truthout--2020-09-25--Black Voters in East Baton Rouge Face Continuous Polling Place Changes

When historic floods overwhelmed East Baton Rouge Parish , Louisiana , in August 2016 , Jacqueline Mims ’ house on Sherwood Street escaped the rising waters .
It was “ kind of like on a little island of slight elevation , ” she said , while some streets in her neighborhood were navigable only by boat .
Among the thousands of buildings inundated was the middle school where Mims voted .
Mims learned about her new polling place from the newspaper ; she ’ s the only one on her block with a subscription .
Other voters she spoke to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new precinct didn ’ t know about the changes in advance , though they managed to find their way to the new site Still , she began to wonder how many voters , struggling with displacement and other upheaval from the flooding , didn ’ t cast ballots .
“ Lots of people had trouble , ” she said .
Twenty-six percent of Black voters in East Baton Rouge Parish had their polling place changed between the 2012 and 2016 general elections , compared with 15 % of white voters in the parish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ polling place movement by the Center for Public Integrity and Stateline .
The changes to East Baton Rouge Parish ’ s polling places in the wake of the 2016 floods added confusion for voters already preoccupied with reconstructing their lives in the wake of the disaster .
Many advocates say recovery was slower in the parish ’ s majority-Black neighborhoods , where residents already struggled with systemic inequities before the storm .
That has new relevance this year as COVID-19 disproportionately affects communities of color , while also forcing voters to contend with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they vote .
Just as Baton Rouge voters struggled to stay informed of polling places changes during the 2016 election , many now worry about their access to the ballot during the COVID-19 pandemic because of concern over the safety of in-person voting and the threat of slowed mail for absentee voting .
Mims , for one , said she has repeatedly gone to her post office looking for answers about sporadic mail delivery in the lower-income North Baton Rouge area .
In Louisiana , the Republican Legislature and secretary of state and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an emergency plan governing voting rules for November .
Voting rights advocates sued , and a federal judge last week ruled that , as in the state ’ s July primary , voters will be able to cite a series of coronavirus-related concerns to qualify to cast absentee ballots .
Despite the state ’ s emphasis on in-person voting , the number of polling places across the state dropped between the 2012 and 2018 elections , the Public Integrity/Stateline analysis found .
East Baton Rouge Parish had 10 fewer polling places in 2018 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2012 .
That was the second-largest reduction in the state after Jefferson Parish , where changes affected approximately the same share of Black voters as white .
In 2018 , East Baton Rouge Parish again reassigned a larger share of Black voters than white to new polling places , though the difference between the groups was smaller , the analysis found .
About half of those 2018 polling place changes happened when local election officials returned precincts to their pre-flood polling places after the recovery .
The parish had three more polling places @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the flooded polling places reopened .
Polling place changes happen for a long list of reasons , often benign .
But they create obstacles for voters that can reduce turnout , studies have found .
“ I think there ’ s every reason to believe that every change is costly , ” said Henry Brady , dean of the Goldman School of Public Policy at the University of California Berkeley , one of the authors of a frequently cited 2011 study that found changes in polling places created a “ search effect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If the floods forced polling place changes that affected more Black voters , Brady said , election officials should have gone beyond the minimum notification requirements and taken extra steps to mitigate the effect of the changes .
The parish ’ s registrar of voters and clerk of courts said they did , by posting signs outside precincts and posting staff outside closed precinct buildings to redirect voters .
But local voting rights advocates and lawmakers interviewed by the Center for Public Integrity and Stateline feel election officials could have more aggressively tried @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beyond mailings and newspaper notices .
“ Lots of people were displaced because , of course , their homes had been flooded , so their ability to know where their new polling location was certainly was an issue , ” said Ashley Shelton , executive director of the Power Coalition for Equity and Justice , a nonprofit that works to turn out infrequent voters of color .
In East Baton Rouge Parish , residents , public officials and voting rights advocates stress that the sudden , overwhelming flooding in south Louisiana knew no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parish suffered .
The parish , the most populous in the state , was also one of the hardest hit .
Its population is nearly evenly split between Black and white .
More white households were located within affected areas than Black households , an analysis of the flooding ’ s impact by the Baton Rouge Area Chamber of Commerce found .
But longtime local racial inequalities in housing and wealth exacerbated issues brought on by the floods , and for many voters added yet another barrier to the ballot .
In 2013 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ key parts of the federal Voting Rights Act in Shelby County v. Holder , eliminating the requirement that jurisdictions with a history of racial discrimination in voting , including the state of Louisiana , seek permission from the U.S. Department of Justice for proposed voting changes .
In the years since , watchdogs have raised alarms about changes and reductions in polling places and the impact of such changes on voters of color .
Louisiana has featured prominently in the warnings .
The state had 101 fewer polling places for the 2018 election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the Public Integrity/Stateline analysis , a reduction of nearly 5 % .
The state offers early voting , but an analysis by the Brennan Center for Justice found the increased use of that option didn ’ t offset the impact of the statewide reduction in Election Day polling places since 2012 .
In the 2016 presidential election , Republican Donald Trump won Louisiana , but Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton won East Baton Rouge Parish .
Turnout numbers are hard to parse : Black voter turnout fell across the country compared with 2012 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were no exception , according to an analysis of turnout data released by the secretary of state ’ s office .
In East Baton Rouge , overall voter turnout and Black voter turnout were nearly the same in 2012 .
Between 2012 and 2016 , overall voter turnout fell from 70 % to 67 % and Black turnout dropped from 69 % to 63 % , slightly more than the statewide drop in Black turnout .
The parish has long struggled with racial disparities .
Baton Rouge got hit with a series of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the floods and the killing of Alton Sterling , a Black man , at the hands of two white police officers .
The July shooting , which led to nationwide protests and a deadly standoff between police and a gunman two weeks later that left three officers dead , roiled the city and laid bare the racial strife that has defined many aspects of its history .
In the aftermath , the federal government awarded a $ 1 million grant to “ develop strategies to reduce the impact of trauma brought on by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parish .
For 39 years , the city ’ s fire and police departments were under a federal consent decree for discriminatory hiring practices affecting Black and female applicants .
The order was lifted just last year .
In 2003 , the city ended a 47-year-long legal battle over desegregating its public-school system , one of the longest running such fights in the country .
The inequality has fueled apathy among many Black voters there , said Edgar Cage , a leader of the community justice coalition Together Baton Rouge .
Many Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do or how many jobs they work to make ends meet , or elections they cast a ballot , it won ’ t change their quality of life .
“ It ’ s the systemic racism that existed , has existed and still exists , ” he said .
“ … It ’ s a struggle for communities of color to survive.
” It is in this context that voting advocates view changes , and with a wary eye to the burdens the pandemic has brought to communities of color and economically underprivileged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ardoin had proposed an emergency plan for November that would allow people who test positive for COVID-19 to qualify for a mail ballot , a more restrictive plan than Louisiana used for the primaries , when voters could cite other COVID-related reasons to vote absentee .
To go into effect , the plan needed approval from the Republican-led state Legislature and Democratic Gov .
John Bel Edwards .
The Legislature approved the plan , but Edwards said it is too restrictive and he would not .
The Power Coalition , together with other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fund , sued in federal court , saying the plan was unduly restrictive during the pandemic .
State election officials testified they were concerned about handling increased volume of mail ballots , as well as managing voters and polling places in parishes affected by Hurricane Laura .
A federal judge last week ruled the state should expand access to absentee ballots to the same list of reasons it had adopted for its July primary .
East Baton Rouge Registrar Steve Raborn said he doesn ’ t expect many polling place changes this year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the secretary of state ’ s office for permission to use a 200,000 square-meter entertainment complex as a polling location .
If there are location changes , local voting rights advocates agree election officials need to go above and beyond in informing residents to avoid any repeat of 2016 ’ s confusion .
The Fallout of the 2016 Floods When the slow-moving storm came in August 2016 , it parked itself over the capital city and the surrounding region for nearly a week , dropping as much as 30 inches of rain , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and drainage systems .
The deluge turned neighborhoods into lakes , even those outside of traditional flood plains .
Across the state , at least 13 people died , roughly 30,000 had to be rescued , and more than 10,000 were forced into shelters .
Before the storm , East Baton Rouge election officials had planned to move five polling places for the 2016 election , and only one had mostly Black voters .
Afterwards , though , the parish changed another 19 polling places , 15 of which had majorities of Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ analysis .
Seven out of the 10 precincts where voters saw the largest increases in distance to their new polling places were majority Black precincts .
Nearly all the distance changes were less than a mile , the analysis found .
Democratic state Sen. Regina Barrow had a feeling that voters in her north Baton Rouge district might have a hard time finding out that their polling place had changed .
When she scoped out polling places shortly before the November election and saw small notices taped on just a couple windows of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
She made larger signs about the polling switches , in her campaign colors , even though she wasn ’ t on the ballot and had to spend her own money , and planted them at the old polling locations .
She sent out robocalls about the changes .
Election Day , she said , was mayhem .
“ There were a lot of people who did not know until the day of when they got there and saw the sign , ” Barrow said .
This year , Barrow said , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s something I am going to be monitoring.
” Brandon Abadie , the East Baton Rouge Parish Clerk of Court ’ s elections administrator , whose office is headed by a Republican , said he placed staff at every old polling location during all voting hours with maps to tell voters their polling place had been moved .
His office , he said , also staked large , professionally made signs near the main entrances of the old and new polling locations .
“ The people , even more than the signage , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voters driving up , ” he said .
“ That was the best thing going forward.
” Ardoin ’ s spokesman did not respond to emails and phone messages regarding this article .
In 2017 , Ardoin , then first assistant in the secretary of state ’ s office , testified before a state advisory commission to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights and pointed to those steps , saying he wasn ’ t aware of any instance in the state where they didn ’ t happen .
“ I don ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but we attempt to do everything we can , ” testified Ardoin .
Erika Green , a Metropolitan Council member who was on the ballot in 2016 , said that many residents whose homes flooded often had also lost their cars , which made it harder to get to a new voting location .
“ I know that Election Day we got a lot of calls , and people just kind of went back to where they were supposed to go , ” she said .
Email records obtained via a public records @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s office brought up the possibility of creating a “ mega precinct ” to replace the flooded ones , something some smaller surrounding parishes also affected by the flooding chose to do .
The East Baton Rouge registrar , Raborn , hesitated .
“ The flooded precincts are rather spread out , ” he warned in an email exchange .
Officials chose a series of replacement neighborhood polling locations rather than one large one .
In an interview , Raborn , whose position is nonpartisan , stressed that finding polling places is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after the floods .
Public buildings , by law , are available as polling places , he said , but sometimes , when a school or recreation facility was damaged by the floods , there were no nearby public facilities to use , prompting him and his staff to drive neighborhoods searching for churches or other undamaged buildings that could accommodate voters .
Half of Raborn ’ s 16-member staff , he said , were struggling with the damage the flooding had caused to their own homes .
When his office tried to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ facilities that could serve as replacement polling sites , many were affected , making it hard to access the buildings .
Raborn called it “ one of the most challenging times of my career just because of what had to be done and done quickly.
” Raborn said he worked with the secretary of state ’ s office to make sure the voter information postcards with new polling place information were forwardable , and the secretary of state ’ s office sent out an extra , second mailing to active voters .
Shelton @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were displaced from their homes by the flooding and not necessarily receiving mail .
In addition , some residents interviewed said they don ’ t recall getting an official notice .
“ Had we had more time , perhaps there would have been more outreach , ” Raborn said .
He added : “ We worked really hard on it .
Could some things have been done better ?
Well they almost always can , one way or the other.
” Committed voters said they were able to make a plan , despite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to vote .
Roderick Green , 56 , who is Black , said he “ lost everything .
My house .
Everything.
” He still managed to vote .
“ Whatever I have to do , I just do it , ” he said .
Alma Stewart , founder and president of the Louisiana Center for Health Equity , organized a news conference and used her radio show to promote news of the 2016 polling place changes and said the registrar ’ s office was responsive and helpful in getting her the information @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the reason she did those things is because she thinks more needed to be done to tell voters about changes .
Stewart said reaching disadvantaged communities of color “ is difficult ” and “ in many instances you have to do things very , very differently , and you have to make information available where they are or through trusted messengers.
” “ These days a lot of people aren ’ t reading the newspapers , ” she said .
“ They ’ re not watching a lot of news on television @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is definitely more of a challenge.
” Center for Public Integrity reporter Joe Wertz contributed to this article .

This article was originally published by the Center for Public Integrity, a nonprofit investigative news organization based in Washington, D.C.
When historic floods overwhelmed East Baton Rouge Parish, Louisiana, in August 2016, Jacqueline Mims’ house on Sherwood Street escaped the rising waters. It was “kind of like on a little island of slight elevation,” she said, while some streets in her neighborhood were navigable only by boat. Among the thousands of buildings inundated was the middle school where Mims voted.
Mims learned about her new polling place from the newspaper; she’s the only one on her block with a subscription. Other voters she spoke to or overheard on Election Day at the new precinct didn’t know about the changes in advance, though they managed to find their way to the new site
Still, she began to wonder how many voters, struggling with displacement and other upheaval from the flooding, didn’t cast ballots. “Lots of people had trouble,” she said.
Twenty-six percent of Black voters in East Baton Rouge Parish had their polling place changed between the 2012 and 2016 general elections, compared with 15% of white voters in the parish, according to a new analysis of polling place movement by the Center for Public Integrity and Stateline.
The changes to East Baton Rouge Parish’s polling places in the wake of the 2016 floods added confusion for voters already preoccupied with reconstructing their lives in the wake of the disaster. Many advocates say recovery was slower in the parish’s majority-Black neighborhoods, where residents already struggled with systemic inequities before the storm.
That has new relevance this year as COVID-19 disproportionately affects communities of color, while also forcing voters to contend with vast changes to the ways and places they vote. Just as Baton Rouge voters struggled to stay informed of polling places changes during the 2016 election, many now worry about their access to the ballot during the COVID-19 pandemic because of concern over the safety of in-person voting and the threat of slowed mail for absentee voting. Mims, for one, said she has repeatedly gone to her post office looking for answers about sporadic mail delivery in the lower-income North Baton Rouge area.
In Louisiana, the Republican Legislature and secretary of state and Democratic governor were unable to agree on an emergency plan governing voting rules for November. Voting rights advocates sued, and a federal judge last week ruled that, as in the state’s July primary, voters will be able to cite a series of coronavirus-related concerns to qualify to cast absentee ballots.
Despite the state’s emphasis on in-person voting, the number of polling places across the state dropped between the 2012 and 2018 elections, the Public Integrity/Stateline analysis found. East Baton Rouge Parish had 10 fewer polling places in 2018, nearly a 7% reduction since 2012. That was the second-largest reduction in the state after Jefferson Parish, where changes affected approximately the same share of Black voters as white.
In 2018, East Baton Rouge Parish again reassigned a larger share of Black voters than white to new polling places, though the difference between the groups was smaller, the analysis found. About half of those 2018 polling place changes happened when local election officials returned precincts to their pre-flood polling places after the recovery. The parish had three more polling places in 2018 than in 2016 because some of the flooded polling places reopened.
Polling place changes happen for a long list of reasons, often benign. But they create obstacles for voters that can reduce turnout, studies have found.
“I think there’s every reason to believe that every change is costly,” said Henry Brady, dean of the Goldman School of Public Policy at the University of California Berkeley, one of the authors of a frequently cited 2011 study that found changes in polling places created a “search effect” for voters that reduced turnout.
If the floods forced polling place changes that affected more Black voters, Brady said, election officials should have gone beyond the minimum notification requirements and taken extra steps to mitigate the effect of the changes. The parish’s registrar of voters and clerk of courts said they did, by posting signs outside precincts and posting staff outside closed precinct buildings to redirect voters. But local voting rights advocates and lawmakers interviewed by the Center for Public Integrity and Stateline feel election officials could have more aggressively tried to communicate the changes to overwhelmed voters beyond mailings and newspaper notices.
“Lots of people were displaced because, of course, their homes had been flooded, so their ability to know where their new polling location was certainly was an issue,” said Ashley Shelton, executive director of the Power Coalition for Equity and Justice, a nonprofit that works to turn out infrequent voters of color.
In East Baton Rouge Parish, residents, public officials and voting rights advocates stress that the sudden, overwhelming flooding in south Louisiana knew no color, and huge swaths of the parish suffered. The parish, the most populous in the state, was also one of the hardest hit. Its population is nearly evenly split between Black and white. More white households were located within affected areas than Black households, an analysis of the flooding’s impact by the Baton Rouge Area Chamber of Commerce found. But longtime local racial inequalities in housing and wealth exacerbated issues brought on by the floods, and for many voters added yet another barrier to the ballot.
Lingering Issues
In 2013, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down key parts of the federal Voting Rights Act in Shelby County v. Holder, eliminating the requirement that jurisdictions with a history of racial discrimination in voting, including the state of Louisiana, seek permission from the U.S. Department of Justice for proposed voting changes.
In the years since, watchdogs have raised alarms about changes and reductions in polling places and the impact of such changes on voters of color. Louisiana has featured prominently in the warnings.
The state had 101 fewer polling places for the 2018 election than for the 2012 election, according to the Public Integrity/Stateline analysis, a reduction of nearly 5%. The state offers early voting, but an analysis by the Brennan Center for Justice found the increased use of that option didn’t offset the impact of the statewide reduction in Election Day polling places since 2012.
In the 2016 presidential election, Republican Donald Trump won Louisiana, but Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton won East Baton Rouge Parish. Turnout numbers are hard to parse: Black voter turnout fell across the country compared with 2012, and Louisiana and East Baton Rouge were no exception, according to an analysis of turnout data released by the secretary of state’s office. In East Baton Rouge, overall voter turnout and Black voter turnout were nearly the same in 2012. Between 2012 and 2016, overall voter turnout fell from 70% to 67% and Black turnout dropped from 69% to 63%, slightly more than the statewide drop in Black turnout.
The parish has long struggled with racial disparities.
Baton Rouge got hit with a series of devastating events in 2016. There were the floods and the killing of Alton Sterling, a Black man, at the hands of two white police officers. The July shooting, which led to nationwide protests and a deadly standoff between police and a gunman two weeks later that left three officers dead, roiled the city and laid bare the racial strife that has defined many aspects of its history. In the aftermath, the federal government awarded a $1 million grant to “develop strategies to reduce the impact of trauma brought on by the events of 2016” in the parish.
For 39 years, the city’s fire and police departments were under a federal consent decree for discriminatory hiring practices affecting Black and female applicants. The order was lifted just last year. In 2003, the city ended a 47-year-long legal battle over desegregating its public-school system, one of the longest running such fights in the country. The inequality has fueled apathy among many Black voters there, said Edgar Cage, a leader of the community justice coalition Together Baton Rouge. Many Black people there think no matter what they do or how many jobs they work to make ends meet, or elections they cast a ballot, it won’t change their quality of life. “It’s the systemic racism that existed, has existed and still exists,” he said. “… It’s a struggle for communities of color to survive.” It is in this context that voting advocates view changes, and with a wary eye to the burdens the pandemic has brought to communities of color and economically underprivileged voters. Republican Secretary of State Kyle Ardoin had proposed an emergency plan for November that would allow people who test positive for COVID-19 to qualify for a mail ballot, a more restrictive plan than Louisiana used for the primaries, when voters could cite other COVID-related reasons to vote absentee. To go into effect, the plan needed approval from the Republican-led state Legislature and Democratic Gov. John Bel Edwards. The Legislature approved the plan, but Edwards said it is too restrictive and he would not. The Power Coalition, together with other groups, including the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, sued in federal court, saying the plan was unduly restrictive during the pandemic. State election officials testified they were concerned about handling increased volume of mail ballots, as well as managing voters and polling places in parishes affected by Hurricane Laura. A federal judge last week ruled the state should expand access to absentee ballots to the same list of reasons it had adopted for its July primary. East Baton Rouge Registrar Steve Raborn said he doesn’t expect many polling place changes this year, though the mayor last week asked the secretary of state’s office for permission to use a 200,000 square-meter entertainment complex as a polling location. If there are location changes, local voting rights advocates agree election officials need to go above and beyond in informing residents to avoid any repeat of 2016’s confusion.
The Fallout of the 2016 Floods When the slow-moving storm came in August 2016, it parked itself over the capital city and the surrounding region for nearly a week, dropping as much as 30 inches of rain, flooding rivers and bayous and overwhelming ditches and drainage systems. The deluge turned neighborhoods into lakes, even those outside of traditional flood plains. Across the state, at least 13 people died, roughly 30,000 had to be rescued, and more than 10,000 were forced into shelters. Before the storm, East Baton Rouge election officials had planned to move five polling places for the 2016 election, and only one had mostly Black voters. Afterwards, though, the parish changed another 19 polling places, 15 of which had majorities of Black voters, according to the Public Integrity/Stateline analysis. Seven out of the 10 precincts where voters saw the largest increases in distance to their new polling places were majority Black precincts. Nearly all the distance changes were less than a mile, the analysis found. Democratic state Sen. Regina Barrow had a feeling that voters in her north Baton Rouge district might have a hard time finding out that their polling place had changed. When she scoped out polling places shortly before the November election and saw small notices taped on just a couple windows of those sites, it confirmed her fear. She made larger signs about the polling switches, in her campaign colors, even though she wasn’t on the ballot and had to spend her own money, and planted them at the old polling locations. She sent out robocalls about the changes. Election Day, she said, was mayhem. “There were a lot of people who did not know until the day of when they got there and saw the sign,” Barrow said. This year, Barrow said, “I can tell you that that’s something I am going to be monitoring.” Brandon Abadie, the East Baton Rouge Parish Clerk of Court’s elections administrator, whose office is headed by a Republican, said he placed staff at every old polling location during all voting hours with maps to tell voters their polling place had been moved. His office, he said, also staked large, professionally made signs near the main entrances of the old and new polling locations. “The people, even more than the signage, were able to reach out to the voters driving up,” he said. “That was the best thing going forward.” Ardoin’s spokesman did not respond to emails and phone messages regarding this article. In 2017, Ardoin, then first assistant in the secretary of state’s office, testified before a state advisory commission to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights and pointed to those steps, saying he wasn’t aware of any instance in the state where they didn’t happen. “I don’t know what more we could do, but we attempt to do everything we can,” testified Ardoin. Erika Green, a Metropolitan Council member who was on the ballot in 2016, said that many residents whose homes flooded often had also lost their cars, which made it harder to get to a new voting location. “I know that Election Day we got a lot of calls, and people just kind of went back to where they were supposed to go,” she said. Email records obtained via a public records request show that the secretary of state’s office brought up the possibility of creating a “mega precinct” to replace the flooded ones, something some smaller surrounding parishes also affected by the flooding chose to do. The East Baton Rouge registrar, Raborn, hesitated. “The flooded precincts are rather spread out,” he warned in an email exchange. Officials chose a series of replacement neighborhood polling locations rather than one large one. In an interview, Raborn, whose position is nonpartisan, stressed that finding polling places is always challenging, but was especially so after the floods. Public buildings, by law, are available as polling places, he said, but sometimes, when a school or recreation facility was damaged by the floods, there were no nearby public facilities to use, prompting him and his staff to drive neighborhoods searching for churches or other undamaged buildings that could accommodate voters. Half of Raborn’s 16-member staff, he said, were struggling with the damage the flooding had caused to their own homes. When his office tried to contact the custodians of churches or other facilities that could serve as replacement polling sites, many were affected, making it hard to access the buildings. Raborn called it “one of the most challenging times of my career just because of what had to be done and done quickly.” Raborn said he worked with the secretary of state’s office to make sure the voter information postcards with new polling place information were forwardable, and the secretary of state’s office sent out an extra, second mailing to active voters. Shelton and others point out that many people were displaced from their homes by the flooding and not necessarily receiving mail. In addition, some residents interviewed said they don’t recall getting an official notice. “Had we had more time, perhaps there would have been more outreach,” Raborn said. He added: “We worked really hard on it. Could some things have been done better? Well they almost always can, one way or the other.” Committed voters said they were able to make a plan, despite the wreckage, and figure out how to vote. Roderick Green, 56, who is Black, said he “lost everything. My house. Everything.” He still managed to vote. “Whatever I have to do, I just do it,” he said. Alma Stewart, founder and president of the Louisiana Center for Health Equity, organized a news conference and used her radio show to promote news of the 2016 polling place changes and said the registrar’s office was responsive and helpful in getting her the information she needed. But, she said, the reason she did those things is because she thinks more needed to be done to tell voters about changes. Stewart said reaching disadvantaged communities of color “is difficult” and “in many instances you have to do things very, very differently, and you have to make information available where they are or through trusted messengers.” “These days a lot of people aren’t reading the newspapers,” she said. “They’re not watching a lot of news on television, so getting the messages out, it is definitely more of a challenge.” Center for Public Integrity reporter Joe Wertz contributed to this article.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-09-25--Seas Are Rising. We Must Create Climate-Resilient Infrastructure — Now.

A new report on melting Antarctic ice sheets has dire implications for communities and infrastructure in the United States and across the world .
Even if global warming is contained to 2 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels , the stated goal of the Paris Climate Accord that President Trump backed the U.S. out of in 2018 , loss of Antarctic ice is still projected to cause sea levels to rise about 2.5 meters across the world .
Ice loss is imminent even if temperatures fall after rising by 2 degrees Celsius because of an array of feedback loops that permanently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the size of Florida to fall into the ocean .
If greenhouse gas emissions do not drop fast enough and the global average temperature rises 4 degrees above pre-industrial levels , melting ice could cause more than six meters of sea level rise , devastating coastal cities around the world .
The report , published in the journal Nature this week by an international team of researchers from Potsdam University and Columbia University , comes as researchers release more bad news from the opposite end of the globe .
Sea ice in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week after a summer of melting , leaving about 1.44 million square miles of frozen ice , the second-lowest extent observed since satellites began measuring ice coverage 42 years ago , according to the National Snow and Ice Data Center .
“ The rapid disappearance of sea ice is a sobering indicator of how closely our planet is circling the drain , ” said Laura Meller , a Greenpeace campaigner currently on board an Arctic observation vessel at the edge of the sea ice , in a statement on Monday .
“ As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ absorb more heat , and all of us will be more exposed to the devastating effects of climate breakdown.
” The melting ice at the Earth ’ s poles is just the latest evidence that climate systems are tipping toward irreversible disruption .
Sea levels are already rising at an increasing rate .
While many nations have at least pledged to reduce carbon and other greenhouse gas emissions under the Paris Accord , the U.S. has moved in the opposite direction under the Trump administration , which has catered to the fossil fuel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aimed at reducing climate-warming emissions .
The administration boasts that U.S. greenhouse gas emissions fell by 2 percent in 2019 after increasing the year before , but that small drop is largely due to market forces , not the administration ’ s policies .
Utilities have closed some older coal-burning power plants in favor of renewables and dirt-cheap natural gas , which burns cleaner than coal , but the administration has consistently fought to keep the dirtiest coal plants up and running .
Overproduction of fossil fuels in the U.S. is driving up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ News .
For many climate advocates , the immediate task at hand is removing Trump from office and replacing him with former Vice President Joe Biden .
Climate change is a top issue motivating Democratic voters , and Biden ’ s climate plan reflects some central themes of the Green New Deal framework for transitioning toward clean energy and restoring communities harmed by pollution .
However , there will be no Green New Deal unless Democrats win the White House and a firm majority in Congress .
Serious climate action at the federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in partisan gridlock , and advocates note it will be further delayed if Trump is reelected president .
“ Unfortunately , federal policy over the last several years has reflected the administration ’ s denial that climate change exists and that is a problem , ” said Sara C. Bronin , an expert on land use and climate change at the University of Connecticut ’ s Center for Energy and Environmental Law , in an interview .
Bronin , who is an attorney , professor and landscape architect , points out that action @ @ @ @ @ @ @ addition to climate change mitigation efforts , she says , policymakers must act now to prevent climate change from damaging critical infrastructure .
Bronin works closely with the Connecticut Institute for Resilience and Climate Adaptation , where researchers are mapping out sea level rise for policymakers on the East Coast , in preparation for climate change ’ s impacts .
Global investment in infrastructure must double from $ 3.4 trillion to $ 6 trillion per year in order to protect everything from neighborhoods to energy grids , according to the Organization for Economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with a mainstream agenda .
Up to $ 9.4 trillion must be spent defending coastal communities from rising seas .
The U.S. is behind , when it comes to the infrastructure changes necessitated by the climate crisis .
People in other wealthy nations get around on energy-efficient high-speed trains , but the U.S. has an ancient railroad system and infrastructure that is literally crumbling .
House Democrats passed a wide-ranging , $ 1.5 trillion infrastructure package in July that would fund clean water and energy initiatives , but it went nowhere in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to deliver on infrastructure improvements .
However , Bronin said there are plenty of changes that activists can demand far from Capitol Hill .
For example , state and local policymakers in the U.S. must also completely rethink land development and transportation .
For decades , Bronin said , policymakers have “ subsidized the suburbs ” with zoning and land-use laws and regulations that incentivized sprawl and the widespread use of air-polluting cars to for transportation .
Exacerbated by climate change , the deadly wildfires that recently forced mass evacuations in Western states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ destroys forests that suck carbon dioxide from the atmosphere .
Across the west coast , communities must now update building codes to prevent wildfires from contaminating drinking water systems with pollution .
Bronin calls for “ transportation efficient land use ” that emphasizes efficient public transportation and encourages walking and biking .
If the government spent a fraction of what it spends on roads for cars on bike and pedestrian infrastructure , more people would choose to live in neighborhoods where driving a car is not constantly necessary .
Local communities can also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such as open green spaces and wetlands that improve water quality and prevent flooding .
“ The way that we ’ ve developed land across the country is exacerbating our climate challenges , ” Bronin said .
“ So , zoning , for example , requires lot sizes and minimum parking requirements , and what both those do is encourage us to build into green fields and promote driving that promotes greenhouse gases.
” Zoning laws also erect barriers to the widespread deployment of solar and other renewable energy sources .
Bronin is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” the idea that laws regulating buildings and development should protect the right to access sunlight , especially now that solar panels can turn sunlight into electricity .
Across the country , local zoning laws often written to uphold a community ’ s aesthetic standards inadvertently prevent the installation of solar panels on homes and businesses .
In some parts of the U.S. , lawmakers are writing “ solar access laws ” that limit private restrictions on solar installations and creating “ solar easements , ” which allow property owners to negotiate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Bronin said , developers and homebuyers have little incentive to outfit buildings with solar panels .
What if the developer next door builds a taller building and blocks out the sunlight ?
Along with zoning and land-use reforms , policymakers must also invest in localized “ microgrids ” that allow for renewable energy to integrate into the existing system .
There ’ s a lot of work to be done , and Congress must ultimately provide the funding necessary for upgrading the nation ’ s dilapidated infrastructure — everything from roads and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pollution — to prepare for the impacts of climate change and extreme weather events .
However , there are also plenty of changes that must occur at the state and local level , and activists everywhere can put pressure on city councils , energy utilities and zoning boards now .
“ Activists should encourage state and local officials to stop zoning for sprawl , start investing in natural infrastructure , and loosen housing laws so we can get more people near the places that are useful to them , ” Bronin said .

Part of the Series Covering Climate Now
This story is part of Covering Climate Now , a global journalism collaboration strengthening coverage of the climate story.
A new report on melting Antarctic ice sheets has dire implications for communities and infrastructure in the United States and across the world. Even if global warming is contained to 2 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels, the stated goal of the Paris Climate Accord that President Trump backed the U.S. out of in 2018, loss of Antarctic ice is still projected to cause sea levels to rise about 2.5 meters across the world. Ice loss is imminent even if temperatures fall after rising by 2 degrees Celsius because of an array of feedback loops that permanently destabilize the ice sheets, causing glaciers the size of Florida to fall into the ocean. If greenhouse gas emissions do not drop fast enough and the global average temperature rises 4 degrees above pre-industrial levels, melting ice could cause more than six meters of sea level rise, devastating coastal cities around the world.
The report, published in the journal Nature this week by an international team of researchers from Potsdam University and Columbia University, comes as researchers release more bad news from the opposite end of the globe. Sea ice in the Arctic reached its seasonal minimum extent last week after a summer of melting, leaving about 1.44 million square miles of frozen ice, the second-lowest extent observed since satellites began measuring ice coverage 42 years ago, according to the National Snow and Ice Data Center.
“The rapid disappearance of sea ice is a sobering indicator of how closely our planet is circling the drain,” said Laura Meller, a Greenpeace campaigner currently on board an Arctic observation vessel at the edge of the sea ice, in a statement on Monday. “As the Arctic melts, the ocean will absorb more heat, and all of us will be more exposed to the devastating effects of climate breakdown.”
The melting ice at the Earth’s poles is just the latest evidence that climate systems are tipping toward irreversible disruption. Sea levels are already rising at an increasing rate.
While many nations have at least pledged to reduce carbon and other greenhouse gas emissions under the Paris Accord, the U.S. has moved in the opposite direction under the Trump administration, which has catered to the fossil fuel industry, rolling back numerous federal regulations aimed at reducing climate-warming emissions. The administration boasts that U.S. greenhouse gas emissions fell by 2 percent in 2019 after increasing the year before, but that small drop is largely due to market forces, not the administration’s policies. Utilities have closed some older coal-burning power plants in favor of renewables and dirt-cheap natural gas, which burns cleaner than coal, but the administration has consistently fought to keep the dirtiest coal plants up and running. Overproduction of fossil fuels in the U.S. is driving up consumption globally, according to Inside Climate News.
For many climate advocates, the immediate task at hand is removing Trump from office and replacing him with former Vice President Joe Biden. Climate change is a top issue motivating Democratic voters, and Biden’s climate plan reflects some central themes of the Green New Deal framework for transitioning toward clean energy and restoring communities harmed by pollution. However, there will be no Green New Deal unless Democrats win the White House and a firm majority in Congress. Serious climate action at the federal level may very well remain tied up in partisan gridlock, and advocates note it will be further delayed if Trump is reelected president.
“Unfortunately, federal policy over the last several years has reflected the administration’s denial that climate change exists and that is a problem,” said Sara C. Bronin, an expert on land use and climate change at the University of Connecticut’s Center for Energy and Environmental Law, in an interview.
Building New Infrastructure
Bronin, who is an attorney, professor and landscape architect, points out that action is needed on multiple fronts. In addition to climate change mitigation efforts, she says, policymakers must act now to prevent climate change from damaging critical infrastructure. Bronin works closely with the Connecticut Institute for Resilience and Climate Adaptation, where researchers are mapping out sea level rise for policymakers on the East Coast, in preparation for climate change’s impacts.
Global investment in infrastructure must double from $3.4 trillion to $6 trillion per year in order to protect everything from neighborhoods to energy grids, according to the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development, an intergovernmental group with a mainstream agenda. Up to $9.4 trillion must be spent defending coastal communities from rising seas.
If greenhouse gas emissions do not drop fast enough, melting ice could cause more than six meters of sea level rise, devastating coastal cities around the world.
The U.S. is behind, when it comes to the infrastructure changes necessitated by the climate crisis. People in other wealthy nations get around on energy-efficient high-speed trains, but the U.S. has an ancient railroad system and infrastructure that is literally crumbling. House Democrats passed a wide-ranging, $1.5 trillion infrastructure package in July that would fund clean water and energy initiatives, but it went nowhere in the GOP-controlled Senate despite Trump’s promises to deliver on infrastructure improvements.
However, Bronin said there are plenty of changes that activists can demand far from Capitol Hill. For example, state and local policymakers in the U.S. must also completely rethink land development and transportation. For decades, Bronin said, policymakers have “subsidized the suburbs” with zoning and land-use laws and regulations that incentivized sprawl and the widespread use of air-polluting cars to for transportation. Exacerbated by climate change, the deadly wildfires that recently forced mass evacuations in Western states reveal how reckless development into wild areas destroys forests that suck carbon dioxide from the atmosphere. Across the west coast, communities must now update building codes to prevent wildfires from contaminating drinking water systems with pollution. Bronin calls for “transportation efficient land use” that emphasizes efficient public transportation and encourages walking and biking. If the government spent a fraction of what it spends on roads for cars on bike and pedestrian infrastructure, more people would choose to live in neighborhoods where driving a car is not constantly necessary. Local communities can also act to protect “natural infrastructure” such as open green spaces and wetlands that improve water quality and prevent flooding.
“The way that we’ve developed land across the country is exacerbating our climate challenges,” Bronin said. “So, zoning, for example, requires lot sizes and minimum parking requirements, and what both those do is encourage us to build into green fields and promote driving that promotes greenhouse gases.”
Zoning laws also erect barriers to the widespread deployment of solar and other renewable energy sources. Bronin is a longtime advocate for “solar rights,” the idea that laws regulating buildings and development should protect the right to access sunlight, especially now that solar panels can turn sunlight into electricity. Across the country, local zoning laws often written to uphold a community’s aesthetic standards inadvertently prevent the installation of solar panels on homes and businesses. In some parts of the U.S., lawmakers are writing “solar access laws” that limit private restrictions on solar installations and creating “solar easements,” which allow property owners to negotiate for unobstructed sunlight. Without such reforms, Bronin said, developers and homebuyers have little incentive to outfit buildings with solar panels. What if the developer next door builds a taller building and blocks out the sunlight? Along with zoning and land-use reforms, policymakers must also invest in localized “microgrids” that allow for renewable energy to integrate into the existing system.
Up to $9.4 trillion must be spent defending coastal communities from rising seas.
There’s a lot of work to be done, and Congress must ultimately provide the funding necessary for upgrading the nation’s dilapidated infrastructure — everything from roads and bridges to outdated wastewater systems that spew pollution — to prepare for the impacts of climate change and extreme weather events. However, there are also plenty of changes that must occur at the state and local level, and activists everywhere can put pressure on city councils, energy utilities and zoning boards now.
“Activists should encourage state and local officials to stop zoning for sprawl, start investing in natural infrastructure, and loosen housing laws so we can get more people near the places that are useful to them,” Bronin said.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-09-25--Democrats Will Propose Bill Limiting Supreme Court Terms to 18 Years

Democratic lawmakers have drafted a bill that , if passed , would limit the tenures of Supreme Court justices on the bench to just 18 years .
In the wake of a highly contentious battle set to commence over the replacement of the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg , who died on September 18 from complications due to pancreatic cancer , those pushing for the reform to the high court believe that it will mitigate future politicization of the institution by limiting the number of appointments made by presidents to just twice every four-year presidential term .
The legislation is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Congress , Representatives Ro Khanna ( D-California ) , Joe Kennedy III ( D-Massachusetts ) and Don Beyer ( D-Virginia ) .
Limiting how long justices could serve on the court to just 18 years “ would save the country a lot of agony and help lower the temperature over fights for the court that go to the fault lines of cultural issues and is one of the primary things tearing at our social fabric , ” Khanna said in a statement .
It ’ s unlikely that the bill will go @ @ @ @ @ @ @ While it might pass the Democratic-controlled House , the Republican-controlled Senate will more than likely oppose the idea .
Even if it ’ s passed by both houses of Congress , it would still need the signature of President Trump , who may veto it , believing he could make more appointments in a future term in office should he win reelection in November .
( If Trump is successful in appointing a replacement for Ginsburg , he will have made three appointments to the Supreme Court within a single four-year term .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ suggested that it ’ s unconstitutional .
However , the way the bill is framed may actually allow for changes to the court without the need for states to ratify a constitutional amendment , by giving retiring justices “ senior ” status .
In this way , justices would not technically be retired , and would be allowed to hold onto their title as justice while not actually serving on the bench to take part in decisions .
They may also rotate to lower circuit courts after taking senior status , if they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — and its justification for avoiding the need for a constitutional amendment — is similar to one advocated in a CNN opinion article written last year by Ruth-Helen Vassilas , an associate at the London law office of Skadden , Arps , Slate , Meagher & Flom LLP ; and Kermit Roosevelt , a professor at University of Pennsylvania Law School ( and the great-great-grandson of President Theodore Roosevelt ) .
“ This proposal is lawful under the Constitution , ” the two wrote in 2019 .
“ First , Congress has the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ court and has done so repeatedly throughout history .
Second , federal judges are constitutionally entitled to ‘ hold their offices ’ during good behavior and not have their salaries reduced .
This plan does not diminish salaries , and it is consistent with a current US law ( 28 US Code § 371 ( b ) ) that states explicitly that district and circuit judges who take senior status ‘ retain the office.
’ It follows that our legislators can assign senior status to justices , as well.
” The idea has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conducted in May by the reform advocacy group Fix the Court found that 77 percent of Americans strongly or somewhat support restrictions for how long justices can serve on the Supreme Court , while only 23 percent are against creating such limits .
Support for tenure limits transcends partisan lines , too : In that same poll , 78 percent of Democrats supported the idea , while 79 percent of Republicans backed it as well .
At least three current justices , Fix the Court has also noted , also seem receptive to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Stephan Breyer , members of the liberal bloc of justices on the Supreme Court , have made comments supporting tenure limits within the past five years .
Chief Justice John Roberts , working within the Reagan administration in 1983 , also suggested the reform would be beneficial .
“ A judge insulated from the normal currents of life for 25 or 30 years was a rarity then , but is becoming commonplace today .
Setting a term of , say , 15 years would ensure that federal judges would not lose all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tower existence , ” Roberts wrote at the time .

Democratic lawmakers have drafted a bill that, if passed, would limit the tenures of Supreme Court justices on the bench to just 18 years.
In the wake of a highly contentious battle set to commence over the replacement of the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who died on September 18 from complications due to pancreatic cancer, those pushing for the reform to the high court believe that it will mitigate future politicization of the institution by limiting the number of appointments made by presidents to just twice every four-year presidential term.
The legislation is set to be introduced by three members of Congress, Representatives Ro Khanna (D-California), Joe Kennedy III (D-Massachusetts) and Don Beyer (D-Virginia).
Limiting how long justices could serve on the court to just 18 years “would save the country a lot of agony and help lower the temperature over fights for the court that go to the fault lines of cultural issues and is one of the primary things tearing at our social fabric,” Khanna said in a statement.
It’s unlikely that the bill will go anywhere during this term of Congress. While it might pass the Democratic-controlled House, the Republican-controlled Senate will more than likely oppose the idea. Even if it’s passed by both houses of Congress, it would still need the signature of President Trump, who may veto it, believing he could make more appointments in a future term in office should he win reelection in November. (If Trump is successful in appointing a replacement for Ginsburg, he will have made three appointments to the Supreme Court within a single four-year term.)
Critics of the idea have also suggested that it’s unconstitutional. However, the way the bill is framed may actually allow for changes to the court without the need for states to ratify a constitutional amendment, by giving retiring justices “senior” status. In this way, justices would not technically be retired, and would be allowed to hold onto their title as justice while not actually serving on the bench to take part in decisions. They may also rotate to lower circuit courts after taking senior status, if they wish to do so.
The plan — and its justification for avoiding the need for a constitutional amendment — is similar to one advocated in a CNN opinion article written last year by Ruth-Helen Vassilas, an associate at the London law office of Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom LLP; and Kermit Roosevelt, a professor at University of Pennsylvania Law School (and the great-great-grandson of President Theodore Roosevelt).
“This proposal is lawful under the Constitution,” the two wrote in 2019. “First, Congress has the authority to change the size of the court and has done so repeatedly throughout history. Second, federal judges are constitutionally entitled to ‘hold their offices’ during good behavior and not have their salaries reduced. This plan does not diminish salaries, and it is consistent with a current US law (28 US Code § 371(b)) that states explicitly that district and circuit judges who take senior status ‘retain the office.’ It follows that our legislators can assign senior status to justices, as well.”
The idea has widespread support, too. A poll conducted in May by the reform advocacy group Fix the Court found that 77 percent of Americans strongly or somewhat support restrictions for how long justices can serve on the Supreme Court, while only 23 percent are against creating such limits.
Support for tenure limits transcends partisan lines, too: In that same poll, 78 percent of Democrats supported the idea, while 79 percent of Republicans backed it as well.
At least three current justices, Fix the Court has also noted, also seem receptive to the plan. Both Justices Elena Kagan and Stephan Breyer, members of the liberal bloc of justices on the Supreme Court, have made comments supporting tenure limits within the past five years. Chief Justice John Roberts, working within the Reagan administration in 1983, also suggested the reform would be beneficial.
“A judge insulated from the normal currents of life for 25 or 30 years was a rarity then, but is becoming commonplace today. Setting a term of, say, 15 years would ensure that federal judges would not lose all touch with reality through decades of ivory tower existence,” Roberts wrote at the time.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-09-25--Is the Justice Department Assisting Trump’s Campaign to Smear Mail-in Voting?

The U.S. Department of Justice on Thursday published , abruptly removed , then re-posted a revised version of what was described as a highly unusual press release announcing an inquiry into nine “ discarded ” military ballots in Pennsylvania , seven of which were purportedly cast for President Donald Trump .
Observers were immediately suspicious of the Justice Department ’ s statement given President Donald Trump ’ s ongoing assault on the legitimacy of mail-in ballots , which he has described as a “ scam ” and falsely claimed are uniquely susceptible to fraud .
Attorney General William Barr has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recent weeks .
On Thursday afternoon , the DOJ issued a press release attributed to David Freed , U.S. Attorney for the Middle District of Pennsylvania , claiming that “ FBI personnel working together with the Pennsylvania State Police ” recovered nine military ballots and said all of the “ discarded ” ballots were cast for Trump .
Shortly after the initial statement went viral on Twitter and White House Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany touted the announcement , the Justice Department deleted the original release and posted an edited version that claims seven @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Trump and “ two of the discarded ballots had been resealed inside their appropriate envelopes , ” leaving their contents unknown .
“ This statement by a U.S. Attorney is bananas , ” tweeted Walter Shaub , former head of the Office of Government Ethics .
“ It talks about an ongoing investigation , and it reveals the candidates named on ballots .
I ’ m still processing all of the levels on which this is wildly inappropriate.
” In addition to the statement on the probe , the Justice Department also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ director of elections in Luzerne County , Pennsylvania offering further specific details of the investigation , which Freed said was launched at the request of Luzerne County District Attorney Stefanie Salavantis , a Republican .
Trump won the Pennsylvania county by nearly 20 points in 2016 .
David Levine , elections integrity fellow at the watchdog group Alliance for Security Democracy , said the DOJ ’ s decision to make public statements — one of which contained false information — about an incomplete investigation so close to the election “ is risky at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ NBC News reported late Thursday , “ Both statements were highly unusual as U.S .
Attorneys typically do not publicly announce they ’ ve opened an inquiry .
The U.S. Attorney ’ s office declined to give further comment about the probe , except to say the general election ballots were improperly opened by county staff.
” Julian Sanchez , a senior fellow at the libertarian Cato Institute , said the Justice Department ’ s decision to release the statement “ sure looks like an effort to feed a bogus narrative about ballot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the same day FBI Director Christopher Wray testified to the Senate that he has seen no evidence of widespread voter fraud .
“ This seems like a hugely important story , ” said Sanchez .
“ Not because nine ballots got thrown out , almost certainly by accident , but because it suggests DOJ is now an active participant in Trump ’ s effort to undermine the integrity of the presidential election.
” Speaking to reporters Thursday before departing to Charlotte , North Carolina , Trump said that “ they found , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ paper basket in some location ” — an apparent reference to the Pennsylvania story .
“ And they found — it was reported in one of the newspapers that they found a lot of ballots in a river , ” Trump said , without offering any specifics on the story .
“ They throw them out if they have the name ‘ Trump ’ on it , I guess.
” When a reporter responded that the ballots supposedly found in a river “ had no names on them , ” Trump said , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ found them in a river , whether they had a name on it or not.
” The president went on to suggest once again that he may not accept the results of the November election , claiming he is “ not sure ” the contest can be “ honest ” — remarks that came just 24 hours after Trump refused to commit to a peaceful transition of power if he loses to Democratic nominee Joe Biden .
“ Take him literally and seriously , ” New York Times contributor Wajahat Ali tweeted in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ He has literally told you how he will cheat and contest the election if he loses .
”

The U.S. Department of Justice on Thursday published, abruptly removed, then re-posted a revised version of what was described as a highly unusual press release announcing an inquiry into nine “discarded” military ballots in Pennsylvania, seven of which were purportedly cast for President Donald Trump.
Observers were immediately suspicious of the Justice Department’s statement given President Donald Trump’s ongoing assault on the legitimacy of mail-in ballots, which he has described as a “scam” and falsely claimed are uniquely susceptible to fraud. Attorney General William Barr has also baselessly attacked voting by mail in recent weeks.
On Thursday afternoon, the DOJ issued a press release attributed to David Freed, U.S. Attorney for the Middle District of Pennsylvania, claiming that “FBI personnel working together with the Pennsylvania State Police” recovered nine military ballots and said all of the “discarded” ballots were cast for Trump.
Shortly after the initial statement went viral on Twitter and White House Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany touted the announcement, the Justice Department deleted the original release and posted an edited version that claims seven of the nine discarded ballots were cast for Trump and “two of the discarded ballots had been resealed inside their appropriate envelopes,” leaving their contents unknown.
“This statement by a U.S. Attorney is bananas,” tweeted Walter Shaub, former head of the Office of Government Ethics. “It talks about an ongoing investigation, and it reveals the candidates named on ballots. I’m still processing all of the levels on which this is wildly inappropriate.”
In addition to the statement on the probe, the Justice Department also publicized a letter Freed sent to the director of elections in Luzerne County, Pennsylvania offering further specific details of the investigation, which Freed said was launched at the request of Luzerne County District Attorney Stefanie Salavantis, a Republican. Trump won the Pennsylvania county by nearly 20 points in 2016.
David Levine, elections integrity fellow at the watchdog group Alliance for Security Democracy, said the DOJ’s decision to make public statements — one of which contained false information — about an incomplete investigation so close to the election “is risky at best and dangerous at worst.”
As NBC News reported late Thursday, “Both statements were highly unusual as U.S. Attorneys typically do not publicly announce they’ve opened an inquiry. The U.S. Attorney’s office declined to give further comment about the probe, except to say the general election ballots were improperly opened by county staff.”
DOJ political gamery..DOJ doesn’t announce this kind of investigation. It certainly doesn’t announce whom ballots were cast for, since that should be immaterial in a voting rts investigation. And then the revision that this is over 7 (not 9) ballots that didn’t alter outcome? 🤔 https://t.co/IHTNyM5QYk — Vanita Gupta (@vanitaguptaCR) September 25, 2020
Julian Sanchez, a senior fellow at the libertarian Cato Institute, said the Justice Department’s decision to release the statement “sure looks like an effort to feed a bogus narrative about ballot fraud.” The press release came on the same day FBI Director Christopher Wray testified to the Senate that he has seen no evidence of widespread voter fraud.
“This seems like a hugely important story,” said Sanchez. “Not because nine ballots got thrown out, almost certainly by accident, but because it suggests DOJ is now an active participant in Trump’s effort to undermine the integrity of the presidential election.”
Speaking to reporters Thursday before departing to Charlotte, North Carolina, Trump said that “they found, I understand, eight ballots in a waste paper basket in some location” — an apparent reference to the Pennsylvania story.
“And they found — it was reported in one of the newspapers that they found a lot of ballots in a river,” Trump said, without offering any specifics on the story. “They throw them out if they have the name ‘Trump’ on it, I guess.”
When a reporter responded that the ballots supposedly found in a river “had no names on them,” Trump said, “Okay, well, they still found them in a river, whether they had a name on it or not.”
TRUMP: The ballots — that's a whole big scam. They found 8 ballots in a waste basket, others in a river. They throw 'em out if they have the name Trump on them. REPORTER: There were no names on them TRUMP: Well, they still found them in a river. pic.twitter.com/SdYehARk5k — Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) September 24, 2020
The president went on to suggest once again that he may not accept the results of the November election, claiming he is “not sure” the contest can be “honest” — remarks that came just 24 hours after Trump refused to commit to a peaceful transition of power if he loses to Democratic nominee Joe Biden.
“Take him literally and seriously,” New York Times contributor Wajahat Ali tweeted in response to the president’s comments. “He has literally told you how he will cheat and contest the election if he loses.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-09-25--Military-Enlisted Students Are Getting Called Up for “Riot Control”

“ I ’ m a soldier and I have been called up for riot control.
” This sentence appears in three emails that arrive in my inbox in late August , a few days before classes are set to begin at the University of Wisconsin , Milwaukee ( UWM ) .
Written by students , the emails are brief and lack subject lines , as though written in haste .
They acknowledge that the senders will miss our first scheduled class session .
Following these initial messages , a second set arrives with attachments : form letters from commanding officers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is worded slightly differently but carries a version of this sentence : “ Please excuse our Soldier and your employee/student from all civilian obligations during this period to allow them focus on their mission.
” Only the last of the three email attachments specifies what I immediately suspect : These students are being deployed to nearby Kenosha , the most recent site of Movement for Black Lives uprising , in the wake of the police shooting of Jacob Blake .
Protests the day of the shooting resulted in property damage as well as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bombs against civilians by Kenosha police .
Subsequently , Wisconsin Gov .
Tony Evers imposed an 8 pm curfew and called up the National Guard to “ guard infrastructure ” and “ protect ” Kenosha firefighters and police .
I respond to all three messages , and suggest that the students might be able to attend our first virtual class , if they have internet service available .
Only one student responds to this suggestion , with a one-sentence , unsigned email : “ I won ’ t be able to.
” The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me .
Both students and commanding officers seem uncertain about when their deployment will end .
“ When I will be released is still unknown , ” one student writes , the passive voice conveying a sense of anxiety .
The emails arrive as I am in the process of completing preparations for classes moved fully online because of the pandemic .
As I construct my syllabi for U.S. History , 1607-1875 and Introduction to Comparative Ethnic Studies , the challenges of 2020 — including unprecedented struggles for racial justice , a pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people of color ( BIPOC ) populations , and uncertainty about access to voting rights — are on my mind .
Accordingly , I construct ways to encourage students to think about these issues historically and critically , to relate the world of scholarship to their experiences .
Many UWM students have been involved in Movement for Black Lives protests in Milwaukee this summer ; many responded to the shooting of Blake by making the hour-long drive south to Kenosha to participate in demonstrations there .
Some UWM students worked as jail support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Students for a Democratic Society , UW-Parkside chapter , and one of 20 protesters detained and held overnight by Kenosha police without access to a phone call or charges .
When I mention to one of these students that some members of my classes have been called up for “ riot control , ” they startle .
“ I don ’ t think I ’ d feel safe in a classroom in which other students have been doing that , ” they say .
I ’ m aware that they are imagining the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ summer in Portland and other cities in the name of “ riot control.
” And I wonder how safe the student-soldiers feel in their newly issued riot gear , and whether some of them may previously have been attending protests this summer , as well .
Military service is how many of our students finance their higher education , how many first-generation , working-class and/or BIPOC students gain entrance into a public university system increasingly made inaccessible to them by soaring tuition .
ROTC recruiters frequent school halls and career forums ; their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of high school students , from sophomore year on .
As the “ access campus ” of the University of Wisconsin system , UWM serves the highest proportion of military students in the state : 1,000 current students are veterans or enlisted .
Most likely , the students being deployed to Kenosha are National Guard reservists .
Under this program , “ citizen/soldiers ” train one weekend a month and attend a two-week training once a year .
In an “ Education Support in the Army National Guard ” promotional video , young @ @ @ @ @ @ @ color , praise the support they receive .
“ Through the National Guard , I ’ m able to go to school basically for free , ” says a young , Black woman .
The “ Today ’ s Military ” website advertising this program states , “ National Guard units assist communities in their state during emergencies like storms , floods , fires and other natural disasters.
” With its talk of “ citizen/soldiers , ” the website makes being a reservist sound like a kind of civil service .
It doesn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being deployed for “ riot control ” against communities that look like the ones you come from .
While most student-soldiers are impelled by the financial necessity illustrated in the promotional videos , I wonder if many of them also imagined that they might serve their communities by signing on .
“ Citizen/soldier ” guard units are visible in Wisconsin at free COVID-19 testing sites ; they distribute food , as well .
Certainly , few of the students who enlisted envisioned themselves being deployed in their hometowns , potentially wielding the forces @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against people they know .
While many of my students this semester were born after the terrorist attacks on September 11 , 2001 , continual warfare since that date has transformed their lives .
Collective financial investments in militarism diverts public monies away from education and social programs , resulting in soaring student debt as well as diminished opportunities after graduation in a job market reeling from imposed austerity on everything but military spending .
The financial impetus to enlist is itself created by militarism .
In addition , our many foreign-born students @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fed by post-9/11 militarist budgets and bent on collaborating with local police departments to deport longtime denizens .
Enhanced policing profiles young people of color , trailing them on and off campus .
It ’ s mid-September now .
The streets of Kenosha are quieter , though protests continue .
Two of the military-enlisted students have returned to class ; I haven ’ t heard from the third one .
Attending college is a bet on the future .
To finance this wager , many of our students are forced to accrue debt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like becoming soldiers , that they didn ’ t necessarily imagine for themselves .
As the pandemic widens existing fault lines of inequality and mass media awareness of the continuing deaths of young people of color at the hands of police increases , this future is increasingly difficult to imagine .
Students are being pulled from their classrooms to be deployed as soldiers — possibly against their own communities — in order to be able to pay for their education .
Instead of attending classes on struggles for racial justice , they are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In this unpredictable and perilous time , teachers must ask : What does educational justice look like for all of our students ?
How can we work toward accessible higher education that does not force students to contemplate a lifetime of debt or military service ?

Students who should be learning about struggles for racial justice are being deployed to repress those struggles.
“I’m a soldier and I have been called up for riot control.”
This sentence appears in three emails that arrive in my inbox in late August, a few days before classes are set to begin at the University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee (UWM). Written by students, the emails are brief and lack subject lines, as though written in haste. They acknowledge that the senders will miss our first scheduled class session.
Following these initial messages, a second set arrives with attachments: form letters from commanding officers explaining the situation to supervisors. Each is worded slightly differently but carries a version of this sentence: “Please excuse our Soldier and your employee/student from all civilian obligations during this period to allow them focus on their mission.”
Only the last of the three email attachments specifies what I immediately suspect: These students are being deployed to nearby Kenosha, the most recent site of Movement for Black Lives uprising, in the wake of the police shooting of Jacob Blake. Protests the day of the shooting resulted in property damage as well as the use of tear gas and flash bombs against civilians by Kenosha police. Subsequently, Wisconsin Gov. Tony Evers imposed an 8 pm curfew and called up the National Guard to “guard infrastructure” and “protect” Kenosha firefighters and police.
I respond to all three messages, and suggest that the students might be able to attend our first virtual class, if they have internet service available. Only one student responds to this suggestion, with a one-sentence, unsigned email: “I won’t be able to.”
The pace and tone of these emails unsettles me. Both students and commanding officers seem uncertain about when their deployment will end. “When I will be released is still unknown,” one student writes, the passive voice conveying a sense of anxiety.
The emails arrive as I am in the process of completing preparations for classes moved fully online because of the pandemic. As I construct my syllabi for U.S. History, 1607-1875 and Introduction to Comparative Ethnic Studies, the challenges of 2020 — including unprecedented struggles for racial justice, a pandemic particularly devastating to Black, Indigenous and people of color (BIPOC) populations, and uncertainty about access to voting rights — are on my mind. Accordingly, I construct ways to encourage students to think about these issues historically and critically, to relate the world of scholarship to their experiences.
Few of the students who enlisted envisioned themselves being deployed in their hometowns, potentially wielding the forces of state against their fellow students.
Many UWM students have been involved in Movement for Black Lives protests in Milwaukee this summer; many responded to the shooting of Blake by making the hour-long drive south to Kenosha to participate in demonstrations there. Some UWM students worked as jail support for Adelana Akindes, a member of Students for a Democratic Society, UW-Parkside chapter, and one of 20 protesters detained and held overnight by Kenosha police without access to a phone call or charges.
When I mention to one of these students that some members of my classes have been called up for “riot control,” they startle. “I don’t think I’d feel safe in a classroom in which other students have been doing that,” they say. I’m aware that they are imagining the deployment of state violence against protesters this summer in Portland and other cities in the name of “riot control.”
And I wonder how safe the student-soldiers feel in their newly issued riot gear, and whether some of them may previously have been attending protests this summer, as well.
Military service is how many of our students finance their higher education, how many first-generation, working-class and/or BIPOC students gain entrance into a public university system increasingly made inaccessible to them by soaring tuition. ROTC recruiters frequent school halls and career forums; their email and paper solicitations fill the inboxes of high school students, from sophomore year on. As the “access campus” of the University of Wisconsin system, UWM serves the highest proportion of military students in the state: 1,000 current students are veterans or enlisted.
Many of our students are forced to accrue debt, or to take on roles, like becoming soldiers, that they didn’t necessarily imagine for themselves.
Most likely, the students being deployed to Kenosha are National Guard reservists. Under this program, “citizen/soldiers” train one weekend a month and attend a two-week training once a year. In an “Education Support in the Army National Guard” promotional video, young people, most of them people of color, praise the support they receive. “Through the National Guard, I’m able to go to school basically for free,” says a young, Black woman.
The “Today’s Military” website advertising this program states, “National Guard units assist communities in their state during emergencies like storms, floods, fires and other natural disasters.” With its talk of “citizen/soldiers,” the website makes being a reservist sound like a kind of civil service. It doesn’t mention other possibilities, like being deployed for “riot control” against communities that look like the ones you come from.
While most student-soldiers are impelled by the financial necessity illustrated in the promotional videos, I wonder if many of them also imagined that they might serve their communities by signing on. “Citizen/soldier” guard units are visible in Wisconsin at free COVID-19 testing sites; they distribute food, as well. Certainly, few of the students who enlisted envisioned themselves being deployed in their hometowns, potentially wielding the forces of state against their fellow students, against people they know.
How can we work toward accessible higher education that does not force students to contemplate a lifetime of debt or military service?
While many of my students this semester were born after the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, continual warfare since that date has transformed their lives. Collective financial investments in militarism diverts public monies away from education and social programs, resulting in soaring student debt as well as diminished opportunities after graduation in a job market reeling from imposed austerity on everything but military spending. The financial impetus to enlist is itself created by militarism. In addition, our many foreign-born students contend with a Department of Homeland Security fed by post-9/11 militarist budgets and bent on collaborating with local police departments to deport longtime denizens. Enhanced policing profiles young people of color, trailing them on and off campus.
It’s mid-September now. The streets of Kenosha are quieter, though protests continue. Two of the military-enlisted students have returned to class; I haven’t heard from the third one.
Attending college is a bet on the future. To finance this wager, many of our students are forced to accrue debt, or to take on roles, like becoming soldiers, that they didn’t necessarily imagine for themselves. As the pandemic widens existing fault lines of inequality and mass media awareness of the continuing deaths of young people of color at the hands of police increases, this future is increasingly difficult to imagine.
Students are being pulled from their classrooms to be deployed as soldiers — possibly against their own communities — in order to be able to pay for their education. Instead of attending classes on struggles for racial justice, they are being mustered to repress those struggles. In this unpredictable and perilous time, teachers must ask: What does educational justice look like for all of our students? How can we work toward accessible higher education that does not force students to contemplate a lifetime of debt or military service?
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-09-26--Activists Are Calling on Democrats to Stop Trump’s SCOTUS Pick From Advancing

Progressive activists are gathering Saturday outside Sen. Chuck Schumer ’ s Brooklyn , New York home with a clear message for the Senate minority leader : “ Democracy has its eyes on you , Chuck.
” The action kicks off just hours ahead of President Donald Trump ’ s expected formal announcement of “ far-right ideologue ” Judge Amy Coney Barrett to replace the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg on the Supreme Court .
Trump and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell ( R-Ky. ) have vowed to push a vote on a replacement for Ginsburg ahead of Election Day , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advocates like MoveOn Political Action executive director Rahna Epting , who said the move amounts to “ a brazen and transparently political power-grab.
” Hosts of the Saturday mobilization targeting the New York Democrat — including Center for Popular Democracy Action , New York Communities for Change , and Common Cause New York — say in their call-to-action : “ At this moment everything is at stake : Trump using the high court to steal the election , the future of the Affordable Care Act , Roe v. Wade , voting rights , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ middle of a pandemic and escalating climate disasters.
” Given the stakes , event organizers are demanding Democratic leadership do everything within their power to block Trump from moving the Supreme Court further to the right .
The groups outline three key demands : • The Minority Leader and the Democrats must publicly , vocally refuse to hold any hearings or confirm any new justice until after the inauguration of the next president .
• The Minority Leader must use every procedural block to jam processes and delay proceedings : suspending unanimous consent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; force everything to be read ; filibustering ; objection .
• The Minority Leader must make it very clear that when Democrats take back the Senate , they will repeal the filibuster repeal and expand the court .
Failure to block the president ’ s nominee from advancing , warned Ana Maria Archila , co-executive director at CPD Action , would add to fears Trump won ’ t accept a peaceful transfer of power—as he has stated—should Democrat Joe Biden win the November election .
“ We ’ re here to tell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eyes are on them—they must do everything in their power to stop Barrett ’ s nomination from moving forward , ” Archila said in a statement ahead of the action .
“ The president has refused to commit to a peaceful transfer of power if he loses the election , and Barret ’ s nomination makes this scenario even more plausible , ” she said .
“ A court with Barrett will not protect our votes ; it will protect Trump ’ s desire to stay in power , ” added Archila .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ leaders to safeguard the American people ’ s right to choose our president by stopping this nomination.
” Trump , for his part , said Friday that he ’ ll announce his Supreme Court pick Saturday at 5 pm from the Rose Garden .
Barrett is expected to be named .
The Center for Constitutional Rights ( CCR ) said this week that she would “ certainly satisfy the core of the retrograde Trump coalition : Evangelicals who are heartily behind Trump because he is giving them control over the courts and otherwise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ white supremacist state , as well as mega-capitalists who benefit from the endless spirals of deregulation this administration has brought.
” “ Trump ’ s primary personal motivation in her nomination is to ensure a vote that will support any and all election challenges to benefit Trump—entrenching the harmful legacy of Bush v. Gore , ” said CCR .

Protesters gathered outside Sen. Chuck Schumer’s home in Brooklyn to call on Democrats to block Trump’s nominee.
Progressive activists are gathering Saturday outside Sen. Chuck Schumer’s Brooklyn, New York home with a clear message for the Senate minority leader: “Democracy has its eyes on you, Chuck.”
The action kicks off just hours ahead of President Donald Trump’s expected formal announcement of “far-right ideologue” Judge Amy Coney Barrett to replace the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg on the Supreme Court.
Trump and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) have vowed to push a vote on a replacement for Ginsburg ahead of Election Day, prompting fierce outrage from Democrats and democracy advocates like MoveOn Political Action executive director Rahna Epting, who said the move amounts to “a brazen and transparently political power-grab.”
Hosts of the Saturday mobilization targeting the New York Democrat — including Center for Popular Democracy Action, New York Communities for Change, and Common Cause New York — say in their call-to-action: “At this moment everything is at stake: Trump using the high court to steal the election, the future of the Affordable Care Act, Roe v. Wade, voting rights, and civil rights. All in the middle of a pandemic and escalating climate disasters.”
We’re out in front of @SenSchumer’s building in Brooklyn to tell him to use EVERY tool to keep Trump from stealing RBG’s seat & destroying our democracy. #RBG pic.twitter.com/tMMIJ2TkXX — Indivisible NationBK (@bkindivisible) September 26, 2020
Given the stakes, event organizers are demanding Democratic leadership do everything within their power to block Trump from moving the Supreme Court further to the right. The groups outline three key demands:
The Minority Leader and the Democrats must publicly, vocally refuse to hold any hearings or confirm any new justice until after the inauguration of the next president. The Minority Leader must use every procedural block to jam processes and delay proceedings: suspending unanimous consent; refuse to play on any vote; force everything to be read; filibustering; objection. The Minority Leader must make it very clear that when Democrats take back the Senate, they will repeal the filibuster repeal and expand the court.
Failure to block the president’s nominee from advancing, warned Ana Maria Archila, co-executive director at CPD Action, would add to fears Trump won’t accept a peaceful transfer of power—as he has stated—should Democrat Joe Biden win the November election.
“We’re here to tell Sen. Schumer and the Democrats that our eyes are on them—they must do everything in their power to stop Barrett’s nomination from moving forward,” Archila said in a statement ahead of the action.
“The president has refused to commit to a peaceful transfer of power if he loses the election, and Barret’s nomination makes this scenario even more plausible,” she said.
“A court with Barrett will not protect our votes; it will protect Trump’s desire to stay in power,” added Archila. “We’re calling on Democratic leaders to safeguard the American people’s right to choose our president by stopping this nomination.”
Trump, for his part, said Friday that he’ll announce his Supreme Court pick Saturday at 5 pm from the Rose Garden. Barrett is expected to be named.
The Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) said this week that she would “certainly satisfy the core of the retrograde Trump coalition: Evangelicals who are heartily behind Trump because he is giving them control over the courts and otherwise advancing their vision of a Christian, white supremacist state, as well as mega-capitalists who benefit from the endless spirals of deregulation this administration has brought.”
“Trump’s primary personal motivation in her nomination is to ensure a vote that will support any and all election challenges to benefit Trump—entrenching the harmful legacy of Bush v. Gore,” said CCR.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.