not granting children entering the U.S. alone a new bid at asylum .
They include two Salvadoran girls , 8 and 11 , who their mother and lawyers said had come to the Texas border with their father after local gang members threatened to kill them .
A U.S. immigration judge denied their asylum case in January .
In March , the father was attacked in Matamoros , across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ When he didn ’ t return for two days , a neighbor feared the worst and told the girls to cross the border alone to find their mother in Houston .
U.S. authorities placed them in temporary foster care through a federal shelter and approved their release to their mother .
They were about to be reunified with her in mid-May when , abruptly , the government moved to deport them .
The children have said they were victims of sexual assault in El Salvador , and the mother told authorities the only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ allegations .
The mother said ICE informed Salvadoran consular officials that they could go to foster care in their home country if they had to .
The children ’ s pro bono lawyers challenged their deportation in federal court and to the Board of Immigration Appeals .
ICE agreed to pause their deportation until those legal actions are resolved , said their lawyer , Elizabeth Sanchez Kennedy of YMCA International Services in Houston .
The girls were temporarily released to their mother this month .
Congressional Democrats in the letter said the Migrant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the more than 60,000 people who have been returned to Mexico under that 2019 initiative .
Of those , more than 1,100 have been kidnapped , raped or assaulted in Mexico , including children , according to Human Rights First , an advocacy group .
The U.S. State Department has long warned against travel to the state of Tamaulipas , which borders Texas , because of crime and kidnapping , classifying it at the same danger level as war zones like Syria .
The White House has been trying since 2017 to undo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who the administration contends are wrongly allowed to stay in the U.S. for years because of loopholes in federal law .
The government , which tried separating immigrant parents from their children at the border before federal litigation halted the practice , is seeking changes to a settlement decree governing the care of migrant children and expediting their cases in immigration courts .
“ It has tried tactic after tactic , from separating children from their parents to forcing asylum-seeking families to wait indefinitely in dangerous conditions in Mexico , ” said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Young Center for Immigrant Children ’ s Rights , which provides guardians ad litem for minors .
“ But COVID provided cover for the administration ’ s ultimate strategy — closing the door to all children .
”

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Democratic congressional leaders expressed alarm Wednesday at a sudden acceleration in the deportation of migrant children and in a strongly worded letter requested that the Department of Homeland Security and Immigration and Customs Enforcement “cease this practice immediately.”
The letter signed by five key House leaders overseeing immigration cited a May 18 ProPublica/Texas Tribune story that found the U.S. government has aggressively begun to rush the deportations of unaccompanied children in its care to countries where they have been raped, beaten or had a parent killed, according to attorneys, court filings and congressional staff.
That comes on top of more than 900 unaccompanied children the government has turned back at the border under an emergency declaration in March by President Donald Trump’s administration to stop the spread of COVID-19. Usually children traveling alone qualify for expansive protections under the law.
U.S. Rep. Joaquin Castro, a Texas Democrat who chairs the Congressional Hispanic Caucus and helped author the letter, said in a statement that the United States has both a legal and moral responsibility to protect migrant children from possible abuse and human trafficking.
“It is appalling and unacceptable that the Trump administration is deporting and denying due process protections to the most vulnerable of the most vulnerable people — unaccompanied children who were forced to wait in Mexico for a chance at asylum in America,” Castro said. “President Trump is using the guise of public health to advance his anti-immigrant agenda.”
The letter was signed by four other House Democrats holding leadership positions, including Jerrold Nadler, a New York Democrat who chairs the Judiciary Committee with oversight over DHS.
The other members were Rosa DeLauro from Connecticut, who chairs a subcommittee overseeing appropriations for Health and Human Services in charge of migrant children; Lucille Roybal-Allard of California, who chairs the appropriations subcommittee over Homeland Security; and Californian Zoe Lofgren, who chairs a judiciary subcommittee over immigration and citizenship.
DHS did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
April Grant, a spokeswoman for ICE, said in a statement that correspondence between members of Congress and her agency is handled through official channels and “will be addressed by appropriate officials at the department.”
In recent weeks, federal authorities have stalled the release of migrant children in the U.S. to relatives and in late-night moves have attempted to deport some of them with scant notice to their attorneys.
The government seems particularly focused on children who had been required to stay in Mexico with their families under a controversial 2019 Trump administration program named the Migrant Protection Protocols, in which most had no access to lawyers.
As violence surged in Mexican border towns and some parents were assaulted, kidnapped or even killed, many children streamed into the U.S. alone.
Since March, the administration has tried to quickly deport at least 15 such children, according to their lawyers, and removed at least seven, including one who was 10.
At least two children sent back in recent weeks, including a 16-year-old who had been raped by her father in Honduras, have been tracked down by international refugee agencies after U.S. counterparts asked them for help. One boy is locked down in a relative’s home in Honduras and said in an interview that he fears going outside because of abuse related to his sexual orientation.
Another teen was deported without his attorneys being notified and despite an immigration judge agreeing to reopen his case.
At least six more such children are fighting deportation with last-minute court appeals after their lawyers said the U.S. moved suddenly to put them on planes home.
“It is especially galling that DHS would choose a time of global pandemic to target such vulnerable children, denying them access to basic due process protections and a meaningful chance to have their cases reopened and appropriately considered,” the congressional letter said.
The government has said children are subject to deportation if they and their family already have been denied asylum in Mexico under the Migrant Protection Protocols program — even if the minors later cross the border by themselves under different circumstances.
In court filings, attorneys for the administration have maintained federal law did not require that these children receive new cases as unaccompanied minors with the broad rights that status affords.
But attorneys in lawsuits across the country argue that is a violation of both a 2008 law intended to protect migrant children from trafficking and a 1997 federal settlement forcing the government to hold such minors in “safe” conditions and make “prompt” efforts to release them. The attorneys contend the government is breaking the law by not granting children entering the U.S. alone a new bid at asylum.
They include two Salvadoran girls, 8 and 11, who their mother and lawyers said had come to the Texas border with their father after local gang members threatened to kill them. A U.S. immigration judge denied their asylum case in January. In March, the father was attacked in Matamoros, across from Brownsville, after leaving work.
When he didn’t return for two days, a neighbor feared the worst and told the girls to cross the border alone to find their mother in Houston.
U.S. authorities placed them in temporary foster care through a federal shelter and approved their release to their mother. They were about to be reunified with her in mid-May when, abruptly, the government moved to deport them.
The children have said they were victims of sexual assault in El Salvador, and the mother told authorities the only relative left there is connected to those allegations. The mother said ICE informed Salvadoran consular officials that they could go to foster care in their home country if they had to.
The children’s pro bono lawyers challenged their deportation in federal court and to the Board of Immigration Appeals. ICE agreed to pause their deportation until those legal actions are resolved, said their lawyer, Elizabeth Sanchez Kennedy of YMCA International Services in Houston. The girls were temporarily released to their mother this month.
Congressional Democrats in the letter said the Migrant Protection Protocols program has imperiled many of the more than 60,000 people who have been returned to Mexico under that 2019 initiative. Of those, more than 1,100 have been kidnapped, raped or assaulted in Mexico, including children, according to Human Rights First, an advocacy group.
The U.S. State Department has long warned against travel to the state of Tamaulipas, which borders Texas, because of crime and kidnapping, classifying it at the same danger level as war zones like Syria.
The White House has been trying since 2017 to undo federal protections for immigrant families and children, who the administration contends are wrongly allowed to stay in the U.S. for years because of loopholes in federal law. The government, which tried separating immigrant parents from their children at the border before federal litigation halted the practice, is seeking changes to a settlement decree governing the care of migrant children and expediting their cases in immigration courts.
“It has tried tactic after tactic, from separating children from their parents to forcing asylum-seeking families to wait indefinitely in dangerous conditions in Mexico,” said Jennifer Nagda, policy director for the Young Center for Immigrant Children’s Rights, which provides guardians ad litem for minors. “But COVID provided cover for the administration’s ultimate strategy — closing the door to all children.”
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