truthout--2020-06-06--Companies Are Using Pandemic to Squeeze Money From Incarcerated People Like Me

The sun is shining bright as it sits high in the clear blue sky .
Its warmth comforts the skin as a light breeze blows .
The view of the beach is breathtaking .
Everyone there has a bright smile , and at first glance , one would think this was a snapshot of the perfect moment in time .
These are the types of photographs you ’ ll find on the website linked to one of the largest communications providers for prisons and jails in the United States , Securus .
Prison communications companies like Securus and Global Tel*Link @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1.75 billion annually and hold close to 6,000 contracts with prisons and jails across the U.S .
However , these picturesque photos are nowhere close to the grim realities prisoners and their loved ones experience while at the mercy of these companies .
Here ’ s a more accurate picture : I stand in line , shoulder to shoulder with other men during a global pandemic where we ’ re supposed to be “ social distancing , ” waiting to use the phone .
Tired , I shift my weight from foot to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as I continue to wait .
I have been in this line for almost an hour , and I am still three people back from receiving a chance at using a phone .
This does not feel like a nice beach .
There is no light breeze kissing my skin .
We are on our second round of a two-week lockdown “ quarantine ” after another guard tested positive for COVID-19 .
Time out of our cells to use the phone is rare , but for many of us , it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ loved ones during these uncertain times .
That being said , accessing phones wasn ’ t a walk on the beach even before the virus .
The prison in which I reside holds around 800 prisoners , with each of the four living units housing around 200 .
There are 10 phones in each living unit , but it ’ s rare to see them all fully functional .
In my unit , one of the 10 phones has completely quit working , and three of the remaining nine only work if you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the cord slightly and conversation becomes impossible .
The phone cords are short and hardly make it all the way down to the tiny stools we ’ re supposed to sit on .
This leaves us to stretch cords beyond their max capacity and inadvertently damage the wires that connect receivers to phone boxes .
Phones frequently become choppy or sound as if you ’ re underwater .
This results in mounting frustration between prisoners and their loved ones .
It ’ s annoying and exhausting to pay by the minute to say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
” over and over , until tensions are so high you suddenly find yourself in an argument .
I ’ ve witnessed breakups over these literal communications breakdowns .
“ Man , I really hope I get one of the good phones , ” is all I can think .
Struggling to have a conversation on a phone with a poor connection can sometimes be worse than not talking at all — adding pressure to an already frustrating situation is never beneficial .
Nevertheless , I know I ’ ll take whatever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my loved ones and want to make sure they are okay , especially during these times of vast uncertainty .
As I continue to shift my body weight , I look at the prisoner behind me and say , “ I am so tired of all this bullshit ; hard to believe we pay for this , right ?
” Sometimes it feels like you just have to know you are not in this alone .
The guy behind me agrees , and goes on to say , “ What choice do we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
” I shake my head , but must admit I feel some type of way about it .
The fact we have all just come to accept this as okay and normal — well , that is a hard pill to swallow .
We pay exceptionally high prices for these terrible services just to stay in contact with our loved ones .
In my state , most prisoners make 43 cents an hour .
In order to make a 20-minute local phone call to your family — which costs $ 2.20 not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over 5 hours .
This largely leaves the burden on our families to pay for communication .
Prison telecommunication companies know that families are desperate to stay in contact with their incarcerated loved ones and take advantage , charging high rates for services that are cheap or even free in the outside world .
The charges don ’ t just stop at the phone calls .
It costs anywhere from $ 3 to $ 9.95 to be able to add money to your phone account to make the calls in the first place @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to put $ 200 on your account so that you can call their number .
GTL charges them upwards of $ 9.95 on top of everything just to do that .
While technically the company is supposed to have their max allowance at $ 200 , my loved ones have experienced months on end where the website caps it at $ 50 , giving the corporation opportunities to collect more and more fees knowing families will continue to put more and more money in our accounts to stay in contact with us .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ stay in communication ; the least they can do is ensure our phones work .
Since the cancellation of in-person visitation due to the virus , video visits have become hugely important .
Video visits can be painfully excruciating to sit through .
They cost $ 7.95 for 30 minutes and rarely , if ever , function properly .
Connections are so disruptive that conversation becomes completely impossible .
In my own experience , around 90 percent of the visit is spent repeating things over and over , gazing upon a blank or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other because delays can last up to 30 seconds after speaking .
When our loved ones file complaints , they often are ignored or met with boilerplate responses that blame our loved one ’ s bandwidth at home and not the prison ’ s services .
Because of this , many forgo complaining and have come to expect poor services as a fact of life .
I often hear prisoners and their loved ones repeat the same old saying , “ It is what it is.
” When prisoners file complaints , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of them are disregarded and thrown out through procedural roadblocks involving the complicated rules of the prisoner grievance process , put in place by the Prison Litigation Reform Act to try and discourage us from complaining .
Last year , I filed a complaint with the prison ’ s grievance coordinator about our poor phone service that everyone was experiencing .
I was chasing my tail for months .
Although everyone was collectively experiencing the same issue , the grievance office blamed my loved one ’ s cell services and said , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ poor call quality are due to the recipients using a cell phone in a location with poor reception , while driving , and things that are out of GTL ’ s control.
” Prisoners had been complaining for months about the phones , yet the grievance office thought it was more logical to assume everyone in the free world ’ s cell phone service failed simultaneously rather than there was something afoot with the prison ’ s aging phones .
Regardless of how unrealistic their claim was , that was the end of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ complaint .
They ended their message with : “ The complaint was resolved informally , ” and absolved themselves .
These experiences teach us not to waste our time filing grievances .
As if struggling to pay the rates wasn ’ t enough , we are left to take whatever services are offered .
There is little to no oversight , maintenance or repairs .
When there are repairs , they can take months .
These companies know they essentially have a monopoly and that the Department of Corrections ( DOC ) will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of services .
They also know our families are desperate and will pay .
They ’ ve learned the way to extract as much money as possible , with as little oversight as possible .
However , simply putting the blame on the communication industry would be all too easy ; their hands are not the only ones in the cookie jar .
The DOC is equally at fault for the astronomical rates and poor services .
The DOC continues to sign exploitative contracts with the companies and refuses to hold the companies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because the DOC receives a percentage of the revenue generated from prisoners and their families .
The DOC ’ s involvement with these companies and between prisoners and our loved ones seems to end once they receive their check .
Given that the DOC remains one of the sole benefactors of the river of cash that flows through these pipelines , there is little motivation for them to hold these companies accountable .
What ’ s in the best interest of the DOC is to accumulate as much revenue as possible , not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at low prices .
Like the telecommunication companies , the DOC knows we will desperately continue to use broken and dismal services to stay in connection with the outside world .
Of course , when asked about the kickbacks , the DOC will spin some feeble tale that this money is used for rehabilitation programs through something called the “ Offender Betterment Fund.
” Yet the majority of the Offender Betterment Fund is used for things like paying staff salaries , funding law libraries ( our access to law libraries is not just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ constitutional right ) , for general maintenance within the prisons , and pretty much any cost that does not fit neatly into any other appropriations budget category .
The DOC ’ s budget is now reliant on the commission generated from telecommunication companies extorting prisoners and their loved ones , leaving it highly unlikely they will stand up for us .
With the current COVID-19 crisis , phones and other communication systems have never been in more demand than they are now .
As movement within our prison becomes more restrictive , phones @ @ @ @ @ @ @ source of communication with those we most love .
Many prisoners and their loved ones have started to heavily rely on these lines of communication as a sense of security that all are safe and healthy in a world that seems to be changing direction by the hour , making these services essential .
However , these services are so expensive , for many , it simply isn ’ t possible to budget them in .
Even though these companies have offered minor handouts over the last month , like two free five-minute @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compared to the billions of dollars they have raked in year after year .
As everyone in society struggles to pay bills , feed themselves , and maintain their basic needs , these companies should not be able to profit off the backs of prisoners and their loved ones , while providing us with dysfunctional services .
Amid the virus , we must meaningfully examine these companies and their oppressive practices , along with the DOC ’ s reliance on their revenue and lack of motivation to hold them accountable and to negotiate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their loved ones .
Just because we are incarcerated shouldn ’ t mean that we and our families should be subject to extortion .

Part of the Series Despair and Disparity: The Uneven Burdens of COVID-19
The sun is shining bright as it sits high in the clear blue sky. Its warmth comforts the skin as a light breeze blows. The view of the beach is breathtaking. Everyone there has a bright smile, and at first glance, one would think this was a snapshot of the perfect moment in time.
These are the types of photographs you’ll find on the website linked to one of the largest communications providers for prisons and jails in the United States, Securus. Prison communications companies like Securus and Global Tel*Link (GTL) rake in over $1.75 billion annually and hold close to 6,000 contracts with prisons and jails across the U.S. However, these picturesque photos are nowhere close to the grim realities prisoners and their loved ones experience while at the mercy of these companies.
Here’s a more accurate picture: I stand in line, shoulder to shoulder with other men during a global pandemic where we’re supposed to be “social distancing,” waiting to use the phone. Tired, I shift my weight from foot to foot, trying to find some comfort as I continue to wait. I have been in this line for almost an hour, and I am still three people back from receiving a chance at using a phone. This does not feel like a nice beach. There is no light breeze kissing my skin. We are on our second round of a two-week lockdown “quarantine” after another guard tested positive for COVID-19. Time out of our cells to use the phone is rare, but for many of us, it’s the only way we can contact our loved ones during these uncertain times.
That being said, accessing phones wasn’t a walk on the beach even before the virus. The prison in which I reside holds around 800 prisoners, with each of the four living units housing around 200. There are 10 phones in each living unit, but it’s rare to see them all fully functional. In my unit, one of the 10 phones has completely quit working, and three of the remaining nine only work if you hold the cord just right — move the cord slightly and conversation becomes impossible. The phone cords are short and hardly make it all the way down to the tiny stools we’re supposed to sit on. This leaves us to stretch cords beyond their max capacity and inadvertently damage the wires that connect receivers to phone boxes.
Phones frequently become choppy or sound as if you’re underwater. This results in mounting frustration between prisoners and their loved ones. It’s annoying and exhausting to pay by the minute to say “What? Can you hear me?” over and over, until tensions are so high you suddenly find yourself in an argument. I’ve witnessed breakups over these literal communications breakdowns.
“Man, I really hope I get one of the good phones,” is all I can think. Struggling to have a conversation on a phone with a poor connection can sometimes be worse than not talking at all — adding pressure to an already frustrating situation is never beneficial. Nevertheless, I know I’ll take whatever phone I can get. I miss my loved ones and want to make sure they are okay, especially during these times of vast uncertainty.
As I continue to shift my body weight, I look at the prisoner behind me and say, “I am so tired of all this bullshit; hard to believe we pay for this, right?” Sometimes it feels like you just have to know you are not in this alone. The guy behind me agrees, and goes on to say, “What choice do we have if we want to call home?” I shake my head, but must admit I feel some type of way about it. The fact we have all just come to accept this as okay and normal — well, that is a hard pill to swallow.
We pay exceptionally high prices for these terrible services just to stay in contact with our loved ones. In my state, most prisoners make 43 cents an hour. In order to make a 20-minute local phone call to your family — which costs $2.20 not including fees — you have to work over 5 hours. This largely leaves the burden on our families to pay for communication. Prison telecommunication companies know that families are desperate to stay in contact with their incarcerated loved ones and take advantage, charging high rates for services that are cheap or even free in the outside world.
The charges don’t just stop at the phone calls. It costs anywhere from $3 to $9.95 to be able to add money to your phone account to make the calls in the first place. Say that your loved one wanted to put $200 on your account so that you can call their number. GTL charges them upwards of $9.95 on top of everything just to do that. While technically the company is supposed to have their max allowance at $200, my loved ones have experienced months on end where the website caps it at $50, giving the corporation opportunities to collect more and more fees knowing families will continue to put more and more money in our accounts to stay in contact with us. We spend thousands every year just to stay in communication; the least they can do is ensure our phones work.
We pay exceptionally high prices for these terrible services just to stay in contact with our loved ones.
Since the cancellation of in-person visitation due to the virus, video visits have become hugely important. Video visits can be painfully excruciating to sit through. They cost $7.95 for 30 minutes and rarely, if ever, function properly. Connections are so disruptive that conversation becomes completely impossible. In my own experience, around 90 percent of the visit is spent repeating things over and over, gazing upon a blank or frozen screen, or talking over each other because delays can last up to 30 seconds after speaking.
When our loved ones file complaints, they often are ignored or met with boilerplate responses that blame our loved one’s bandwidth at home and not the prison’s services. Because of this, many forgo complaining and have come to expect poor services as a fact of life. I often hear prisoners and their loved ones repeat the same old saying, “It is what it is.”
When prisoners file complaints, it quickly becomes an uphill battle. Many of them are disregarded and thrown out through procedural roadblocks involving the complicated rules of the prisoner grievance process, put in place by the Prison Litigation Reform Act to try and discourage us from complaining. Last year, I filed a complaint with the prison’s grievance coordinator about our poor phone service that everyone was experiencing. I was chasing my tail for months. Although everyone was collectively experiencing the same issue, the grievance office blamed my loved one’s cell services and said, “Many times, issues with static and poor call quality are due to the recipients using a cell phone in a location with poor reception, while driving, and things that are out of GTL’s control.” Prisoners had been complaining for months about the phones, yet the grievance office thought it was more logical to assume everyone in the free world’s cell phone service failed simultaneously rather than there was something afoot with the prison’s aging phones. Regardless of how unrealistic their claim was, that was the end of my ability to move forward with the complaint. They ended their message with: “The complaint was resolved informally,” and absolved themselves.
These experiences teach us not to waste our time filing grievances. As if struggling to pay the rates wasn’t enough, we are left to take whatever services are offered. There is little to no oversight, maintenance or repairs. When there are repairs, they can take months. These companies know they essentially have a monopoly and that the Department of Corrections (DOC) will renew their contracts regardless of the quality of services. They also know our families are desperate and will pay. They’ve learned the way to extract as much money as possible, with as little oversight as possible.
However, simply putting the blame on the communication industry would be all too easy; their hands are not the only ones in the cookie jar. The DOC is equally at fault for the astronomical rates and poor services. The DOC continues to sign exploitative contracts with the companies and refuses to hold the companies accountable when problems arise.
This is because the DOC receives a percentage of the revenue generated from prisoners and their families. The DOC’s involvement with these companies and between prisoners and our loved ones seems to end once they receive their check.
Given that the DOC remains one of the sole benefactors of the river of cash that flows through these pipelines, there is little motivation for them to hold these companies accountable. What’s in the best interest of the DOC is to accumulate as much revenue as possible, not to ensure we are receiving good services at low prices. Like the telecommunication companies, the DOC knows we will desperately continue to use broken and dismal services to stay in connection with the outside world.
Of course, when asked about the kickbacks, the DOC will spin some feeble tale that this money is used for rehabilitation programs through something called the “Offender Betterment Fund.” Yet the majority of the Offender Betterment Fund is used for things like paying staff salaries, funding law libraries (our access to law libraries is not just for betterment, it’s a constitutional right), for general maintenance within the prisons, and pretty much any cost that does not fit neatly into any other appropriations budget category. The DOC’s budget is now reliant on the commission generated from telecommunication companies extorting prisoners and their loved ones, leaving it highly unlikely they will stand up for us.
With the current COVID-19 crisis, phones and other communication systems have never been in more demand than they are now. As movement within our prison becomes more restrictive, phones and JPay tablets have become our only source of communication with those we most love. Many prisoners and their loved ones have started to heavily rely on these lines of communication as a sense of security that all are safe and healthy in a world that seems to be changing direction by the hour, making these services essential. However, these services are so expensive, for many, it simply isn’t possible to budget them in. Even though these companies have offered minor handouts over the last month, like two free five-minute calls a week, they are nothing compared to the billions of dollars they have raked in year after year.
As everyone in society struggles to pay bills, feed themselves, and maintain their basic needs, these companies should not be able to profit off the backs of prisoners and their loved ones, while providing us with dysfunctional services. Amid the virus, we must meaningfully examine these companies and their oppressive practices, along with the DOC’s reliance on their revenue and lack of motivation to hold them accountable and to negotiate contracts that are beneficial to prisoners and their loved ones. Just because we are incarcerated shouldn’t mean that we and our families should be subject to extortion.
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truthout--2020-06-06--Breaking With AFL-CIO, Affiliated Labor Council May Vote to Expel Police Union

The executive board of MLK Labor , the central body of labor groups which represents more than 150 unions and 100,000 workers in the Seattle , Washington , area approved a resolution Thursday giving an ultimatum to the Seattle Police Officers Guild : Address Seattle Police Department ’ s systemic racism or face potential expulsion .
The Police Officers Guild represents and negotiates labor contracts for Seattle police officers , and has been part of the labor council for the last six years .
“ In contrast to [ the Guild ’ s ] statement , recent events are not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actors , ’ ” the resolution states .
“ Our police are over armed with weapons but provided no real tools to dismantle the racism in their own department or provide the services our community needs.
” The resolution demands members of the Guild and the labor council ’ s executive boards meet within the next two weeks and participate in a working space to address the Guild ’ s institutional racism and ensure its “ contracts do not evade legitimate accountability.
” The council ’ s board gives the Guild until June @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it fails to do so , the council will vote over whether to disaffiliate from the Guild .
The council also outlined a list of demands for Seattle Mayor Jenny Durkan around addressing violence perpetrated by the Seattle Police Department , including asking City Attorney Pete Holmes to decline charges for individuals arrested while protesting in Seattle and commit to a series of police reforms , including prioritizing “ non-law enforcement investments in the city.
” “ As a Black woman leader in the labor movement and in the health care field , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ justice lens to every aspect of the work I lead , ” said Jane Hopkins , executive vice president of the Service Employees International Union ( SEIU ) Healthcare 1199NW local .
“ I can not run head-long at fighting this disease without acknowledging the pandemic within the pandemic — systemic racism .
We must do the tough but necessary work of calling in our siblings in law enforcement.
” The labor council previously urged Seattle City Council members to ratify a controversial contract with the Guild two years ago that both rolled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ measures , saying the contract would put in place “ historic reforms to police oversight ” for a department that has been brought “ into full and effective compliance with ” a federal consent decree .
Movement leaders in the streets , however , challenge the idea that police departments can be effectively reformed or “ called in ” to do the work of fighting systemic racism themselves .
Still , the resolution is one of the most forceful among any affiliated labor council of the AFL-CIO in terms of calling out a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Richard Trumka has refused to expel the International Union of Police Associations and other law enforcement unions from the U.S. ’ s largest labor federation .
Trumka told Bloomberg Friday that he won ’ t cut ties with police unions because “ police officers and everyone who works for a living has the right to collective bargaining ” and that the “ best way to use our influence on the issue of police misconduct is to engage with our police affiliates rather than isolate them.
” He told labor leaders and reporters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to disengage and condemn ” police unions , while imploring labor organizers to fight racism .
Trumka has praised the Minnesota Federation of Labor ’ s ousting of the openly racist Minneapolis Police Officers Federation President Bob Kroll .
He also said the labor movement must play a leading role in the racial justice movement “ because protesting racial brutality , whether at the hands of a police officer , or a neighbor , or an employer , is not only the right cause .
It ’ s a responsibility.
” Protesters set @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the AFL-CIO , aflame Sunday night , smashing in its windows and graffitiing its gold 16th Street entrance with “ Black Lives Matter.
” While the motivations for the arson remain unclear , the action has put the federation ’ s partnership and affiliation with police under further scrutiny .
The MLK Labor resolution represents one of the most significant breaks with the AFL-CIO leadership , asking that a police union affiliated with the council affirm “ that racism is a structural problem in our society and in law enforcement ” and actively @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Officers Guild did not respond to Truthout ’ s request for comment .
“ Labor is not going to be able to figure out to organize effectively if we can not figure out how to root out racism within our movement and move toward an anti-racist stand and be directly linked to the communities in which our workers live , ” said Faye Guenther , president of the United Food and Commercial Workers Local 21 , which sponsored the resolution alongside SEIU Healthcare 1199NW and other groups .
Guenther says UFCW 21 has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ truth and reconciliation ” related to labor ’ s long history of racism and working to move a number of resolutions within the Washington State Labor Council , the Washington branch of the AFL-CIO , calling for specific actions to become an anti-racist organization .
The local also passed a resolution at during the 2018 convention of its international union committing to performing a comprehensive inventory of its own structural inequities with regard to race , building a forum for discussion around racial issues , and providing a series of trainings on racial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bus drivers affiliated with Transport Workers Union Local 100 and the Amalgamated Transit Union in New York and Minneapolis who refused to transport police and arrested protesters as an example of the kind of leadership the labor movement needs right now .
“ Those are the kinds of acts of solidarity that labor must engage in to regain the faith of our communities , ” she said .
U.S. police departments remain one of the heaviest unionized sectors in the country , representing hundreds of thousands of cops at the state , federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police union , the Fraternal Order of Police , has more than 340,000 members .
Former Minneapolis Police Department officer Derek Chauvin , who killed George Floyd last month , was a union member .
By continuing to affiliate with police unions , Trumka and other labor leaders are betraying the demands of protesters and some of the federation ’ s own affiliates , including the United Auto Workers Local 2865 , who want the organization to take a stand and let go of hundreds of thousands of unionized officers .
Trumka ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vs. AFSCME Supreme Court decision continues to erode some public-sector union rolls .
Still , racial justice activists say now is exactly the moment to “ disengage , ” and that the federation has done so before , pointing to the AFL-CIO ’ s disaffiliation with the Teamsters and other unions .
Guenther says that instead of relying on police officers to pad union rolls , the labor movement must do the work of becoming anti-racist and being involved in communities and social justice movements to ensure its own future and growth .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ own house , ” Guenther said .
“ We need people of good heart and good will , and people who believe in racial equity , gender equity , LGBT equity and trans equity to join our movement and help us rebuild our power to fight corporate greed , and rebuild our power to have a more anti-racist , pro-democracy and pro-human soul of the labor movement.
” Moreover , she said , “ There ’ s a direct link between right-to-work [ laws ] and undermining workers of color , ” noting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ strength , originated with Republican lobbyist Vance Muse , who used segregationist arguments against unionization to advance the first right-to-work law in Texas .
“ Right-to-work is totally embedded in white supremacy and racism , ” Guenther said .
Further , activists have pointed out that police unions don ’ t show up regularly in solidarity for the broader labor movement ; instead they actively repress working people by routinely beating and murdering them in the streets .
Police officers have long been used to break strikes and kill striking workers , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ uprisings such as the 1897 Lattimer Massacre , the 1921 Battle of Blair Mountain and the 1937 Little Steel Strike in Chicago .
Police unions largely work to protect their own .
The contracts they bargain keep racist officers who have killed and abused immune from accountability .
They maintain policing ’ s structural system of white supremacy while maintaining wages and benefits that often exceed those of public servants like emergency medical technicians and child care workers .
To be sure , Trumka has called out police-perpetrated violence in the past .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trumka noted that Darren Wilson and Michael Brown ’ s mother were both union members , saying , “ Our brother killed our sister ’ s son , ” last September .
“ We do not have to wait for the judgment of prosecutors or courts to tell us how terrible this is.
” During his tenure as president of the United Mineworkers of America , he criticized police for brutalizing a striking miner during the 1989 Pittston Coal Strike .
Still , amid the historic uprisings of the past two weeks , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bold action sound like mere lip service to many in the streets .
If the MLK Labor council votes to disaffiliate the Seattle Police Officers Guild on June 17 , it would be the first significant expulsion of a police union from an organized labor council anywhere in the country .

Activists say that by continuing to affiliate with police unions, some labor leaders are betraying protesters’ demands.
The executive board of MLK Labor, the central body of labor groups which represents more than 150 unions and 100,000 workers in the Seattle, Washington, area approved a resolution Thursday giving an ultimatum to the Seattle Police Officers Guild: Address Seattle Police Department’s systemic racism or face potential expulsion.
The Police Officers Guild represents and negotiates labor contracts for Seattle police officers, and has been part of the labor council for the last six years. “In contrast to [the Guild’s] statement, recent events are not the result of a few ‘bad actors,’” the resolution states. “Our police are over armed with weapons but provided no real tools to dismantle the racism in their own department or provide the services our community needs.”
The resolution demands members of the Guild and the labor council’s executive boards meet within the next two weeks and participate in a working space to address the Guild’s institutional racism and ensure its “contracts do not evade legitimate accountability.” The council’s board gives the Guild until June 17 to take these actions. If it fails to do so, the council will vote over whether to disaffiliate from the Guild.
The council also outlined a list of demands for Seattle Mayor Jenny Durkan around addressing violence perpetrated by the Seattle Police Department, including asking City Attorney Pete Holmes to decline charges for individuals arrested while protesting in Seattle and commit to a series of police reforms, including prioritizing “non-law enforcement investments in the city.”
“As a Black woman leader in the labor movement and in the health care field, I have fought to apply a racial justice lens to every aspect of the work I lead,” said Jane Hopkins, executive vice president of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Healthcare 1199NW local. “I cannot run head-long at fighting this disease without acknowledging the pandemic within the pandemic — systemic racism. We must do the tough but necessary work of calling in our siblings in law enforcement.”
The labor council previously urged Seattle City Council members to ratify a controversial contract with the Guild two years ago that both rolled back but also codified certain police accountability measures, saying the contract would put in place “historic reforms to police oversight” for a department that has been brought “into full and effective compliance with” a federal consent decree.
Movement leaders in the streets, however, challenge the idea that police departments can be effectively reformed or “called in” to do the work of fighting systemic racism themselves.
“Labor is not going to be able to figure out to organize effectively if we cannot figure out how to root out racism within our movement.”
Still, the resolution is one of the most forceful among any affiliated labor council of the AFL-CIO in terms of calling out a police union, and comes as AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka has refused to expel the International Union of Police Associations and other law enforcement unions from the U.S.’s largest labor federation.
Trumka told Bloomberg Friday that he won’t cut ties with police unions because “police officers and everyone who works for a living has the right to collective bargaining” and that the “best way to use our influence on the issue of police misconduct is to engage with our police affiliates rather than isolate them.” He told labor leaders and reporters Wednesday that “the answer is not to disengage and condemn” police unions, while imploring labor organizers to fight racism.
Trumka has praised the Minnesota Federation of Labor’s ousting of the openly racist Minneapolis Police Officers Federation President Bob Kroll. He also said the labor movement must play a leading role in the racial justice movement “because protesting racial brutality, whether at the hands of a police officer, or a neighbor, or an employer, is not only the right cause. It’s a responsibility.”
Protesters set the Washington, D.C., headquarters of the AFL-CIO, aflame Sunday night, smashing in its windows and graffitiing its gold 16th Street entrance with “Black Lives Matter.” While the motivations for the arson remain unclear, the action has put the federation’s partnership and affiliation with police under further scrutiny.
The MLK Labor resolution represents one of the most significant breaks with the AFL-CIO leadership, asking that a police union affiliated with the council affirm “that racism is a structural problem in our society and in law enforcement” and actively harms Black communities. The Seattle Police Officers Guild did not respond to Truthout’s request for comment.
“Labor is not going to be able to figure out to organize effectively if we cannot figure out how to root out racism within our movement and move toward an anti-racist stand and be directly linked to the communities in which our workers live,” said Faye Guenther, president of the United Food and Commercial Workers Local 21, which sponsored the resolution alongside SEIU Healthcare 1199NW and other groups.
Guenther says UFCW 21 has been working through a process of “truth and reconciliation” related to labor’s long history of racism and working to move a number of resolutions within the Washington State Labor Council, the Washington branch of the AFL-CIO, calling for specific actions to become an anti-racist organization.
The local also passed a resolution during the 2018 convention of its international union committing to performing a comprehensive inventory of its own structural inequities with regard to race, building a forum for discussion around racial issues, and providing a series of trainings on racial bias and justice.
“Labor needs to clean up its own house.”
Guenther pointed to bus drivers affiliated with Transport Workers Union Local 100 and the Amalgamated Transit Union in New York and Minneapolis who refused to transport police and arrested protesters as an example of the kind of leadership the labor movement needs right now. “Those are the kinds of acts of solidarity that labor must engage in to regain the faith of our communities,” she said.
U.S. police departments remain one of the heaviest unionized sectors in the country, representing hundreds of thousands of cops at the state, federal and local levels. The national largest police union, the Fraternal Order of Police, has more than 340,000 members. Former Minneapolis Police Department officer Derek Chauvin, who killed George Floyd last month, was a union member.
By continuing to affiliate with police unions, Trumka and other labor leaders are betraying the demands of protesters and some of the federation’s own affiliates, including the United Auto Workers Local 2865, who want the organization to take a stand and let go of hundreds of thousands of unionized officers. Trumka’s reticence comes as the 2018 Janus vs. AFSCME Supreme Court decision continues to erode some public-sector union rolls.
Still, racial justice activists say now is exactly the moment to “disengage,” and that the federation has done so before, pointing to the AFL-CIO’s disaffiliation with the Teamsters and other unions.
Guenther says that instead of relying on police officers to pad union rolls, the labor movement must do the work of becoming anti-racist and being involved in communities and social justice movements to ensure its own future and growth.
“Labor needs to clean up its own house,” Guenther said. “We need people of good heart and good will, and people who believe in racial equity, gender equity, LGBT equity and trans equity to join our movement and help us rebuild our power to fight corporate greed, and rebuild our power to have a more anti-racist, pro-democracy and pro-human soul of the labor movement.”
Moreover, she said, “There’s a direct link between right-to-work [laws] and undermining workers of color,” noting that such laws, which undermine unions’ strength, originated with Republican lobbyist Vance Muse, who used segregationist arguments against unionization to advance the first right-to-work law in Texas. “Right-to-work is totally embedded in white supremacy and racism,” Guenther said.
“Right-to-work is totally embedded in white supremacy and racism.”
Further, activists have pointed out that police unions don’t show up regularly in solidarity for the broader labor movement; instead they actively repress working people by routinely beating and murdering them in the streets. Police officers have long been used to break strikes and kill striking workers, as they have done during historic labor uprisings such as the 1897 Lattimer Massacre, the 1921 Battle of Blair Mountain and the 1937 Little Steel Strike in Chicago.
Police unions largely work to protect their own. The contracts they bargain keep racist officers who have killed and abused immune from accountability. They maintain policing’s structural system of white supremacy while maintaining wages and benefits that often exceed those of public servants like emergency medical technicians and child care workers.
To be sure, Trumka has called out police-perpetrated violence in the past. After the Ferguson uprising of 2014, Trumka noted that Darren Wilson and Michael Brown’s mother were both union members, saying, “Our brother killed our sister’s son,” last September. “We do not have to wait for the judgment of prosecutors or courts to tell us how terrible this is.” During his tenure as president of the United Mineworkers of America, he criticized police for brutalizing a striking miner during the 1989 Pittston Coal Strike.
Still, amid the historic uprisings of the past two weeks, simple criticisms and affirmations of anti-racism without bold action sound like mere lip service to many in the streets.
If the MLK Labor council votes to disaffiliate the Seattle Police Officers Guild on June 17, it would be the first significant expulsion of a police union from an organized labor council anywhere in the country.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
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Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-06-07--Thousands Protest Against Police Violence Outside US Embassies in UK and Spain

After the U.S. saw its largest demonstrations yet over the police killing of George Floyd , massive demonstrations kicked off Sunday outside of the U.S. embassies in the United Kingdom and Spain as thousands gathered in a show of solidarity with America ’ s uprising against law enforcement brutality and systemic racial injustice .
Thousands of Britons flooded the streets near the U.S. embassy in London as demonstrators condemned both the killing of George Floyd and pervasive racism in their own country .
Enormous crowds also gathered outside the U.S. Embassy in Madrid , with demonstrators carrying signs that read @ @ @ @ @ @ @ No One Is Free When Others Are Oppressed , ” and “ Trump Fascista.
” “ There ’ s children of all ages and older adults here , ” said 60-year-old Pauline Nandoo , who told Reuters she has been protesting racism in the U.K. since the 1970s .
“ They are going to experience what we have experienced and we have to try to make that not happen.
” Protests over the police killing of Floyd have also taken place at U.S embassies in France , Mexico , Jamaica , and Ireland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demonstrators toppled a statue of slave trader Edward Colston and pushed it into a nearby river :

Protests over the police killing of George Floyd have also taken place in France, Mexico, Jamaica and Ireland.
After the U.S. saw its largest demonstrations yet over the police killing of George Floyd, massive demonstrations kicked off Sunday outside of the U.S. embassies in the United Kingdom and Spain as thousands gathered in a show of solidarity with America’s uprising against law enforcement brutality and systemic racial injustice.
Thousands of Britons flooded the streets near the U.S. embassy in London as demonstrators condemned both the killing of George Floyd and pervasive racism in their own country. Enormous crowds also gathered outside the U.S. Embassy in Madrid, with demonstrators carrying signs that read “Justice for George,” “No One Is Free When Others Are Oppressed,” and “Trump Fascista.”
“There’s children of all ages and older adults here,” said 60-year-old Pauline Nandoo, who told Reuters she has been protesting racism in the U.K. since the 1970s. “They are going to experience what we have experienced and we have to try to make that not happen.”
Protests over the police killing of Floyd have also taken place at U.S embassies in France, Mexico, Jamaica, and Ireland in recent days.
Thousands protest outside the US Embassy in London. Impressive crowds. #BlackLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/T3VjzNWqNC — Ragıp Soylu (@ragipsoylu) June 7, 2020
THOUSANDS of protestors showed up at the US embassy in Madrid, Spain and marched through the streets of the city. Black Lives Matter EVERYWHERE! #BLM #BlackLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/ejLKk2HP0Z — Lizzard🌈 (@lizzardqueen96) June 7, 2020
In Bristol, demonstrators toppled a statue of slave trader Edward Colston and pushed it into a nearby river:
Bye bye Edward Colston! If anyone misses this statue they need to have a long hard think about their priorities. Slave traders are not heroes! #BlackLivesMatter #BLMbristol #Bristol pic.twitter.com/sGs6isLPpb — Momentum Bristol (@MomentumBristol) June 7, 2020
SPLOSHITY BYE YOU DEAD RACIST pic.twitter.com/c8nTxkAlRP — Momentum Bristol (@MomentumBristol) June 7, 2020
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-06-07--It’s Time to Redistribute Obscene Police Budgets to Much-Needed Public Services

The marches are sweeping every state .
Hundreds of thousands of people have braved the pandemic to protest the murder of an unarmed Black man , George Floyd , by Minneapolis police .
Like the teacher strike waves of 2018 and 2019 , today ’ s protests against police violence have the support of a majority of Americans .
A Monmouth poll showed 78 percent think protesters ’ anger about the killing of George Floyd is wholly or partially justified .
What reform would actually make change ?
Body cams and de-escalation training have not worked .
Protesters have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ firing but criminal charges .
In an unprecedented step , yesterday the charge against officer Derek Chauvin was upgraded to second-degree murder and the other three involved officers were also charged .
But in Minneapolis and around the country , there ’ s another rising demand that could have even more profound effects : Defund the police .
Scale back their outsized budgets and redirect the money to much-needed services .
How Much Do Cops Cost ?
The cost of policing is exacted first and foremost in the damage to Black lives—and second @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Every dollar spent on police is a dollar not spent on schools and city services .
Big cities like Minneapolis , Los Angeles , Atlanta , Detroit , Baltimore , and Houston spent more than 25 percent of their general fund budgets on their police departments , according to a 2017 report by the Center for Popular Democracy .
Chicago and Oakland spent even more , 40 percent .
And while New York City ’ s share was far lower at 9 percent ( because the city had a much larger total @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hospitals ) , the dollar amount it spent was staggering , almost $ 5 billion—or $ 581 per person .
The city ’ s police budget has since risen to $ 6 billion .
All told the United States spends $ 100 billion on policing each year , and then another $ 80 billion jailing people .
It ’ s the one line on city budgets that ’ s rarely on the chopping block , in good economic times or bad , whether crime goes up or down .
In Baltimore , for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cents is spent on schools , five cents is spent on the city ’ s jobs programs , and a penny is spent on mental health services and violence prevention .
Taxpayers also pay for police brutality .
Cities pay millions in legal fees and settlements of police misconduct lawsuits ; Chicago , for instance , spent $ 55 million in 2017 and $ 113 million in 2018 .
Now cities and states are drowning in red ink , forecasting tax shortfalls of millions of dollars because of the COVID-19 crisis .
Politicians @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sector unions are saying there ’ s nothing left to cut from schools or transit—and a few are pointing to the one department that ’ s always well-funded .
In Philadelphia , for instance , the mayor ’ s proposed budget includes hundreds of layoffs , including an $ 18 million cut to street sweepers .
Union sanitation workers in AFSCME Local 427 and the Campaign for a Just Philly Budget are organizing a June 9 rally to protest the cuts—and the fact that while everyone else gets squeezed , the mayor is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 14 million .
In Los Angeles , under pressure , the mayor just reversed himself and announced cuts to the police department .
Budgets reveal a society ’ s priorities .
Two photographs circulated on social media this week , driving the point home .
One showed cops decked out in expensive military gear .
The other showed health care workers wearing garbage bags because of the shortage of basic protective gear during the pandemic .
You can find similar stories across workplaces .
The Philly sanitation workers mentioned above fighting budget cuts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provide them basic protective gear , hazard pay , and access to coronavirus testing since their work has been deemed essential .
During last year ’ s teachers strike in Oakland , an elementary schooler on the picket line piped up with the chant , “ What do we want ?
” “ Paper !
” “ When do we want it ?
Now !
” It had to be said out loud , that students deserve paper at their public schools .
Workers in a New York City public hospital had to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the bathrooms .
Transit workers in D.C. had to threaten a strike to get functioning brakes on their buses .
Soap , paper , and brakes are the tip of the iceberg .
We have a threadbare safety net and barebones social services .
Cops fill the gap , poorly .
Police are often deployed against social problems they have no idea how to deal with—confronting people who are homeless or substance abusers , or who can ’ t access mental health care .
They often respond with the tools of their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all you have is a hammer , everything looks like a nail .
Even with crimes like drugs and burglary , throwing police at the problem doesn ’ t solve the desperation that is often the root cause .
Arresting and re-arresting people only makes their situation worse , creating a vicious cycle that disproportionately punishes people who live in poor communities , particularly people of color .
In Minneapolis , African Americans are 20 percent of the population , but 60 percent of the arrests .
Nationwide , a 2017 Prison Policy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arrested multiple times were disproportionately Black ; 88 percent of them were arrested for nonviolent crimes .
Policing is both harmful and expensive .
It drains public money that could otherwise go to measures that would address the actual , underlying problems—things like drug treatment programs and creating good jobs .
With rising poverty and record unemployment , we need such programs more than ever .
In Minneapolis the outrage over George Floyd ’ s murder is provoking many public workers to question their employers ’ ties to the police .
Bus drivers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The University of Minnesota is cutting most of its ties with the Minneapolis Police Department ; it won ’ t use them anymore for big events such as sports and concerts .
The teachers union pushed the Minneapolis Public Schools to cancel its $ 3 million contract to put police in schools ; the school board vote was unanimous .
Around the country , racial justice groups such as Black Lives Matter and Black Youth Project 100 and community coalitions have been making such demands for years .
See , for example @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the # NYCBudgetJustice campaign , the Portland-Metro People ’ s Coalition , and Reclaim the Block in Minneapolis—by no means an exhaustive list .
A handful of unions have joined these efforts .
Among the best labor examples is the Chicago Teachers Union , which teamed up with 85 other organizations to oppose a new $ 95 million police academy .
The community groups and unions argued that the money would be better spent on public housing , the transit system , and support staff in the schools .
During last year ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that if a school removed the cop assigned to it , the school could use the funds for a social worker instead .
The union didn ’ t win that one , but it has continued to demand schools without police .
In many cities , though , community groups have led the way while labor hung back .
Historically unions have been wary of opposing the police .
But the current sea change in public opinion should embolden us .
The need couldn ’ t be more urgent .

The cost of policing is exacted first and foremost in the damage to Black lives — and second on public resources.
This article was first published at Labor Notes.
The marches are sweeping every state. Hundreds of thousands of people have braved the pandemic to protest the murder of an unarmed Black man, George Floyd, by Minneapolis police.
Like the teacher strike waves of 2018 and 2019, today’s protests against police violence have the support of a majority of Americans. A Monmouth poll showed 78 percent think protesters’ anger about the killing of George Floyd is wholly or partially justified.
What reform would actually make change? Body cams and de-escalation training have not worked. Protesters have been demanding consequences for violent racist officers—not just firing but criminal charges. In an unprecedented step, yesterday the charge against officer Derek Chauvin was upgraded to second-degree murder and the other three involved officers were also charged.
But in Minneapolis and around the country, there’s another rising demand that could have even more profound effects: Defund the police. Scale back their outsized budgets and redirect the money to much-needed services.
How Much Do Cops Cost?
The cost of policing is exacted first and foremost in the damage to Black lives—and second in an enormous drain on public resources. Every dollar spent on police is a dollar not spent on schools and city services.
Big cities like Minneapolis, Los Angeles, Atlanta, Detroit, Baltimore, and Houston spent more than 25 percent of their general fund budgets on their police departments, according to a 2017 report by the Center for Popular Democracy.
Chicago and Oakland spent even more, 40 percent. And while New York City’s share was far lower at 9 percent (because the city had a much larger total budget, including a system of public hospitals), the dollar amount it spent was staggering, almost $5 billion—or $581 per person. The city’s police budget has since risen to $6 billion.
All told the United States spends $100 billion on policing each year, and then another $80 billion jailing people. It’s the one line on city budgets that’s rarely on the chopping block, in good economic times or bad, whether crime goes up or down.
In Baltimore, for every dollar spent on police, 55 cents is spent on schools, five cents is spent on the city’s jobs programs, and a penny is spent on mental health services and violence prevention.
Taxpayers also pay for police brutality. Cities pay millions in legal fees and settlements of police misconduct lawsuits; Chicago, for instance, spent $55 million in 2017 and $113 million in 2018.
Now cities and states are drowning in red ink, forecasting tax shortfalls of millions of dollars because of the COVID-19 crisis. Politicians are already demanding severe cuts. Public sector unions are saying there’s nothing left to cut from schools or transit—and a few are pointing to the one department that’s always well-funded.
In Philadelphia, for instance, the mayor’s proposed budget includes hundreds of layoffs, including an $18 million cut to street sweepers. Union sanitation workers in AFSCME Local 427 and the Campaign for a Just Philly Budget are organizing a June 9 rally to protest the cuts—and the fact that while everyone else gets squeezed, the mayor is trying to increase police funding by $14 million.
In Los Angeles, under pressure, the mayor just reversed himself and announced cuts to the police department.
What’s Not Funded
Budgets reveal a society’s priorities. Two photographs circulated on social media this week, driving the point home. One showed cops decked out in expensive military gear. The other showed health care workers wearing garbage bags because of the shortage of basic protective gear during the pandemic.
You can find similar stories across workplaces. The Philly sanitation workers mentioned above fighting budget cuts have also been petitioning the city to provide them basic protective gear, hazard pay, and access to coronavirus testing since their work has been deemed essential.
During last year’s teachers strike in Oakland, an elementary schooler on the picket line piped up with the chant, “What do we want?” “Paper!” “When do we want it? Now!” It had to be said out loud, that students deserve paper at their public schools.
Workers in a New York City public hospital had to organize a pressure campaign to get soap in the bathrooms. Transit workers in D.C. had to threaten a strike to get functioning brakes on their buses.
A Poor Substitute
Soap, paper, and brakes are the tip of the iceberg. We have a threadbare safety net and barebones social services. Cops fill the gap, poorly.
Police are often deployed against social problems they have no idea how to deal with—confronting people who are homeless or substance abusers, or who can’t access mental health care. They often respond with the tools of their trade: violence and arrests. When all you have is a hammer, everything looks like a nail.
Even with crimes like drugs and burglary, throwing police at the problem doesn’t solve the desperation that is often the root cause. Arresting and re-arresting people only makes their situation worse, creating a vicious cycle that disproportionately punishes people who live in poor communities, particularly people of color.
In Minneapolis, African Americans are 20 percent of the population, but 60 percent of the arrests. Nationwide, a 2017 Prison Policy Initiative study found that people who were arrested multiple times were disproportionately Black; 88 percent of them were arrested for nonviolent crimes.
Policing is both harmful and expensive. It drains public money that could otherwise go to measures that would address the actual, underlying problems—things like drug treatment programs and creating good jobs. With rising poverty and record unemployment, we need such programs more than ever.
A Sea Change
In Minneapolis the outrage over George Floyd’s murder is provoking many public workers to question their employers’ ties to the police.
Bus drivers refused to transport officers or arrested protesters. The University of Minnesota is cutting most of its ties with the Minneapolis Police Department; it won’t use them anymore for big events such as sports and concerts. The teachers union pushed the Minneapolis Public Schools to cancel its $3 million contract to put police in schools; the school board vote was unanimous.
Around the country, racial justice groups such as Black Lives Matter and Black Youth Project 100 and community coalitions have been making such demands for years. See, for example, People’s Budget L.A., the #NYCBudgetJustice campaign, the Portland-Metro People’s Coalition, and Reclaim the Block in Minneapolis—by no means an exhaustive list.
A handful of unions have joined these efforts. Among the best labor examples is the Chicago Teachers Union, which teamed up with 85 other organizations to oppose a new $95 million police academy. The community groups and unions argued that the money would be better spent on public housing, the transit system, and support staff in the schools. During last year’s strike, the teachers also proposed that if a school removed the cop assigned to it, the school could use the funds for a social worker instead. The union didn’t win that one, but it has continued to demand schools without police.
In many cities, though, community groups have led the way while labor hung back. Historically unions have been wary of opposing the police. But the current sea change in public opinion should embolden us. The need couldn’t be more urgent.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-06-07--Top Recipients of Police Money Include Trump and Leading Congressional Democrats

Police reform is now a congressional priority following nationwide protests against police violence and systemic racism after the killing of George Floyd by Minneapolis police .
Many of the protests in cities across the country , including Washington , D.C. , have been met with militarized force and violence .
Black Lives Matter , one of the main organizing bodies behind the protests , has long fought for transparency and accountability in response to police violence against Black communities .
With Floyd ’ s death , the group is calling for a national defunding of police departments .
“ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and dehumanization of Black life at the hands of the police , ” read a May 30 statement released by Black Lives Matter .
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi ( D-Calif. ) announced plans for legislation to be introduced on Monday , with drafting efforts being led by members of the Congressional Black Caucus .
The bill is expected to address qualified immunity — a legal doctrine that protects officers from repercussions after use of force — as well as training requirements and bans on excessive use of force such as chokeholds .
Legislation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but its fate in the Senate is less certain .
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell ( R-Ky. ) said he ’ s open to reviewing legislation but has yet to make any further comment regarding specific provisions .
Police unions are expected to rally against proposed reforms , key among them the National Fraternal Order of Police , which represents over 351,000 members and has four full-time lobbyists on staff .
But the unions ’ power extends beyond lobbying .
They fund and endorse candidates and hold sway over the contributions of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officers around the country .
Since the 1994 election cycle , 55 police union and law enforcement PACs have donated over $ 1.1 million to congressional campaigns , more than a third of which has gone to current members of congress .
Funds spread to both sides of the aisle , especially to those in prominent positions and with influence in the House Law Enforcement Caucus .
Another $ 9 million in itemized contributions come from those listing current or retired law enforcement positions as their profession since 1990 .
Current and retired @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million so far this election cycle , during which over $ 2 billion has been contributed by individuals across congressional and presidential races .
The largest recipient of police union funding in Congress is Rep. Bill Pascrell Jr. ( D-N.J. ) , the Democratic co-chair of the House Law Enforcement Caucus .
He has received over $ 43,000 from police unions and law enforcement PACs since 2004 .
House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer ( D-Md . )
follows , with $ 35,500 from police union and law enforcement PACs since 2005 .
Hoyer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ early return to session to enact police reform .
After donating $ 5,000 to his reelection campaign in 2018 , the National FOP released a statement saying “ his office regularly reaches out to the FOP to seek our input on legislation touching on law enforcement , labor , and criminal justice issues .
His ‘ open door ’ policy to the FOP is invaluable when moving bills through the House.
” However , police unions have not contributed to Hoyer during the 2020 cycle as of May 21 .
The National FOP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and law enforcement PAC donations to current members of Congress as of May 21 .
The union ’ s lobby has previously pushed back on reform-minded bills like the “ Stop Militarizing Law Enforcement Act ” and the “ End Racial Profiling Act , ” neither of which have been brought to a vote .
Overall , six of the top 10 recipients of police union funding in the House are Democrats , numbers mirrored in the Senate .
The largest Senate benefactor has been Sen. Patrick Leahy ( D-Vt. ) .
Leahy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Senate floor on Wednesday .
He suggested support for popular police reform efforts including mandatory cultural competency training and ending qualified immunity , a practice defended by the FOP .
“ Ultimately accountability will require dismantling this culture of impunity , as well as ensuring that law enforcement officers have training and policies in place that serve to rebuild trust in communities of color , ” Leahy said in the chamber Wednesday .
Sen. Amy Klobuchar ( D-Minn. ) , who has come under recent scrutiny for her record on police violence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is one of the senators with the most contributions from police union and law enforcement PACs .
Klobuchar did not bring charges in more than two dozen cases of officer-involved fatalities during her prosecutorial tenure .
These include a 2006 case involving Derek Chauvin , the key officer charged in Floyd ’ s death .
Klobuchar , along with fellow Minnesota Sen. Tina Smith ( D-Minn. ) is now calling for an investigation by the Department of Justice ’ s Civil Rights Division into the “ patterns and practices of racially discriminatory and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” in a letter to Attorney General William Barr .
Of the top recipients of police union and law enforcement PAC funds in the House who released statements addressing the killing of George Floyd , three have made calls for police reform — Reps. Hoyer , Kathy Castor ( D-Fla. ) , and Julia Brownley ( D-Calf. )
.
Reps. Paul Cook ( R-Calif. ) , Pete King ( R-N.Y. ) , and Garret Graves ( R-La . )
have not issued press releases or public statements about Floyd ’ s killing or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2016 , the FBI estimated that sworn officers represent 2.4 per 1,000 Americans .
A 2016 Pew study showed that police views on law enforcement ’ s treatment of Black communities differ sharply from the general public ’ s .
Like PAC money , contributions from individual police officers have gone to politicians on both sides of the aisle , representing an array of politics .
Among the top recipients in 2020 are President Donald Trump , Vice President Joe Biden , Sen. Kamala Harris ( D-Calif. ) and Sen. Bernie Sanders ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2020 presidential bids , according to itemized donations above $ 200 reported to the FEC .
When small donations made through campaign financing platforms ActBlue and WinRed are included in analyses , Biden has slightly outraised Trump in reported individual law enforcement officer contributions this year as of April 30 .
People listing police officer as their profession contributed over $ 70,000 to Biden ’ s presidential campaign compared to Trump ’ s $ 62,000 .
Trump narrowly outraised Hillary Clinton in large donations from officers in the 2016 election cycle .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ endorsed by the National FOP .
One of the top recipients of police contributions was the National Rifle Association ’ s PAC .
The National FOP and NRA have a history of lobbying on similar issues , sometimes citing one another in press releases with messages of support .

Since the 1994 election cycle, police unions and PACs have donated over $1.1 million to congressional campaigns.
Police reform is now a congressional priority following nationwide protests against police violence and systemic racism after the killing of George Floyd by Minneapolis police. Many of the protests in cities across the country, including Washington, D.C., have been met with militarized force and violence.
Black Lives Matter, one of the main organizing bodies behind the protests, has long fought for transparency and accountability in response to police violence against Black communities. With Floyd’s death, the group is calling for a national defunding of police departments.
“We demand acknowledgment and accountability for the devaluation and dehumanization of Black life at the hands of the police,” read a May 30 statement released by Black Lives Matter.
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) announced plans for legislation to be introduced on Monday, with drafting efforts being led by members of the Congressional Black Caucus. The bill is expected to address qualified immunity — a legal doctrine that protects officers from repercussions after use of force — as well as training requirements and bans on excessive use of force such as chokeholds. Legislation is likely to pass the Democrat-controlled House, but its fate in the Senate is less certain. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) said he’s open to reviewing legislation but has yet to make any further comment regarding specific provisions.
Police unions are expected to rally against proposed reforms, key among them the National Fraternal Order of Police, which represents over 351,000 members and has four full-time lobbyists on staff. But the unions’ power extends beyond lobbying. They fund and endorse candidates and hold sway over the contributions of the hundreds of thousands of law enforcement officers around the country.
Since the 1994 election cycle, 55 police union and law enforcement PACs have donated over $1.1 million to congressional campaigns, more than a third of which has gone to current members of congress. Funds spread to both sides of the aisle, especially to those in prominent positions and with influence in the House Law Enforcement Caucus. Another $9 million in itemized contributions come from those listing current or retired law enforcement positions as their profession since 1990.
Current and retired law enforcement officers have given $1.5 million so far this election cycle, during which over $2 billion has been contributed by individuals across congressional and presidential races.
The largest recipient of police union funding in Congress is Rep. Bill Pascrell Jr. (D-N.J.), the Democratic co-chair of the House Law Enforcement Caucus. He has received over $43,000 from police unions and law enforcement PACs since 2004.
House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Md.) follows, with $35,500 from police union and law enforcement PACs since 2005. Hoyer is now leading the call for an early return to session to enact police reform. After donating $5,000 to his reelection campaign in 2018, the National FOP released a statement saying “his office regularly reaches out to the FOP to seek our input on legislation touching on law enforcement, labor, and criminal justice issues. His ‘open door’ policy to the FOP is invaluable when moving bills through the House.”
However, police unions have not contributed to Hoyer during the 2020 cycle as of May 21.
The National FOP accounted for a quarter of police union and law enforcement PAC donations to current members of Congress as of May 21. The union’s lobby has previously pushed back on reform-minded bills like the “Stop Militarizing Law Enforcement Act” and the “End Racial Profiling Act,” neither of which have been brought to a vote.
Overall, six of the top 10 recipients of police union funding in the House are Democrats, numbers mirrored in the Senate. The largest Senate benefactor has been Sen. Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.). Leahy harshly condemned the killing of Floyd from the Senate floor on Wednesday. He suggested support for popular police reform efforts including mandatory cultural competency training and ending qualified immunity, a practice defended by the FOP.
“Ultimately accountability will require dismantling this culture of impunity, as well as ensuring that law enforcement officers have training and policies in place that serve to rebuild trust in communities of color,” Leahy said in the chamber Wednesday.
When small donations made through campaign financing platforms ActBlue and WinRed are included in analyses, Biden has slightly outraised Trump in reported individual law enforcement officer contributions this year as of April 30. People listing police officer as their profession contributed over $70,000 to Biden’s presidential campaign compared to Trump’s $62,000. Trump narrowly outraised Hillary Clinton in large donations from officers in the 2016 election cycle. The month before the election, he was endorsed by the National FOP. One of the top recipients of police contributions was the National Rifle Association’s PAC. The National FOP and NRA have a history of lobbying on similar issues, sometimes citing one another in press releases with messages of support. Explore OpenSecret’s data on police officer, police union and law enforcement PAC contributions.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
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truthout--2020-06-07--As Amazonian Wildfire Season Approaches, We Must Protect the Vulnerable Forest

The wildfires that tore across Australia were as devastating as they were overwhelming , scorching some 15 million acres of land , killing 26 people and more than 1 billion animals up until January 2020 .
In terms of its apocalyptic imagery — sweeping infernos torching great swaths with unerring speed — Australia ’ s wildfires were hauntingly reminiscent of the fires that roared through the Amazon rainforest over the past year .
Indeed , more than 80,000 fires hit the region during 2019 , according to the Brazilian government .
Though many months have now passed since global media @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Amazon — one of the world ’ s most important carbon sinks — the problem has far from disappeared .
Indeed , as the region gears up towards its next Amazon wildfire season , the causes underpinning the problem — like illegal logging , encroachment from agribusinesses and profit-driven government policies — remain very much at play .
And though uncertainty surrounds some of the short- and long-term impacts of increased commercial activity in the Brazilian Amazon , the consequences on a rapidly warming planet are stark indeed .
New research suggests that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exhaling more carbon dioxide than they ’ re taking in .
What ’ s more , experts and environmentalists are quick to point the finger of blame towards a principal factor : a government presided over by Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro , whose tenure has been characterized by aggressive deregulation and increased commercial exploitation of the Amazon ’ s resources .
“ The impact is obvious : We have much more deforestation , ” said Philip Fearnside , an ecologist at the National Institute for Research in Amazonia in Brazil , earlier this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officially , Fearnside sounded the alarm about the Brazilian president ’ s intentions in the Amazon .
And with Bolsonaro more than one year into his tenure , “ he ’ s made good on those promises , ” Fearnside added .
Indeed , in the year ending on July 30 , 2019 , nearly 10,000 square kilometers of Brazilian Amazon rainforest were lost through deforestation — compared to the previous year , that constituted an increase of nearly 30 percent , according to Brazil ’ s National Institute for Space Research .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2019 was three times higher than in 2018 and the highest number since 2010 .
The broad ramifications of these trends are far from clear-cut .
According to Jos Barlow , a professor of conservation science at Lancaster University , England , “ different fire types have very different behaviors , ” with varying severities of impact .
While “ understory ” forest fires have the smallest flame heights and burn slowly across the forest floor , for example , “ they also have long-lasting impacts , killing around 50 percent of all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years after the fire , ” Barlow wrote in an email .
And so , “ how long will it take for forests to recover biomass and primary forest species composition ?
” Barlow asked .
“ Will they fully recover , or will they be locked into a lower biomass state ?
” Then there ’ s the potential impact on the climate .
For the first six months of 2019 , deforestation and fires in the Brazilian Amazon released as much as 141 million metric tons of carbon dioxide , according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Research Center .
As César Terrer , a postdoctoral scholar in Earth system science at Stanford ’ s School of Earth , Energy and Environmental Sciences , explains it , the destruction of the Amazon through logging and wildfires means “ we ’ re also limiting the potential of current plants to continue storing CO2.
” Terrer led a study using anticipated carbon dioxide levels for the end of the century and found that plant biomass should increase by 12 percent as a result — an increase that would help enable plants and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ A 12 percent increase is huge , ” Terrer said in a phone interview .
“ For the Amazon in particular , that ’ s more than 15 billion tons of carbon , ” he added , explaining that this amount is equivalent to “ all the carbon stored in all the trees in all the forests ” in the United States .
“ They could store all that additional carbon for free , if we let them be.
” The problem ?
That 12 percent increase is predicated upon current plant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Instead , “ we ’ re increasing deforestation rates in the Amazon , which is hugely important for the climate , ” Terrer said .
“ I ’ m strongly concerned.
” After the turn of the century , Brazil appeared to be wrestling the problem of a shrinking Amazon .
Between 2004 and 2012 , Brazil employed an action plan instituting a number of key provisions , including an expanded network of protected areas alongside market incentives and disincentives , like a successful deforestation moratorium agreed to by nearly all soybean @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rates during that time plummeted .
But 2012 marked a turning point .
Since then , deforestation has been ticking upwards — 2016 , for example , saw a 29 percent increase .
The administration under Bolsonaro has used that fact to justify its policies in the Amazon , said Fearnside .
“ There were lots of things happening before Bolsonaro took office , but Bolsonaro has certainly increased that [ deforestation ] substantially , ” Fearnside said , pointing to the myriad ways his actions have played out .
The current Brazilian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country ’ s environment ministry — the Brazilian Institute of Environment and Renewable Natural Resources ( IBAMA ) — not least of all by tapping Ricardo Salles to lead it .
Salles has called climate change an “ innocuous ” and “ secondary ” issue , and has characterized the rate of illegal deforestation in the Amazon as near “ zero.
” The director of Brazil ’ s Space Research Institute was fired when the agency ’ s own calculations — which illustrated a 278 percent increase in deforestation last July — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ environment ministry has also stepped back its regulatory oversight .
Though 95 percent of the deforestation that occurred in the first three months of Bolsonaro ’ s tenure was illegal , no offenders were punished .
Indeed , a New York Times analysis found that IBAMA ’ s enforcement actions fell by 20 percent during the first half of 2019 , as compared with the year prior .
Increased land raids have impacted Indigenous populations in particular .
“ President Bolsonaro of Brazil is encouraging the farm owners near our lands to clear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , chief of the Indigenous Brazilian Kayapo people .
“ And he is not doing anything to prevent them from invading our territory.
” Some of Bolsonaro ’ s actions have been met with opprobrium among certain sectors of Brazil ’ s corporate class .
Blairo Maggi , a billionaire soybean producer and former agriculture minister , has warned of international condemnation of the government ’ s excursions into the Amazon .
“ The farmers , associations and industry will have to redo what has been lost , ” he told The New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ steps ; we will have to work to get back to where we were.
” Nevertheless , “ there are large parts of the agribusiness that are on the other side , ” said Fearnside , pointing to the thriving soybean industry in Matopiba , a vast region spanning four Brazilian states .
And where is this produce going ?
In 2017 , 92 percent of the soybeans grown for the domestic market in Brazil were used to feed livestock to supply the world ’ s demand for meat .
“ The soy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of denying climate change , which is incredible given that climate change is likely to wipe out their soybean business there , ” Fearnside said .
With Bolsonaro only a year into his presidency , Fearnside is understandably concerned about his remaining tenure and describes the actions already undertaken as having opened up a Pandora ’ s box .
This includes the human health impacts from wildfire-created air pollution on both nearby and distant urban centers — even intensifying glacier melt in the Andes .
Other experts agree with Fearnside .
According to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2020 “ will be even worse.
” This article was produced by Earth | Food | Life , a project of the Independent Media Institute .

The wildfires that tore across Australia were as devastating as they were overwhelming, scorching some 15 million acres of land, killing 26 people and more than 1 billion animals up until January 2020. In terms of its apocalyptic imagery — sweeping infernos torching great swaths with unerring speed — Australia’s wildfires were hauntingly reminiscent of the fires that roared through the Amazon rainforest over the past year. Indeed, more than 80,000 fires hit the region during 2019, according to the Brazilian government.
Though many months have now passed since global media focused on the unfolding disaster in the Amazon — one of the world’s most important carbon sinks — the problem has far from disappeared. Indeed, as the region gears up towards its next Amazon wildfire season, the causes underpinning the problem — like illegal logging, encroachment from agribusinesses and profit-driven government policies — remain very much at play.
And though uncertainty surrounds some of the short- and long-term impacts of increased commercial activity in the Brazilian Amazon, the consequences on a rapidly warming planet are stark indeed. New research suggests that some deforested regions of the rainforest are exhaling more carbon dioxide than they’re taking in.
What’s more, experts and environmentalists are quick to point the finger of blame towards a principal factor: a government presided over by Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, whose tenure has been characterized by aggressive deregulation and increased commercial exploitation of the Amazon’s resources.
“The impact is obvious: We have much more deforestation,” said Philip Fearnside, an ecologist at the National Institute for Research in Amazonia in Brazil, earlier this year. Even before Bolsonaro took office officially, Fearnside sounded the alarm about the Brazilian president’s intentions in the Amazon. And with Bolsonaro more than one year into his tenure, “he’s made good on those promises,” Fearnside added.
Indeed, in the year ending on July 30, 2019, nearly 10,000 square kilometers of Brazilian Amazon rainforest were lost through deforestation — compared to the previous year, that constituted an increase of nearly 30 percent, according to Brazil’s National Institute for Space Research. The number of active fires in August 2019 was three times higher than in 2018 and the highest number since 2010. The broad ramifications of these trends are far from clear-cut.
According to Jos Barlow, a professor of conservation science at Lancaster University, England, “different fire types have very different behaviors,” with varying severities of impact. While “understory” forest fires have the smallest flame heights and burn slowly across the forest floor, for example, “they also have long-lasting impacts, killing around 50 percent of all trees, with mortality occurring for many years after the fire,” Barlow wrote in an email.
New research suggests that some deforested regions of the rainforest are exhaling more carbon dioxide than they’re taking in.
And so, “how long will it take for forests to recover biomass and primary forest species composition?” Barlow asked. “Will they fully recover, or will they be locked into a lower biomass state?”
Then there’s the potential impact on the climate. For the first six months of 2019, deforestation and fires in the Brazilian Amazon released as much as 141 million metric tons of carbon dioxide, according to research led by the Woods Hole Research Center. As César Terrer, a postdoctoral scholar in Earth system science at Stanford’s School of Earth, Energy and Environmental Sciences, explains it, the destruction of the Amazon through logging and wildfires means “we’re also limiting the potential of current plants to continue storing CO2.”
NASA
Terrer led a study using anticipated carbon dioxide levels for the end of the century and found that plant biomass should increase by 12 percent as a result — an increase that would help enable plants and trees to store more carbon dioxide. “A 12 percent increase is huge,” Terrer said in a phone interview. “For the Amazon in particular, that’s more than 15 billion tons of carbon,” he added, explaining that this amount is equivalent to “all the carbon stored in all the trees in all the forests” in the United States. “They could store all that additional carbon for free, if we let them be.”
The problem? That 12 percent increase is predicated upon current plant biomass levels remaining as they currently are. Instead, “we’re increasing deforestation rates in the Amazon, which is hugely important for the climate,” Terrer said. “I’m strongly concerned.”
After the turn of the century, Brazil appeared to be wrestling the problem of a shrinking Amazon. Between 2004 and 2012, Brazil employed an action plan instituting a number of key provisions, including an expanded network of protected areas alongside market incentives and disincentives, like a successful deforestation moratorium agreed to by nearly all soybean processors and exporters in Brazil. Deforestation rates during that time plummeted.
But 2012 marked a turning point. Since then, deforestation has been ticking upwards — 2016, for example, saw a 29 percent increase.
The administration under Bolsonaro has used that fact to justify its policies in the Amazon, said Fearnside. “There were lots of things happening before Bolsonaro took office, but Bolsonaro has certainly increased that [deforestation] substantially,” Fearnside said, pointing to the myriad ways his actions have played out.
For the first six months of 2019, deforestation and fires in the Brazilian Amazon released as much as 141 million metric tons of carbon dioxide.
The current Brazilian president has taken various measures to weaken the country’s environment ministry — the Brazilian Institute of Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (IBAMA) — not least of all by tapping Ricardo Salles to lead it. Salles has called climate change an “innocuous” and “secondary” issue, and has characterized the rate of illegal deforestation in the Amazon as near “zero.” The director of Brazil’s Space Research Institute was fired when the agency’s own calculations — which illustrated a 278 percent increase in deforestation last July — disproved Salles’s claims.
The environment ministry has also stepped back its regulatory oversight. Though 95 percent of the deforestation that occurred in the first three months of Bolsonaro’s tenure was illegal, no offenders were punished. Indeed, a New York Times analysis found that IBAMA’s enforcement actions fell by 20 percent during the first half of 2019, as compared with the year prior. Increased land raids have impacted Indigenous populations in particular.
“President Bolsonaro of Brazil is encouraging the farm owners near our lands to clear the forest,” wrote Raoni Metuktire, chief of the Indigenous Brazilian Kayapo people. “And he is not doing anything to prevent them from invading our territory.”
Some of Bolsonaro’s actions have been met with opprobrium among certain sectors of Brazil’s corporate class. Blairo Maggi, a billionaire soybean producer and former agriculture minister, has warned of international condemnation of the government’s excursions into the Amazon. “The farmers, associations and industry will have to redo what has been lost,” he told The New York Times. “We retreated 10 steps; we will have to work to get back to where we were.”
Nevertheless, “there are large parts of the agribusiness that are on the other side,” said Fearnside, pointing to the thriving soybean industry in Matopiba, a vast region spanning four Brazilian states. And where is this produce going? In 2017, 92 percent of the soybeans grown for the domestic market in Brazil were used to feed livestock to supply the world’s demand for meat.
Though 95 percent of the deforestation that occurred in the first three months of Bolsonaro’s tenure was illegal, no offenders were punished.
“The soy farmers there are all on the bandwagon of denying climate change, which is incredible given that climate change is likely to wipe out their soybean business there,” Fearnside said.
With Bolsonaro only a year into his presidency, Fearnside is understandably concerned about his remaining tenure and describes the actions already undertaken as having opened up a Pandora’s box. This includes the human health impacts from wildfire-created air pollution on both nearby and distant urban centers — even intensifying glacier melt in the Andes.
Other experts agree with Fearnside. According to Jos Barlow, all indications are that 2020 “will be even worse.”
This article was produced by Earth | Food | Life, a project of the Independent Media Institute.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.