truthout--2020-07-07--Hunger Strikers at COVID-Infected ICE Jail Were Pepper-Sprayed in Retaliation

AMY GOODMAN : This is Democracy Now !
, democracynow.org , The Quarantine Report .
I ’ m Amy Goodman , with Juan González .
The number of people jailed by ICE — that ’ s Immigration and Customs Enforcement — who have tested positive for the coronavirus continues to rise , with more than 2,700 cases reported .
Among the hardest hit by the pandemic is the Otay Mesa Detention Center in California , where a mass outbreak of COVID-19 has infected at least 167 people and led to the death of 57-year-old Carlos Ernesto Escobar Mejia last month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , lack of medical care , and the repeated use of pepper spray as retaliation .
Last week , we reached immigrant and activist Anthony Alexandre , who ’ s detained there .
He spoke to us by phone .
He ’ s a longtime resident of the United States , originally from Haiti .
He has led two hunger strikes inside .
I began by asking Anthony Alexandre to describe the conditions he and others are facing .
ANTHONY ALEXANDRE : Well , we are still in a unmitigated disaster , that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still dire .
The amount of detainees that ’ s been affected with the positive here in Otay Mesa is around 250 detainees .
And they still haven ’ t done anything to mitigate the situation .
The lack of healthcare is still — we have between three to nine medical staff on any time on the premises .
And we decided to hunger strike , because we were asking for basic dignity .
And as a retaliation , they pepper-sprayed us .
This was really hard for us .
It was really @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 20 minutes , when they came in and asked us that they ’ re going to put us in a unit that had 15 — 15 detainees that had tested positive .
We didn ’ t want to leave , because our body was so feeble because we were on a hunger strike .
And they decided to come in and pepper-spray us .
There was like people on the floor .
It was like 20 minutes , 20 minutes of pain .
Just like you could see Floyd is struggling for air @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at this point .
And they came in , dragged us out of our cell and put us to another unit to go to a pod where Carlos Escobar were .
So they took 15 detainees that was on M pod to put them on L pod , that they just finished pepper-spraying .
It was unbelievable .
That ’ s what made the situation so pernicious , because they took Carlos at that time .
We saw him gasping for air when they were putting him on L pod , which was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they just finished pepper-spraying .
They waited three days .
After watching Carlos Escobar struggling for air , they waiting for three days to take him to outside medical .
I could not believe that .
That was something that is very negligent .
And they decided after that to take us to a medical unit that had three other detainees that tested positive , where we ’ re sharing phone .
They ’ re not properly cleaning it .
The cell where we were was dirty , filthy , dirty with bloodstain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I had to clean the cell myself , when I was so weak .
It was unbelievable , unbearable in this facility .
JUAN GONZÁLEZ : And , Anthony , I wanted to ask you — back in April , the prisoners were told to sign contracts that were written only in English , in exchange for receiving face masks .
And I would assume that the vast majority of the detainees there are of Mexican or Central American origin .
Many of them don ’ t speak English .
What was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when some refused ?
ANTHONY ALEXANDRE : Yes .
The reason why this occurred is because they did not give us proper PPE at all .
The mask they gave us was actually one-day use only .
And they give you that twice every what ?
Two months ?
And we had to cut off pieces of clothing to make personal masks with that .
So , because those property belong to them , they pepper-sprayed us for cutting pieces of those clothing to put as mask .
And they want you to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that I ’ m just discussing with you right now .
And most of these detainees does not speak English .
And you have to sign for it .
I was the one that ’ s trying to translate what it was , to make sure that everybody got one in my unit so they could be able to protect themselves .
That is accurate .
So , yes , this is indicative to how they behave when you don ’ t — when they don ’ t like you to do something @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s indicative to how they behave .
AMY GOODMAN : Anthony , I wanted to play a video , a recording you made for the organization Otay Mesa Detention Resistance to play for California Governor Gavin Newsom during a meeting with his staff last month .
AMY GOODMAN : So , Anthony Alexandre , do you know if the governor heard this ?
The conditions in the prison now , is it — are you still asked to sign a waiver , if you get a mask , if you want to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ CoreCivic of liability ?
This is a for-profit detention company , prison company , that runs Otay Mesa .
Describe what CoreCivic is and whether the governor has responded .
ANTHONY ALEXANDRE : The governor — 40 detainees on my unit , we signed a letter to Governor Newsom , and we sent it to their office .
They sent back a letter saying that they wanted to speak to us , but we haven ’ t heard back from them ever since we had the first conversation .
Now , at Otay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they gave us a mask was at least a month and a half ago .
These are cloth masks they give us , not those , you know , instant masks anymore .
So they give us two masks .
We have to wash them all the time .
And , you know , most of the detainees are not wearing any mask anymore , because we ’ re back in our unit .
We try to keep it clean .
They don ’ t allow us to go outside .
They lock @ @ @ @ @ @ @ day now .
And they ’ re giving us , three times a day fed bologna sandwiches .
So , basically , CoreCivic is telling us they do not care about our health .
They do not care about anything else but their bottom line .
So , this is not a place where you can be comfortable .
They make it very difficult for you to breathe .
They tell us that we have to , if you don ’ t want to get infected — first of all , they say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if we get COVID-19 .
And they tell us that if you don ’ t want to test positive , you can sign for your deportation .
So they ’ re basically using the COVID-19 to make us sign for our deportation .
This is not a place where you know they are doing — taking measures to make sure that our health is up to date .
So , it ’ s very difficult to be relaxed in a place like this — stress everywhere , everybody ’ s getting sick , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sure that you wear a mask every day and gloves to be — I ’ m extremely vigilant because I suffer from an underlying condition .
So , every time I go out of this 7-by-12 cell , I have to put a mask , wear gloves , to make sure that , you know , I don ’ t get sick , because I suffer from an underlying condition .
So , everybody in here , we ’ re all worried .
Everybody thinks that , you know , if something happened @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Some of these guys are signing letters to their family to say , you know , please — because after Escobar , we saw what had happened with Escobar , we all thought maybe we won ’ t make it , because some of these guys , this condition is so bad .
Some of the — I remember seeing one guy slit his own throat .
There was one other guy that swallowed a battery , you know , because they don ’ t want to go back to their country .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ leave — they don ’ t want them to stay here in the U.S .
So , this is very stressful being in here .
AMY GOODMAN : Final words , Anthony , as we wrap up here , speaking to us from inside the Otay Mesa Detention Center ?
What the external solidarity means to you ?
You have the Otay Mesa resistance movement outside .
How do they get word inside ?
How do you get word out ?
ANTHONY ALEXANDRE : Well , this was difficult , because this is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arrived here , I ’ ve been trying to vindicate my life , and ICE blocked me from vital information that would facilitate me to win my cases .
They block numbers , like , for example , Otay Mesa Resistance .
They block their numbers for us to call , because sometimes I would need information they ’ re doing that would help me out .
They block those numbers .
They ’ re making sure that we have — you watch specific shows they want to watch .
We ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the different units .
It ’ s like having their foot on our necks .
They ’ re not allowing us to do the things that needs basic — basically , our right is violated .
Our First Amendment right is violated .
So , ACLU has filed them — filed a letter to let them know to cease and desist , because , you know , they ’ re not supposed to do that .
So , basically , now they are allowing us to speak to the resistance again .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of America .
Once you arrive here , you will basically have no rights .
That ’ s what they ’ re telling us .
This is civil detention .
It can not be — we are both in a world — we are all in a world that none of us have lived before , so it can not be business as usual , you know , and ICE can not just ignore basic , basic dignity and have us being in here , where we could be on ankle monitors with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reason why they should keep us in here , unless profiting from our suffering .
AMY GOODMAN : You ’ re calling for Otay Mesa to be shut down , Anthony ?
ANTHONY ALEXANDRE : Yes , because we all — we don ’ t have to be here .
We all could be home with our family on ankle monitors to fight our cases on the outside .
What ’ s the point of being in here , if it was just not for profit ?

AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The Quarantine Report. I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan González. The number of people jailed by ICE — that’s Immigration and Customs Enforcement — who have tested positive for the coronavirus continues to rise, with more than 2,700 cases reported. Among the hardest hit by the pandemic is the Otay Mesa Detention Center in California, where a mass outbreak of COVID-19 has infected at least 167 people and led to the death of 57-year-old Carlos Ernesto Escobar Mejia last month. Immigrants detained there report dire conditions, lack of medical care, and the repeated use of pepper spray as retaliation.
Last week, we reached immigrant and activist Anthony Alexandre, who’s detained there. He spoke to us by phone. He’s a longtime resident of the United States, originally from Haiti. He has led two hunger strikes inside. I began by asking Anthony Alexandre to describe the conditions he and others are facing.
ANTHONY ALEXANDRE: Well, we are still in a unmitigated disaster, that it’s — the condition is still dire. The amount of detainees that’s been affected with the positive here in Otay Mesa is around 250 detainees. And they still haven’t done anything to mitigate the situation. The lack of healthcare is still — we have between three to nine medical staff on any time on the premises.
And we decided to hunger strike, because we were asking for basic dignity. And as a retaliation, they pepper-sprayed us. This was really hard for us. It was really hard to breathe. It was about 20 minutes, when they came in and asked us that they’re going to put us in a unit that had 15 — 15 detainees that had tested positive. We didn’t want to leave, because our body was so feeble because we were on a hunger strike. And they decided to come in and pepper-spray us. There was like people on the floor. It was like 20 minutes, 20 minutes of pain. Just like you could see Floyd is struggling for air, that’s how we were at this point.
And they came in, dragged us out of our cell and put us to another unit to go to a pod where Carlos Escobar were. So they took 15 detainees that was on M pod to put them on L pod, that they just finished pepper-spraying. It was unbelievable. That’s what made the situation so pernicious, because they took Carlos at that time. We saw him gasping for air when they were putting him on L pod, which was the pod that we just left, they just finished pepper-spraying. They waited three days. After watching Carlos Escobar struggling for air, they waiting for three days to take him to outside medical. I could not believe that. That was something that is very negligent.
And they decided after that to take us to a medical unit that had three other detainees that tested positive, where we’re sharing phone. They’re not properly cleaning it. The cell where we were was dirty, filthy, dirty with bloodstain on walls, spit on the floor. I had to clean the cell myself, when I was so weak. It was unbelievable, unbearable in this facility.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, Anthony, I wanted to ask you — back in April, the prisoners were told to sign contracts that were written only in English, in exchange for receiving face masks. And I would assume that the vast majority of the detainees there are of Mexican or Central American origin. Many of them don’t speak English. What was your — and then they were pepper-sprayed when some refused?
ANTHONY ALEXANDRE: Yes. The reason why this occurred is because they did not give us proper PPE at all. The mask they gave us was actually one-day use only. And they give you that twice every what? Two months? And we had to cut off pieces of clothing to make personal masks with that. So, because those property belong to them, they pepper-sprayed us for cutting pieces of those clothing to put as mask.
And they want you to sign to get those little instant masks that I’m just discussing with you right now. And most of these detainees does not speak English. And you have to sign for it. I was the one that’s trying to translate what it was, to make sure that everybody got one in my unit so they could be able to protect themselves. That is accurate. So, yes, this is indicative to how they behave when you don’t — when they don’t like you to do something, they just pepper-sprayed you. That’s indicative to how they behave.
AMY GOODMAN: Anthony, I wanted to play a video, a recording you made for the organization Otay Mesa Detention Resistance to play for California Governor Gavin Newsom during a meeting with his staff last month.
ANTHONY ALEXANDRE: My name is Anthony Alexandre. I’m at Otay Mesa Detention Center. I’m a legal permanent resident for 30 years. I was born in Haiti. Governor, you have been a beacon of hope to all of us here. We believe that you are a pragmatic type of person, you will do the right thing. Governor Newsom, send the AG to investigate, or please tell us: What step are you going to take to save our lives?
AMY GOODMAN: So, Anthony Alexandre, do you know if the governor heard this? The conditions in the prison now, is it — are you still asked to sign a waiver, if you get a mask, if you want to get a mask, that would absolve CoreCivic of liability? This is a for-profit detention company, prison company, that runs Otay Mesa. Describe what CoreCivic is and whether the governor has responded.
ANTHONY ALEXANDRE: The governor — 40 detainees on my unit, we signed a letter to Governor Newsom, and we sent it to their office. They sent back a letter saying that they wanted to speak to us, but we haven’t heard back from them ever since we had the first conversation.
Now, at Otay Mesa Detention Center, the last time they gave us a mask was at least a month and a half ago. These are cloth masks they give us, not those, you know, instant masks anymore. So they give us two masks. We have to wash them all the time.
And, you know, most of the detainees are not wearing any mask anymore, because we’re back in our unit. We try to keep it clean. They don’t allow us to go outside. They lock us up at least 18 hours a day now. And they’re giving us, three times a day fed bologna sandwiches.
So, basically, CoreCivic is telling us they do not care about our health. They do not care about anything else but their bottom line. So, this is not a place where you can be comfortable. They make it very difficult for you to breathe.
They tell us that we have to, if you don’t want to get infected — first of all, they say they’re not responsible for us if we get COVID-19. And they tell us that if you don’t want to test positive, you can sign for your deportation. So they’re basically using the COVID-19 to make us sign for our deportation.
This is not a place where you know they are doing — taking measures to make sure that our health is up to date. So, it’s very difficult to be relaxed in a place like this — stress everywhere, everybody’s getting sick, and you know you have to make sure that you wear a mask every day and gloves to be — I’m extremely vigilant because I suffer from an underlying condition. So, every time I go out of this 7-by-12 cell, I have to put a mask, wear gloves, to make sure that, you know, I don’t get sick, because I suffer from an underlying condition.
So, everybody in here, we’re all worried. Everybody thinks that, you know, if something happened to us, we might die. Some of these guys are signing letters to their family to say, you know, please — because after Escobar, we saw what had happened with Escobar, we all thought maybe we won’t make it, because some of these guys, this condition is so bad. Some of the — I remember seeing one guy slit his own throat. There was one other guy that swallowed a battery, you know, because they don’t want to go back to their country. And they don’t want to leave — they don’t want them to stay here in the U.S. So, this is very stressful being in here.
AMY GOODMAN: Final words, Anthony, as we wrap up here, speaking to us from inside the Otay Mesa Detention Center? What the external solidarity means to you? You have the Otay Mesa resistance movement outside. How do they get word inside? How do you get word out?
ANTHONY ALEXANDRE: Well, this was difficult, because this is very important to hear. When I arrived here, I’ve been trying to vindicate my life, and ICE blocked me from vital information that would facilitate me to win my cases. They block numbers, like, for example, Otay Mesa Resistance. They block their numbers for us to call, because sometimes I would need information they’re doing that would help me out. They block those numbers. They’re making sure that we have — you watch specific shows they want to watch. We’re not allowed to speak to other detainees on the different units. It’s like having their foot on our necks.
They’re not allowing us to do the things that needs basic — basically, our right is violated. Our First Amendment right is violated. So, ACLU has filed them — filed a letter to let them know to cease and desist, because, you know, they’re not supposed to do that. So, basically, now they are allowing us to speak to the resistance again.
So, this is not United States of America. Once you arrive here, you will basically have no rights. That’s what they’re telling us. This is civil detention. It cannot be — we are both in a world — we are all in a world that none of us have lived before, so it cannot be business as usual, you know, and ICE cannot just ignore basic, basic dignity and have us being in here, where we could be on ankle monitors with our family. There’s no reason why they should keep us in here, unless profiting from our suffering.
AMY GOODMAN: You’re calling for Otay Mesa to be shut down, Anthony?
ANTHONY ALEXANDRE: Yes, because we all — we don’t have to be here. We all could be home with our family on ankle monitors to fight our cases on the outside. What’s the point of being in here, if it was just not for profit?


truthout--2020-07-07--Jared Kushner, Trump’s Golf Buddy and McConnell’s In-Laws Cashed In on PPP Loans

The White House released figures this week detailing which businesses received funds from the Paycheck Protection Program ( PPP ) , revealing a number of controversial payments made to lobbyists , political organizations , and Trump-linked businesses .
Created in late March as part of the CARES Act to help address the economic impact of COVID-19 , PPP has been criticized for its controversial management .
Though the program was intended to help small businesses keep workers on their payroll , the wording of the law allowed for exceptions to be made for larger companies , under certain circumstances , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flak for failing to distribute funds to a number of minority-owned businesses that were in dire need of aid .
PPP was meant to allow businesses with fewer than 500 employees to receive loans from the federal government , some of which can be forgiven if the money is used for paying workers ’ salaries or spent on rent , mortgage interest payments , or utility bills for businesses .
After pressure from critics and watchdog groups mounted for the administration to release details on who exactly received funds , the White House @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of some corporations that got the biggest payouts .
It did not release information for loans worth less than $ 150,000 , which the administration said accounted for 86.5 percent of all funds given out .
Still , the data that were released revealed a number of controversial and possibly problematic loans given out by the administration , which will likely result in critics questioning whether a conflict of interest exists in some of the PPP funds given out .
The family of President Donald Trump ’ s son-in-law Jared Kushner will benefit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to reporting from ProPublica .
A news website called The New York Observer , once owned by Kushner and now managed by an investment firm run by his brother-in-law , received a loan somewhere in the range of $ 350,000 to $ 1 million .
Princeton Forrestal LLC , a company that is at least 40 percent owned by the Kushner family , also received a loan in the range of $ 1 million to $ 2 million .
Trump ’ s children also appear to benefit somewhat from the PPP loans .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ received an investment from Donald Trump Jr. , also received a loan between $ 150,000 and $ 350,000 from PPP .
Notably , the co-chair of that company is also a Trump campaign fundraiser .
Some with political connections to Trump also received money from the program .
Albert Hazzouri , a Pennsylvania dental practice owner , received a loan from PPP in the $ 150,000 to $ 350,000 range .
Hazzouri frequently golfs with Trump at the president ’ s Mar-a-Lago estate in Florida , and infamously handed Trump a policy proposal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the links .
The proposal , supported by the American Dental Association , described the commander-in-chief as “ king.
” The law firm of Kasowitz Benson Torres LLP received a PPP loan of between $ 5 million to $ 10 million , according to the figures released on Monday ( $ 10 million is the maximum any company could have received from the program ) .
The firm represented Trump for decades before he became president , and one of its managing partners , Marc Kasowitz , was formerly Trump ’ s lawyer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Treasury Secretary Elaine Chao , who is married to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , may have benefited from PPP as well .
A New York-based shipping business owned by Chao ’ s family received a loan worth at least $ 350,000 .
Lobbying firms cashed in on the program , too .
Wiley Rein , a lobby group that focuses on trade policy , received a loan between $ 5 million and $ 10 million .
Two energy industry firms , Van Ness Feldman and Beveridge & Diamond , each received loans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million .
A political consulting firm founded by Jim Messina , who was a campaign manager to former President Barack Obama , got a loan that was greater than $ 1 million , and a company that creates political advertisements for the Trump campaign got between $ 350,000 to $ 1 million .
Notably , several organizations that are typically critical of government spending cast aside their political ethos in favor of getting loans from the PPP .
Americans for Tax Reform , for instance , took in a loan in an amount @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The organization touts itself as one that “ educates taxpayers on the true cost of government ” and “ the realities of costly government programs.
” The Ayn Rand Institute , named for the conservative philosopher who decried government aid programs , received a loan that may be as high as $ 1 million .
The organization justified going against its principles in a statement , saying , “ It would be a terrible injustice for pro-capitalists to step aside and leave the funds to those indifferent or actively hostile to capitalism .
@

The White House released figures this week detailing which businesses received funds from the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP), revealing a number of controversial payments made to lobbyists, political organizations, and Trump-linked businesses.
Created in late March as part of the CARES Act to help address the economic impact of COVID-19, PPP has been criticized for its controversial management. Though the program was intended to help small businesses keep workers on their payroll, the wording of the law allowed for exceptions to be made for larger companies, under certain circumstances, as well. The program also took flak for failing to distribute funds to a number of minority-owned businesses that were in dire need of aid.
PPP was meant to allow businesses with fewer than 500 employees to receive loans from the federal government, some of which can be forgiven if the money is used for paying workers’ salaries or spent on rent, mortgage interest payments, or utility bills for businesses.
After pressure from critics and watchdog groups mounted for the administration to release details on who exactly received funds, the White House relented on Monday and published the names of some corporations that got the biggest payouts. It did not release information for loans worth less than $150,000, which the administration said accounted for 86.5 percent of all funds given out.
Still, the data that were released revealed a number of controversial and possibly problematic loans given out by the administration, which will likely result in critics questioning whether a conflict of interest exists in some of the PPP funds given out.
The family of President Donald Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner will benefit from PPP, for example, according to reporting from ProPublica. A news website called The New York Observer, once owned by Kushner and now managed by an investment firm run by his brother-in-law, received a loan somewhere in the range of $350,000 to $1 million. Princeton Forrestal LLC, a company that is at least 40 percent owned by the Kushner family, also received a loan in the range of $1 million to $2 million.
Trump’s children also appear to benefit somewhat from the PPP loans. An indoor lettuce farming venture, which received an investment from Donald Trump Jr., also received a loan between $150,000 and $350,000 from PPP. Notably, the co-chair of that company is also a Trump campaign fundraiser.
Some with political connections to Trump also received money from the program. Albert Hazzouri, a Pennsylvania dental practice owner, received a loan from PPP in the $150,000 to $350,000 range. Hazzouri frequently golfs with Trump at the president’s Mar-a-Lago estate in Florida, and infamously handed Trump a policy proposal in 2017 while the two were on the links. The proposal, supported by the American Dental Association, described the commander-in-chief as “king.”
The law firm of Kasowitz Benson Torres LLP received a PPP loan of between $5 million to $10 million, according to the figures released on Monday ($10 million is the maximum any company could have received from the program). The firm represented Trump for decades before he became president, and one of its managing partners, Marc Kasowitz, was formerly Trump’s lawyer in the special counsel Russia investigation.
Treasury Secretary Elaine Chao, who is married to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, may have benefited from PPP as well. A New York-based shipping business owned by Chao’s family received a loan worth at least $350,000.
Lobbying firms cashed in on the program, too. Wiley Rein, a lobby group that focuses on trade policy, received a loan between $5 million and $10 million. Two energy industry firms, Van Ness Feldman and Beveridge & Diamond, each received loans between $2 million and $5 million.
A political consulting firm founded by Jim Messina, who was a campaign manager to former President Barack Obama, got a loan that was greater than $1 million, and a company that creates political advertisements for the Trump campaign got between $350,000 to $1 million.
Notably, several organizations that are typically critical of government spending cast aside their political ethos in favor of getting loans from the PPP. Americans for Tax Reform, for instance, took in a loan in an amount between $150,000 and $300,000. The organization touts itself as one that “educates taxpayers on the true cost of government” and “the realities of costly government programs.”
The Ayn Rand Institute, named for the conservative philosopher who decried government aid programs, received a loan that may be as high as $1 million. The organization justified going against its principles in a statement, saying, “It would be a terrible injustice for pro-capitalists to step aside and leave the funds to those indifferent or actively hostile to capitalism.”
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truthout--2020-07-07--Lawsuit Claims Louisville Gentrification Plan Led to Breonna Taylor’s Death

The shooting death of Breonna Taylor was part of a police operation to clear out a block in connection with a gentrification effort in western Louisville , according to an amended lawsuit filed by her family .
Taylor , a 26-year-old Black emergency room technician , was fatally shot after police executing a “ no-knock ” warrant entered her apartment as she slept .
Her boyfriend , Kenneth Walker , said he fired a warning shot after officers did not identify themselves as police .
Three officers then “ blindly ” fired 10 rounds in response , killing Taylor while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alleged that her apartment had been receiving drugs in the mail , but no drugs were found at the home .
Lawyers for Taylor ’ s mother , Tamika Palmer , alleged Sunday in an updated lawsuit that the warrant , which was issued for Taylor ’ s ex-boyfriend Jamarcus Glover , was initiated because Mayor Greg Fischer wanted to clear out the block in order to speed up a multi-million-dollar development plan , The Louisville Courier-Journal first reported .
The complaint alleges that the Louisville police department created a unit called Place @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which needed to be cleared for real estate development projects to proceed.
” Some homes on Elliott Avenue , where Glover rented a home , had already been demolished in recent months , and Glover ’ s home remained in the way .
Attorneys said in the complaint that the home was the primary target of the raid .
The lawsuit alleges that officers were “ deliberately misled ” into believing they were targeting the city ’ s “ largest violent crime and drug rings ” by fixing on the home .
Glover @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but police found that his housemate , Adrian Walker , and another suspect were not at the home .
Police then turned their attention to Taylor ’ s home , which was nearly 10 miles away from the primary target , according to the lawsuit .
“ Connecting the dots , it ’ s clear that these officers should never have been at Breonna Taylor ’ s home in the first place , and that they invaded the residence with no probable cause , ” the family ’ s attorneys said in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Breonna of her life — and Tamika Palmer of her daughter — exhibited outrageous , reckless , willful , wanton and unlawful conduct.
” Fischer ’ s office called the allegations “ outrageous ” and “ without foundation or supporting facts.
” “ They are insulting to the neighborhood members of the Vision Russell initiative and all the people involved in the years of work being done to revitalize the neighborhoods of west Louisville , ” spokeswoman Jean Porter said in a statement .
“ The mayor is absolutely committed to that work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s work to support $ 1 billion in capital projects there over the past few years , including a new YMCA , the city ’ s foundational $ 10 million grant to the Louisville Urban League ’ s Sports and Learning Complex , the Cedar Street housing development , new businesses , down payment home ownership assistance , and of course , the remaking of the large Beecher Terrace initiative.
” Documents filed seeking the no-knock warrant show that police claimed to have seen Glover leave Taylor ’ s home with a package @ @ @ @ @ @ @ known drug house.
” Detective Joshua Jaynes said in the affidavit that he verified through a “ U.S .
Postal Inspector ” that Glover was receiving packages at Taylor ’ s apartment .
But the Louisville U.S. postal inspector ’ s office denied that it had verified the information .
The office said a different agency was asked to look into the matter , and that office concluded that the address had not received suspicious packages .
Interim Police Chief Robert Schroeder reassigned Jaynes last month over questions about “ how and why @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also fired one of the officers who shot Taylor .
The lawsuit says that Glover and Walker were “ not anywhere close to Louisville ’ s Pablo Escobar or Scarface.
” “ They were not violent criminals , ” the suit says .
“ They were simply a setback to a large real estate development deal , and thus the issue needed to be cleaned up.
” Glover ’ s case remains pending .
County records obtained by The Courier-Journal show that the city bought the property he was renting on Elliott Avenue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The lawsuit noted that eight homes had been demolished on the street in the previous three weeks after only nine homes were demolished on the street over the previous 16 years .
The Courier-Journal reported that the “ Vision Russell ” project included a smaller project called the “ Keeping It Real Elliott Street Redevelopment , ” where Glover ’ s house which was bought by the city is located .
A presentation obtained by local news outlet WAVE-TV showed Glover ’ s neighborhood on Elliott Avenue .
After the presentation , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were evicted and had their homes bought up by the city , according to the lawsuit , but Glover still stood in the way of the project .
Fischer , who was named the president of the U.S. Conference of Mayors last week , has promoted the “ Vision Russell ” project since 2016 in hopes of stimulating the economy .
Mary Ellen Wiederwohl , Fischer ’ s top economic adviser , called the allegations in the lawsuit a “ gross mischaracterization of the project.
” “ The work along Elliott Ave is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ neighborhood revitalization and stabilization work we ’ ve been doing for years , ” she said in a statement .
“ We have partnered with a community organization to understand community needs and wants , and the public land bank has been acquiring properties through foreclosure , donation and some sales ; less than half the homes there are occupied .
We have also been in conversation with nonprofit housing interests about using the publicly acquired properties to create Louisville ’ s first community land trust to ensure investment without displacement .
Our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clean , desirable and affordable neighborhood for the residents of Russell.
” There have been no arrests in Taylor ’ s death , and the city has not released information about the investigation into the killing .
“ I ’ m all about transparency , but we ’ re also all about wanting fair trials to take place , ” Fischer told reporters last week .
“ So both the attorney general and the FBI have asked us to keep any reports that could influence witnesses off the public scene right now , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if there is a trial , a fair trial takes place .
”

The city later bought a home rented by Taylor’s ex-boyfriend, which was tied to a multimillion-dollar development.
The shooting death of Breonna Taylor was part of a police operation to clear out a block in connection with a gentrification effort in western Louisville, according to an amended lawsuit filed by her family.
Taylor, a 26-year-old Black emergency room technician, was fatally shot after police executing a “no-knock” warrant entered her apartment as she slept. Her boyfriend, Kenneth Walker, said he fired a warning shot after officers did not identify themselves as police. Three officers then “blindly” fired 10 rounds in response, killing Taylor while she was still in bed. Authorities alleged that her apartment had been receiving drugs in the mail, but no drugs were found at the home.
Lawyers for Taylor’s mother, Tamika Palmer, alleged Sunday in an updated lawsuit that the warrant, which was issued for Taylor’s ex-boyfriend Jamarcus Glover, was initiated because Mayor Greg Fischer wanted to clear out the block in order to speed up a multi-million-dollar development plan, The Louisville Courier-Journal first reported.
The complaint alleges that the Louisville police department created a unit called Place Based Investigations focused on “certain areas which needed to be cleared for real estate development projects to proceed.” Some homes on Elliott Avenue, where Glover rented a home, had already been demolished in recent months, and Glover’s home remained in the way.
Attorneys said in the complaint that the home was the primary target of the raid. The lawsuit alleges that officers were “deliberately misled” into believing they were targeting the city’s “largest violent crime and drug rings” by fixing on the home.
Glover was ultimately arrested at another location, but police found that his housemate, Adrian Walker, and another suspect were not at the home. Police then turned their attention to Taylor’s home, which was nearly 10 miles away from the primary target, according to the lawsuit.
“Connecting the dots, it’s clear that these officers should never have been at Breonna Taylor’s home in the first place, and that they invaded the residence with no probable cause,” the family’s attorneys said in a statement. “The officers who robbed Breonna of her life — and Tamika Palmer of her daughter — exhibited outrageous, reckless, willful, wanton and unlawful conduct.”
Fischer’s office called the allegations “outrageous” and “without foundation or supporting facts.”
“They are insulting to the neighborhood members of the Vision Russell initiative and all the people involved in the years of work being done to revitalize the neighborhoods of west Louisville,” spokeswoman Jean Porter said in a statement. “The mayor is absolutely committed to that work, as evidenced by the city’s work to support $1 billion in capital projects there over the past few years, including a new YMCA, the city’s foundational $10 million grant to the Louisville Urban League’s Sports and Learning Complex, the Cedar Street housing development, new businesses, down payment home ownership assistance, and of course, the remaking of the large Beecher Terrace initiative.”
Documents filed seeking the no-knock warrant show that police claimed to have seen Glover leave Taylor’s home with a package in January before driving to a “known drug house.” Detective Joshua Jaynes said in the affidavit that he verified through a “U.S. Postal Inspector” that Glover was receiving packages at Taylor’s apartment.
But the Louisville U.S. postal inspector’s office denied that it had verified the information. The office said a different agency was asked to look into the matter, and that office concluded that the address had not received suspicious packages.
Interim Police Chief Robert Schroeder reassigned Jaynes last month over questions about “how and why the search warrant was approved.” Schroeder also fired one of the officers who shot Taylor.
The lawsuit says that Glover and Walker were “not anywhere close to Louisville’s Pablo Escobar or Scarface.”
“They were not violent criminals,” the suit says. “They were simply a setback to a large real estate development deal, and thus the issue needed to be cleaned up.”
Glover’s case remains pending. County records obtained by The Courier-Journal show that the city bought the property he was renting on Elliott Avenue for around $17,160 after his arrest.
The lawsuit noted that eight homes had been demolished on the street in the previous three weeks after only nine homes were demolished on the street over the previous 16 years.
The Courier-Journal reported that the “Vision Russell” project included a smaller project called the “Keeping It Real Elliott Street Redevelopment,” where Glover’s house which was bought by the city is located.
A presentation obtained by local news outlet WAVE-TV showed Glover’s neighborhood on Elliott Avenue. After the presentation, Glover began being targeted as other residents were evicted and had their homes bought up by the city, according to the lawsuit, but Glover still stood in the way of the project.
Fischer, who was named the president of the U.S. Conference of Mayors last week, has promoted the “Vision Russell” project since 2016 in hopes of stimulating the economy.
Mary Ellen Wiederwohl, Fischer’s top economic adviser, called the allegations in the lawsuit a “gross mischaracterization of the project.”
“The work along Elliott Ave is one small piece of the larger Russell neighborhood revitalization and stabilization work we’ve been doing for years,” she said in a statement. “We have partnered with a community organization to understand community needs and wants, and the public land bank has been acquiring properties through foreclosure, donation and some sales; less than half the homes there are occupied. We have also been in conversation with nonprofit housing interests about using the publicly acquired properties to create Louisville’s first community land trust to ensure investment without displacement. Our goal is to provide a safe, clean, desirable and affordable neighborhood for the residents of Russell.”
There have been no arrests in Taylor’s death, and the city has not released information about the investigation into the killing.
“I’m all about transparency, but we’re also all about wanting fair trials to take place,” Fischer told reporters last week. “So both the attorney general and the FBI have asked us to keep any reports that could influence witnesses off the public scene right now, because we want to make sure, if there is a trial, a fair trial takes place.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-07-07--Supreme Court Rejects Trump Effort to Greenlight Keystone XL Construction

The Supreme Court late Monday upheld a federal judge ’ s rejection of a crucial permit for Keystone XL and blocked the Trump administration ’ s attempt to greenlight construction of the 1,200-mile crude oil project , the third such blow to the fossil fuel industry in a day—coming just hours after the cancellation of the Atlantic Coast Pipeline and the court-ordered shutdown of the Dakota Access Pipeline .
While the ruling was not a total victory for the climate—the high court said other pipeline projects can proceed as environmental reviews are conducted—green groups applauded the delay of Keystone XL @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the Canada-owned pipeline will never be built thanks to legal obstacles and fierce grassroots opposition .
“ Three dangerous pipelines delayed within 24 hours should serve as a clear warning to any companies hoping to double down on dirty fossil fuel projects , ” said Greenpeace USA climate campaign director Janet Redman .
“ For more than a decade now , a powerful movement has been taking on reckless oil and gas pipelines and fighting to put Indigenous rights , a just economy , and our environment before oil company profits.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fossil fuels in the ground , ” Redman added , “ and begin a just transition to a Green New Deal and 100 percent renewable energy.
” The Supreme Court ’ s decision upheld a Montana judge ’ s April ruling that the Trump administration violated the Endangered Species Act by issuing a water-crossing permit for Keystone XL without fully assessing the damage the pipeline could inflict on wildlife along its planned route from Alberta , Canada to Nebraska .
As Bloomberg reported , the Supreme Court ’ s ruling “ means almost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2021.
” Kendall Mackey , Keep It in the Ground campaigner with 350.org , celebrated the high court ’ s decision to stall construction of Keystone XL “ despite the Trump administration ’ s desperate pleas and corporate pandering.
” “ This pipeline continues to be an epic boondoggle for Big Oil , ” said Mackey .
“ Tribal nations , farmers and ranchers , and allies across the country in solidarity with resistance to Keystone XL are not going anywhere—we will continue fighting to protect our climate from fossil fuel corporations at @ @ @ @

The decision came after the cancellation of the Atlantic Coast Pipeline and the shutdown of the Dakota Access Pipeline.
The Supreme Court late Monday upheld a federal judge’s rejection of a crucial permit for Keystone XL and blocked the Trump administration’s attempt to greenlight construction of the 1,200-mile crude oil project, the third such blow to the fossil fuel industry in a day—coming just hours after the cancellation of the Atlantic Coast Pipeline and the court-ordered shutdown of the Dakota Access Pipeline.
While the ruling was not a total victory for the climate—the high court said other pipeline projects can proceed as environmental reviews are conducted—green groups applauded the delay of Keystone XL construction as further confirmation of their view that the Canada-owned pipeline will never be built thanks to legal obstacles and fierce grassroots opposition.
“Three dangerous pipelines delayed within 24 hours should serve as a clear warning to any companies hoping to double down on dirty fossil fuel projects,” said Greenpeace USA climate campaign director Janet Redman. “For more than a decade now, a powerful movement has been taking on reckless oil and gas pipelines and fighting to put Indigenous rights, a just economy, and our environment before oil company profits.”
“It is past time to leave fossil fuels in the ground,” Redman added, “and begin a just transition to a Green New Deal and 100 percent renewable energy.”
The Supreme Court’s decision upheld a Montana judge’s April ruling that the Trump administration violated the Endangered Species Act by issuing a water-crossing permit for Keystone XL without fully assessing the damage the pipeline could inflict on wildlife along its planned route from Alberta, Canada to Nebraska.
As Bloomberg reported, the Supreme Court’s ruling “means almost all Keystone XL construction is delayed until 2021.”
Kendall Mackey, Keep It in the Ground campaigner with 350.org, celebrated the high court’s decision to stall construction of Keystone XL “despite the Trump administration’s desperate pleas and corporate pandering.”
“This pipeline continues to be an epic boondoggle for Big Oil,” said Mackey. “Tribal nations, farmers and ranchers, and allies across the country in solidarity with resistance to Keystone XL are not going anywhere—we will continue fighting to protect our climate from fossil fuel corporations at every turn.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-07-07--Natural Disaster Survivors Still Fighting for Relief Now Face Delays From COVID

For the first few weeks after a natural disaster , media and nonprofits swarm the affected area , giving much-needed attention to survivors and their needs .
But for natural disaster survivors , the nightmare continues long after the media has left the area .
Eight years after Hurricane Sandy , Staten Island is still feeling the effects of the storm ; 15 years after Hurricane Katrina , much of the Lower Ninth Ward remains razed , and many of the areas that were rebuilt were completely changed forever .
For survivors of natural disasters of more recent years , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And , due to COVID-19 , it may be stalled for an indefinite period of time .
Even survivors of the 2017 season , hit by Hurricanes Harvey , Irma and Maria , are still in immediate need of things like housing , says Greg Forrester , president of National Voluntary Organizations Active in Disaster , a volunteer coalition which provides relief , knowledge and recovery for natural disaster victims in the U.S. “ We still have large numbers of families that have yet to recover ” from that season , he tells @ @ @ @ @ @ @ basic infrastructure isn ’ t back to normal .
“ There ’ s still plenty of simple things , like traffic lights still aren ’ t working since Maria .
At first – that first year , year and a half , second year – we were like , ‘ right , eventually it ’ ll get fixed , ’ ” says Raimundo Espinoza , founder of Puerto Rico-based environmental nonprofit Conservación ConCiencia , a conservation organization that ’ s been helping coastal communities bounce back after recent disasters .
“ But then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that.
” Last year , there were still 30,000 families living under blue tarps that had been established after Maria .
Just earlier this year , Espinoza says , it felt like there was “ momentum ” – people starting businesses , getting back on their feet , he says – but earthquakes that started in January put that to a stop .
Thousands of homes were damaged , leaving an estimated 20,000 people displaced .
Then COVID-19 struck and put a wrench in nearly everything .
According to The New York Times @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases and 155 deaths at time of writing – a relatively low case count compared to the mainland U.S. , but enough to rock an already struggling island .
Because of the earthquakes that are still ongoing today , “ so many of [ the survivors ] still don ’ t have homes , and with COVID it just makes things so much worse , ” says Espinoza .
Most materials have to be shipped to the island , so even after construction projects were allowed again , shipping problems are still delaying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ problem for survivors looking for help is that even immediate disaster response in the U.S. is very much a patchwork , a “ quilt of local , state and federal financial resources , ” as Regine Webster , vice president of the Center for Disaster Philanthropy , tells Truthout .
If the government doesn ’ t fill the gap of helping with basic needs , nonprofit volunteers do ; and if nonprofit help falls through , it ’ s up to the community to set up its own response , especially in later @ @ @ @ @ @ @ top of figuring out housing , paychecks , insurance claims , Federal Emergency Management Agency ( FEMA ) requests , inspections , form after form after form , survivors now have coronavirus to worry about .
In many instances , the aid is just not sufficient .
Houston Public Media reports that most homeowners who were affected by Harvey are still waiting for payments .
Because of the pandemic , many of them might have to wait even longer for assistance .
“ When COVID kicked in , it actually stopped all of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ families that needed house repairs or fully rebuilding their houses , because it affected our full volunteer pool , ” says Forrester .
“ So when we look at something like this , it really then delays that recovery another couple of years ” due to the pandemic lining up with the more active volunteer months in the summer .
For those still in precarious housing situations after a disaster , the problems pile up .
FEMA provides housing assistance for 18 months for those who were disaster affected .
Some are running @ @ @ @ @ @ @ yet still need housing because of delays , says Forrester .
Affordable housing , forever scant , will be even harder to find with those affected by COVID-19 also seeking housing assistance .
Part of the problem , too , is that part of the funds for housing assistance must be paid locally ; under FEMA ’ s public assistance process , after the first six months , FEMA fronts 75 percent of costs as long as there is a match of 25 percent from the local community .
Every volunteer hour worked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explains Forrester , “ but in this current environment … we ’ re not putting volunteers into the field in the numbers that we were before , or in the continuity that we had before.
” Without volunteer hours , “ that cost share can sometimes exceed what [ governors ] are willing to go ahead and pay , ” says Forrester .
“ So what they ’ ll say is , ‘ No , we ’ re not going to apply for the extension , ’ which then leaves the survivors then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after that first six-month period of time.
” Because of the pandemic , FEMA has been considering special circumstances : For survivors of 2018 ’ s Hurricane Michael , FEMA has extended housing assistance past the 18-month period – but only for three months .
In low-income communities , the problems pile up even further .
Often , after disasters , “ landlords and management companies see this as an opportunity to take their insurance payoff , evict everyone , nicen the place up , raise the price and move new people in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ member of Mutual Aid Disaster Relief , a grassroots aid network that helps after disasters and is involved locally in COVID-19 assistance efforts as well .
Those who lost their homes due to disaster may have lost their jobs due to the pandemic and find themselves even further isolated from their communities .
Ocracoke , North Carolina , a small island community , was just beginning to let tourists back on the island after it was devastated by Hurricane Dorian last year when the pandemic hit .
Ocracoke experienced some of the worst @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flooding closing roads and flooding hundreds of homes .
The island doesn ’ t have a hospital , only a small health care center , so with coronavirus , “ the concern now is a lot of tourists returning to this area that has little medical infrastructure when they ’ re still recovering from a hurricane , ” says Garren .
Garren also points to Lumberton , North Carolina , a low-income , Indigenous community ( indicative of communities already traditionally ignored by the government ) where help from the government can be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ homeowners .
Lumberton was hit by Hurricane Matthew in 2016 and again by Hurricane Florence two years later , both causing historic floods that had a likelihood of happening once every 1,000 years .
“ I remember very vividly one woman that we encountered in Lumberton whose entire house was destroyed and the check that she received from FEMA was like 300 bucks , ” says Garren .
Disasters take a huge mental health toll on these communities ; after the wine country fires in 2017 , for instance , the Sonoma County @ @ @ @ @ @ @ received double the number of calls they normally get .
On top of potential health concerns like depression , anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder ( PTSD ) from these disasters , survivors will also get slammed by the PTSD that scientists say that coronavirus may be causing .
Recovering fully from disaster takes time and resources that coronavirus is taking away , and that ’ s only lengthening and adding to the suffering that many of these survivors were already facing .
The impacts of cobbled-together disaster response were clear to these communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the pandemic , will likely be clear to the whole country now .

Part of the Series Despair and Disparity: The Uneven Burdens of COVID-19
For the first few weeks after a natural disaster, media and nonprofits swarm the affected area, giving much-needed attention to survivors and their needs. But for natural disaster survivors, the nightmare continues long after the media has left the area. Eight years after Hurricane Sandy, Staten Island is still feeling the effects of the storm; 15 years after Hurricane Katrina, much of the Lower Ninth Ward remains razed, and many of the areas that were rebuilt were completely changed forever.
For survivors of natural disasters of more recent years, recovery is still far from over. And, due to COVID-19, it may be stalled for an indefinite period of time.
Even survivors of the 2017 season, hit by Hurricanes Harvey, Irma and Maria, are still in immediate need of things like housing, says Greg Forrester, president of National Voluntary Organizations Active in Disaster, a volunteer coalition which provides relief, knowledge and recovery for natural disaster victims in the U.S. “We still have large numbers of families that have yet to recover” from that season, he tells Truthout.
In Puerto Rico, even basic infrastructure isn’t back to normal. “There’s still plenty of simple things, like traffic lights still aren’t working since Maria. At first – that first year, year and a half, second year – we were like, ‘right, eventually it’ll get fixed,’” says Raimundo Espinoza, founder of Puerto Rico-based environmental nonprofit Conservación ConCiencia, a conservation organization that’s been helping coastal communities bounce back after recent disasters. “But then we kind of just lost confidence in that.” Last year, there were still 30,000 families living under blue tarps that had been established after Maria.
Just earlier this year, Espinoza says, it felt like there was “momentum” – people starting businesses, getting back on their feet, he says – but earthquakes that started in January put that to a stop. Thousands of homes were damaged, leaving an estimated 20,000 people displaced.
Then COVID-19 struck and put a wrench in nearly everything.
According to The New York Times, Puerto Rico has had about 8,500 cases and 155 deaths at time of writing – a relatively low case count compared to the mainland U.S., but enough to rock an already struggling island. Because of the earthquakes that are still ongoing today, “so many of [the survivors] still don’t have homes, and with COVID it just makes things so much worse,” says Espinoza. Most materials have to be shipped to the island, so even after construction projects were allowed again, shipping problems are still delaying projects and rebuilding.
Last year, there were still 30,000 families living under blue tarps that had been established after Hurricane Maria.
Part of the problem for survivors looking for help is that even immediate disaster response in the U.S. is very much a patchwork, a “quilt of local, state and federal financial resources,” as Regine Webster, vice president of the Center for Disaster Philanthropy, tells Truthout. If the government doesn’t fill the gap of helping with basic needs, nonprofit volunteers do; and if nonprofit help falls through, it’s up to the community to set up its own response, especially in later years of recovery. And, on top of figuring out housing, paychecks, insurance claims, Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) requests, inspections, form after form after form, survivors now have coronavirus to worry about.
In many instances, the aid is just not sufficient. Houston Public Media reports that most homeowners who were affected by Harvey are still waiting for payments. Because of the pandemic, many of them might have to wait even longer for assistance. “When COVID kicked in, it actually stopped all of our reconstruction, with all of the families that needed house repairs or fully rebuilding their houses, because it affected our full volunteer pool,” says Forrester. “So when we look at something like this, it really then delays that recovery another couple of years” due to the pandemic lining up with the more active volunteer months in the summer.
For those still in precarious housing situations after a disaster, the problems pile up. FEMA provides housing assistance for 18 months for those who were disaster affected. Some are running into the end of that period, yet still need housing because of delays, says Forrester. Affordable housing, forever scant, will be even harder to find with those affected by COVID-19 also seeking housing assistance.
Part of the problem, too, is that part of the funds for housing assistance must be paid locally; under FEMA’s public assistance process, after the first six months, FEMA fronts 75 percent of costs as long as there is a match of 25 percent from the local community.
Every volunteer hour worked can count toward the local match, explains Forrester, “but in this current environment … we’re not putting volunteers into the field in the numbers that we were before, or in the continuity that we had before.” Without volunteer hours, “that cost share can sometimes exceed what [governors] are willing to go ahead and pay,” says Forrester. “So what they’ll say is, ‘No, we’re not going to apply for the extension,’ which then leaves the survivors then to go ahead and fend for themselves after that first six-month period of time.”
Because of the pandemic, FEMA has been considering special circumstances: For survivors of 2018’s Hurricane Michael, FEMA has extended housing assistance past the 18-month period – but only for three months.
In low-income communities, the problems pile up even further. Often, after disasters, “landlords and management companies see this as an opportunity to take their insurance payoff, evict everyone, nicen the place up, raise the price and move new people in,” says Jena Garren, a member of Mutual Aid Disaster Relief, a grassroots aid network that helps after disasters and is involved locally in COVID-19 assistance efforts as well. Those who lost their homes due to disaster may have lost their jobs due to the pandemic and find themselves even further isolated from their communities.
Affordable housing, forever scant, will be even harder to find with those affected by COVID-19 also seeking housing assistance.
Ocracoke, North Carolina, a small island community, was just beginning to let tourists back on the island after it was devastated by Hurricane Dorian last year when the pandemic hit. Ocracoke experienced some of the worst impacts of the hurricane, with historic flooding closing roads and flooding hundreds of homes. The island doesn’t have a hospital, only a small health care center, so with coronavirus, “the concern now is a lot of tourists returning to this area that has little medical infrastructure when they’re still recovering from a hurricane,” says Garren.
Garren also points to Lumberton, North Carolina, a low-income, Indigenous community (indicative of communities already traditionally ignored by the government) where help from the government can be even harder to find, even for homeowners. Lumberton was hit by Hurricane Matthew in 2016 and again by Hurricane Florence two years later, both causing historic floods that had a likelihood of happening once every 1,000 years. “I remember very vividly one woman that we encountered in Lumberton whose entire house was destroyed and the check that she received from FEMA was like 300 bucks,” says Garren.
Disasters take a huge mental health toll on these communities; after the wine country fires in 2017, for instance, the Sonoma County mental health director said that his department received double the number of calls they normally get. On top of potential health concerns like depression, anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) from these disasters, survivors will also get slammed by the PTSD that scientists say that coronavirus may be causing.
Recovering fully from disaster takes time and resources that coronavirus is taking away, and that’s only lengthening and adding to the suffering that many of these survivors were already facing. The impacts of cobbled-together disaster response were clear to these communities before – and, as an effect of the pandemic, will likely be clear to the whole country now.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-07-07--Face Recognition Risks Chilling Our Ability to Participate in Free Speech

Janine Jackson : Robert Williams , an African-American man in Detroit , was falsely arrested when an algorithm declared his face a match with security footage of a watch store robbery .
Boston City Council voted recently to ban the city ’ s use of facial recognition technology , part of an effort to move resources from law enforcement to community , but also out of concern about dangerous mistakes like that in Williams ’ case , along with questions about what the technology means for privacy and free speech .
As more and more people go out in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know about this powerful tool , and the rules—or lack thereof—governing its use ?
Clare Garvie is a senior associate with the Center on Privacy and Technology at Georgetown Law , lead author of a series of reports on facial recognition , including last year ’ s America Under Watch : Face Surveillance in the United States .
She joins us now by phone .
Welcome to CounterSpin , Clare Garvie .
Clare Garvie : Thank you so much for having me on .
I would like to ask , first , for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recognition technology , and who is affected .
People might imagine that it ’ s a tool , like fingerprinting , that police sometimes use to catch criminals .
But then I read in the Center ’ s earlier report , evocatively titled The Perpetual Line-Up , that one in two American adults is in a law enforcement face recognition network .
How can that be ?
What does that mean ?
That ’ s right .
Face recognition use by police in the United States is very , very common .
Over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a database that ’ s used for criminal investigations , thanks to getting a driver ’ s license .
Robert Williams was not identified through a former mugshot ; he was identified through his driver ’ s license , which most of us have .
In addition , we estimate conservatively that over a quarter of all 18,000 law enforcement agencies across the country have access to use face recognition .
The most concerning feature is that there are few if any rules governing how this technology can or , more importantly , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say Williams was identified through a driver ’ s license—we think of someone going through mugshots , a crime has been committed and you go through mugshots to see if you can find someone .
But this is really , I mean , we really all are in a line-up , potentially , all the time , if police are using databases of things like driver ’ s licenses to match with .
That ’ s right .
Generally speaking , if you haven ’ t committed a crime or had interaction with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a fingerprint database that ’ s searched on a routine basis in criminal investigations .
You ’ re certainly not in a DNA database that ’ s searched for criminal investigations .
And yet , thanks to the development of face recognition technology , and the prevalence of face photographs on file in government databases , chances are better than not , you are in a face recognition database that is searched by the FBI or your state or local police , or accessible to them for investigations of any number of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the technology and its use are not perfect–I mean , law enforcement can search for matches based on a pencil drawing , or based on a picture of a celebrity , or a photoshopped picture .
I found that very interesting .
I wonder if you could talk a little bit about so-called “ probe ” photos .
It ’ s very odd .
So face recognition , very simply , is the ability of law enforcement , or whoever else has a system , to take a photo or a sketch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ individual , and compare it against the database of known individuals–typically mug shots , but also driver ’ s licenses .
In many jurisdictions , we have found that those probe photos are not limited to photographs .
They mostly are–and those are from social media , those are from cell phone photos or videos , those can be from surveillance cameras .
But in some jurisdictions , those are also forensic sketches , artists ’ renderings of what a witness describes a person looking like , or forensic sculpture created by a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the NYPD in at least two cases , officers used what they call celebrity lookalikes—somebody , a celebrity who they thought the suspect looked like , to search for the identity of the suspect .
This will fail .
Biometrics are unique to an individual .
You can ’ t substitute someone else ’ s biometrics for your own ; that just goes against the rules of biometrics .
You also can ’ t put in a sketch of a biometric .
A sketch of a fingerprint sounds ridiculous .
You can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in and expect to get a reliable result .
And yet , despite this , companies themselves , who are selling this tool , do advocate , in some instances , for the use of this type of probe photo of sketches .
They say that that is a permissible use of their technology , despite the fact that it will overwhelmingly fail .
And the technology being especially bad for black people .
That ’ s not just anecdote ; there ’ s something very real there as well .
Right .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ show that the technology performs differently depending on what you look like , depending on your race , sex and age , with many algorithms having a particularly tough time with darker skin tones .
Pair that with the fact that face recognition will be disproportionately deployed on communities of color .
And if it ’ s running on mugshot databases , face recognition systems will disproportionately be running on databases of , particularly , young black men .
In San Diego , for example , a study of how the city used @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the city deployed those tools up to two and a half times more on communities of color than the population of San Diego , showing that these tools are focused on precisely the people that they will probably perform the least accurately on .
The power is obvious of this tool , and the potential for misuse , so what about accountability ?
You started to say , how would you describe the state—at the federal or local level , or wherever—the state of laws or regulations or guidelines around the use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not kept up with the deployment of face recognition .
As it stands now , a handful of jurisdictions have passed bans on the use of the technology , most recently yesterday in Boston ; that was following San Francisco , Oakland , and a couple of other jurisdictions in California and Massachusetts .
But for the vast majority of the country , there are no laws that comprehensively regulate how this technology can and can not be used .
And , as a consequence , it ’ s up to police departments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a complete absence of transparency or input from the communities that they are policing .
Finally , let ’ s talk about the story of the day .
We ’ ve read about the FBI combing through the social media of protesters , and charging them under the Anti-Riot Act .
The FBI also flying a Cessna Citation , a highly advanced spy plane , with infrared thermal imaging , flying that over Black Lives Matters protests .
Where does this surveillance technology intersect with the right to protest ?
What are the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recognition risks chilling our ability to participate in free speech , free assembly and protest .
Police departments themselves acknowledge that ; back in 2011 , there was a Privacy Impact Assessment , written by a bunch of various law enforcement agencies , that said face recognition , particularly used on driver ’ s license photos , has the ability to chill speech , cause people to alter their behavior in public , leading to self-censorship and inhibition , basically preventing people from participating , or exercising their First Amendment rights .
Face @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And if it ’ s used on protests , it will chill people ’ s right to participate in that type of behavior .
It ’ s particularly critical , in a moment where we are protesting police brutality and over-surveillance and the over-militarization of police , to take into account how advanced technologies like face recognition play into historical injustices and over-surveilling of communities of color .
Face recognition and other advanced technologies must be part of the discussion around scaling back where law enforcement agencies are systems of oppression and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ourselves and one another ?
We do want to keep going out in the street , but what , maybe , should we be mindful of ?
We should be mindful that any photograph or video taken at a protest and published , put online , can be used to identify the people who are caught on camera .
So I urge anyone taking photos and videos to keep taking those photos and videos , but train the photos on police , train the videos , train your cameras on the police .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ especially if you think you ’ re in a jurisdiction that will use face recognition to identify and then go after protesters .
Help us keep the anonymity of these protesters , in a world where face recognition does make any photograph into a potential identification tool .
It ’ s really important for all of us to be aware of that .
Now , it shouldn ’ t be this way .
We should have rules that protect us .
We don ’ t , at the moment , so we have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the people that show up on the other side of our camera .
We ’ ve been speaking with Clare Garvie , senior associate with the Center on Privacy and Technology at Georgetown Law .
You can find them online at lawgeorgetown.edu .
Clara Garvie , thank you so much for joining us this week on CounterSpin .
Thank you for having me on .

There are few (if any) rules governing how this technology can or cannot be used.
A man paints a security camera during a protest against police brutality in Mexico City, Mexico, on June 8, 2020. Manuel Velasquez / Anadolu Agency via Getty Images
Janine Jackson: Robert Williams, an African-American man in Detroit, was falsely arrested when an algorithm declared his face a match with security footage of a watch store robbery. Boston City Council voted recently to ban the city’s use of facial recognition technology, part of an effort to move resources from law enforcement to community, but also out of concern about dangerous mistakes like that in Williams’ case, along with questions about what the technology means for privacy and free speech. As more and more people go out in the streets and protest, what should we know about this powerful tool, and the rules—or lack thereof—governing its use?
Clare Garvie is a senior associate with the Center on Privacy and Technology at Georgetown Law, lead author of a series of reports on facial recognition, including last year’s America Under Watch: Face Surveillance in the United States. She joins us now by phone. Welcome to CounterSpin, Clare Garvie.
Clare Garvie: Thank you so much for having me on.
I would like to ask, first, for a sense of the prevalence of face recognition technology, and who is affected. People might imagine that it’s a tool, like fingerprinting, that police sometimes use to catch criminals. But then I read in the Center’s earlier report, evocatively titled The Perpetual Line-Up, that one in two American adults is in a law enforcement face recognition network. How can that be? What does that mean?
That’s right. Face recognition use by police in the United States is very, very common. Over half of all American adults are in a database that’s used for criminal investigations, thanks to getting a driver’s license. Robert Williams was not identified through a former mugshot; he was identified through his driver’s license, which most of us have. In addition, we estimate conservatively that over a quarter of all 18,000 law enforcement agencies across the country have access to use face recognition. The most concerning feature is that there are few if any rules governing how this technology can or, more importantly, cannot be used.
When you say Williams was identified through a driver’s license—we think of someone going through mugshots, a crime has been committed and you go through mugshots to see if you can find someone. But this is really, I mean, we really all are in a line-up, potentially, all the time, if police are using databases of things like driver’s licenses to match with.
That’s right. Generally speaking, if you haven’t committed a crime or had interaction with law enforcement, you’re not in a fingerprint database that’s searched on a routine basis in criminal investigations. You’re certainly not in a DNA database that’s searched for criminal investigations. And yet, thanks to the development of face recognition technology, and the prevalence of face photographs on file in government databases, chances are better than not, you are in a face recognition database that is searched by the FBI or your state or local police, or accessible to them for investigations of any number of types of crimes.
And to say that the technology and its use are not perfect–I mean, law enforcement can search for matches based on a pencil drawing, or based on a picture of a celebrity, or a photoshopped picture. I found that very interesting. I wonder if you could talk a little bit about so-called “probe” photos. It’s very odd.
So face recognition, very simply, is the ability of law enforcement, or whoever else has a system, to take a photo or a sketch or something else, depicting an unknown individual, and compare it against the database of known individuals–typically mug shots, but also driver’s licenses.
In many jurisdictions, we have found that those probe photos are not limited to photographs. They mostly are–and those are from social media, those are from cell phone photos or videos, those can be from surveillance cameras. But in some jurisdictions, those are also forensic sketches, artists’ renderings of what a witness describes a person looking like, or forensic sculpture created by a lab. Or, in the instance of the NYPD in at least two cases, officers used what they call celebrity lookalikes—somebody, a celebrity who they thought the suspect looked like, to search for the identity of the suspect.
This will fail. Biometrics are unique to an individual. You can’t substitute someone else’s biometrics for your own; that just goes against the rules of biometrics. You also can’t put in a sketch of a biometric. A sketch of a fingerprint sounds ridiculous. You can’t put a sketch of face in and expect to get a reliable result. And yet, despite this, companies themselves, who are selling this tool, do advocate, in some instances, for the use of this type of probe photo of sketches. They say that that is a permissible use of their technology, despite the fact that it will overwhelmingly fail.
And the technology being especially bad for black people. That’s not just anecdote; there’s something very real there as well.
Right. Studies of face recognition accuracy continue to show that the technology performs differently depending on what you look like, depending on your race, sex and age, with many algorithms having a particularly tough time with darker skin tones. Pair that with the fact that face recognition will be disproportionately deployed on communities of color. And if it’s running on mugshot databases, face recognition systems will disproportionately be running on databases of, particularly, young black men.
In San Diego, for example, a study of how the city used license plate readers and face recognition found that the city deployed those tools up to two and a half times more on communities of color than the population of San Diego, showing that these tools are focused on precisely the people that they will probably perform the least accurately on.
The power is obvious of this tool, and the potential for misuse, so what about accountability? You started to say, how would you describe the state—at the federal or local level, or wherever—the state of laws or regulations or guidelines around the use of face recognition?
The laws have not kept up with the deployment of face recognition. As it stands now, a handful of jurisdictions have passed bans on the use of the technology, most recently yesterday in Boston; that was following San Francisco, Oakland, and a couple of other jurisdictions in California and Massachusetts.
But for the vast majority of the country, there are no laws that comprehensively regulate how this technology can and cannot be used. And, as a consequence, it’s up to police departments to make those determinations, often with a complete absence of transparency or input from the communities that they are policing.
Finally, let’s talk about the story of the day. We’ve read about the FBI combing through the social media of protesters, and charging them under the Anti-Riot Act. The FBI also flying a Cessna Citation, a highly advanced spy plane, with infrared thermal imaging, flying that over Black Lives Matters protests. Where does this surveillance technology intersect with the right to protest? What are the conflicts that you see there?
Face recognition risks chilling our ability to participate in free speech, free assembly and protest. Police departments themselves acknowledge that; back in 2011, there was a Privacy Impact Assessment, written by a bunch of various law enforcement agencies, that said face recognition, particularly used on driver’s license photos, has the ability to chill speech, cause people to alter their behavior in public, leading to self-censorship and inhibition, basically preventing people from participating, or exercising their First Amendment rights.
Face recognition is a tool of biometric surveillance. And if it’s used on protests, it will chill people’s right to participate in that type of behavior. It’s particularly critical, in a moment where we are protesting police brutality and over-surveillance and the over-militarization of police, to take into account how advanced technologies like face recognition play into historical injustices and over-surveilling of communities of color. Face recognition and other advanced technologies must be part of the discussion around scaling back where law enforcement agencies are systems of oppression and of marginalization.
How can we protect ourselves and one another? We do want to keep going out in the street, but what, maybe, should we be mindful of?
We should be mindful that any photograph or video taken at a protest and published, put online, can be used to identify the people who are caught on camera. So I urge anyone taking photos and videos to keep taking those photos and videos, but train the photos on police, train the videos, train your cameras on the police. To the extent possible blur faces, especially if you think you’re in a jurisdiction that will use face recognition to identify and then go after protesters. Help us keep the anonymity of these protesters, in a world where face recognition does make any photograph into a potential identification tool. It’s really important for all of us to be aware of that.
Now, it shouldn’t be this way. We should have rules that protect us. We don’t, at the moment, so we have to be proactive in protecting the identities of the people that show up on the other side of our camera.
We’ve been speaking with Clare Garvie, senior associate with the Center on Privacy and Technology at Georgetown Law. You can find them online at lawgeorgetown.edu. Clara Garvie, thank you so much for joining us this week on CounterSpin.
Thank you for having me on.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-07-07--New House Bill Would Tax Wall Street Windfalls to Guarantee Good Jobs

The pandemic has claimed nearly 15 million U.S. jobs .
Meanwhile , high flying financial traders are making a killing off the market volatility caused by the crisis .
A new House bill would tax Wall Street windfalls to guarantee good jobs for people in high unemployment areas .
The Workforce Promotion and Access Act would ensure employment in jobs that pay at least $ 15 per hour with benefits and address local needs , such as childcare , eldercare , and infrastructure .
Democratic Representatives Bonnie Watson Coleman and Ilhan Omar are the bill ’ s lead sponsors .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senator Cory Booker to introduce the first federal jobs guarantee bill .
The new proposal differs from the original model in two important ways .
First , while the 2018 bill aimed to create pilot programs in no more than 15 communities and regions , the new bill expands the scope to respond to the scale of the current economic crisis .
It would provide job creation grants to states and localities where the unemployment rate is higher than 10 percent or 100 percent of the national unemployment rate .
Every adult in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to have a job , something Erica Smiley , Executive Director for Jobs with Justice , sees as a way to reduce the excessive power corporations hold over their employees .
“ Working people who stand up to corporate bosses and get fired as a result face loss of income , loss of housing , loss of medical care , and food insecurity , ” Smiley said in a press release .
“ The Workforce Promotion and Access Act blunts the threat of firing and allows working people to demand a role in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Black people and other communities of color that have been most affected by the twin pandemics would benefit most from the bill .
A recent report by the Institute for Policy Studies and the National Community Reinvestment Coalition listed a federal jobs guarantee as one of eight solutions to the racial wealth divide .
As of July 2 , the Black unemployment rate was 15.4 percent , compared to 12.4 percent for whites .
A second difference in the new bill over the 2018 model is that it includes a mechanism for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
While lawmakers shouldn ’ t wait to take crisis response action until they can pay for every dime of spending , this particular “ pay for ” is worth pursuing because it would have multiple benefits .
The proposal would apply a tax of 0.1 percent on each trade of stocks , derivatives , and other financial instruments .
The Congressional Budget Office estimates that such a tax could generate $ 777 billion over 10 years .
Because the tax applies to every Wall Street trade , high frequency traders who flip @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pay the bulk of the tax .
For pension holders with ordinary turnover rates in their portfolios , the cost would be negligible .
By elevating market volatility , the crisis has increased profits for fast traders who use advanced technologies to spot market movements and capitalize on them before traditional investors .
As the Wall Street Journal explains it , “ High-frequency traders , which typically deploy sophisticated algorithms and powerful computers to move in and out of markets at lightning speeds , tend to do well when markets are volatile.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to continue throughout 2020 .
A financial transaction tax would significantly reduce high frequency trading , which has no real economic value , drains profits from traditional investors , and benefits only the wealthy .
Susan Harley , deputy director of Public Citizen ’ s Congress Watch division , applauded the inclusion of the tax , which has garnered support over the past year from Democratic Presidential candidate Joe Biden and former Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin .
“ By implementing a Wall Street tax , the Workforce Promotion and Access Act both provides @ @ @ @ @ @ @ responsibility while making real progress on the road to relief for families in America by providing a job to those who need it , ” Harley said .

Sponsored by Rep. Ilhan Omar, the Workforce Promotion and Access Act would ensure jobs that pay at least $15 per hour.
The pandemic has claimed nearly 15 million U.S. jobs. Meanwhile, high flying financial traders are making a killing off the market volatility caused by the crisis. A new House bill would tax Wall Street windfalls to guarantee good jobs for people in high unemployment areas.
The Workforce Promotion and Access Act would ensure employment in jobs that pay at least $15 per hour with benefits and address local needs, such as childcare, eldercare, and infrastructure. Democratic Representatives Bonnie Watson Coleman and Ilhan Omar are the bill’s lead sponsors.
In 2018, Watson Coleman joined with Senator Cory Booker to introduce the first federal jobs guarantee bill. The new proposal differs from the original model in two important ways.
First, while the 2018 bill aimed to create pilot programs in no more than 15 communities and regions, the new bill expands the scope to respond to the scale of the current economic crisis. It would provide job creation grants to states and localities where the unemployment rate is higher than 10 percent or 100 percent of the national unemployment rate.
Every adult in these hard-hit areas would have the opportunity to have a job, something Erica Smiley, Executive Director for Jobs with Justice, sees as a way to reduce the excessive power corporations hold over their employees.
“Working people who stand up to corporate bosses and get fired as a result face loss of income, loss of housing, loss of medical care, and food insecurity,” Smiley said in a press release. “The Workforce Promotion and Access Act blunts the threat of firing and allows working people to demand a role in our economic system.”
Smiley also noted that Black people and other communities of color that have been most affected by the twin pandemics would benefit most from the bill. A recent report by the Institute for Policy Studies and the National Community Reinvestment Coalition listed a federal jobs guarantee as one of eight solutions to the racial wealth divide. As of July 2, the Black unemployment rate was 15.4 percent, compared to 12.4 percent for whites.
A second difference in the new bill over the 2018 model is that it includes a mechanism for covering the cost of the jobs program. While lawmakers shouldn’t wait to take crisis response action until they can pay for every dime of spending, this particular “pay for” is worth pursuing because it would have multiple benefits.
The proposal would apply a tax of 0.1 percent on each trade of stocks, derivatives, and other financial instruments. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that such a tax could generate $777 billion over 10 years.
Because the tax applies to every Wall Street trade, high frequency traders who flip stocks every second or even millisecond would pay the bulk of the tax. For pension holders with ordinary turnover rates in their portfolios, the cost would be negligible.
By elevating market volatility, the crisis has increased profits for fast traders who use advanced technologies to spot market movements and capitalize on them before traditional investors. As the Wall Street Journal explains it, “High-frequency traders, which typically deploy sophisticated algorithms and powerful computers to move in and out of markets at lightning speeds, tend to do well when markets are volatile.” High levels of market volatility are expected to continue throughout 2020.
A financial transaction tax would significantly reduce high frequency trading, which has no real economic value, drains profits from traditional investors, and benefits only the wealthy.
Susan Harley, deputy director of Public Citizen’s Congress Watch division, applauded the inclusion of the tax, which has garnered support over the past year from Democratic Presidential candidate Joe Biden and former Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin.
“By implementing a Wall Street tax, the Workforce Promotion and Access Act both provides a focus on equity and redistributing tax responsibility while making real progress on the road to relief for families in America by providing a job to those who need it,” Harley said.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.