truthout--2020-12-24--Trump Baselessly Blames Iran for Rocket Attack on US Embassy in Baghdad

Anti-war campaigners are warning that U.S. President Donald Trump is on the verge of launching a full-blown military conflict with Iran after the lame-duck incumbent on Wednesday blamed the Middle East nation for a rocket attack on the American Embassy in Baghdad over the weekend , an accusation Tehran rejected as “ fabricated.
” “ Our embassy in Baghdad got hit Sunday by several rockets .
Three rockets failed to launch , ” Trump tweeted late Wednesday afternoon , attaching a photo purporting to show the three rockets .
“ Guess where they were from : IRAN .
Now we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Iraq.
” “ Some friendly health advice to Iran : If one American is killed , I will hold Iran responsible , ” the outgoing U.S. president added .
“ Think it over.
” Saeed Khatibzadeh , a spokesperson for Iran ’ s Foreign Ministry , denied that Iran was behind the rocket attack — which damaged the embassy compound and injured one Iraqi — and warned Trump against engaging in any “ dangerous adventurism ” during his remaining time in power .
“ Such repetitive , baseless , and fabricated allegations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blame games are meant to cast a shadow on Trump ’ s difficult situation , ” Khatibzadeh said Thursday , according to Iranian state media .
“ As we have repeatedly said , attacks on diplomatic and residential buildings are rejected , and in this particular case , the finger of blame is being pointed at the United States itself and its partners and allies in the region , who are seeking to increase tensions.
” Iran ’ s top diplomat , Javad Zarif , tweeted in response to Trump that “ putting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t divert attention from catastrophic failures at home , ” referring to the U.S. president ’ s disastrous handling of the coronavirus pandemic .
Foreign policy analysts have been cautioning for weeks that the Trump administration could attack Iran on its way out the door in a last-ditch effort to undermine any attempts by the incoming Biden administration to restore diplomatic relations and return to the U.S. to the nuclear deal , which Trump violated in 2018 .
Just last month , according to the New York Times , Trump asked his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s primary nuclear energy site .
Assal Rad , senior research fellow at the National Iranian American Council ( NIAC ) , warned Wednesday that “ a one-term , impeached , unhinged , lame-duck president wants to start a war.
” “ Also remember as he ’ s threatening Iran ( again ) in a conflict of his own creation , an American dies every 25 seconds from Covid , ” Rad wrote .
The Wall Street Journal reported Wednesday that “ no Americans were hurt in the [ rocket ] attack , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which troops and embassy personnel use for exercise.
” “ All 21 rockets hit inside the heavily fortified Green Zone — where the embassy and a base hosting troops from the U.S.-led coalition are located — with about half of those rockets landing inside the American embassy compound , ” the Journal reported , citing an unnamed official .
In a statement following the attack , the U.S. Central Command blamed the attack on an “ Iranian-backed Rogue Militia Group ” without providing any specific evidence .
On Wednesday , according to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pompeo — a longtime Iran hawk and opponent of the nuclear deal — met with Acting Defense Secretary Christopher Miller and national security adviser Robert O ’ Brien to “ discuss options to dissuade Iran and the Shiite militias it supports from attacking U.S. personnel in Iraq.
” Earlier this month , as Common Dreams reported , the U.S. flew two B-52 bombers over the Persian Gulf in a saber-rattling maneuver aimed at threatening Iran , which has been in the Trump administration ’ s crosshairs for years .
Further heightening fears of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ submarine to the Persian Gulf in what the Washington Post described as “ possible preparation for any Iranian retaliation over the November assassination of a senior Iranian nuclear scientist , ” a killing widely believed to have been carried out by Israel .
“ There are forces in Washington and across Middle East who ’ ve been pushing for a military conflict between the U.S. Iran which can easily escalate into a disaster for the entire region , ” tweeted Negar Mortazavi , a columnist for The Independent .
“ Beware of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t get a better deal with Iran he promised.
” Stephen Miles , executive director of Win Without War , noted that Trump “ inherited a working diplomatic nuclear deal and thawing relations , blew that all up to try out ‘ maximum pressure ’ which predictably failed , and now here we are yet again.
” “ Friendly reminder before Trump does whatever crazy thing he ’ s about to do to Iran , ” said Miles , “ this is all his fault .
”

Foreign policy analysts have been cautioning that the Trump administration could attack Iran on its way out the door.
Anti-war campaigners are warning that U.S. President Donald Trump is on the verge of launching a full-blown military conflict with Iran after the lame-duck incumbent on Wednesday blamed the Middle East nation for a rocket attack on the American Embassy in Baghdad over the weekend, an accusation Tehran rejected as “fabricated.”
“Our embassy in Baghdad got hit Sunday by several rockets. Three rockets failed to launch,” Trump tweeted late Wednesday afternoon, attaching a photo purporting to show the three rockets. “Guess where they were from: IRAN. Now we hear chatter of additional attacks against Americans in Iraq.”
“Some friendly health advice to Iran: If one American is killed, I will hold Iran responsible,” the outgoing U.S. president added. “Think it over.”
Saeed Khatibzadeh, a spokesperson for Iran’s Foreign Ministry, denied that Iran was behind the rocket attack — which damaged the embassy compound and injured one Iraqi — and warned Trump against engaging in any “dangerous adventurism” during his remaining time in power.
“Such repetitive, baseless, and fabricated allegations in the form of conventional White House blame games are meant to cast a shadow on Trump’s difficult situation,” Khatibzadeh said Thursday, according to Iranian state media. “As we have repeatedly said, attacks on diplomatic and residential buildings are rejected, and in this particular case, the finger of blame is being pointed at the United States itself and its partners and allies in the region, who are seeking to increase tensions.”
Iran’s top diplomat, Javad Zarif, tweeted in response to Trump that “putting your own citizens at risk abroad won’t divert attention from catastrophic failures at home,” referring to the U.S. president’s disastrous handling of the coronavirus pandemic.
Foreign policy analysts have been cautioning for weeks that the Trump administration could attack Iran on its way out the door in a last-ditch effort to undermine any attempts by the incoming Biden administration to restore diplomatic relations and return to the U.S. to the nuclear deal, which Trump violated in 2018. Just last month, according to the New York Times, Trump asked his advisers for options to bomb Iran’s primary nuclear energy site.
Assal Rad, senior research fellow at the National Iranian American Council (NIAC), warned Wednesday that “a one-term, impeached, unhinged, lame-duck president wants to start a war.”
“Also remember as he’s threatening Iran (again) in a conflict of his own creation, an American dies every 25 seconds from Covid,” Rad wrote.
-US quit JCPOA
-Sanctioned Iran & increased in pandemic
-Assassinated Soleimani
-Greenlit CIA covert ops
-Israel carried out sabotage & likely killed Iranian scientist What happens in next 28 days is on US & Israel. Everyone knows #Iran isn’t the aggressor & should act as such. pic.twitter.com/U712a4exez — Assal Rad (@AssalRad) December 24, 2020
The Wall Street Journal reported Wednesday that “no Americans were hurt in the [rocket] attack, which damaged two buildings and a gym which troops and embassy personnel use for exercise.”
“All 21 rockets hit inside the heavily fortified Green Zone — where the embassy and a base hosting troops from the U.S.-led coalition are located — with about half of those rockets landing inside the American embassy compound,” the Journal reported, citing an unnamed official.
In a statement following the attack, the U.S. Central Command blamed the attack on an “Iranian-backed Rogue Militia Group” without providing any specific evidence.
On Wednesday, according to the Journal, U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo — a longtime Iran hawk and opponent of the nuclear deal — met with Acting Defense Secretary Christopher Miller and national security adviser Robert O’Brien to “discuss options to dissuade Iran and the Shiite militias it supports from attacking U.S. personnel in Iraq.”
Earlier this month, as Common Dreams reported, the U.S. flew two B-52 bombers over the Persian Gulf in a saber-rattling maneuver aimed at threatening Iran, which has been in the Trump administration’s crosshairs for years. Further heightening fears of war, Israel has reportedly deployed a submarine to the Persian Gulf in what the Washington Post described as “possible preparation for any Iranian retaliation over the November assassination of a senior Iranian nuclear scientist,” a killing widely believed to have been carried out by Israel.
“There are forces in Washington and across Middle East who’ve been pushing for a military conflict between the U.S. Iran which can easily escalate into a disaster for the entire region,” tweeted Negar Mortazavi, a columnist for The Independent. “Beware of the impeached, one-term president who couldn’t get a better deal with Iran he promised.”
Stephen Miles, executive director of Win Without War, noted that Trump “inherited a working diplomatic nuclear deal and thawing relations, blew that all up to try out ‘maximum pressure’ which predictably failed, and now here we are yet again.”
“Friendly reminder before Trump does whatever crazy thing he’s about to do to Iran,” said Miles, “this is all his fault.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-12-24--Yemen’s Humanitarian Crisis Worsened Amid COVID

For Yemen , 2020 has been an apocalyptic year , which has exceeded even the worst forecasts for a country that has in recent years been ravaged by war and humanitarian disaster .
The rapprochement between the Houthis — a political and armed movement that controls two-thirds of the population of Yemen ’ s population — and Saudi Arabia at the end of 2019 was viewed with some optimism , yet new clashes have since broken out across the country .
Even the outbreak of COVID-19 did not stop the violence .
As a result of new clashes , more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and 5 December 2020 , according the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project ( ACLED ) .
In a 2018 interview , Robert Malley , who led the Middle East desk of the U.S. ’ s National Security Council during the Obama administration , recognised that the disastrous consequences of the military intervention by the Saudi coalition was a “ very likely outcome ” .
He said : “ it was the poorest country [ Yemen ] , to begin with , being bombed by the wealthiest country in the region [ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been the victim of a regional dispute , but also of Western powers .
A coalition led by Saudi Arabia and the UAE , which the European Council on Foreign Relations describes as having “ access to some of the most sophisticated and expensive military technologies in the world ” , has been able to use the bloodiest tactics .
As Martha Mundy , Professor Emeritus of Anthropology at the London School of Economics , wrote in her report , ‘ The Strategies of the Coalition in the Yemen War ’ , these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and air , which used hunger as a method of war , and indiscriminate attacks on the civilian population and food production .
To commit such atrocities , the Saudi coalition needed decisive logistical assistance from countries including the United States and the United Kingdom .
The consequences have been brutal .
According to a report from April 2019 by the Pardee Center for the United Nations Development Programme , as well as data from ACLED , the death toll in the nation since the beginning of the war far exceeds 250,000 and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It is hard to comprehend the magnitude of the crisis in Yemen : approximately one child dies every 12 minutes in the country , where 24 million people need humanitarian aid .
Donald Trump ’ s foreign policy has repeatedly tried to undermine the humanitarian crisis in the poorest countries .
Two such recent attempts were the efforts to suspend aid to Yemen in March of this year , followed by Trump ’ s decision , announced in May , that the U.S. would leave the World Health Organization , which will have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does not rejoin the organisation .
The U.S. withdrawing its funding will translate into the abandonment of millions of people who depend on these funds to survive in Yemen .
These endeavours were unsurprising considering the Trump ’ s administration support — and its “ blank cheque ” , to quote President-elect Joe Biden — for Saudi Arabia and the UAE .
Meanwhile there are high expectations for Biden .
Despite having been the vice-president under Barack Obama , who supported the war in Yemen , Biden has been pushed to “ reassess @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Saudi Arabia , due to pressure from progressives and the unpopularity of the war .
While this has given many hope , there are tough weeks ahead before Trump leaves the White House .
Trump ’ s apparent intention to strain relations with Iran and his plans to designate the Houthis as a terrorist group may aggravate the toughest sectors of the Houthis , worsening the war and pushing away any prospect of peace .
The war is not the only catastrophe to have befallen Yemen this year .
Heavy rains between spring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 300,000 .
In fact , Yemen is a clear example of the tragic consequences of the climate crisis , the effects of which amount to more than just floods .
Nearly 18 million people have no access to clean drinking water , a problem that will worsen in the future .
For Yemenis , COVID-19 was only the latest epidemic ; the county has in recent years faced outbreaks of malaria , dengue and cholera .
That the latter is a perfectly preventable disease that should be eradicated , reminds us that while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , people in Yemen were suffering the consequences of living without clean water .
Worse still , the healthcare system in Yemen has practically collapsed .
Even COVID-19 has become a political struggle , especially in the area controlled by the Houthis , who have refused to recognise cases and have spread fake news and disinformation that stigmatises those who contract the disease , meaning many do not seek treatment .
The extent of the COVID-19 outbreak in Yemen is not currently known , but it is likely that the number of deaths @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the 607 deaths reported by the WHO .
Satellite imagery used to estimate the burials between April and September in the port city of Aden put the excess mortality in the area at 2,100 compared to the 1,300 deaths expected .
The economy is also in ruin .
Since 2015 , the value of the Yemeni Rial has fallen to YER800/U.S.
$ , down by more than two-thirds of its pre-war value , while the population increasingly depends on the remittances that Yemenis send from countries such as Saudi Arabia .
But these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ COVID-19 crisis , as many overseas workers lost their jobs , meaning the money being sent home fell dramatically .
The international community worsened a disastrous situation when it began to reduce humanitarian funds sent to Yemen , sometimes under the pretext that the Houthis were using the aid for their own interests .
This has had dire consequences , and the United Nations ( UN ) has called for more funds to prevent humanitarian programs from collapsing , warning that millions of children are “ facing deadly hunger ” .
Mark Lowcock @ @ @ @ @ @ @ humanitarian affairs , warned that “ the humanitarian crisis in Yemen has never been worse ” , while the secretary-general , António Guterres , recently claimed that “ Yemen is now in imminent danger of suffering the worst famine that the world has seen in decades ” .
As Lowcock said : “ Yemenis are not ‘ going hungry ’ .
They are being starved.
” With one month left of 2020 , less than half of the humanitarian aid requested by the UN has been sent ( a further $ 1.75 billion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of billions of dollars were spent on Western arms sales to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates during the war .
This contrast invites reflection : the duty of democratic countries is to avoid unimaginable disaster .
There is no time .
Western governments must act now , by stopping sending arms and instead providing immediate funds to the largest humanitarian crisis in the world .

For Yemen, 2020 has been an apocalyptic year, which has exceeded even the worst forecasts for a country that has in recent years been ravaged by war and humanitarian disaster.
The rapprochement between the Houthis — a political and armed movement that controls two-thirds of the population of Yemen’s population — and Saudi Arabia at the end of 2019 was viewed with some optimism, yet new clashes have since broken out across the country. Even the outbreak of COVID-19 did not stop the violence. As a result of new clashes, more than 18,600 people died between 1 January and 5 December 2020, according the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED).
In a 2018 interview, Robert Malley, who led the Middle East desk of the U.S.’s National Security Council during the Obama administration, recognised that the disastrous consequences of the military intervention by the Saudi coalition was a “very likely outcome”. He said: “it was the poorest country [Yemen], to begin with, being bombed by the wealthiest country in the region [Saudi Arabia]”.
A Humanitarian Disaster
Yemen has been the victim of a regional dispute, but also of Western powers. A coalition led by Saudi Arabia and the UAE, which the European Council on Foreign Relations describes as having “access to some of the most sophisticated and expensive military technologies in the world”, has been able to use the bloodiest tactics. As Martha Mundy, Professor Emeritus of Anthropology at the London School of Economics, wrote in her report, ‘The Strategies of the Coalition in the Yemen War’, these include a blockade on sea, land and air, which used hunger as a method of war, and indiscriminate attacks on the civilian population and food production.
To commit such atrocities, the Saudi coalition needed decisive logistical assistance from countries including the United States and the United Kingdom. The consequences have been brutal. According to a report from April 2019 by the Pardee Center for the United Nations Development Programme, as well as data from ACLED, the death toll in the nation since the beginning of the war far exceeds 250,000 and may even be close to 300,000.
It is hard to comprehend the magnitude of the crisis in Yemen: approximately one child dies every 12 minutes in the country, where 24 million people need humanitarian aid.
From Trump to Biden
Donald Trump’s foreign policy has repeatedly tried to undermine the humanitarian crisis in the poorest countries. Two such recent attempts were the efforts to suspend aid to Yemen in March of this year, followed by Trump’s decision, announced in May, that the U.S. would leave the World Health Organization, which will have a disastrous effect if President-elect Joe Biden does not rejoin the organisation. The U.S. withdrawing its funding will translate into the abandonment of millions of people who depend on these funds to survive in Yemen. These endeavours were unsurprising considering the Trump’s administration support — and its “blank cheque”, to quote President-elect Joe Biden — for Saudi Arabia and the UAE.
Meanwhile there are high expectations for Biden. Despite having been the vice-president under Barack Obama, who supported the war in Yemen, Biden has been pushed to “reassess” the U.S.’s relations with Saudi Arabia, due to pressure from progressives and the unpopularity of the war. While this has given many hope, there are tough weeks ahead before Trump leaves the White House. Trump’s apparent intention to strain relations with Iran and his plans to designate the Houthis as a terrorist group may aggravate the toughest sectors of the Houthis, worsening the war and pushing away any prospect of peace.
A Series of Disasters
The war is not the only catastrophe to have befallen Yemen this year. Heavy rains between spring and summer caused immense damage and displaced 300,000. In fact, Yemen is a clear example of the tragic consequences of the climate crisis, the effects of which amount to more than just floods. Nearly 18 million people have no access to clean drinking water, a problem that will worsen in the future.
For Yemenis, COVID-19 was only the latest epidemic; the county has in recent years faced outbreaks of malaria, dengue and cholera. That the latter is a perfectly preventable disease that should be eradicated, reminds us that while the world was seeking vaccines for COVID-19, people in Yemen were suffering the consequences of living without clean water. Worse still, the healthcare system in Yemen has practically collapsed.
Pandemic Politics
Even COVID-19 has become a political struggle, especially in the area controlled by the Houthis, who have refused to recognise cases and have spread fake news and disinformation that stigmatises those who contract the disease, meaning many do not seek treatment.
The extent of the COVID-19 outbreak in Yemen is not currently known, but it is likely that the number of deaths in the country is much higher than the 607 deaths reported by the WHO. Satellite imagery used to estimate the burials between April and September in the port city of Aden put the excess mortality in the area at 2,100 compared to the 1,300 deaths expected.
The economy is also in ruin. Since 2015, the value of the Yemeni Rial has fallen to YER800/U.S.$, down by more than two-thirds of its pre-war value, while the population increasingly depends on the remittances that Yemenis send from countries such as Saudi Arabia. But these payments have also been affected by the COVID-19 crisis, as many overseas workers lost their jobs, meaning the money being sent home fell dramatically.
Shrinking Aid
The international community worsened a disastrous situation when it began to reduce humanitarian funds sent to Yemen, sometimes under the pretext that the Houthis were using the aid for their own interests.
This has had dire consequences, and the United Nations (UN) has called for more funds to prevent humanitarian programs from collapsing, warning that millions of children are “facing deadly hunger”. Mark Lowcock, the UN’s under-secretary-general for humanitarian affairs, warned that “the humanitarian crisis in Yemen has never been worse”, while the secretary-general, António Guterres, recently claimed that “Yemen is now in imminent danger of suffering the worst famine that the world has seen in decades”. As Lowcock said: “Yemenis are not ‘going hungry’. They are being starved.”
With one month left of 2020, less than half of the humanitarian aid requested by the UN has been sent (a further $1.75 billion is required). Meanwhile, tens of billions of dollars were spent on Western arms sales to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates during the war. This contrast invites reflection: the duty of democratic countries is to avoid unimaginable disaster. There is no time. Western governments must act now, by stopping sending arms and instead providing immediate funds to the largest humanitarian crisis in the world.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-12-24--Arsenic Contamination in US Public Water Is More Likely in Latinx Communities

A new survey shows arsenic levels in public water are disproportionately high in certain U.S. communities , despite national regulatory standards designed to protect people from the harmful chemical .
Researchers studied approximately 13 million records from 2006 to 2011 covering 139,000 public water systems in 46 states , Washington D.C. , and Native American tribes .
The records cover water service for 290 million people , representing 95 percent of all public water systems and 92 percent of the total population served by public water systems .
Researchers found that , while average public water arsenic concentrations decreased by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the time studied , that decrease was not equal across all areas or demographic groups .
Arsenic levels remained higher in water systems serving Hispanic communities and areas of the Southwestern U.S. Their findings were published this month in Environmental Health Perspectives .
Arsenic is a highly toxic carcinogen , and is “ the most significant chemical contaminant in drinking water , globally , ” according to the World Health Organization .
Chronic exposure to arsenic has been shown to damage almost every system in the human body , resulting in conditions like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , cirrhosis and lung disease , among others .
“ We actually know very little about inequalities in public drinking water quality across the U.S. , ” Anne Nigra , environmental health scientist at Columbia University and the lead author of the paper , told EHN .
She added that these contamination levels across different communities are really important data points to collect — with these measurements you can see where inequalities lie , and further study how that exposure is related to disease .
Primarily Hispanic communities , smaller populations of about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were more likely to have arsenic concentrations in drinking water that exceeded the Environmental Protection Agency ’ s ( EPA ) maximum contaminant level , raising environmental justice concerns .
The maximum contaminant level is the highest concentration of a contaminant that is allowed in drinking water .
The EPA determines these levels by considering the public ’ s health , but also the costs and feasibility of achieving and enforcing that standard .
Nigra and her team studied records from 2006 to 2011 because that was when the EPA began following up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for arsenic in water .
The EPA announced in 2001 that the maximum contaminant level would go from 50 parts per billion to 10 parts per billion , to be enforced by 2006 .
Ten parts per billion may be significantly lower than 50 parts per billion , but Nigra said that ’ s not enough .
“ The Netherlands has established a regulatory limit of 1 part per billion in drinking water .
Denmark , New Hampshire , and the state of New Jersey , have all established a regulatory standard of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
Many counties exceed even that .
The study results showed that there are still close to 500 counties whose arsenic levels crossed that threshold .
It ’ s a great health concern , said Nigra , because “ there is no safe level of arsenic in drinking water.
” The EPA ’ s maximum contaminant level goal is zero parts per billion .
Arsenic may not accumulate in the body the way other elements , like lead or mercury do , said Nigra , but if you are being exposed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is chronic , and “ chronic exposure , even at low to moderate levels of exposure , is a real problem , and it ’ s a real threat to health .
”

A new survey shows arsenic levels in public water are disproportionately high in certain U.S. communities, despite national regulatory standards designed to protect people from the harmful chemical.
Researchers studied approximately 13 million records from 2006 to 2011 covering 139,000 public water systems in 46 states, Washington D.C., and Native American tribes. The records cover water service for 290 million people, representing 95 percent of all public water systems and 92 percent of the total population served by public water systems. Researchers found that, while average public water arsenic concentrations decreased by an average of 10 percent nationwide over the time studied, that decrease was not equal across all areas or demographic groups. Arsenic levels remained higher in water systems serving Hispanic communities and areas of the Southwestern U.S. Their findings were published this month in Environmental Health Perspectives.
Arsenic is a highly toxic carcinogen, and is “the most significant chemical contaminant in drinking water, globally,” according to the World Health Organization. Chronic exposure to arsenic has been shown to damage almost every system in the human body, resulting in conditions like heart disease, diarrhea, cognitive impairment, cirrhosis and lung disease, among others.
“We actually know very little about inequalities in public drinking water quality across the U.S.,” Anne Nigra, environmental health scientist at Columbia University and the lead author of the paper, told EHN. She added that these contamination levels across different communities are really important data points to collect — with these measurements you can see where inequalities lie, and further study how that exposure is related to disease.
Primarily Hispanic communities, smaller populations of about 1,000, and areas in the Southwest were more likely to have arsenic concentrations in drinking water that exceeded the Environmental Protection Agency’s (EPA) maximum contaminant level, raising environmental justice concerns. The maximum contaminant level is the highest concentration of a contaminant that is allowed in drinking water. The EPA determines these levels by considering the public’s health, but also the costs and feasibility of achieving and enforcing that standard.
Nigra and her team studied records from 2006 to 2011 because that was when the EPA began following up and enforcing their new, lowered thresholds for arsenic in water. The EPA announced in 2001 that the maximum contaminant level would go from 50 parts per billion to 10 parts per billion, to be enforced by 2006.
Ten parts per billion may be significantly lower than 50 parts per billion, but Nigra said that’s not enough. “The Netherlands has established a regulatory limit of 1 part per billion in drinking water. Denmark, New Hampshire, and the state of New Jersey, have all established a regulatory standard of five parts per billion,” she said.
Many counties exceed even that. The study results showed that there are still close to 500 counties whose arsenic levels crossed that threshold. It’s a great health concern, said Nigra, because “there is no safe level of arsenic in drinking water.”
The EPA’s maximum contaminant level goal is zero parts per billion.
Arsenic may not accumulate in the body the way other elements, like lead or mercury do, said Nigra, but if you are being exposed to arsenic through drinking water, that exposure is chronic, and “chronic exposure, even at low to moderate levels of exposure, is a real problem, and it’s a real threat to health.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-12-24--When Black Movements Win, Everybody But the 1 Percent Wins

Donald Trump and the right wing refer to Black protesters as “ thugs ” and “ looters ” guilty of “ treason.
” In contrast , liberals offer support for the protests , urging white people to become “ allies ” to the movement .
Though their rhetoric is starkly different , there is a dangerous overlap between the Trumpian and liberal views .
They both imply that concessions won by Black protesters will hurt white people .
Trump tells whites to defend their interests , while liberals urge them to make altruistic sacrifices .
The corporate media never challenge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ struggle is a zero-sum game in which the oppressed gain at the expense of other non-elite sectors of the population .
Black revolutionaries have long rejected this myth .
They have understood that when Black protesters win material gains , almost everyone but the white elite benefits .
Black abolitionist David Walker highlighted this truth in his iconic 1829 Appeal .
The document was a call for Black insurrection against slavery and white supremacy , but Walker understood that poor and working-class whites also had a stake in that revolution .
White supremacy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it also facilitated the exploitation of the white 99 percent , who would benefit from a coalition with the Black working class .
Walker envisioned a future in which white and Black working people “ will all live in peace and happiness together.
” However , Walker also understood that Black people must lead the struggle .
Though white abolitionists had criticized Thomas Jefferson and other racists of the day , Walker warned against relying on whites to do the heavy lifting : “ Let no one of us suppose that the refutations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ friends are enough — they are whites , we are blacks .
We , and the world , wish to see the charges of Mr. Jefferson refuted by the blacks themselves.
” Walker knew that without Black people at the helm of the struggle , the movement ’ s demands or strategies might not reflect their interests .
For instance , many white critics of slavery advocated the deportation of freedpeople to Africa , a solution that Black abolitionists like Walker vehemently rejected .
Diverse figures within the Black radical tradition — from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ King Jr. to the Combahee River Collective — have expanded upon the dual insights of Walker ’ s Appeal .
That understanding is also apparent within the movement that burst into the national spotlight after the 2014 murders of Michael Brown and Eric Garner , and which reentered the public consciousness after the murders of George Floyd , Tony McDade and Breonna Taylor earlier this year .
The platform of the Movement for Black Lives advocates changes that would benefit society as a whole in numerous ways .
White people must appreciate all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ success of the Black movement .
Altruism is rarely enough to produce committed activists when people must incur physical , material and social risks to join a movement .
Solidarity , not altruism , is the only viable foundation for the struggle to achieve collective liberation .
Historically , victories by Black protesters have benefited working people of all races .
This is because Black victories require the dismantling of both economic and racial hierarchies , and therefore open pathways for more people on the oppressed side of the system .
The reverse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ working people often exclude Black , Latinx and other nonwhite groups , or even intensify their oppression ; concessions delivered to relatively prosperous groups need not benefit the more oppressed groups below them .
The most famous U.S. example is the New Deal , which granted Social Security and labor rights to most workers but denied those rights to farmworkers and domestic workers .
Black and Latinx workers were concentrated in these sectors , thus intensifying their oppression and delaying their acquisition of those rights ( some of the New Deal ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) .
How , then , do we ensure that a victory benefits the entire working class ?
The New Deal demonstrates that anti-discrimination must be in the forefront of any struggle , to ensure that the demands of the most oppressed are answered .
That means that a movement and its leadership must not only reflect the full diversity of the workforce , but must intentionally over-include those most oppressed .
White leaders can not be trusted to represent a Black constituency .
Black men can not be trusted to represent Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to represent those suffering the effects of U.S. imperialism .
Movements can only answer the needs of those at the bottom by positioning them as decision-makers .
When they do so , the whole 99 percent benefits .
This pattern is clear in some of the most important victories of the Black movement .
Take , for example , race-based affirmative action , which draws major opposition because it allegedly harms qualified white applicants .
The poster child for affirmative action in higher education was the open admissions program instituted at the City @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between 1970 and 1976 , after a long campaign led by African American and Puerto Rican students .
The program guaranteed a spot in the CUNY system to all high school graduates in New York City , leading to a 75 percent increase in enrollment in 1970 .
The movement had also called for raising the percentage of Black and Latinx students to align with their percentage in New York public schools .
Its demands had therefore been both universal and race-specific : it insisted on increased public spending to benefit the entire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , coupled with affirmative action to address racial exclusion .
The results of the program reflected this dual emphasis .
Before 1970 , less than 10 percent of CUNY students were Black or Latinx , but in 1972 , 28 percent of all open admissions spots went to Black students and another 10 percent went to Latinx students — still not equal to their percentage of the New York population , but much closer .
Note , though , that 57 percent of the newly created spots went to white students .
Thus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to any qualified white students ; instead , it actually opened up CUNY to tens of thousands of whites .
The white beneficiaries of open admissions included not just working-class kids but also large portions of the middle class .
Since many of the newly admitted whites would otherwise have attended private colleges , it saved their parents tens of thousands in tuition dollars while giving them access to the academically more rigorous CUNY system .
Furthermore , the huge infusion of resources needed to accommodate the 75 percent increase in enrollment created @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which were overwhelmingly filled — because of ongoing discriminatory practices — by white professionals .
The same dynamics operated during the struggle for public school integration in the South .
White supremacists argued , without evidence , that school integration would hurt white students .
But as Gavin Wright shows in Sharing the Prize : The Economics of the Civil Rights Revolution in the American South , the desegregation of public schools “ led to substantial gains in educational attainment and earnings for black southerners , with no measurable adverse educational effects on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dramatically increased federal funding for Southern education during Lyndon Johnson ’ s War on Poverty .
The highest levels of funding went to areas where the Black movement was most disruptive .
Yet white students also benefited from Black protest , since Head Start and other new programs enhanced educational opportunities for all students .
And War on Poverty programs produced no reductions in budget or quality for the schools white students attended .
Southern elites had likewise stoked fears that the integration of the Southern workforce would hurt white workers .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , gains for Black workers usually coincided with gains for white workers .
Quantitative research by economist Michael Reich has shown that racial inequality translates to lower wages for Black workers and also lowers wages for whites .
The reason is that Black-white wage inequality “ weaken [ s ] workers ’ solidarity and bargaining strength.
” Greater racial equality is associated with more solidarity between Black and white workers , and thus stronger unions .
Again , Black revolutionaries have always understood this point .
In 1969 , the Black feminist Frances @ @ @ @ @ @ @ labor movement in the United States has suffered as a result of the super exploitation of black workers and women.
” This “ super exploitation ” ultimately “ works to everyone ’ s disadvantage , ” and so “ the liberation of these two groups is a stepping stone to the liberation of all oppressed people.
” The history of union organizing confirms both the shared interests of all workers and the need for diverse working-class leadership .
The auto industry offers a clear example of how anti-racist unions lift up all workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of anti-racism ultimately harms all .
The United Auto Workers ( UAW ) was originally a pioneer of anti-racism in the labor movement .
Its early organizing included a massive effort to recruit Black workers , which was led by Black communists .
The UAW of the 1940s was a relatively democratic union , as reflected in numerous instances when the rank-and-file successfully pushed leaders to fight rather than acquiesce to the bosses .
During the war , Black members got the UAW to demand an end to job segregation and unequal wages @ @ @ @ @ @ @ white workers enabled the rank and file to stage hundreds of strikes — usually in defiance of the leadership ’ s wartime “ no-strike pledge ” — which assured that workers shared in the soaring wartime profits .
By the mid-1950s , however , the UAW ’ s anti-communist white leaders had suppressed the interracial democracy that had allowed for earlier victories .
The result was a union that bought short-term benefits for white workers by selling out Black workers .
When the auto companies began moving production from the Detroit area to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the UAW barely resisted , and even denied resources to local chapters that tried to resist .
As the jobs moved to the suburbs , white workers were able to move with them , while the Black workers were stuck in Detroit — blocked by racist loan programs , realtors and government policy .
The union was thus consenting to a transfer of jobs from Black to white workers .
When the jobs later moved south , the UAW was abandoning both Black and white workers in the Detroit area , in exchange @ @ @ @ @ @ @ term for those workers who kept their jobs .
When Black workers in the Detroit area began organizing in the late 1960s against dangerous conditions and racist supervisors , they encountered fierce opposition from the union leadership .
The Black radicals explicitly fought for both racial equality and the “ uplifting of the working class as a whole.
” And indeed , the strikes they organized stood to improve conditions , pay and job security for all workers .
On the other hand , the defeat of the Black insurgents laid the foundation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have hurt all auto workers .
The defeat of militant anti-racism has also spelled doom for numerous other unions .
As goes the Black worker , so goes the whole working class .
The same logic applies to the movement against police terror .
Ending police violence against people of color will also end police violence against whites .
From 2013 through the end of November 2020 , U.S. police had killed at least 8,658 people — hundreds of times more ( total and per capita ) than in other wealthy countries .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Trump recently declared that police kill “ more white people ” than non-whites .
The statement is almost true , since about half ( 49 percent since 2013 ) of the victims of police violence are white .
But Trump ’ s conclusion is disingenuous : it neglects the much higher per-capita rates at which Black , Indigenous and Latinx people are killed , and it implies that because whites are also brutalized , there ’ s no reason for non-whites to be angry .
It ’ s like saying Black people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s homicidal response to COVID-19 because the virus also kills white people .
Yet Trump ’ s comment did inadvertently reveal that whites share an interest in stopping police violence .
If the movement achieved a 50 percent decline in police murders , thousands of white lives would be saved .
Moreover , if the demand to defund the police is even partially successful , it will produce manifold economic benefits for working people of all races .
Defunding the police by even 50 percent would free up $ 58 billion a year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health care , community-run violence prevention programs and a Green New Deal , in the process creating hundreds of thousands of professional , administrative and industrial jobs that pay living wages .
Australian Aboriginal organizer Lilla Watson famously said to non-Aboriginal supporters , “ If you have come here to help me , you are wasting your time .
But if you have come because your liberation is bound up with mine , then let us work together.
” The lesson for non-Black observers of the recent protests is clear : most non-Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and should join not just as well-meaning “ allies ” but as partners in rebellion .
This shared interest doesn ’ t mean we all have the exact same experiences .
The voices of the most oppressed should always carry special weight on the questions that affect them .
When movements do that , all workers benefit .

All workers should join the Black freedom struggle, not just as “allies” but as partners in rebellion.
Donald Trump and the right wing refer to Black protesters as “thugs” and “looters” guilty of “treason.” In contrast, liberals offer support for the protests, urging white people to become “allies” to the movement.
Though their rhetoric is starkly different, there is a dangerous overlap between the Trumpian and liberal views. They both imply that concessions won by Black protesters will hurt white people. Trump tells whites to defend their interests, while liberals urge them to make altruistic sacrifices.
The corporate media never challenge the underlying and pernicious myth that anti-racist struggle is a zero-sum game in which the oppressed gain at the expense of other non-elite sectors of the population.
Black revolutionaries have long rejected this myth. They have understood that when Black protesters win material gains, almost everyone but the white elite benefits.
Black abolitionist David Walker highlighted this truth in his iconic 1829 Appeal. The document was a call for Black insurrection against slavery and white supremacy, but Walker understood that poor and working-class whites also had a stake in that revolution. White supremacy not only subjugated people of color, it also facilitated the exploitation of the white 99 percent, who would benefit from a coalition with the Black working class. Walker envisioned a future in which white and Black working people “will all live in peace and happiness together.”
However, Walker also understood that Black people must lead the struggle. Though white abolitionists had criticized Thomas Jefferson and other racists of the day, Walker warned against relying on whites to do the heavy lifting: “Let no one of us suppose that the refutations which have been written by our white friends are enough — they are whites, we are blacks. We, and the world, wish to see the charges of Mr. Jefferson refuted by the blacks themselves.” Walker knew that without Black people at the helm of the struggle, the movement’s demands or strategies might not reflect their interests. For instance, many white critics of slavery advocated the deportation of freedpeople to Africa, a solution that Black abolitionists like Walker vehemently rejected.
Diverse figures within the Black radical tradition — from W.E.B. Du Bois to Martin Luther King Jr. to the Combahee River Collective — have expanded upon the dual insights of Walker’s Appeal. That understanding is also apparent within the movement that burst into the national spotlight after the 2014 murders of Michael Brown and Eric Garner, and which reentered the public consciousness after the murders of George Floyd, Tony McDade and Breonna Taylor earlier this year. The platform of the Movement for Black Lives advocates changes that would benefit society as a whole in numerous ways.
Solidarity, not altruism, is the only viable foundation for the struggle to achieve collective liberation.
White people must appreciate all that they have to gain from the success of the Black movement. Altruism is rarely enough to produce committed activists when people must incur physical, material and social risks to join a movement. Solidarity, not altruism, is the only viable foundation for the struggle to achieve collective liberation.
Diversity and Power Within Movements
Historically, victories by Black protesters have benefited working people of all races. This is because Black victories require the dismantling of both economic and racial hierarchies, and therefore open pathways for more people on the oppressed side of the system.
The reverse is not true: Victories by white working people often exclude Black, Latinx and other nonwhite groups, or even intensify their oppression; concessions delivered to relatively prosperous groups need not benefit the more oppressed groups below them. The most famous U.S. example is the New Deal, which granted Social Security and labor rights to most workers but denied those rights to farmworkers and domestic workers. Black and Latinx workers were concentrated in these sectors, thus intensifying their oppression and delaying their acquisition of those rights (some of the New Deal’s exclusions are still on the books today).
How, then, do we ensure that a victory benefits the entire working class? The New Deal demonstrates that anti-discrimination must be in the forefront of any struggle, to ensure that the demands of the most oppressed are answered. That means that a movement and its leadership must not only reflect the full diversity of the workforce, but must intentionally over-include those most oppressed. White leaders cannot be trusted to represent a Black constituency. Black men cannot be trusted to represent Black women. No American can be trusted to represent those suffering the effects of U.S. imperialism. Movements can only answer the needs of those at the bottom by positioning them as decision-makers.
When they do so, the whole 99 percent benefits. This pattern is clear in some of the most important victories of the Black movement.
School Integration
Take, for example, race-based affirmative action, which draws major opposition because it allegedly harms qualified white applicants.
Movements can only answer the needs of those at the bottom by positioning them as decision-makers.
The poster child for affirmative action in higher education was the open admissions program instituted at the City University of New York (CUNY) between 1970 and 1976, after a long campaign led by African American and Puerto Rican students. The program guaranteed a spot in the CUNY system to all high school graduates in New York City, leading to a 75 percent increase in enrollment in 1970. The movement had also called for raising the percentage of Black and Latinx students to align with their percentage in New York public schools. Its demands had therefore been both universal and race-specific: it insisted on increased public spending to benefit the entire population of New York City public schools, coupled with affirmative action to address racial exclusion.
The results of the program reflected this dual emphasis. Before 1970, less than 10 percent of CUNY students were Black or Latinx, but in 1972, 28 percent of all open admissions spots went to Black students and another 10 percent went to Latinx students — still not equal to their percentage of the New York population, but much closer. Note, though, that 57 percent of the newly created spots went to white students. Thus, open admissions did not deny admission to any qualified white students; instead, it actually opened up CUNY to tens of thousands of whites.
The white beneficiaries of open admissions included not just working-class kids but also large portions of the middle class. Since many of the newly admitted whites would otherwise have attended private colleges, it saved their parents tens of thousands in tuition dollars while giving them access to the academically more rigorous CUNY system. Furthermore, the huge infusion of resources needed to accommodate the 75 percent increase in enrollment created many new professional and administrative positions, which were overwhelmingly filled — because of ongoing discriminatory practices — by white professionals.
The same dynamics operated during the struggle for public school integration in the South. White supremacists argued, without evidence, that school integration would hurt white students. But as Gavin Wright shows in Sharing the Prize: The Economics of the Civil Rights Revolution in the American South, the desegregation of public schools “led to substantial gains in educational attainment and earnings for black southerners, with no measurable adverse educational effects on white students.”
The Black movement also dramatically increased federal funding for Southern education during Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty. The highest levels of funding went to areas where the Black movement was most disruptive. Yet white students also benefited from Black protest, since Head Start and other new programs enhanced educational opportunities for all students. And War on Poverty programs produced no reductions in budget or quality for the schools white students attended.
Jobs and Wages
Southern elites had likewise stoked fears that the integration of the Southern workforce would hurt white workers. But as Wright demonstrates in Sharing the Prize, gains for Black workers usually coincided with gains for white workers.
Racial inequality translates to lower wages for Black workers and also lowers wages for whites.
Quantitative research by economist Michael Reich has shown that racial inequality translates to lower wages for Black workers and also lowers wages for whites. The reason is that Black-white wage inequality “weaken[s] workers’ solidarity and bargaining strength.” Greater racial equality is associated with more solidarity between Black and white workers, and thus stronger unions.
Again, Black revolutionaries have always understood this point. In 1969, the Black feminist Frances Beal wrote that, “the entire labor movement in the United States has suffered as a result of the super exploitation of black workers and women.” This “super exploitation” ultimately “works to everyone’s disadvantage,” and so “the liberation of these two groups is a stepping stone to the liberation of all oppressed people.”
The history of union organizing confirms both the shared interests of all workers and the need for diverse working-class leadership. The auto industry offers a clear example of how anti-racist unions lift up all workers and, conversely, how the abandonment of anti-racism ultimately harms all.
The United Auto Workers (UAW) was originally a pioneer of anti-racism in the labor movement. Its early organizing included a massive effort to recruit Black workers, which was led by Black communists. The UAW of the 1940s was a relatively democratic union, as reflected in numerous instances when the rank-and-file successfully pushed leaders to fight rather than acquiesce to the bosses. During the war, Black members got the UAW to demand an end to job segregation and unequal wages. The resulting solidarity between Black and white workers enabled the rank and file to stage hundreds of strikes — usually in defiance of the leadership’s wartime “no-strike pledge” — which assured that workers shared in the soaring wartime profits.
By the mid-1950s, however, the UAW’s anti-communist white leaders had suppressed the interracial democracy that had allowed for earlier victories. The result was a union that bought short-term benefits for white workers by selling out Black workers. When the auto companies began moving production from the Detroit area to white suburbs and the segregated South, the UAW barely resisted, and even denied resources to local chapters that tried to resist. As the jobs moved to the suburbs, white workers were able to move with them, while the Black workers were stuck in Detroit — blocked by racist loan programs, realtors and government policy. The union was thus consenting to a transfer of jobs from Black to white workers. When the jobs later moved south, the UAW was abandoning both Black and white workers in the Detroit area, in exchange for modest wage increases in the short term for those workers who kept their jobs.
When Black workers in the Detroit area began organizing in the late 1960s against dangerous conditions and racist supervisors, they encountered fierce opposition from the union leadership. The Black radicals explicitly fought for both racial equality and the “uplifting of the working class as a whole.” And indeed, the strikes they organized stood to improve conditions, pay and job security for all workers. On the other hand, the defeat of the Black insurgents laid the foundation for five decades of union-negotiated givebacks that have hurt all auto workers.
The defeat of militant anti-racism has also spelled doom for numerous other unions. As goes the Black worker, so goes the whole working class.
Police Terror
The same logic applies to the movement against police terror. Ending police violence against people of color will also end police violence against whites. From 2013 through the end of November 2020, U.S. police had killed at least 8,658 people — hundreds of times more (total and per capita) than in other wealthy countries.
If the demand to defund the police is even partially successful, it will produce manifold economic benefits for working people of all races.
In an attempt to discredit Black protest, Trump recently declared that police kill “more white people” than non-whites. The statement is almost true, since about half (49 percent since 2013) of the victims of police violence are white. But Trump’s conclusion is disingenuous: it neglects the much higher per-capita rates at which Black, Indigenous and Latinx people are killed, and it implies that because whites are also brutalized, there’s no reason for non-whites to be angry. It’s like saying Black people have no right to protest Trump’s homicidal response to COVID-19 because the virus also kills white people.
Yet Trump’s comment did inadvertently reveal that whites share an interest in stopping police violence. If the movement achieved a 50 percent decline in police murders, thousands of white lives would be saved.
Moreover, if the demand to defund the police is even partially successful, it will produce manifold economic benefits for working people of all races. Defunding the police by even 50 percent would free up $58 billion a year to be spent on public education, health care, community-run violence prevention programs and a Green New Deal, in the process creating hundreds of thousands of professional, administrative and industrial jobs that pay living wages.
Your Liberation and Mine
Australian Aboriginal organizer Lilla Watson famously said to non-Aboriginal supporters, “If you have come here to help me, you are wasting your time. But if you have come because your liberation is bound up with mine, then let us work together.” The lesson for non-Black observers of the recent protests is clear: most non-Black people will benefit from the Black resistance, and should join not just as well-meaning “allies” but as partners in rebellion.
This shared interest doesn’t mean we all have the exact same experiences. The voices of the most oppressed should always carry special weight on the questions that affect them. When movements do that, all workers benefit.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
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truthout--2020-12-24--At Its Best, Christmas Is About the Joy That Fuels the Struggle for Justice

It is in the darkest time of the year that we must make room for , and remember , the light .
This is a truth that finds a place in many religions : Right around November and December we find Hindus , Jains and Sikhs setting out lanterns and candles to celebrate Diwali ; Jewish families lighting menorahs ; crowds releasing floating lanterns in the Yi Peng festival in Thailand ; and Christians lighting not only the pine tree they have brought into their home for the season , but also , for some , a new candle on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leading to Christmas Day .
Christmas as it has been commercialized is a season of consumption and ease , which is particularly sad given its roots in an often-misunderstood but deeply radical concept : joy .
Audre Lorde wrote compellingly about joy : “ The sharing of joy , whether physical , emotional , psychic , or intellectual , forms a bridge between the sharers which can be the basis for understanding much of what is not shared between them , and lessens the threat of their difference.
” Perhaps this is not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Who would want to celebrate a season of light in this deep darkness of 2020 ?
Given the difficult realities we have all faced , the cultural trappings of Christmas can seem like harmless escapism at best , dangerous denial at worst .
Is there a way to approach Christmas in 2020 that is neither despair-riddled nor the tragically oblivious consumerism of modern Christmas ?
The story upon which the season of Christmas is based is difficult to verify .
It is possible , though , that this is less a reason to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to listen even more carefully , because ancient religious stories did not exist in order to portray historical , literal fact .
These are stories that were shared to answer entirely different kinds of questions : questions about hope , survival , ethics — and , yes , joy .
What can the story of Christmas tell those of us who work for justice about the place of joy in this seemingly joyless world ?
Let ’ s start at the beginning : We misunderstand Mary , often presenting her as a sort @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In contrast , the Christian scriptures seem to go out of their way to portray Mary as brave , powerful and free .
That much is clear to anyone who reads her prophetic vision , often referred to as The Magnificat , which was banned from being read aloud in India under British colonial rule and was outlawed in Guatemala in the 1980s due to its themes of liberation from oppression and justice for the poor .
Joseph , of course , had the power to make or break Mary when he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could have exposed her and had her stoned to death for the crime of being pregnant before the official consummation of their marriage ; he could have simply left .
In that time and place , when women were treated as property , he would not have been outside his legal rights or social norms to do so , but he opted for something better than social norms : to become a co-parent with her .
Joseph allowed his humanity to triumph over the patriarchy that formed him — a suggestion made to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ angel .
It is clear what goals of the Divine are in this story so far , and it has nothing to do with upholding patriarchy or dominant sexual norms .
On Christmas Eve some 2,000 years ago , we find this couple trudging slowly to Bethlehem to be registered in a census .
Scholars debate the historical veracity of the existence of this census , which , again , is why we need to listen all the more closely to what truth the ancient storytellers wanted us to hear : Jesus was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lived at the mercy of the Roman Empire .
The child is born among animals , welcomed by laborers who tend to the sheep in the nearby fields .
Mysterious visitors from a foreign land descend on the young family , bringing gifts to celebrate this very nontraditional birth .
A short time later , the family will flee to nearby Egypt to escape a genocide .
They will return when it is safe once again to live in their homeland , and they will raise their family in a town called Nazareth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ known for producing greatness .
The Christmas story is a story of a miraculous birth , of people from different social locations witnessing what Christians call the incarnation , the birth of God-with-us .
But it is also a story about loss : the loss of the comforts of home , of familial celebrations of a first child , of safety .
These are losses that feel deeply familiar in 2020 .
We have all lost something in 2020 .
This is true every year , but this year it is a particularly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the most widely are the most commonplace : birthday parties , family gatherings , dinners with friends .
We lost hugging people outside our immediate household .
Some of us lost our financial stability .
Some of us lost friends and family .
“ Disenfranchised grief ” is a term used to describe the experience of feeling like one is not “ allowed ” to feel one ’ s own grief .
This is the kind of grief we associate with losses that do not fit neatly into socially recognized packages , losses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of approval : grieving the death of an ex-spouse , for example , or the loss of a childhood friend one has not been in touch with for years .
On a communal level , 2020 has been rife with disenfranchised grief ( albeit alongside “ socially acceptable ” grief ) .
Certainly , knowing the depths of pain for those who lost loved ones , face financial ruin , or are anticipating losing housing can make expressing grief over annual get-togethers or anticipated graduations feel out of touch .
It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not on the same level as the loss of a much-anticipated gathering .
But the lack of parity between the losses does not mean that the smaller losses are not real and deserving of their own attention .
When our first response is to tacitly shame others for naming their grief over things we deem insignificant , it is usually a sign that we are also forgetting to acknowledge our own losses , as unimportant as they may seem in the face of a global pandemic .
When there is little room for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , there is also little room for joy — real joy , not simple comfort or ease or numbness .
We who work for social transformation are often suspicious of joy in that we worry it may fuel complacency .
Could joy be the opiate of the masses in a secular age ?
Audre Lorde , again , reminds us otherwise : Lorde reminds us that disenfranchised joy , just like disenfranchised grief , is real .
There is no recovering one without the other , and both are necessary for transformation .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ one ’ s joy is central to the work of social change .
The “ joy ” we speak of at Christmas is not the joy of escapism — it is the joy that fuels social change .
It is the joy that , if we abandon it for cynical self-denial or consumerist ease , renders us trapped in our own outrage or despair , limiting our ability to live the world that we hope for into being .
This is a joy rooted in the struggle of hope and the power of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resistance and resilience springs .

Part of the Series Religion's Role in the Struggle for Justice
It is in the darkest time of the year that we must make room for, and remember, the light.
This is a truth that finds a place in many religions: Right around November and December we find Hindus, Jains and Sikhs setting out lanterns and candles to celebrate Diwali; Jewish families lighting menorahs; crowds releasing floating lanterns in the Yi Peng festival in Thailand; and Christians lighting not only the pine tree they have brought into their home for the season, but also, for some, a new candle on each of the four weeks of Advent leading to Christmas Day.
Christmas as it has been commercialized is a season of consumption and ease, which is particularly sad given its roots in an often-misunderstood but deeply radical concept: joy.
Audre Lorde wrote compellingly about joy: “The sharing of joy, whether physical, emotional, psychic, or intellectual, forms a bridge between the sharers which can be the basis for understanding much of what is not shared between them, and lessens the threat of their difference.”
Perhaps this is not the year to talk about joy. Who would want to celebrate a season of light in this deep darkness of 2020? Given the difficult realities we have all faced, the cultural trappings of Christmas can seem like harmless escapism at best, dangerous denial at worst. Is there a way to approach Christmas in 2020 that is neither despair-riddled nor the tragically oblivious consumerism of modern Christmas?
The story upon which the season of Christmas is based is difficult to verify. It is possible, though, that this is less a reason to dismiss the story entirely than a reason to listen even more carefully, because ancient religious stories did not exist in order to portray historical, literal fact. These are stories that were shared to answer entirely different kinds of questions: questions about hope, survival, ethics — and, yes, joy. What can the story of Christmas tell those of us who work for justice about the place of joy in this seemingly joyless world?
What can the story of Christmas tell those of us who work for justice about the place of joy in this seemingly joyless world?
Let’s start at the beginning: We misunderstand Mary, often presenting her as a sort of spunkless version of a Disney princess. In contrast, the Christian scriptures seem to go out of their way to portray Mary as brave, powerful and free. That much is clear to anyone who reads her prophetic vision, often referred to as The Magnificat, which was banned from being read aloud in India under British colonial rule and was outlawed in Guatemala in the 1980s due to its themes of liberation from oppression and justice for the poor.
Joseph, of course, had the power to make or break Mary when he found out about the pregnancy. He could have exposed her and had her stoned to death for the crime of being pregnant before the official consummation of their marriage; he could have simply left. In that time and place, when women were treated as property, he would not have been outside his legal rights or social norms to do so, but he opted for something better than social norms: to become a co-parent with her. Joseph allowed his humanity to triumph over the patriarchy that formed him — a suggestion made to him, of course, by an angel. It is clear what goals of the Divine are in this story so far, and it has nothing to do with upholding patriarchy or dominant sexual norms.
On Christmas Eve some 2,000 years ago, we find this couple trudging slowly to Bethlehem to be registered in a census. Scholars debate the historical veracity of the existence of this census, which, again, is why we need to listen all the more closely to what truth the ancient storytellers wanted us to hear: Jesus was born in an occupied territory, and lived at the mercy of the Roman Empire.
The Christmas story is also a story about loss: the loss of the comforts of home, of familial celebrations of a first child, of safety.
The child is born among animals, welcomed by laborers who tend to the sheep in the nearby fields. Mysterious visitors from a foreign land descend on the young family, bringing gifts to celebrate this very nontraditional birth. A short time later, the family will flee to nearby Egypt to escape a genocide. They will return when it is safe once again to live in their homeland, and they will raise their family in a town called Nazareth — a small, off-the-beaten-path town not known for producing greatness.
The Christmas story is a story of a miraculous birth, of people from different social locations witnessing what Christians call the incarnation, the birth of God-with-us. But it is also a story about loss: the loss of the comforts of home, of familial celebrations of a first child, of safety. These are losses that feel deeply familiar in 2020.
We have all lost something in 2020. This is true every year, but this year it is a particularly communal experience. The losses that resonate the most widely are the most commonplace: birthday parties, family gatherings, dinners with friends. We lost hugging people outside our immediate household. Some of us lost our financial stability. Some of us lost friends and family.
“Disenfranchised grief” is a term used to describe the experience of feeling like one is not “allowed” to feel one’s own grief. This is the kind of grief we associate with losses that do not fit neatly into socially recognized packages, losses that are not given the social stamp of approval: grieving the death of an ex-spouse, for example, or the loss of a childhood friend one has not been in touch with for years.
On a communal level, 2020 has been rife with disenfranchised grief (albeit alongside “socially acceptable” grief). Certainly, knowing the depths of pain for those who lost loved ones, face financial ruin, or are anticipating losing housing can make expressing grief over annual get-togethers or anticipated graduations feel out of touch. It’s clear that the loss of life is not on the same level as the loss of a much-anticipated gathering.
Recognizing, honoring and making room for one’s joy is central to the work of social change.
But the lack of parity between the losses does not mean that the smaller losses are not real and deserving of their own attention. When our first response is to tacitly shame others for naming their grief over things we deem insignificant, it is usually a sign that we are also forgetting to acknowledge our own losses, as unimportant as they may seem in the face of a global pandemic.
When there is little room for grief at the inn of Christmas Eve, there is also little room for joy — real joy, not simple comfort or ease or numbness. We who work for social transformation are often suspicious of joy in that we worry it may fuel complacency. Could joy be the opiate of the masses in a secular age? Audre Lorde, again, reminds us otherwise:
That deep and irreplaceable knowledge of my capacity for joy comes to demand from all of my life that it be lived within the knowledge that such satisfaction is possible, and does not have to be called marriage, nor God, nor an afterlife…. For once we begin to feel deeply all the aspects of our lives, we begin to demand ourselves and from our life-pursuits that they feel in accordance with that joy which we know ourselves capable of.
Lorde reminds us that disenfranchised joy, just like disenfranchised grief, is real. There is no recovering one without the other, and both are necessary for transformation. Recognizing, honoring and making room for one’s joy is central to the work of social change.
The “joy” we speak of at Christmas is not the joy of escapism — it is the joy that fuels social change. It is the joy that, if we abandon it for cynical self-denial or consumerist ease, renders us trapped in our own outrage or despair, limiting our ability to live the world that we hope for into being. This is a joy rooted in the struggle of hope and the power of empathy, a joy from which all resistance and resilience springs.
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Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-12-25--Independent Musicians Build Solidarity Amid Pandemic by Forming Nationwide Union

Los Angeles — Musician Josephine Shetty , aka Kohinoorgasm , was preparing for her West Coast spring tour in March when the pandemic-related cancellations started rolling in .
Like many musicians , Shetty ’ s livelihood is pieced together from part-time work .
She performs at underground spaces and small clubs , releases her own music and teaches middle school music classes .
 “ When you ’ re a person who works so many jobs , that ’ s already a very unstable situation , ” Shetty says .
With live shows being cancelled , it became clear how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The independent venues that most working musicians rely on were some of the first to close ( and will surely be some of the last to reopen ) .
When fellow musician and organizer Joey La Neve DeFrancesco reached out to Shetty , just a few weeks into the pandemic , about unionizing musicians and related music workers , Shetty signed up .
On April 22 , a group of about 20 musicians met virtually to discuss solidarity and how to build a more just industry , inaugurating the Union of Musicians and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Very quickly , everyone had all of these different visions of what a different music industry could look like when it was being built collectively by the workers involved , ” says DeFrancesco , who is based in Providence , R.I. UMAW already boasts about 25 steering committee members and 80 subcommittee members , with topics ranging from streaming and venue relations to police abolition .
More than 1,000 musicians have expressed interest through the group ’ s website and petitions .
Members are located in Los Angeles , Chicago , New York @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beyond .
So far , the organizing has happened entirely online .
On March 25 , hundreds of musicians circulated a letter to Congress demanding the expansion of unemployment benefits under the CARES Act .
The letter also demanded relief regardless of immigration status , national rent and mortgage cancellation , Medicare for All and funding for the Postal Service and the National Endowment for the Arts .
UMAW grew out of that momentum .
For UMAW ’ s first organized day of action , May 14 , musicians across the country made @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pelosi ( D‑Calif . )
, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer ( D‑N.Y . )
and local representatives .
“ That was how we started — thinking ,  ‘ How are music workers and gig workers going to be protected during this time ?
’ ” Shetty says .
But the very first seeds were planted years earlier .
Some members were involved in the 2017 effort to force the South by Southwest festival to remove a  “ deportation clause ” from its artist contract .
Others are associated with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ encourages the industry to cut ties with Amazon unless it cancels contracts with Immigration and Customs Enforcement .
These campaigns created a blueprint for  “ how you could do actions collectively as musicians , ” DeFrancesco says , providing a foundation for UMAW to come together quickly .
UMAW differentiates itself from similar unions through its vast scope , seeking systemic shifts industry-wide , inclusive of various genres and practices .
Traditional union organizing would be difficult for UMAW ’ s independent musicians because they often make a living through numerous contracts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ UMAW ’ s work is more comparable to efforts by the National Writers Union ’ s Freelance Solidarity Project than , say , the American Federation of Musicians ( AFM ) .
“ We ’ re just trying to organize the unorganized , which is the vast majority of musicians right now , ” DeFrancesco says .
 “ There [ are ] so many similarities if you look at [ efforts to ] organize Uber , freelance writers , adjuncts .
…It ’ s the same problem , where it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so many employers.
” Shetty agrees .
 “ If musicians are the original gig workers … we have a responsibility to organize within that realm , ” she says .
Cody Fitzgerald , a film score composer and member of the Brooklyn-based band Stolen Jars , says UMAW stands in solidarity with members of other unions , such as the AFM .
But , Fitzgerald adds , those organizations don ’ t fulfill the needs of all working musicians because they cater to session and orchestra players , not independents .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just doesn ’ t care about , ” says bassoonist Patrick Johnson-Whitty , a member of the AFM and of a UMAW classical music subcommittee focused on confronting the legacy of white supremacy in the genre .
Violist Clara Takarabe , another AFM member , is participating in UMAW ’ s political education committee .
It aims to help musicians develop a political context around the labor of music .
 “ I want to be involved in those types of centrally important questions , ” Takarabe says .
UMAW is currently planning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to treat artists more fairly .
The publicly traded company is valued at more than $ 40 billion , but infamously pays artists about half-a-cent per stream .
UMAW members also hope to help democratize information related to music contracts .
“ I ’ m excited about the idea of a world where people come to this union to look for information about how to not be exploited as an artist , ” Fitzgerald says .
For many , just having UMAW as a space for solidarity is a benefit .
As Shetty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of our campaigns , and our union , feels like a huge win .
”

Los Angeles — Musician Josephine Shetty, aka Kohinoorgasm, was preparing for her West Coast spring tour in March when the pandemic-related cancellations started rolling in.
Like many musicians, Shetty’s livelihood is pieced together from part-time work. She performs at underground spaces and small clubs, releases her own music and teaches middle school music classes. “When you’re a person who works so many jobs, that’s already a very unstable situation,” Shetty says. With live shows being cancelled, it became clear how difficult the road ahead would be. The independent venues that most working musicians rely on were some of the first to close (and will surely be some of the last to reopen).
When fellow musician and organizer Joey La Neve DeFrancesco reached out to Shetty, just a few weeks into the pandemic, about unionizing musicians and related music workers, Shetty signed up. On April 22, a group of about 20 musicians met virtually to discuss solidarity and how to build a more just industry, inaugurating the Union of Musicians and Allied Workers (UMAW).
“Very quickly, everyone had all of these different visions of what a different music industry could look like when it was being built collectively by the workers involved,” says DeFrancesco, who is based in Providence, R.I. UMAW already boasts about 25 steering committee members and 80 subcommittee members, with topics ranging from streaming and venue relations to police abolition. More than 1,000 musicians have expressed interest through the group’s website and petitions. Members are located in Los Angeles, Chicago, New York, Portland, Ore., Boston and beyond. So far, the organizing has happened entirely online.
On March 25, hundreds of musicians circulated a letter to Congress demanding the expansion of unemployment benefits under the CARES Act. The letter also demanded relief regardless of immigration status, national rent and mortgage cancellation, Medicare for All and funding for the Postal Service and the National Endowment for the Arts.
UMAW grew out of that momentum. For UMAW’s first organized day of action, May 14, musicians across the country made nearly 1,000 calls to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D‑Calif.), Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D‑N.Y.) and local representatives.
“That was how we started — thinking, ‘How are music workers and gig workers going to be protected during this time?’” Shetty says.
But the very first seeds were planted years earlier. Some members were involved in the 2017 effort to force the South by Southwest festival to remove a “deportation clause” from its artist contract. Others are associated with the No Music for ICE coalition, which encourages the industry to cut ties with Amazon unless it cancels contracts with Immigration and Customs Enforcement. These campaigns created a blueprint for “how you could do actions collectively as musicians,” DeFrancesco says, providing a foundation for UMAW to come together quickly.
UMAW differentiates itself from similar unions through its vast scope, seeking systemic shifts industry-wide, inclusive of various genres and practices. Traditional union organizing would be difficult for UMAW’s independent musicians because they often make a living through numerous contracts and employers. In that sense, UMAW’s work is more comparable to efforts by the National Writers Union’s Freelance Solidarity Project than, say, the American Federation of Musicians (AFM).
“We’re just trying to organize the unorganized, which is the vast majority of musicians right now,” DeFrancesco says. “There [are] so many similarities if you look at [efforts to] organize Uber, freelance writers, adjuncts. …It’s the same problem, where it’s so hard to organize because you have so many employers.”
Shetty agrees. “If musicians are the original gig workers … we have a responsibility to organize within that realm,” she says.
Cody Fitzgerald, a film score composer and member of the Brooklyn-based band Stolen Jars, says UMAW stands in solidarity with members of other unions, such as the AFM. But, Fitzgerald adds, those organizations don’t fulfill the needs of all working musicians because they cater to session and orchestra players, not independents.
“UMAW represents the musicians that the AFM just doesn’t care about,” says bassoonist Patrick Johnson-Whitty, a member of the AFM and of a UMAW classical music subcommittee focused on confronting the legacy of white supremacy in the genre. Violist Clara Takarabe, another AFM member, is participating in UMAW’s political education committee. It aims to help musicians develop a political context around the labor of music. “I want to be involved in those types of centrally important questions,” Takarabe says.
UMAW is currently planning a campaign to pressure streaming giant Spotify to treat artists more fairly. The publicly traded company is valued at more than $40 billion, but infamously pays artists about half-a-cent per stream. UMAW members also hope to help democratize information related to music contracts.
“I’m excited about the idea of a world where people come to this union to look for information about how to not be exploited as an artist,” Fitzgerald says. For many, just having UMAW as a space for solidarity is a benefit. As Shetty puts it, “The existence of our campaigns, and our union, feels like a huge win.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-12-25--Bernie Sanders Excoriates House GOP for Refusing to Back $2000 Relief Checks

More than half of the House Republican caucus readily supported President Donald Trump in his last-ditch — and ultimately failed — attempt to overturn the November election through the Supreme Court earlier this month , but the president ’ s endorsement this week of $ 2,000 relief checks for desperate Americans was a bridge too far for the GOP .
Sen. Bernie Sanders ( I-Vt. ) noted that fact with disgust Thursday , shortly after House Republicans blocked a Democratic attempt to pass $ 2,000 direct payments by unanimous consent .
“ Republicans in Washington are happy to cheer on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ non-existent election fraud , but refuse to support him when it comes to providing a $ 2,000 direct payment to working-class Americans facing economic desperation , ” the Vermont senator tweeted .
“ Pathetic.
” Earlier this month , as Common Dreams reported , more than 100 House Republicans signed on to a Texas-led lawsuit that sought what one analyst described as “ the single biggest incident of voter nullification in American history.
” The U.S. Supreme Court rejected the lawsuit just days after it was filed .
“ House Republicans are spending @ @ @ @ @ @ @ small businesses are shuttering trying to overturn the results of our election , ” Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez ( D-N.Y. ) said just before the Supreme Court rejected the suit .
On Thursday morning , despite the president ’ s demand for larger checks , the House Republican leadership refused to allow Democrats to advance an amendment that would increase the direct payments in the newly passed coronavirus relief bill from $ 600 to $ 2,000 .
House Democrats plan to force a floor vote on the direct payments on Monday .
“ House @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2,000 stimulus checks .
Republicans rejected it , ” Rep. Bill Pascrell , Jr. ( D-N.J. ) tweeted Thursday .
“ In May , we voted to send you $ 1,200 stimulus checks .
Republicans rejected that too .
The Republican Party does not give a damn about you .
”

House Republicans are more supportive of Trump’s baseless claims of voter fraud than substantial relief for Americans.
More than half of the House Republican caucus readily supported President Donald Trump in his last-ditch — and ultimately failed — attempt to overturn the November election through the Supreme Court earlier this month, but the president’s endorsement this week of $2,000 relief checks for desperate Americans was a bridge too far for the GOP.
Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) noted that fact with disgust Thursday, shortly after House Republicans blocked a Democratic attempt to pass $2,000 direct payments by unanimous consent.
“Republicans in Washington are happy to cheer on Trump’s bogus conspiracy theories on non-existent election fraud, but refuse to support him when it comes to providing a $2,000 direct payment to working-class Americans facing economic desperation,” the Vermont senator tweeted. “Pathetic.”
Earlier this month, as Common Dreams reported, more than 100 House Republicans signed on to a Texas-led lawsuit that sought what one analyst described as “the single biggest incident of voter nullification in American history.” The U.S. Supreme Court rejected the lawsuit just days after it was filed.
“House Republicans are spending critical time when people are starving and small businesses are shuttering trying to overturn the results of our election,” Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) said just before the Supreme Court rejected the suit.
On Thursday morning, despite the president’s demand for larger checks, the House Republican leadership refused to allow Democrats to advance an amendment that would increase the direct payments in the newly passed coronavirus relief bill from $600 to $2,000. House Democrats plan to force a floor vote on the direct payments on Monday.
“House Democrats today offered to send you $2,000 stimulus checks. Republicans rejected it,” Rep. Bill Pascrell, Jr. (D-N.J.) tweeted Thursday. “In May, we voted to send you $1,200 stimulus checks. Republicans rejected that too. The Republican Party does not give a damn about you.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.