truthout--2020-04-30--Trump’s Immigration Suspension Doesn’t Prevent Unemployment or COVID-19 Spread

Late on the evening of April 20 , President Trump tweeted that he was temporarily suspending immigration to the United States .
For justification he cited what he called “ the attack from the Invisible Enemy ” — that is , COVID-19 — and “ the need to protect the jobs of our GREAT American Citizens.
” Government officials had to scramble to make sense of Trump ’ s tweet , but by April 22 , the White House staff had tacked together a presidential proclamation for Trump to sign .
The final text doesn ’ t actually suspend immigration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reduction on the number of new green cards — the visas granting permanent legal residence — that the government issues to people applying from outside the United States .
The suspension will be in effect for 60 days , although it can be renewed .
Despite Trump ’ s promises , this reduction of immigration will do nothing to slow the pandemic or to protect citizens ’ jobs .
Its only real effect will be to excite Trump ’ s base , disrupt the lives of tens of thousands of families , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policy .
Although the number of people impacted will be large , the suspension doesn ’ t come close to the massive change Trump had originally implied in his tweet .
According to an analysis by the nonprofit Migration Policy Institute ( MPI ) , the new policy will reduce green card admissions to the United States by some 52,000 over the 60-day period , or by 315,000 if the policy is extended to a full year .
Currently , the total number of people receiving green cards each year is a little @ @ @ @ @ @ @ majority apply from inside the country and aren ’ t affected by the policy change .
If the goal was really to keep people from bringing COVID-19 into the United States , the suspension would be redundant .
The government has already responded to the pandemic by severely restricting travel into the country , so most of the people barred by the proclamation would be kept from entering in any case .
The idea that an immigration suspension would protect the country from infection grows more and more absurd each day .
Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ immigrants bring disease , but it ’ s the United States that now leads the world in the number of COVID-19 cases and deaths .
Far from being under threat from foreign disease , the U.S. is actually “ exporting the virus , ” former Department of Homeland Security head Jeh Johnson charged during an April 21 online forum .
The U.S. immigration system has already shipped dozens of infected deportees to Guatemala , Haiti and Mexico — immigrants who apparently caught the virus while held in the crowded , unsanitary migrant jails @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As of April 21 , the agency had only reported testing for 425 of its more than 32,000 detainees , but 253 tested positive — an astonishing 59.5 percent .
The claim that the suspension would help the 26 million U.S. workers now unemployed is as ridiculous as the claim about fighting the pandemic .
The new policy wouldn ’ t have more than a minimal impact on joblessness in the United States , even if immigration actually determined employment levels — and it generally doesn ’ t .
If extended for a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ little more than 20,000 of the workers who apply from outside for employment-based green cards , according to the MPI ’ s analysis .
The great majority of the people denied green cards are applicants for family-based visas or diversity visas ( the “ lottery ” that encourages applications from countries with low numbers of immigrants in the previous five years ) .
These two categories have always been special targets for Trump ’ s anti-immigrant rants , but many of the applicants — elderly parents , for example — would be unlikely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In other words , Trump ’ s new policy would , at most , keep about 300,000 new immigrant workers from arriving here over the course of a year .
In contrast , almost 1 million temporary workers come into the United States annually — plus another 100,000 under the J-1 summer work travel program .
Trump ’ s immigration suspension doesn ’ t restrict these workers .
This should be no surprise : Trump has been steadily increasing the number of guest workers ever since he took office .
The latest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the supply chain during the pandemic .
This argument could have some validity in the case of farmworkers who come in through the H-2A visa program , but most people with H-2B nonagricultural visas certainly don ’ t seem to be “ essential workers.
” About 40 percent of H-2B holders work in landscaping , for example , and many have hospitality jobs — like the guest workers Trump employed at Mar-a-Lago before the pandemic shut the resort down .
The one thing the proclamation will certainly accomplish is dashing the hopes of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been jumping through bureaucratic hoops , often for years , in the arduous process of seeking green cards for relatives : Most parents , siblings and grown children are barred under the new policy .
A Houston immigration attorney told BuzzFeed ’ s Hamed Aleaziz that panicked calls to her office were “ off the charts ” after Trump ’ s April 20 tweet .
But the suspension won ’ t cause problems for U.S. corporations and the wealthiest citizens ; they ’ ll still get to exploit the low wages and substandard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In fact , despite designating agricultural workers as “ essential , ” the White House has been trying to find a way to let agribusiness cut their already inadequate pay .
Moreover , Fox News hosts have noted that they won ’ t lose the services of another type of supposedly indispensable temporary employee — the au pairs they hire through the J-1 visa program .
The rich get an additional carveout from the suspension .
The EB-5 program , which offers 10,000 visas each year for wealthy investors , is still safe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ property development projects by U.S. real estate interests , such as the family of Trump son-in-law and adviser Jared Kushner .
The Kushners became the subject of a Securities and Exchange Commission investigation in 2018 over their promotion of this visa .
For Trump , the suspension could have a political benefit .
He probably expects it to stir up xenophobic supporters at a time when his polling numbers seem to be dipping .
But the tactic is so obviously cynical that it could backfire — especially if activists get the word out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ system itself , is designed to protect the U.S. employing class , not the people who live from paycheck to paycheck .

Part of the Series Despair and Disparity: The Uneven Burdens of COVID-19
Late on the evening of April 20, President Trump tweeted that he was temporarily suspending immigration to the United States. For justification he cited what he called “the attack from the Invisible Enemy” — that is, COVID-19 — and “the need to protect the jobs of our GREAT American Citizens.”
Government officials had to scramble to make sense of Trump’s tweet, but by April 22, the White House staff had tacked together a presidential proclamation for Trump to sign. The final text doesn’t actually suspend immigration, but it does impose a two-thirds reduction on the number of new green cards — the visas granting permanent legal residence — that the government issues to people applying from outside the United States. The suspension will be in effect for 60 days, although it can be renewed.
Despite Trump’s promises, this reduction of immigration will do nothing to slow the pandemic or to protect citizens’ jobs. Its only real effect will be to excite Trump’s base, disrupt the lives of tens of thousands of families, and expose the underlying hypocrisy of U.S. immigration policy.
“Exporting the Virus”
Although the number of people impacted will be large, the suspension doesn’t come close to the massive change Trump had originally implied in his tweet. According to an analysis by the nonprofit Migration Policy Institute (MPI), the new policy will reduce green card admissions to the United States by some 52,000 over the 60-day period, or by 315,000 if the policy is extended to a full year. Currently, the total number of people receiving green cards each year is a little more than 1 million, but the majority apply from inside the country and aren’t affected by the policy change.
If the goal was really to keep people from bringing COVID-19 into the United States, the suspension would be redundant. The government has already responded to the pandemic by severely restricting travel into the country, so most of the people barred by the proclamation would be kept from entering in any case.
The idea that an immigration suspension would protect the country from infection grows more and more absurd each day. Trump is playing to a century-old myth that immigrants bring disease, but it’s the United States that now leads the world in the number of COVID-19 cases and deaths.
Far from being under threat from foreign disease, the U.S. is actually “exporting the virus.”
Far from being under threat from foreign disease, the U.S. is actually “exporting the virus,” former Department of Homeland Security head Jeh Johnson charged during an April 21 online forum. The U.S. immigration system has already shipped dozens of infected deportees to Guatemala, Haiti and Mexico — immigrants who apparently caught the virus while held in the crowded, unsanitary migrant jails overseen by Immigration and Customs Enforcement. As of April 21, the agency had only reported testing for 425 of its more than 32,000 detainees, but 253 tested positive — an astonishing 59.5 percent.
Guest Workers, Not Parents
The claim that the suspension would help the 26 million U.S. workers now unemployed is as ridiculous as the claim about fighting the pandemic. The new policy wouldn’t have more than a minimal impact on joblessness in the United States, even if immigration actually determined employment levels — and it generally doesn’t.
If extended for a year, the suspension would bar a little more than 20,000 of the workers who apply from outside for employment-based green cards, according to the MPI’s analysis. The great majority of the people denied green cards are applicants for family-based visas or diversity visas (the “lottery” that encourages applications from countries with low numbers of immigrants in the previous five years). These two categories have always been special targets for Trump’s anti-immigrant rants, but many of the applicants — elderly parents, for example — would be unlikely to take jobs in the United States.
In other words, Trump’s new policy would, at most, keep about 300,000 new immigrant workers from arriving here over the course of a year. In contrast, almost 1 million temporary workers come into the United States annually — plus another 100,000 under the J-1 summer work travel program. Trump’s immigration suspension doesn’t restrict these workers.
The new policy wouldn’t have more than a minimal impact on joblessness in the United States, even if immigration actually determined employment levels — and it generally doesn’t.
This should be no surprise: Trump has been steadily increasing the number of guest workers ever since he took office. The latest excuse is that they are crucial to the supply chain during the pandemic.
This argument could have some validity in the case of farmworkers who come in through the H-2A visa program, but most people with H-2B nonagricultural visas certainly don’t seem to be “essential workers.” About 40 percent of H-2B holders work in landscaping, for example, and many have hospitality jobs — like the guest workers Trump employed at Mar-a-Lago before the pandemic shut the resort down.
Winners and Losers
The one thing the proclamation will certainly accomplish is dashing the hopes of many citizens and legal residents who have been jumping through bureaucratic hoops, often for years, in the arduous process of seeking green cards for relatives: Most parents, siblings and grown children are barred under the new policy. A Houston immigration attorney told BuzzFeed’s Hamed Aleaziz that panicked calls to her office were “off the charts” after Trump’s April 20 tweet.
The suspension won’t cause problems for U.S. corporations and the wealthiest citizens; they’ll still get to exploit the low wages and substandard conditions temporary workers are subjected to.
But the suspension won’t cause problems for U.S. corporations and the wealthiest citizens; they’ll still get to exploit the low wages and substandard conditions temporary workers are subjected to. In fact, despite designating agricultural workers as “essential,” the White House has been trying to find a way to let agribusiness cut their already inadequate pay. Moreover, Fox News hosts have noted that they won’t lose the services of another type of supposedly indispensable temporary employee — the au pairs they hire through the J-1 visa program.
The rich get an additional carveout from the suspension. The EB-5 program, which offers 10,000 visas each year for wealthy investors, is still safe. The program frequently encourages investment in property development projects by U.S. real estate interests, such as the family of Trump son-in-law and adviser Jared Kushner. The Kushners became the subject of a Securities and Exchange Commission investigation in 2018 over their promotion of this visa.
For Trump, the suspension could have a political benefit. He probably expects it to stir up xenophobic supporters at a time when his polling numbers seem to be dipping. But the tactic is so obviously cynical that it could backfire — especially if activists get the word out that this suspension, like the immigration system itself, is designed to protect the U.S. employing class, not the people who live from paycheck to paycheck.
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truthout--2020-05-01--Target, Amazon, Instacart Workers Demand Safe Conditions and Pandemic Relief

This May Day , an unprecedented coalition of essential workers from Amazon , Instacart , Whole Foods , Walmart , Target and FedEx are calling out sick or walking out during their lunch break to demand better health and safety conditions , along with hazard pay .
Others are joining them for May Day actions that include rent strikes , car caravan protests and online organizing calling for a “ People ’ s Bailout ” and economic recovery plan that prioritizes workers .
We speak with Kali Akuno , co-founder and co-director of Cooperation Jackson , which issued a call @ @ @ @ @ @ @ May 1 .
“ The corporations and the government are willing to sacrifice tens of thousands of us , ” Akuno says .
“ We have to put people before profits.
” This is a rush transcript .
Copy may not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : This is Democracy Now !
, democracynow.org , The Quarantine Report .
I ’ m Amy Goodman , here in New York , in the epicenter of the pandemic , joined by my co-host Juan González from his home in New Brunswick , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of infections and deaths in the United States .
Well , Juan , it ’ s hard to say Happy May Day after that , but it ’ s good to have you with us .
JUAN GONZÁLEZ : Well , thank you , Amy .
And I want to welcome all of our listeners and viewers across the country and around the world .
AMY GOODMAN : Well , today is May Day , the international holiday that usually brings millions into the streets around the world to march in protest for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ different because of the coronavirus pandemic .
But many people are still joining a call for a general strike .
An unprecedented coalition of essential workers from Amazon , Instacart , Whole Foods , Walmart , Target and FedEx are calling out sick or walking out during their lunch break to demand better health and safety conditions , along with hazard pay .
Others are joining them for May Day actions that include rent strikes , car caravan protests and online organizing calling for a “ People ’ s Bailout ” and economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ May Day strike follows a walkout last month by Amazon workers in New York City and more than 10,000 Instacart workers nationwide .
Whole Foods workers led a national sickout on March 31st , and sanitation workers in Pittsburgh and bus drivers in Detroit have staged wildcat strikes .
Well , for more , we ’ re going to Jackson , Mississippi , to speak with Kali Akuno , co-founder and co-director of Cooperation Jackson , which issued “ A Call to Action : Towards a General Strike to End the COVID-19 Crisis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that launches today with a people ’ s strike here on May Day .
Their call has grown into this massive coalition of groups .
It ’ s great to have you with us from Mississippi , one of the states around the country that ’ s going forward with plans to reopen , after Governor Tate Reeves signed a “ safer-at-home ” executive order that lets most retailers reopen with a 50 % reduced capacity .
Kali , welcome back to Democracy Now !
Talk about your call for a people ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the response to it around the country .
KALI AKUNO : Well , good morning , everybody , first and foremost .
And Happy May Day , despite the conditions .
We are , first and foremost , trying to defend people all throughout this country .
May 1st was the day that Trump and his allies , like Tate Reeves , decided to just totally disregard all of the scientific evidence , all the scientific reasoning , and try to force many millions of workers back to work .
So our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fortunately , I think , for us , happened to be May Day , and decided to stand up today to send a clear message that we will determine when it ’ s safe to go back , based upon the scientific evidence and reasoning .
That is the first thing our coalition has grown to rise up , stay , protect and be in solidarity with folks , whether they ’ re taking actions at work or actions at home or they ’ re rent striking or taking the caravans .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out in force today .
I think there will be many millions of people consciously and deliberately acting today .
And I think it ’ s the start of a critical movement that we ’ re going to need in this country for some time to come , because after the crisis ends on the pandemic side , we know the economic dimension of it is still going to keep waging on .
And what we ’ re trying to get ahead of is all of the disaster capital enforcement of weak labor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pay , that we think is going to come in the wake of how capital is going to restructure to deal with this pandemic and exploit workers on the heels of it to try to recoup profits .
So , major tests , but this is what we ’ re setting ourselves to do .
JUAN GONZÁLEZ : And , Kali Akuno , how have you been able to put together — what are the coalitions that have come together around this ?
Obviously , this is being done outside the existing organized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , most of whom never strike unless there ’ s a contract that ’ s ended and is being renegotiated .
Can you talk about how you ’ ve been able to put together this grassroots labor protest ?
KALI AKUNO : Number one , I think the situation really required it .
A number of folks were reaching out to us in the state and in the region about some ideas , based on some early conversations that we had , based on our initial response .
And I should say , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , have had some prior experience with earlier coronaviruses , SARS in particular .
Several good friends , particularly one that was dear , died of SARS .
It was about a decade back .
So , we ’ ve started trying to do education with a number of folks and encouraging our allies , first and foremost , to take this serious , because there was a lot of chatter that we were hearing that it ’ s just a bad flu , that it will pass real quick , and we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ notion .
That put us in first contact .
And then , once we issued our particular call , we just really started hitting the phones — hitting the phones , working our contacts , working our allies throughout the country to join the call , to heed .
We did a ton of outreach to organized labor , where there ’ s actually , I would say , Juan , more support than people might think .
Many people may not be able to take action in direct name , but I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number of actions taking place by rank-and-file workers all throughout the country as a result of our call , and also as a result of all the energy and wildcat strikes that emerged in March that are still going on .
JUAN GONZÁLEZ : Well , interestingly , Kali , there was an article in today ’ s New York Times that may put a little bit of an international dimension of what ’ s going on here .
There ’ s a major battle going on right now across the border in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ keep the maquiladoras , the plants that manufacture for the U.S. market , open , while the Mexican government wants to keep all these industries closed because there ’ s been so many deaths from COVID-19 among factory workers .
There is one plant in Mexico , a Lear plant that produces car seats , where already 13 workers have died from COVID-19 , and yet the Lear company wants to keep that plant open , despite what the Mexican government is saying .
And the U.S. is claiming that these factories are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Mexico .
They ’ re essential to the United States , so they want the Mexican government to keep it open .
On May Day , International Workers ’ Day , the idea — JUAN GONZÁLEZ : — that workers in other countries are being forced to keep their plants — plants to be kept open just to service the U.S. is astounding .
KALI AKUNO : Well , we ’ re seeing that in other places , too .
I mean , we ’ ve heard about some similar things going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it just speaks to how this particular administration has treated this with just total disregard for human life and not getting prepared and not taking it seriously , not using , when the crisis hit , the various powers at its disposal to actually protect workers or to ramp up production in such a way that could have protected workers , to stealing — I ’ ll just call it basically what it is — the PPE for many of the states .
It ’ s been a real , in my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ really going have to reckon with , going forward .
AMY GOODMAN : I wanted to ask you , Kali , about something that ’ s happening in your community right now , in Jackson , Mississippi .
We just reported on what ’ s happening in Michigan , the AK-47 gun-toting Michiganders who went and occupied the Capitol rotunda .
Some of the state legislators felt they had to wear bulletproof vests .
You ’ re in the capital of Jackson , Mississippi , where the mayor , Chokwe Lumumba , has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and also just announced he will not renew a controversial executive order banning the open carry of firearms in the city .
In response , the group Reopen Mississippi is also holding an open-carry gun rally today at the same time as your May Day actions ?
KALI AKUNO : That is correct .
That is correct .
We ’ ve been monitoring as much of the right-wing radio and some of the communications , monitor all night , myself included in that , trying to get some understanding of the various movements @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expect to see something very similar to what happened in Michigan here today at the state Capitol .
AMY GOODMAN : I ’ m not sure if it was AR-15s or AK-47s .
KALI AKUNO : It ’ ll be all of that here and then some , because our laws here are even more open than they are in the state of Michigan .
So , if they decide to come , they ’ ll have kind of every advantage to be out on the street and to try to be as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our city police will probably respond , try to protect as many folks as possible .
We ’ re not quite sure , to be real with you , Amy , what ’ s going to happen with the state police , given somewhat a track record that we ’ ve seen at times with protests similar to this .
So , it makes for an interesting day .
We are going to do everything we can to ensure that all of our people who come out in support of the May Day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But what you ’ re really going to see is a clash of worldviews on full display here in Mississippi , that I think will mirror much of what may take place in the near future throughout the country .
JUAN GONZÁLEZ : And , Kali , as part of this protest movement , you ’ re also calling for rent strikes , as well , and also are urging consumers not to shop at particular stores .
Could you talk about that , as well ?
KALI AKUNO : Yeah .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ give multiple entry points for everybody throughout this country to engage .
That was a critical thing .
We know there is not a lot of workers , given the nature of the contract , who could just initially go on strike .
And we were trying to be very clear from the beginning that this is a call toward a general strike , not that we will be able to pull one off on May Day , given how short the time the organizing span was .
But we ’ ve been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you ’ re home , to strike in place , to not work today .
Don ’ t get on anymore Zoom calls or Jitsi calls or anything of that nature .
Just take the day off .
Get involved with the people .
We ’ ve been calling on folks to engage in conscious and deliberate rent strikes , and even for those who can pay their rent or pay their mortgage , to stand in solidarity with the millions of people who can not , and to make sure to send @ @ @ @ @ @ @ renting from or whoever your mortgage lender is , to outline very clearly that you can not pay , that you will not pay , under the circumstances ; and have been encouraging people to take action in the communities , practicing the best physical distancing measures possible .
So we ’ ve been encouraging car caravans , of which there ’ s about 15 , that we know of , and a growing number , that are going to take place today throughout this country , including here in Jackson .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I think , a remarkable set of workers ’ actions , that you mentioned at the top , which are kicking off now , I know , in some places on the East Coast and going to be spreading throughout the country , at Amazon , Whole Foods , Target , many transit workers and more throughout the country .
So I think it ’ s going to be a beautiful day .
And for us , we ’ re hoping that this leads to , and we ’ re planning on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of every month going forward , until some basic fundamental demands are met .
AMY GOODMAN : I wanted to end with getting your comment on this quote from the artist Seth David Tobocman : “ Why should we all be working in conditions that will kill us ?
First we solve the medical problem , then we restart the capitalist economy .
If we restart the economy first , there will be no reason for the ruling elites to find a cure or a vaccine .
They can sit safely in their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ die.
” AMY GOODMAN : Your thoughts , Kali Akuno , as we wrap up ?
KALI AKUNO : I couldn ’ t agree with that more .
I mean , it ’ s very clear from the way that they ’ re even having the conversations on CNN and MSNBC now that the corporations and the government are willing to sacrifice tens of thousands of us .
As one of them said , “ There ’ s something more important than life.
” I think that was the most absurd statement I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people before profits .
That ’ s first and foremost .
AMY GOODMAN : Kali Akuno , I want to thank for being with us , co-founder , co-director of Cooperation Jackson in Mississippi , which issued “ A Call to Action : Towards a General Strike to End the COVID-19 Crisis and Create a New World , ” that launches today with a people ’ s strike on this May Day .
When we come back from break , we ’ re bringing you a Democracy Now !
radio/television broadcast exclusive : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a friend of Tara Reade ’ s in the 1990s , who will talk about corroborating her telling her about her allegation at that time that then-Senator Joe Biden sexually assaulted her .
As we do this broadcast , presidential candidate Joe Biden is on MSNBC addressing the allegations of Tara Reade for the first time .
Stay with us .
AMY GOODMAN : “ My Country for Sale ” by Óscar Chávez .
He ’ s died at the age of 85 after being hospitalized with coronavirus symptoms .

This May Day, an unprecedented coalition of essential workers from Amazon, Instacart, Whole Foods, Walmart, Target and FedEx are calling out sick or walking out during their lunch break to demand better health and safety conditions, along with hazard pay. Others are joining them for May Day actions that include rent strikes, car caravan protests and online organizing calling for a “People’s Bailout” and economic recovery plan that prioritizes workers. We speak with Kali Akuno, co-founder and co-director of Cooperation Jackson, which issued a call for a people’s strike starting May 1. “The corporations and the government are willing to sacrifice tens of thousands of us,” Akuno says. “We have to put people before profits.”
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The Quarantine Report. I’m Amy Goodman, here in New York, in the epicenter of the pandemic, joined by my co-host Juan González from his home in New Brunswick, New Jersey, number two in terms of infections and deaths in the United States. Well, Juan, it’s hard to say Happy May Day after that, but it’s good to have you with us.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, thank you, Amy. And I want to welcome all of our listeners and viewers across the country and around the world.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, today is May Day, the international holiday that usually brings millions into the streets around the world to march in protest for workers’ rights. This year looks different because of the coronavirus pandemic. But many people are still joining a call for a general strike.
An unprecedented coalition of essential workers from Amazon, Instacart, Whole Foods, Walmart, Target and FedEx are calling out sick or walking out during their lunch break to demand better health and safety conditions, along with hazard pay. Others are joining them for May Day actions that include rent strikes, car caravan protests and online organizing calling for a “People’s Bailout” and economic recovery plan that prioritizes workers.
The May Day strike follows a walkout last month by Amazon workers in New York City and more than 10,000 Instacart workers nationwide. Whole Foods workers led a national sickout on March 31st, and sanitation workers in Pittsburgh and bus drivers in Detroit have staged wildcat strikes.
Well, for more, we’re going to Jackson, Mississippi, to speak with Kali Akuno, co-founder and co-director of Cooperation Jackson, which issued “A Call to Action: Towards a General Strike to End the COVID-19 Crisis and Create a New World,” that launches today with a people’s strike here on May Day. Their call has grown into this massive coalition of groups.
It’s great to have you with us from Mississippi, one of the states around the country that’s going forward with plans to reopen, after Governor Tate Reeves signed a “safer-at-home” executive order that lets most retailers reopen with a 50% reduced capacity. Kali, welcome back to Democracy Now! Talk about your call for a people’s strike, and your group, and the response to it around the country.
KALI AKUNO: Well, good morning, everybody, first and foremost. And Happy May Day, despite the conditions.
We are, first and foremost, trying to defend people all throughout this country. May 1st was the day that Trump and his allies, like Tate Reeves, decided to just totally disregard all of the scientific evidence, all the scientific reasoning, and try to force many millions of workers back to work. So our coalition marked that date, which, fortunately, I think, for us, happened to be May Day, and decided to stand up today to send a clear message that we will determine when it’s safe to go back, based upon the scientific evidence and reasoning. That is the first thing our coalition has grown to rise up, stay, protect and be in solidarity with folks, whether they’re taking actions at work or actions at home or they’re rent striking or taking the caravans.
So, we’re going to be out in force today. I think there will be many millions of people consciously and deliberately acting today. And I think it’s the start of a critical movement that we’re going to need in this country for some time to come, because after the crisis ends on the pandemic side, we know the economic dimension of it is still going to keep waging on. And what we’re trying to get ahead of is all of the disaster capital enforcement of weak labor laws or new working hours, lower pay, that we think is going to come in the wake of how capital is going to restructure to deal with this pandemic and exploit workers on the heels of it to try to recoup profits. So, major tests, but this is what we’re setting ourselves to do.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, Kali Akuno, how have you been able to put together — what are the coalitions that have come together around this? Obviously, this is being done outside the existing organized labor structures of the normal trade unions, most of whom never strike unless there’s a contract that’s ended and is being renegotiated. Can you talk about how you’ve been able to put together this grassroots labor protest?
KALI AKUNO: Number one, I think the situation really required it. A number of folks were reaching out to us in the state and in the region about some ideas, based on some early conversations that we had, based on our initial response. And I should say, a few of us, myself included, have had some prior experience with earlier coronaviruses, SARS in particular. Several good friends, particularly one that was dear, died of SARS. It was about a decade back. So, we’ve started trying to do education with a number of folks and encouraging our allies, first and foremost, to take this serious, because there was a lot of chatter that we were hearing that it’s just a bad flu, that it will pass real quick, and we were trying to dismiss people of that notion. That put us in first contact.
And then, once we issued our particular call, we just really started hitting the phones — hitting the phones, working our contacts, working our allies throughout the country to join the call, to heed. We did a ton of outreach to organized labor, where there’s actually, I would say, Juan, more support than people might think. Many people may not be able to take action in direct name, but I think we’ll see a surprising number of actions taking place by rank-and-file workers all throughout the country as a result of our call, and also as a result of all the energy and wildcat strikes that emerged in March that are still going on.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, interestingly, Kali, there was an article in today’s New York Times that may put a little bit of an international dimension of what’s going on here. There’s a major battle going on right now across the border in Mexico as U.S. companies are trying to keep the maquiladoras, the plants that manufacture for the U.S. market, open, while the Mexican government wants to keep all these industries closed because there’s been so many deaths from COVID-19 among factory workers. There is one plant in Mexico, a Lear plant that produces car seats, where already 13 workers have died from COVID-19, and yet the Lear company wants to keep that plant open, despite what the Mexican government is saying. And the U.S. is claiming that these factories are essential to the United States, not to Mexico. They’re essential to the United States, so they want the Mexican government to keep it open. On May Day, International Workers’ Day, the idea —
KALI AKUNO: Right.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: — that workers in other countries are being forced to keep their plants — plants to be kept open just to service the U.S. is astounding.
KALI AKUNO: Well, we’re seeing that in other places, too. I mean, we’ve heard about some similar things going on in the Caribbean. You know, it just speaks to how this particular administration has treated this with just total disregard for human life and not getting prepared and not taking it seriously, not using, when the crisis hit, the various powers at its disposal to actually protect workers or to ramp up production in such a way that could have protected workers, to stealing — I’ll just call it basically what it is — the PPE for many of the states. It’s been a real, in my view, criminal enterprise that we are really going have to reckon with, going forward.
AMY GOODMAN: I wanted to ask you, Kali, about something that’s happening in your community right now, in Jackson, Mississippi. We just reported on what’s happening in Michigan, the AK-47 gun-toting Michiganders who went and occupied the Capitol rotunda. Some of the state legislators felt they had to wear bulletproof vests. You’re in the capital of Jackson, Mississippi, where the mayor, Chokwe Lumumba, has extended a stay-at-home order another two weeks and also just announced he will not renew a controversial executive order banning the open carry of firearms in the city. In response, the group Reopen Mississippi is also holding an open-carry gun rally today at the same time as your May Day actions?
KALI AKUNO: That is correct. That is correct. We’ve been monitoring as much of the right-wing radio and some of the communications, monitor all night, myself included in that, trying to get some understanding of the various movements that they might take. But we expect to see something very similar to what happened in Michigan here today at the state Capitol.
AMY GOODMAN: I’m not sure if it was AR-15s or AK-47s.
KALI AKUNO: It’ll be all of that here and then some, because our laws here are even more open than they are in the state of Michigan. So, if they decide to come, they’ll have kind of every advantage to be out on the street and to try to be as intimidating as possible. We know that our city police will probably respond, try to protect as many folks as possible. We’re not quite sure, to be real with you, Amy, what’s going to happen with the state police, given somewhat a track record that we’ve seen at times with protests similar to this.
So, it makes for an interesting day. We are going to do everything we can to ensure that all of our people who come out in support of the May Day protests will be safe and sound. But what you’re really going to see is a clash of worldviews on full display here in Mississippi, that I think will mirror much of what may take place in the near future throughout the country.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, Kali, as part of this protest movement, you’re also calling for rent strikes, as well, and also are urging consumers not to shop at particular stores. Could you talk about that, as well?
KALI AKUNO: Yeah. We were very clear that we wanted to give multiple entry points for everybody throughout this country to engage. That was a critical thing. We know there is not a lot of workers, given the nature of the contract, who could just initially go on strike. And we were trying to be very clear from the beginning that this is a call toward a general strike, not that we will be able to pull one off on May Day, given how short the time the organizing span was.
But we’ve been encouraging folks, number one, if you’re home, to strike in place, to not work today. Don’t get on anymore Zoom calls or Jitsi calls or anything of that nature. Just take the day off. Get involved with the people.
We’ve been calling on folks to engage in conscious and deliberate rent strikes, and even for those who can pay their rent or pay their mortgage, to stand in solidarity with the millions of people who cannot, and to make sure to send clear messages to whoever you’re renting from or whoever your mortgage lender is, to outline very clearly that you cannot pay, that you will not pay, under the circumstances; and have been encouraging people to take action in the communities, practicing the best physical distancing measures possible. So we’ve been encouraging car caravans, of which there’s about 15, that we know of, and a growing number, that are going to take place today throughout this country, including here in Jackson.
And then there’s going to be, I think, a remarkable set of workers’ actions, that you mentioned at the top, which are kicking off now, I know, in some places on the East Coast and going to be spreading throughout the country, at Amazon, Whole Foods, Target, many transit workers and more throughout the country.
So I think it’s going to be a beautiful day. And for us, we’re hoping that this leads to, and we’re planning on continuing this, to strike the first of every month going forward, until some basic fundamental demands are met.
AMY GOODMAN: I wanted to end with getting your comment on this quote from the artist Seth David Tobocman: “Why should we all be working in conditions that will kill us? First we solve the medical problem, then we restart the capitalist economy. If we restart the economy first, there will be no reason for the ruling elites to find a cure or a vaccine. They can sit safely in their gated communities while the rest of us die.”
KALI AKUNO: That’s right.
AMY GOODMAN: Your thoughts, Kali Akuno, as we wrap up?
KALI AKUNO: I couldn’t agree with that more. I mean, it’s very clear from the way that they’re even having the conversations on CNN and MSNBC now that the corporations and the government are willing to sacrifice tens of thousands of us. As one of them said, “There’s something more important than life.” I think that was the most absurd statement I ever heard. We have to put people before profits. That’s first and foremost.
AMY GOODMAN: Kali Akuno, I want to thank for being with us, co-founder, co-director of Cooperation Jackson in Mississippi, which issued “A Call to Action: Towards a General Strike to End the COVID-19 Crisis and Create a New World,” that launches today with a people’s strike on this May Day.
When we come back from break, we’re bringing you a Democracy Now! radio/television broadcast exclusive: an interview with a woman who was a friend of Tara Reade’s in the 1990s, who will talk about corroborating her telling her about her allegation at that time that then-Senator Joe Biden sexually assaulted her. As we do this broadcast, presidential candidate Joe Biden is on MSNBC addressing the allegations of Tara Reade for the first time. Stay with us.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: “My Country for Sale” by Óscar Chávez. He’s died at the age of 85 after being hospitalized with coronavirus symptoms.


truthout--2020-05-01--Armed Gunmen Enter Michigan Capitol Demanding End to COVID-19 Lockdown

The right-wing movement against public health measures designed to stave off the coronavirus pandemic escalated on Thursday as armed gunmen were among those who stormed the Michigan state house and tried to enter the legislative chamber .
The protesters entered the building after holding a small rally outside the State House in Lansing , calling for an end to Democratic Gov .
Gretchen Whitmer ’ s stay-at-home order in accordance with guidance from public health experts due to the coronavirus pandemic .
The so-called “ American Patriot Rally ” was organized by the recently-formed group Michigan United for Liberty and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dubbed “ Operation Gridlock ” created a traffic jam outside the government building .
Some demonstrators on Thursday wore “ Make America Great Again ” hats , while others carried firearms into the Capitol building .
It is legal to carry a visible weapon in Michigan .
“ You aren ’ t allowed to bring in posters to the Michigan State Capitol , but you can bring guns and rifles , ” wrote progressive activist Linda Sarsour .
The protesters demanded to be let into the state House chamber , where the Republican-controlled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s emergency order , which is due to expire at the end of the day Thursday .
The lawmakers eventually adjourned without extending the order .
Democratic State Senator Dayna Polehanki posted photos of armed men with long guns in the public gallery above the floor : A number of progressive advocates noted that racial and economic justice demonstrations have been met with force in recent years , while the crowd of largely white and pro-Trump protesters was permitted to force their way into the Capitol building with weapons .
The protest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crowd to civil rights leaders including Rosa Parks and Dr. Martin Luther King , Jr. — came as the advocacy group Progress Michigan released poll results showing the majority of Michigan residents oppose protests like the American Patriot Rally and Operation Gridlock .
More than half of respondents said they trust Whitmer to handle the state ’ s response to the pandemic , while only 15 % said they trust the state legislature and 24 % said they trust President Donald Trump .
Only 25 % supported the anti-Whitmer protests , and 56 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the polling shows that Michiganders support Gov .
Whitmer ’ s commonsense , science-based handling of the COVID-19 crisis , ” said Lonnie Scott , executive director of Progress Michigan .
“ Operation Gridlock protesters have made a lot of noise , but these numbers make it clear they ’ re only a very vocal minority of our state.
” The demonstration came a day after a state court ruled that Whitmer ’ s stay-at-home order does not violate constitutional rights .
“ Our fellow residents — have an interest to remain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virus , and since the state entered the Union in 1837 , it has had the broad power to act for the public health of the entire state when faced with a public crisis , ” Court of Claims Judge Christopher M. Murray wrote .

The demonstration came a day after a state court ruled the stay-at-home order does not violate constitutional rights.
The right-wing movement against public health measures designed to stave off the coronavirus pandemic escalated on Thursday as armed gunmen were among those who stormed the Michigan state house and tried to enter the legislative chamber.
The protesters entered the building after holding a small rally outside the State House in Lansing, calling for an end to Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer’s stay-at-home order in accordance with guidance from public health experts due to the coronavirus pandemic.
The so-called “American Patriot Rally” was organized by the recently-formed group Michigan United for Liberty and came two weeks after a similar protest dubbed “Operation Gridlock” created a traffic jam outside the government building.
Some demonstrators on Thursday wore “Make America Great Again” hats, while others carried firearms into the Capitol building. It is legal to carry a visible weapon in Michigan.
“You aren’t allowed to bring in posters to the Michigan State Capitol, but you can bring guns and rifles,” wrote progressive activist Linda Sarsour.
The protesters demanded to be let into the state House chamber, where the Republican-controlled legislature was debating an extension of Whitmer’s emergency order, which is due to expire at the end of the day Thursday. The lawmakers eventually adjourned without extending the order.
Democratic State Senator Dayna Polehanki posted photos of armed men with long guns in the public gallery above the floor:
Directly above me, men with rifles yelling at us. Some of my colleagues who own bullet proof vests are wearing them. I have never appreciated our Sergeants-at-Arms more than today. #mileg pic.twitter.com/voOZpPYWOs — Senator Dayna Polehanki (@SenPolehanki) April 30, 2020
A number of progressive advocates noted that racial and economic justice demonstrations have been met with force in recent years, while the crowd of largely white and pro-Trump protesters was permitted to force their way into the Capitol building with weapons.
Can’t quite put my finger on why, but I’m pretty sure I’d get arrested for this. https://t.co/FpQBwpOlTn — Kashana (@kashanacauley) April 30, 2020
I got tear gassed protesting right to work for less being passed in Michigan while completely unarmed and being completely peaceful.#1u https://t.co/jEJUj4tiS0 — Randy Bryce (@IronStache) April 30, 2020
This is outrageous and dangerous. The “liberate” Michigan protest in Lansing just somehow got inside the statehouse. I’ve seen countless activists on the left arrested for less, and that’s without carrying guns. pic.twitter.com/lwGMs1x0eR — Joshua Potash (@JoshuaPotash) April 30, 2020
The protest — during which one speaker compared the crowd to civil rights leaders including Rosa Parks and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. — came as the advocacy group Progress Michigan released poll results showing the majority of Michigan residents oppose protests like the American Patriot Rally and Operation Gridlock.
More than half of respondents said they trust Whitmer to handle the state’s response to the pandemic, while only 15% said they trust the state legislature and 24% said they trust President Donald Trump.
Only 25% supported the anti-Whitmer protests, and 56% opposed them.
“Once again, the polling shows that Michiganders support Gov. Whitmer’s commonsense, science-based handling of the COVID-19 crisis,” said Lonnie Scott, executive director of Progress Michigan. “Operation Gridlock protesters have made a lot of noise, but these numbers make it clear they’re only a very vocal minority of our state.”
The demonstration came a day after a state court ruled that Whitmer’s stay-at-home order does not violate constitutional rights.
“Our fellow residents — have an interest to remain unharmed by a highly communicable and deadly virus, and since the state entered the Union in 1837, it has had the broad power to act for the public health of the entire state when faced with a public crisis,” Court of Claims Judge Christopher M. Murray wrote.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
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truthout--2020-05-01--COVID-19 Underscores Why We Need to Make May Day Radical Again

Millions of Americans have lost their jobs and health care in the midst of the pandemic lockdown and people are , reasonably , looking for someone or something to blame for their hardship .
Meanwhile , right-wing media , Republican politicians and their Tea Party-funded “ grassroots ” allies are directing fury and desperation toward various scapegoats : Chinese people , the World Health Organization , state governments .
Anything that will distract people from blaming capitalist greed and power relations themselves or the decades of austerity measures that have disintegrated social safety nets .
Rallies “ against excessive quarantine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( white nationalist ) militias , conspiracy theorists and seemingly middle-class people who feel inconvenienced have ensued .
As some modern-day rally-goers demand that the workforce return to drudgery , over 130 years ago around this time , people risked their lives fighting for decreased hours and increased wages at the workplace .
These struggles inspired the International Workers ’ Day , which is widely celebrated globally on May 1 , but typically fringe in the United States .
This year , however , bands of working people are saying enough is enough @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Target , Walmart , Shipt and Instacart workers are walking off the job this May Day calling for better protections , increased pay and an expansion of paid sick leave for vulnerable workers .
While May Day isn ’ t generally widely recognized in the United States , the sacrifices of U.S. workers largely inspired the holiday .
The realization of an eight-hour work day had been a priority for industrial workers since at least the 1860s .
On October 7 , 1884 , the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1 , 1886 , as the deadline for this demand to be met .
“ One of the great errors in the arrangement of industrial society , to-day is the long period of daily labor , ” a labor leader said at an international conference in Chicago just before the big day .
“ It breaks men down and shortens their lives and makes them miserable .
If the evils arising from this could but be removed injustice and poverty , which are the parents of all crimes , would cease to exist.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ some radicals and industrial workers called for revolution beyond the eight-hour work day , and encouraged people to take control of their workplaces .
“ Whether a man works eight hours a day or ten hours a day , he is still a slave , ” anarchist Samuel Fielden wrote in the anarchist newspaper Alarm .
The paper called for “ Workingmen to arms !
War to the palace , peace to the cottage , and death to luxurious idleness !
” On the lead up to May 1 , tens of thousands @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Railway workers shut down the entire train system .
Days later , on May 4 , in response to police killings of picketing workers , thousands gathered in Haymarket Square in Chicago for a fiery anti-capitalist demonstration .
Toward the end , Fielden took the stage : “ Legislation will never help you , never .
[ Democrat ] Martin Foran went to Congress in the interest of labor , and he tells you that no legislation can be had for the workingmen… .
When the rich man understands that it is not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ discontented workmen we shall be able to get legislation and not before.
” As Fielden continued , police moved in to forcefully disperse the crowd .
At that moment , an unknown person threw a bomb at the police , killing several .
The police responded by firing at the crowd indiscriminately , wounding hundreds and killing at least eight civilians .
Throughout May , hundreds of thousands of outraged , class-conscious railroad workers , cabinetmakers , drivers , wagon makers , gas workers , auto mechanics and others went on a general @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , better wages and safer working conditions .
Meanwhile , authorities arrested eight prominent anarchists and socialists while claiming they conspired to throw the bomb , despite a lack of evidence .
The trial was rigged , and the “ Haymarket eight ” were found guilty .
Four were hanged and one committed suicide before his hanging .
The trials were so widely criticized that a governor overturned the convictions years later , and described the trial as the most rigged trial he had ever seen in the United States .
The annual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Workers ’ Day inspires strikes each year .
Still , it took decades of striking and direct action to win the eight-hour work day in the United States .
As the labor movement continued to swell , mainstream media , politicians and profiteers rebranded May Day as “ Americanization Day ” in 1921 .
In 1921 , the Oklahoma newspaper The Ardmore Statesman explained , “ The fact that led to the selection of this date — just preceding May first — is that the first of May is usually selected by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the principles of orderly government and good citizenship , and the advocacy of communism , socialism , and bolshevism.
” In 1958 , in the midst of the “ red scare , ” Congress enacted a law formally recognizing May 1 as “ Loyalty Day.
” Rebranding facilitated the erasure of May Day ’ s radical roots from Americans ’ collective historical memory .
Throughout the mid-to-late 1900s , the corporate siege against — and political indifference toward — the labor movement was carried out quietly with media corporation , according to Noam @ @ @ @ @ @ @ classic book Manufacturing Consent : The Political Economy of the Mass Media .
They explain how mainstream media functions under a “ propaganda model , ” whereby journalism , monopolized by the capitalist class , internalizes the ideology of the market .
Consumers soak up the ideology because they aren ’ t provided with alternatives : “ The public is not sovereign over the media — the owners and managers , seeking ads , decide what is to be offered , and the public must choose among these .
People watch and read @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what is readily available and intensively promoted.
” Why would managers of multibillion-dollar industries share anti-capitalist history or news that may inspire action and undermine their profits ?
Ultimately , we are left unable to imagine alternatives beyond capitalism .
This lens helps us analyze the emergence of the “ Against Excessive Quarantine ” rallies .
While these rallies remain small , without alternatives , there ’ s a risk that they will grow : we can not demand what we can not imagine .
COVID-19 has opened up workers ’ imaginations .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the past two months , I ’ ve never seen before , ” a lead organizer of the Whole Foods walkout told Motherboard , the online magazine and video channel produced by VICE .
“ It ’ s a mass awakening of workers.
” In the rebellious spirit of May Day , as crises continue to unfold , it ’ s time for dissidents and people seeking a life worth living to situate ourselves within this broad , historical labor movement .
Capitalism may not crumble tomorrow , but clear alternatives — worker @ @ @ @ @ @ @ care and solidarity over competition — will embolden working people to reject the return to a life of precarious drudgery .

Part of the Series Despair and Disparity: The Uneven Burdens of COVID-19
Millions of Americans have lost their jobs and health care in the midst of the pandemic lockdown and people are, reasonably, looking for someone or something to blame for their hardship. Meanwhile, right-wing media, Republican politicians and their Tea Party-funded “grassroots” allies are directing fury and desperation toward various scapegoats: Chinese people, the World Health Organization, state governments. Anything that will distract people from blaming capitalist greed and power relations themselves or the decades of austerity measures that have disintegrated social safety nets. Rallies “against excessive quarantine,” attended by “alt-right” (white nationalist) militias, conspiracy theorists and seemingly middle-class people who feel inconvenienced have ensued.
As some modern-day rally-goers demand that the workforce return to drudgery, over 130 years ago around this time, people risked their lives fighting for decreased hours and increased wages at the workplace. These struggles inspired the International Workers’ Day, which is widely celebrated globally on May 1, but typically fringe in the United States. This year, however, bands of working people are saying enough is enough. Thousands of Amazon, Whole Foods, Target, Walmart, Shipt and Instacart workers are walking off the job this May Day calling for better protections, increased pay and an expansion of paid sick leave for vulnerable workers.
Whole Foods, Amazon, Target, and Instacart workers are striking on May 1st pic.twitter.com/nwnMhxxffy — Michael Sainato (@msainat1) April 22, 2020
While May Day isn’t generally widely recognized in the United States, the sacrifices of U.S. workers largely inspired the holiday. The realization of an eight-hour work day had been a priority for industrial workers since at least the 1860s. On October 7, 1884, the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions kicked off a campaign that set May 1, 1886, as the deadline for this demand to be met.
“One of the great errors in the arrangement of industrial society, to-day is the long period of daily labor,” a labor leader said at an international conference in Chicago just before the big day. “It breaks men down and shortens their lives and makes them miserable. If the evils arising from this could but be removed injustice and poverty, which are the parents of all crimes, would cease to exist.”
Influenced by anarchism and socialism, some radicals and industrial workers called for revolution beyond the eight-hour work day, and encouraged people to take control of their workplaces. “Whether a man works eight hours a day or ten hours a day, he is still a slave,” anarchist Samuel Fielden wrote in the anarchist newspaper Alarm. The paper called for “Workingmen to arms! War to the palace, peace to the cottage, and death to luxurious idleness!”
On the lead up to May 1, tens of thousands of workers walked off the job. Railway workers shut down the entire train system.
Days later, on May 4, in response to police killings of picketing workers, thousands gathered in Haymarket Square in Chicago for a fiery anti-capitalist demonstration. Toward the end, Fielden took the stage: “Legislation will never help you, never. [Democrat] Martin Foran went to Congress in the interest of labor, and he tells you that no legislation can be had for the workingmen…. When the rich man understands that it is not healthy to live among a lot of discontented workmen we shall be able to get legislation and not before.”
The annual global celebration of May 1 as International Workers’ Day inspires strikes each year. Still, it took decades of striking and direct action to win the eight-hour work day in the United States.
As Fielden continued, police moved in to forcefully disperse the crowd. At that moment, an unknown person threw a bomb at the police, killing several. The police responded by firing at the crowd indiscriminately, wounding hundreds and killing at least eight civilians.
Throughout May, hundreds of thousands of outraged, class-conscious railroad workers, cabinetmakers, drivers, wagon makers, gas workers, auto mechanics and others went on a general strike, demanding an eight-hour work day, better wages and safer working conditions.
Meanwhile, authorities arrested eight prominent anarchists and socialists while claiming they conspired to throw the bomb, despite a lack of evidence. The trial was rigged, and the “Haymarket eight” were found guilty. Four were hanged and one committed suicide before his hanging. The trials were so widely criticized that a governor overturned the convictions years later, and described the trial as the most rigged trial he had ever seen in the United States.
The annual global celebration of May 1 as International Workers’ Day inspires strikes each year. Still, it took decades of striking and direct action to win the eight-hour work day in the United States.
As the labor movement continued to swell, mainstream media, politicians and profiteers rebranded May Day as “Americanization Day” in 1921. In 1921, the Oklahoma newspaper The Ardmore Statesman explained, “The fact that led to the selection of this date — just preceding May first — is that the first of May is usually selected by the disciples of unrest for their manifestations against the principles of orderly government and good citizenship, and the advocacy of communism, socialism, and bolshevism.” In 1958, in the midst of the “red scare,” Congress enacted a law formally recognizing May 1 as “Loyalty Day.”
Rebranding facilitated the erasure of May Day’s radical roots from Americans’ collective historical memory.
Rebranding facilitated the erasure of May Day’s radical roots from Americans’ collective historical memory. Throughout the mid-to-late 1900s, the corporate siege against — and political indifference toward — the labor movement was carried out quietly with media corporation, according to Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman’s classic book Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media. They explain how mainstream media functions under a “propaganda model,” whereby journalism, monopolized by the capitalist class, internalizes the ideology of the market. Consumers soak up the ideology because they aren’t provided with alternatives: “The public is not sovereign over the media — the owners and managers, seeking ads, decide what is to be offered, and the public must choose among these. People watch and read in good part on the basis of what is readily available and intensively promoted.”
Why would managers of multibillion-dollar industries share anti-capitalist history or news that may inspire action and undermine their profits? Ultimately, we are left unable to imagine alternatives beyond capitalism. This lens helps us analyze the emergence of the “Against Excessive Quarantine” rallies. While these rallies remain small, without alternatives, there’s a risk that they will grow: we cannot demand what we cannot imagine.
COVID-19 has opened up workers’ imaginations. “What I’ve seen in the past two months, I’ve never seen before,” a lead organizer of the Whole Foods walkout told Motherboard, the online magazine and video channel produced by VICE. “It’s a mass awakening of workers.”
In the rebellious spirit of May Day, as crises continue to unfold, it’s time for dissidents and people seeking a life worth living to situate ourselves within this broad, historical labor movement. Capitalism may not crumble tomorrow, but clear alternatives — worker control, free housing and food, care and solidarity over competition — will embolden working people to reject the return to a life of precarious drudgery.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-05-01--If a Budding Socialist Movement Can Defeat Amazon, Imagine What Else It Can Do

For socialists , New York has been the site of the most important electoral campaign win yet : Ocasio-Cortez ’ s insurgent run for the House in 2018 .
Her victory led to an explosion of membership in DSA nationally , the biggest jump in membership after the Sanders campaign and Donald Trump ’ s victory .
It also led to a sea change in American politics , putting critical issues like a Green New Deal on the public agenda .
Less examined , however , is how Ocasio-Cortez ’ s win was part of a massive shift in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ York State .
Her victory , along with Julia Salazar ’ s in the New York State Senate , were , in the grand scheme of their respective legislative bodies , small — Salazar was the lone socialist in a body of sixty-three ; Ocasio-Cortez , one of two with Rashida Tlaib of Michigan out of 435 .
Yet Ocasio-Cortez ’ s and Salazar ’ s victories , combined with the continued organizing efforts and electoral victories of the socialist and broader working-class movement that put them in office , quickly effected a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ produced huge victories against two of the most powerful capitalists in the world today : real estate developers and Amazon .
Ocasio-Cortez ’ s story is a true pull-yourself-up-by-your-bootstraps tale : a bartender who had grown up in and around the Bronx went up against a major power broker in the Democratic Party who assumed he would be next in line for his party ’ s most important position in the House of Representatives .
Instead , Ocasio-Cortez knocked him off and headed to Capitol Hill .
Pandemonium ensued .
Ocasio-Cortez was the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ utterances and tweets regularly calling the tune of the day ’ s news cycle .
She instantly became an icon of the rising US Left , and right-wing media became obsessed , hanging onto her every word .
Salazar ’ s path to victory wasn ’ t quite as straight .
She campaigned as an unabashed democratic socialist , foregrounding her membership in the DSA and her opposition to capitalism , centering the need to fight the absurdly high rents and displacement in her rapidly gentrifying Brooklyn district and even suggesting she didn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could ever be realigned in a more progressive direction .
Salazar was dogged by questions about inconsistencies in her biography , leading to an incredible depth of media scrutiny , unprecedented in a state senate race .
The intense hostility Salazar faced was undoubtedly provoked by her uncompromising left-wing stances , including her stance in favor of the boycott , divestment , and sanctions ( BDS ) movement , which is seen as a major threat to the state of Israel and thus draws attacks against any politician who backs it , even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ She was even involuntarily outed by a right-wing American media outlet , in a bizarre and cruel apparent attempt to discredit her as a candidate , as a victim of sexual assault in 2013 by an Israeli spokesperson for the prime minister .
And , yet , despite the vicious attacks , Salazar won .
“ This is a victory for workers , ” she told her supporters on election night .
New York now had only two socialists in elected office : one in the House of Representatives , one in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two of them , as part of a broader progressive upsurge in the state , would soon have massive consequences .
Salazar ’ s election was part of a wave of state senate primary races that unseated the Independent Democratic Conference ( IDC ) , a group of six state senators who were Democrats but voted with the Republican Party , often denying the Democrats in the state legislature a majority .
The IDC senators ’ losses were proof that “ the progressive fervor sweeping national politics had hobbled New York ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a local level , ” the New York Times wrote the day after the election .
Of course , simply defeating one group of Democrats and replacing them with another wasn ’ t guaranteed to change politics in the state .
That sea change came from Ocasio-Cortez and Salazar , and the clear message that DSA spread through its electoral work .
As then NYC DSA co-chair Abdullah Younus put it , “ We don ’ t want real estate money in our political system.
” More broadly , New York voters were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ official .
.
.
was constantly looking over their shoulder for a left primary challenge , and was legislating from that perspective , ” NYC DSA member Aaron Taube said about the period after the two victories .
This spelled bad news for one of the world ’ s largest and most powerful companies , Amazon .
In September 2017 , Amazon announced it was seeking a site for a new major headquarters .
The “ HQ2 , ” along with its jobs and office space lease payments , would go to whichever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Amazon ’ s corporate overlords .
Soon after promising $ 2.5 billion in tax subsidies to lure the company to Chicago , neoliberal mayor extraordinaire Rahm Emanuel sent a bizarre email to an Amazon executive bragging about the package by asking , “ Whose [ sic ] your daddy ?
” A business group from Tucson , Arizona , sent a twenty-one-foot cactus to the Amazon Seattle headquarters .
And in New York City , the night before the deadline for bidding , Mayor Bill de Blasio “ lit every light he could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trade and the Empire State Building to all of the city ’ s wifi hotspots , in Amazon ’ s signature shade of orange , ” Nicky Woolf wrote in the New Statesman .
The price tags , too , were massive : Maryland offered $ 8 billion ; Pittsburgh , nearly $ 10 billion .
If company CEO Jeff Bezos had told these leaders to strip naked and tear each other limb from limb in an Amazon-branded mud pit , they probably would ’ ve done that , too .
In recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something , chances are they ’ ve gotten it .
So when the company announced that it would choose Long Island City , Queens , as its location , most observers assumed that was that .
The corporate giveaways New York had offered amounted to a staggering $ 3 billion .
And the announcement of the plan immediately sent housing prices in Long Island City through the roof , with ripple effects throughout Queens and all of New York City anticipated .
But the plan was backed by both Mayor de Blasio and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would expect anything else from establishment leaders ?
For them , as State Senator Ron Kim , who represents parts of Queens , explained to a reporter , “ We ’ re living under feudalism of the Lord of Amazon.
” But in the midst of the Amazon HQ2 bidding process , Ocasio-Cortez won her primary challenge against Crowley .
That victory changed the political terrain .
For one thing , “ you have this mobilized base of people who participate in left political fights in Queens now , ” said Taube , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the field operation for Ocasio-Cortez .
DSA was far from the only group involved in Ocasio-Cortez ’ s campaign : she was first recruited to run by the group Justice Democrats , and a broad coalition of left groups supported her campaign .
But Taube believes that DSA provided more canvassers than any other group .
After Ocasio- Cortez won , Queens DSA now had the mobilized base of left activists that Taube mentioned — which would soon be activated again for the Amazon fight .
Likewise , Salazar ’ s election had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New York politicians : were you on the side of working- class renters , or New York ’ s wealthy real estate developers ?
Salazar ’ s district was in Brooklyn , not Queens .
But in refusing real estate developer money and turning her election into a referendum on affordable housing in the city , Salazar ’ s campaign helped cohere a citywide narrative in opposition to those developers ’ attempts to push working-class people out of the city — a narrative that then pulled other statewide politicians to the pro-tenant , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their reelection bids .
Given that the Amazon HQ2 would accelerate the already rapid displacement of working-class New Yorkers from Queens , those elected officials — some of whom had even publicly expressed support for Amazon coming to New York in the past — would now take up the fight against HQ2 .
In November 2018 , Ocasio-Cortez was , unsurprisingly , speaking out strongly against Amazon .
But so was State Senator Michael Gianaris , the Senate ’ s new deputy majority leader — a position he was given because Joe Crowley @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just been defeated by Ocasio-Cortez .
“ If Joe Crowley was still in power as the head of [ the ] Queens County [ Democratic machine ] , and people still thought the machine-backed electeds were invincible , I doubt that people would have come out against this deal , ” Taube said .
Soon everyone was speaking out against the company — even de Blasio , now offering stern warnings against the company ’ s anti-union stances : “ There ’ s gon na be tremendous pressure on Amazon to allow unionization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the people bringing that pressure.
” In February 2019 , Senator Gianaris was nominated to the Public Authorities Control Board ( PACB ) , a body that Amazon would have to get through in order to get into Queens .
The nomination was approved by the majority leader of the state senate — again , a nomination that wouldn ’ t have happened without the successful push to defeat the IDC as well as Ocasio-Cortez knocking out Crowley just a few months earlier .
Before a PACB vote , however , Amazon dropped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ world that they would be going to Queens , they pulled out .
Andrew Cuomo soon called it the “ greatest tragedy ” of his entire political career .
The grassroots groups that opposed the plan — including NYC DSA — shed no tears for him .
The latter issued a statement on the day Amazon pulled out : “ Today New York ’ s working class showed that big business and billionaires can ’ t buy our city .
New York belongs to the many , not the few.
” The path @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Amazon pulling out of Queens was a complicated one .
It involved : 1 ) the election of democratic socialists to both the House of Representatives and the New York State Senate , 2 ) a consistently anti-corporate and anti-gentrification message that was at the center of those socialist campaigns , 3 ) New York socialists working alongside progressive community and labor unions ( and opposing some others ) , 4 ) a broader wave of electoral wins in the state senate against the IDC , which DSA was not officially involved in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by DSA ’ s message , and 5 ) those electoral wins and the broader progressive upsurge they were a part of translating into pressure on key city and state leaders to come out against Amazon and its scheme to receive billions in public subsidies .
The story , in other words , is far more complicated than a group of socialists acting alone to halt a corporate behemoth in its tracks .
DSA worked within a much broader coalition in these elections and in the Amazon fight that included community groups like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Up and Moving , and labor groups like the Retail , Wholesale and Department Store Union and the Working Families Party .
Still , socialists played a key role in the victory .
“ The coalition would have existed without DSA , ” said Taube .
“ But we would not have won the campaign when we won it , if Mike Gianaris hadn ’ t gotten himself on the PACB and said he was going to veto the subsidies and the funding [ for Amazon ] .
He would not have done @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this left electoral operation that existed in and around his district .
He was afraid of a DSA-led field operation.
” In the end , Amazon decided to move to New York City anyway .
Only the company did so without receiving $ 3 billion in public subsidies , money that would otherwise go to public programs and projects .
And it opted to move to an already gentrified part of Manhattan , Hudson Yards , rather than Queens , limiting the likelihood of working-class displacement .
The coalition that mobilized against HQ2 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did not need public assistance to move any city .
The company simply wanted to see who would place the highest bid , and how much public money it could soak up .
As Ocasio-Cortez surmised on Twitter after the announcement of Amazon ’ s move to Manhattan , “ We were proven right .
”

For socialists, New York has been the site of the most important electoral campaign win yet: Ocasio-Cortez’s insurgent run for the House in 2018. Her victory led to an explosion of membership in DSA nationally, the biggest jump in membership after the Sanders campaign and Donald Trump’s victory. It also led to a sea change in American politics, putting critical issues like a Green New Deal on the public agenda. Less examined, however, is how Ocasio-Cortez’s win was part of a massive shift in the politics of New York City and New York State.
Her victory, along with Julia Salazar’s in the New York State Senate, were, in the grand scheme of their respective legislative bodies, small — Salazar was the lone socialist in a body of sixty-three; Ocasio-Cortez, one of two with Rashida Tlaib of Michigan out of 435. Yet Ocasio-Cortez’s and Salazar’s victories, combined with the continued organizing efforts and electoral victories of the socialist and broader working-class movement that put them in office, quickly effected a massive shift in New York politics that produced huge victories against two of the most powerful capitalists in the world today: real estate developers and Amazon.
Ocasio-Cortez’s story is a true pull-yourself-up-by-your-bootstraps tale: a bartender who had grown up in and around the Bronx went up against a major power broker in the Democratic Party who assumed he would be next in line for his party’s most important position in the House of Representatives. Instead, Ocasio-Cortez knocked him off and headed to Capitol Hill. Pandemonium ensued. Ocasio-Cortez was the subject of nonstop press coverage, her utterances and tweets regularly calling the tune of the day’s news cycle. She instantly became an icon of the rising US Left, and right-wing media became obsessed, hanging onto her every word.
Salazar’s path to victory wasn’t quite as straight. She campaigned as an unabashed democratic socialist, foregrounding her membership in the DSA and her opposition to capitalism, centering the need to fight the absurdly high rents and displacement in her rapidly gentrifying Brooklyn district and even suggesting she didn’t believe that the Democratic Party could ever be realigned in a more progressive direction. Salazar was dogged by questions about inconsistencies in her biography, leading to an incredible depth of media scrutiny, unprecedented in a state senate race. The intense hostility Salazar faced was undoubtedly provoked by her uncompromising left-wing stances, including her stance in favor of the boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS) movement, which is seen as a major threat to the state of Israel and thus draws attacks against any politician who backs it, even at the city and state level. She was even involuntarily outed by a right-wing American media outlet, in a bizarre and cruel apparent attempt to discredit her as a candidate, as a victim of sexual assault in 2013 by an Israeli spokesperson for the prime minister.
And, yet, despite the vicious attacks, Salazar won. “This is a victory for workers,” she told her supporters on election night.
New York now had only two socialists in elected office: one in the House of Representatives, one in the state senate. But the presence of two of them, as part of a broader progressive upsurge in the state, would soon have massive consequences. Salazar’s election was part of a wave of state senate primary races that unseated the Independent Democratic Conference (IDC), a group of six state senators who were Democrats but voted with the Republican Party, often denying the Democrats in the state legislature a majority. The IDC senators’ losses were proof that “the progressive fervor sweeping national politics had hobbled New York’s once-mighty Democratic machine, at least on a local level,” the New York Times wrote the day after the election.
Of course, simply defeating one group of Democrats and replacing them with another wasn’t guaranteed to change politics in the state. That sea change came from Ocasio-Cortez and Salazar, and the clear message that DSA spread through its electoral work. As then NYC DSA co-chair Abdullah Younus put it, “We don’t want real estate money in our political system.” More broadly, New York voters were rejecting pro-corporate politics.
“Every elected official . . . was constantly looking over their shoulder for a left primary challenge, and was legislating from that perspective,” NYC DSA member Aaron Taube said about the period after the two victories. This spelled bad news for one of the world’s largest and most powerful companies, Amazon.
Sad Bezos
In September 2017, Amazon announced it was seeking a site for a new major headquarters. The “HQ2,” along with its jobs and office space lease payments, would go to whichever city could eat enough shit to please Amazon’s corporate overlords.
Soon after promising $2.5 billion in tax subsidies to lure the company to Chicago, neoliberal mayor extraordinaire Rahm Emanuel sent a bizarre email to an Amazon executive bragging about the package by asking, “Whose [sic] your daddy?” A business group from Tucson, Arizona, sent a twenty-one-foot cactus to the Amazon Seattle headquarters. And in New York City, the night before the deadline for bidding, Mayor Bill de Blasio “lit every light he could, from the roof-tops of One World Trade and the Empire State Building to all of the city’s wifi hotspots, in Amazon’s signature shade of orange,” Nicky Woolf wrote in the New Statesman.
The price tags, too, were massive: Maryland offered $8 billion; Pittsburgh, nearly $10 billion. If company CEO Jeff Bezos had told these leaders to strip naked and tear each other limb from limb in an Amazon-branded mud pit, they probably would’ve done that, too.
In recent decades, when American capitalists have wanted something, chances are they’ve gotten it. So when the company announced that it would choose Long Island City, Queens, as its location, most observers assumed that was that.
The corporate giveaways New York had offered amounted to a staggering $3 billion. And the announcement of the plan immediately sent housing prices in Long Island City through the roof, with ripple effects throughout Queens and all of New York City anticipated. But the plan was backed by both Mayor de Blasio and New York Governor Andrew Cuomo. Who would expect anything else from establishment leaders? For them, as State Senator Ron Kim, who represents parts of Queens, explained to a reporter, “We’re living under feudalism of the Lord of Amazon.”
But in the midst of the Amazon HQ2 bidding process, Ocasio-Cortez won her primary challenge against Crowley. That victory changed the political terrain. For one thing, “you have this mobilized base of people who participate in left political fights in Queens now,” said Taube, who coordinated DSA’s portion of the field operation for Ocasio-Cortez.
DSA was far from the only group involved in Ocasio-Cortez’s campaign: she was first recruited to run by the group Justice Democrats, and a broad coalition of left groups supported her campaign. But Taube believes that DSA provided more canvassers than any other group. After Ocasio- Cortez won, Queens DSA now had the mobilized base of left activists that Taube mentioned — which would soon be activated again for the Amazon fight.
Likewise, Salazar’s election had drawn a line in the sand for New York politicians: were you on the side of working- class renters, or New York’s wealthy real estate developers? Salazar’s district was in Brooklyn, not Queens. But in refusing real estate developer money and turning her election into a referendum on affordable housing in the city, Salazar’s campaign helped cohere a citywide narrative in opposition to those developers’ attempts to push working-class people out of the city — a narrative that then pulled other statewide politicians to the pro-tenant, anti-gentrification side, for fear of losing their reelection bids. Given that the Amazon HQ2 would accelerate the already rapid displacement of working-class New Yorkers from Queens, those elected officials — some of whom had even publicly expressed support for Amazon coming to New York in the past — would now take up the fight against HQ2.
In November 2018, Ocasio-Cortez was, unsurprisingly, speaking out strongly against Amazon. But so was State Senator Michael Gianaris, the Senate’s new deputy majority leader — a position he was given because Joe Crowley, Queens political power broker, had just been defeated by Ocasio-Cortez. “If Joe Crowley was still in power as the head of [the] Queens County [Democratic machine], and people still thought the machine-backed electeds were invincible, I doubt that people would have come out against this deal,” Taube said.
Soon everyone was speaking out against the company — even de Blasio, now offering stern warnings against the company’s anti-union stances: “There’s gonna be tremendous pressure on Amazon to allow unionization, and I will be one of the people bringing that pressure.”
In February 2019, Senator Gianaris was nominated to the Public Authorities Control Board (PACB), a body that Amazon would have to get through in order to get into Queens. The nomination was approved by the majority leader of the state senate — again, a nomination that wouldn’t have happened without the successful push to defeat the IDC as well as Ocasio-Cortez knocking out Crowley just a few months earlier. Before a PACB vote, however, Amazon dropped a bombshell: after announcing to the world that they would be going to Queens, they pulled out.
Andrew Cuomo soon called it the “greatest tragedy” of his entire political career. The grassroots groups that opposed the plan — including NYC DSA — shed no tears for him. The latter issued a statement on the day Amazon pulled out: “Today New York’s working class showed that big business and billionaires can’t buy our city. New York belongs to the many, not the few.”
The path from Ocasio-Cortez’s electoral victory to Amazon pulling out of Queens was a complicated one. It involved:
1) the election of democratic socialists to both the House of Representatives and the New York State Senate,
2) a consistently anti-corporate and anti-gentrification message that was at the center of those socialist campaigns,
3) New York socialists working alongside progressive community and labor unions (and opposing some others),
4) a broader wave of electoral wins in the state senate against the IDC, which DSA was not officially involved in but the electoral narrative was fundamentally shaped by DSA’s message, and
5) those electoral wins and the broader progressive upsurge they were a part of translating into pressure on key city and state leaders to come out against Amazon and its scheme to receive billions in public subsidies.
The story, in other words, is far more complicated than a group of socialists acting alone to halt a corporate behemoth in its tracks. DSA worked within a much broader coalition in these elections and in the Amazon fight that included community groups like CAAAV Organizing Asian Communities and Desis Rising Up and Moving, and labor groups like the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union and the Working Families Party. Still, socialists played a key role in the victory.
“The coalition would have existed without DSA,” said Taube. “But we would not have won the campaign when we won it, if Mike Gianaris hadn’t gotten himself on the PACB and said he was going to veto the subsidies and the funding [for Amazon]. He would not have done that if it weren’t for this left electoral operation that existed in and around his district. He was afraid of a DSA-led field operation.”
In the end, Amazon decided to move to New York City anyway. Only the company did so without receiving $3 billion in public subsidies, money that would otherwise go to public programs and projects. And it opted to move to an already gentrified part of Manhattan, Hudson Yards, rather than Queens, limiting the likelihood of working-class displacement.
The coalition that mobilized against HQ2 has said from the beginning that Amazon did not need public assistance to move any city. The company simply wanted to see who would place the highest bid, and how much public money it could soak up. As Ocasio-Cortez surmised on Twitter after the announcement of Amazon’s move to Manhattan, “We were proven right.”
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Excerpted from Bigger than Bernie: How We Go from the Sanders Campaign to Democratic Socialism with permission from Verso Books.