truthout--2020-05-15--Trump Says Doctors and Nurses “Running Into Death” Is “Beautiful Thing to See”

During an event meant to highlight the production of personal protective equipment ( PPE ) for health care workers across the country , President Donald Trump issued out controversial remarks , comparing those workers to soldiers who are “ running into death ” on the proverbial battlefields of the coronavirus crisis .
Trump made the comments in Allentown , Pennsylvania , on Thursday during a visit to a medical equipment facility .
“ The moment this terrible virus reached our shores , each of you has worked relentlessly to get the vital supplies to our health care warriors , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the Owens & Minor , Inc. Distribution Center .
“ And they are warriors , aren ’ t they ?
” Trump added , apparently going off from his prepared remarks .
“ When you see them going into those hospitals and they ’ re putting the stuff that you deliver , but they ’ re wrapping themselves , and the doors are opening , and they ’ re going through the doors… they ’ re running into death just like soldiers run into bullets in a true sense.
” “ It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s a beautiful thing to see , ” he added .
Many took issue with Trump ’ s comparing nurses , doctors and other health care workers to soldiers , especially since a number of health care facilities and hospitals across the country are dealing with PPE shortages that could help save their lives .
“ If we had adequate high-quality PPE , US health care workers could deliver care safely , ” Christopher Friese , a School of Nursing professor at the University of Michigan , said in a tweet in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ That is still not the case in May 2020.
” Indeed , Trump was confronted last week with the reality of the situation on the ground , when Sophia Thomas , president of the American Association of Nurse Practitioners , described the uneven availability of PPE for workers across the country during a National Nurses Day event at the White House .
“ I think it ’ s sporadic .
As I talk to my colleagues around the country certainly there are pockets where PPE is not ideal , ” Thomas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s assessment , appearing to be visibly upset with her contradicting his previous claims that PPE supplies were adequate .
“ Sporadic for you , but not for a lot of people , ” he said , crossing his arms as he spoke .
“ Because I ’ ve heard the opposite , I ’ ve heard they are loaded up ” with PPE , he added .
Yet shortages across the country are so severe that a number of hospitals are trying to come up with ways to innovate using the same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that was unheard of in the United States prior to the coronavirus crisis .
Several health care centers are attempting to utilize sterilization methods on masks and other items , for example , in order to reuse them again and again .
Health care workers across the country have held protests across the country highlighting the lack of PPE in their workplaces for several weeks now .
On May Day alone , members of the nurses union National Nurses United took part in demonstrations at 139 hospitals across 13 different states to demand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Nurses signed up to care for their patients .
They did not sign up to sacrifice their lives on the front lines of the COVID-19 pandemic , ” NNU executive director Bonnie Castillo , said in a statement prior to their May 1 protest .
Several thousand health care workers have contracted COVID-19 as a result of their relentless work during the crisis .
A report from April found that over 9,000 workers were diagnosed with the disease in that month alone , and at least 72 workers have died from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likely much higher , as there isn ’ t a comprehensive measure to keep track of health care workers ’ deaths in the U.S. due to COVID-19 at this time .

During an event meant to highlight the production of personal protective equipment (PPE) for health care workers across the country, President Donald Trump issued out controversial remarks, comparing those workers to soldiers who are “running into death” on the proverbial battlefields of the coronavirus crisis.
Trump made the comments in Allentown, Pennsylvania, on Thursday during a visit to a medical equipment facility.
“The moment this terrible virus reached our shores, each of you has worked relentlessly to get the vital supplies to our health care warriors,” Trump said in a statement to workers at the Owens & Minor, Inc. Distribution Center.
“And they are warriors, aren’t they?” Trump added, apparently going off from his prepared remarks. “When you see them going into those hospitals and they’re putting the stuff that you deliver, but they’re wrapping themselves, and the doors are opening, and they’re going through the doors… they’re running into death just like soldiers run into bullets in a true sense.”
“It’s incredible to see, it’s a beautiful thing to see,” he added.
Trump: “[Doctors and nurses] are running into death just like soldiers run into bullets … it’s a beautiful thing to see.”pic.twitter.com/3d3yP2vQsS — Brian Tyler Cohen (@briantylercohen) May 14, 2020
Many took issue with Trump’s comparing nurses, doctors and other health care workers to soldiers, especially since a number of health care facilities and hospitals across the country are dealing with PPE shortages that could help save their lives.
“If we had adequate high-quality PPE, US health care workers could deliver care safely,” Christopher Friese, a School of Nursing professor at the University of Michigan, said in a tweet in response to the president’s remarks. “That is still not the case in May 2020.”
Indeed, Trump was confronted last week with the reality of the situation on the ground, when Sophia Thomas, president of the American Association of Nurse Practitioners, described the uneven availability of PPE for workers across the country during a National Nurses Day event at the White House.
“I think it’s sporadic. As I talk to my colleagues around the country certainly there are pockets where PPE is not ideal,” Thomas said.
Trump responded to Thomas’s assessment, appearing to be visibly upset with her contradicting his previous claims that PPE supplies were adequate.
“Sporadic for you, but not for a lot of people,” he said, crossing his arms as he spoke. “Because I’ve heard the opposite, I’ve heard they are loaded up” with PPE, he added.
Yet shortages across the country are so severe that a number of hospitals are trying to come up with ways to innovate using the same PPE more than once — a practice that was unheard of in the United States prior to the coronavirus crisis. Several health care centers are attempting to utilize sterilization methods on masks and other items, for example, in order to reuse them again and again.
Health care workers across the country have held protests across the country highlighting the lack of PPE in their workplaces for several weeks now. On May Day alone, members of the nurses union National Nurses United took part in demonstrations at 139 hospitals across 13 different states to demand more supplies from employers and the government.
“Nurses signed up to care for their patients. They did not sign up to sacrifice their lives on the front lines of the COVID-19 pandemic,” NNU executive director Bonnie Castillo, said in a statement prior to their May 1 protest.
Several thousand health care workers have contracted COVID-19 as a result of their relentless work during the crisis. A report from April found that over 9,000 workers were diagnosed with the disease in that month alone, and at least 72 workers have died from coronavirus. However, that number is likely much higher, as there isn’t a comprehensive measure to keep track of health care workers’ deaths in the U.S. due to COVID-19 at this time.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-05-15--Essential Sanitary Workers Strike for Hazard Pay and PPE in New Orleans

The severe outbreak of COVID-19 in southern Louisiana was the last straw for a group of sanitation workers who pick up trash in eastern New Orleans .
Last week , they walked off the job and went on strike , demanding hazard pay and a $ 15 living wage .
Without “ hoppers , ” as the workers are known , garbage would pile up on the streets and contribute to the spread of disease and other public health problems .
However , the group of hoppers in New Orleans say their employers did not provide them with hazard pay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shut down the city .
Technically employed by a subcontractor and working for a private disposal firm , the hoppers say were paid as little as $ 10.25 an hour , with no benefits such as paid sick leave , for lifting 250,000 pounds of waste per week — an essential public service .
The hoppers ’ protest is a wildcat strike , meaning the hoppers went on strike without approval or support from an established union .
The work stoppage entered its second week on Wednesday , highlighting the pitfalls of privatizing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Orleans , where tax revenues are now plummeting due to the COVID-19 outbreak .
At one point , prisoners in a work release program were brought in to replace the strikers at extremely low wages , but the private contractor who runs the program with a local sheriff pulled out after learning about the labor dispute .
“ In the early ‘ 90s , this service switched over from public to private , which across the board hurts workers and benefits private companies , ” said a striking hopper known as “ Big @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the picket line Thursday .
Big E pointed out that he and his fellow hoppers are all Black men .
They hold signs reading “ I am a man ” inspired by the 1968 sanitation strike in Memphis , Tennessee , that was a pivotal moment in the civil rights movement .
Big E said they have taken support from white activists and prominent politicians to get the respect and media attention they deserve .
Louisiana Gov .
John Bel Edwards recently launched a task force to study why Black COVID-19 patients account @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ deaths , but that ’ s no mystery for Big E. Just look at the jobs that Black workers perform .
“ Low wages , no benefits , dangerous work , ” Big E said .
“ What is happening here is representative of what is happening across this nation.
” The strikers in New Orleans are far from alone .
The labor news site PayDayReport.com has identified 200 wildcat strikes across the country during the pandemic as workers refuse to risk their health by going to work .
In some cases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before bosses agreed to their demands ; in other cases , workers called out sick in large numbers over longer periods of time .
In Pittsburgh , sanitation workers made national headlines when they went on strike in March demanding better protective gear .
Many other strikes have likely occurred without receiving media attention .
The striking hoppers work at a shop run by Metro Services , a waste disposal and construction company that operates across the South and has a $ 10.7 million contract with the City of New Orleans .
They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ access to protective gear , $ 150 in weekly hazard pay for working during a pandemic , and a living wage of $ 15 per hour .
They also want Metro Services to fix its trucks , which have leaked toxic hydraulic fluid on workers and into the environment , according to hoppers and activists who support them .
“ Every day we do our jobs , we put ourselves and our families in danger , ” said Rahman Brooks , a striking hopper who spoke to Truthout on the picket line Thursday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proper PPE for our safety and the safety of our families.
” In a statement , Metro Services said the striking hoppers are making “ intentionally misleading allegations ” about working conditions , and the company has a stockpile of hand sanitizer , N95 masks and protective gear .
The company , one of the city ’ s primary trash collection contractors , said that none of its direct employees joined the strike .
The striking hoppers are employed by PeopleReady , a temp agency that has largely stayed out of view since @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Thanks to right-wing and pro-business politicians in the state capitol of Baton Rouge , the minimum wage in New Orleans is frozen at the federal minimum of $ 7.25 an hour .
Grassroots activists have been clamoring for years to raise the wage floor in a city where rampant inequality is magnified by hurricanes and crises like the COVID-19 pandemic .
In 2016 , they won a victory when the city passed a “ living wage ” ordinance that guarantees paid sick leave for city employees and contractors and incrementally raised their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
However , city officials extended a number of contracts shortly before the ordinance took effect , according to Alfred Marshall , a former city employee and organizer with Stand With Dignity , a grassroots group of Black workers in New Orleans .
This created a loophole allowing some contractors and subcontractors to continue paying wages below the $ 11.19 minimum .
In an email , a spokeswoman for Metro Services said its subcontractors have assured the company that all of its workers are making $ 11.19 an hour as required by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forced to raise its wages after the strike broke out .
Layers of contractors and subcontractors are a common feature of privatized public services , making it easy for public officials and employers to point fingers when labor disputes erupt or services are interrupted .
Big E said hiring hoppers through PeopleReady makes it easier for Metro Service to avoid accountability during the strike , while city officials can claim they are simply honoring a pre-existing contract , rather than enforcing their own labor standards .
“ I think this is a really @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government to sidestep its accountability and pass the buck to the contractor , and the contractor takes the heat , ” said Jeremy Mohler , the communications director at In the Public Interest , a group that advocates for public ownership of public services .
“ It ’ s a really good example of how , when the accountability is passed to the private sector , this public good — you can say clean streets and sanitation are public goods — is taken for granted and no longer seen as something everyone should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public services has been a nationwide trend for years , but Mohler said the economic crash of 2008 poured fuel on the fire .
State and city budgets shrank as tax revenues dropped , and austerity-minded politicians increasingly turned to private contractors promising to save public money while providing more efficient service .
It does not always work out that way , and as Truthout has reported , public spending never recovered after the Great Recession , leaving the government ill-prepared for the COVID-19 outbreak and frontline workers at risk .
Mohler said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and cutting corners , which can result in shoddy services and workers having less money to pump into local economies .
Private contractors also funnel tax dollars toward their own overhead costs , such as advertising , executive compensation and legal expenses .
Mohler said there are also political factors driving privatization , since public workers are more likely to belong to unions than those working for private companies .
Republicans know that unions representing teachers , firefighters , postal workers and other public employees are major backers of the Democratic Party , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ swipes at their influence and bargaining power .
A number of cities have reversed course and “ insourced ” public services ( that is , returned them to public hands ) from water treatment to snow plowing in recent years , according to ITPI .
A 2012 survey found that 53 percent of city managers cited insufficient cost savings and 51 percent cited unsatisfactory service quality as reasons for insourcing services .
Across the world , public services unions are documenting hundreds of cases of “ re-municipalization ” as local governments bring privatized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We ’ re still caught in this ideological framing that is really a right-wing , corporate framing — that the private sector can be more efficient and the public sector is bloated and bureaucratic , ” Mohler said .
“ I think we are still stuck in this framing , even though we have learned some hard lessons after 2008.
” The COVID-19 pandemic threatens to bring another wave of privatization as public revenues hit rock bottom once again .
Last month , 980,000 public service workers nationwide lost their jobs due to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the entire Great Recession , according to AFSCME , a national union for service workers .
Municipalities across the country are projected to lose hundreds of billions of dollars in revenue due to the economic fallout caused by COVID-19 , according to a new Bloomberg report .
AFSCME and other unions are currently calling on Congress to provide substantial federal funding for state and city governments so essential services survive the crisis and frontline workers can have safety gear and fair wages .
However , the latest stimulus package is currently held @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Congress must act immediately to fund the front lines so we can protect public services , ” said Vincent Variale , a first responder for the New York Fire Department and AFSCME member , in a statement on Wednesday .
“ We need to keep EMS workers , nurses , child care providers , sanitation workers and so many others on the job , and we need to keep them healthy so that we can fight the coronavirus and reopen the economy so that we ’ re stronger than before.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the 1980s , and by the 1990s , the city ’ s hoppers had gone from being decently paid city employees to temp workers receiving minimum wage with no benefits .
In New Orleans , it ’ s well-known that waste collection is a lucrative business –- at least for company owners and CEOs .
In the 1990s , the hoppers staged a citywide strike with help from unions , bringing garbage collection to a halt and forcing the private contractors to negotiate .
Today , the hoppers picketing Metro Services are organizing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Union .
Rahman said he hopes other hoppers will join them .
After all , hoppers working for other contractors are also paid low wages for grueling but essential labor that benefits every resident .
For now , the City Waste Union is demanding a meeting with Metro Services to negotiate working conditions .
Rahman said the bosses should be willing to “ meet them in the middle .
”

The severe outbreak of COVID-19 in southern Louisiana was the last straw for a group of sanitation workers who pick up trash in eastern New Orleans. Last week, they walked off the job and went on strike, demanding hazard pay and a $15 living wage.
Without “hoppers,” as the workers are known, garbage would pile up on the streets and contribute to the spread of disease and other public health problems. However, the group of hoppers in New Orleans say their employers did not provide them with hazard pay or sufficient personal protection equipment as COVID-19 shut down the city. Technically employed by a subcontractor and working for a private disposal firm, the hoppers say were paid as little as $10.25 an hour, with no benefits such as paid sick leave, for lifting 250,000 pounds of waste per week — an essential public service.
The hoppers’ protest is a wildcat strike, meaning the hoppers went on strike without approval or support from an established union. The work stoppage entered its second week on Wednesday, highlighting the pitfalls of privatizing public services in cash-strapped cities like New Orleans, where tax revenues are now plummeting due to the COVID-19 outbreak. At one point, prisoners in a work release program were brought in to replace the strikers at extremely low wages, but the private contractor who runs the program with a local sheriff pulled out after learning about the labor dispute.
“In the early ‘90s, this service switched over from public to private, which across the board hurts workers and benefits private companies,” said a striking hopper known as “Big E” who spoke to Truthout on the picket line Thursday.
Big E pointed out that he and his fellow hoppers are all Black men. They hold signs reading “I am a man” inspired by the 1968 sanitation strike in Memphis, Tennessee, that was a pivotal moment in the civil rights movement. Big E said they have taken support from white activists and prominent politicians to get the respect and media attention they deserve. Louisiana Gov. John Bel Edwards recently launched a task force to study why Black COVID-19 patients account for a disproportionate number of the states’ deaths, but that’s no mystery for Big E. Just look at the jobs that Black workers perform.
“Low wages, no benefits, dangerous work,” Big E said. “What is happening here is representative of what is happening across this nation.”
The strikers in New Orleans are far from alone. The labor news site PayDayReport.com has identified 200 wildcat strikes across the country during the pandemic as workers refuse to risk their health by going to work. In some cases, workers protested for a few hours before bosses agreed to their demands; in other cases, workers called out sick in large numbers over longer periods of time. In Pittsburgh, sanitation workers made national headlines when they went on strike in March demanding better protective gear. Many other strikes have likely occurred without receiving media attention.
The labor news site PayDayReport.com has identified 200 wildcat strikes across the country during the pandemic as workers refuse to risk their health by going to work.
The striking hoppers work at a shop run by Metro Services, a waste disposal and construction company that operates across the South and has a $10.7 million contract with the City of New Orleans. They say their demands are reasonable: consistent access to protective gear, $150 in weekly hazard pay for working during a pandemic, and a living wage of $15 per hour. They also want Metro Services to fix its trucks, which have leaked toxic hydraulic fluid on workers and into the environment, according to hoppers and activists who support them.
“Every day we do our jobs, we put ourselves and our families in danger,” said Rahman Brooks, a striking hopper who spoke to Truthout on the picket line Thursday. “We deserve hazard pay and proper PPE for our safety and the safety of our families.”
In a statement, Metro Services said the striking hoppers are making “intentionally misleading allegations” about working conditions, and the company has a stockpile of hand sanitizer, N95 masks and protective gear. The company, one of the city’s primary trash collection contractors, said that none of its direct employees joined the strike. The striking hoppers are employed by PeopleReady, a temp agency that has largely stayed out of view since the strike starting making the evening news.
Striking Against Austerity and Privatization
Thanks to right-wing and pro-business politicians in the state capitol of Baton Rouge, the minimum wage in New Orleans is frozen at the federal minimum of $7.25 an hour. Grassroots activists have been clamoring for years to raise the wage floor in a city where rampant inequality is magnified by hurricanes and crises like the COVID-19 pandemic. In 2016, they won a victory when the city passed a “living wage” ordinance that guarantees paid sick leave for city employees and contractors and incrementally raised their minimum wage to $11.19 per hour.
“Every day we do our jobs, we put ourselves and our families in danger.”
However, city officials extended a number of contracts shortly before the ordinance took effect, according to Alfred Marshall, a former city employee and organizer with Stand With Dignity, a grassroots group of Black workers in New Orleans. This created a loophole allowing some contractors and subcontractors to continue paying wages below the $11.19 minimum. In an email, a spokeswoman for Metro Services said its subcontractors have assured the company that all of its workers are making $11.19 an hour as required by the city ordinance. Marshall said PeopleReady was forced to raise its wages after the strike broke out.
Layers of contractors and subcontractors are a common feature of privatized public services, making it easy for public officials and employers to point fingers when labor disputes erupt or services are interrupted. Big E said hiring hoppers through PeopleReady makes it easier for Metro Service to avoid accountability during the strike, while city officials can claim they are simply honoring a pre-existing contract, rather than enforcing their own labor standards.
“I think this is a really good example of when privatization allows the government to sidestep its accountability and pass the buck to the contractor, and the contractor takes the heat,” said Jeremy Mohler, the communications director at In the Public Interest, a group that advocates for public ownership of public services. “It’s a really good example of how, when the accountability is passed to the private sector, this public good — you can say clean streets and sanitation are public goods — is taken for granted and no longer seen as something everyone should have access to.”
COVID-19 Could Push Public Services Into Private Hands
The privatization of public services has been a nationwide trend for years, but Mohler said the economic crash of 2008 poured fuel on the fire. State and city budgets shrank as tax revenues dropped, and austerity-minded politicians increasingly turned to private contractors promising to save public money while providing more efficient service. It does not always work out that way, and as Truthout has reported, public spending never recovered after the Great Recession, leaving the government ill-prepared for the COVID-19 outbreak and frontline workers at risk.
Mohler said contractors save money by paying low wages and cutting corners, which can result in shoddy services and workers having less money to pump into local economies. Private contractors also funnel tax dollars toward their own overhead costs, such as advertising, executive compensation and legal expenses.
Mohler said there are also political factors driving privatization, since public workers are more likely to belong to unions than those working for private companies. Republicans know that unions representing teachers, firefighters, postal workers and other public employees are major backers of the Democratic Party, and GOP politicians continue to take bold swipes at their influence and bargaining power.
A number of cities have reversed course and “insourced” public services (that is, returned them to public hands) from water treatment to snow plowing in recent years, according to ITPI. A 2012 survey found that 53 percent of city managers cited insufficient cost savings and 51 percent cited unsatisfactory service quality as reasons for insourcing services. Across the world, public services unions are documenting hundreds of cases of “re-municipalization” as local governments bring privatized services back under public control.
“We’re still caught in this ideological framing that is really a right-wing, corporate framing — that the private sector can be more efficient and the public sector is bloated and bureaucratic,” Mohler said. “I think we are still stuck in this framing, even though we have learned some hard lessons after 2008.”
The COVID-19 pandemic threatens to bring another wave of privatization as public revenues hit rock bottom once again. Last month, 980,000 public service workers nationwide lost their jobs due to the pandemic — more than were lost in the entire Great Recession, according to AFSCME, a national union for service workers. Municipalities across the country are projected to lose hundreds of billions of dollars in revenue due to the economic fallout caused by COVID-19, according to a new Bloomberg report.
AFSCME and other unions are currently calling on Congress to provide substantial federal funding for state and city governments so essential services survive the crisis and frontline workers can have safety gear and fair wages. However, the latest stimulus package is currently held up by Republican opposition in the Senate.
“Congress must act immediately to fund the front lines so we can protect public services,” said Vincent Variale, a first responder for the New York Fire Department and AFSCME member, in a statement on Wednesday. “We need to keep EMS workers, nurses, child care providers, sanitation workers and so many others on the job, and we need to keep them healthy so that we can fight the coronavirus and reopen the economy so that we’re stronger than before.”
New Orleans began outsourcing waste collection in the 1980s, and by the 1990s, the city’s hoppers had gone from being decently paid city employees to temp workers receiving minimum wage with no benefits. In New Orleans, it’s well-known that waste collection is a lucrative business –- at least for company owners and CEOs. In the 1990s, the hoppers staged a citywide strike with help from unions, bringing garbage collection to a halt and forcing the private contractors to negotiate.
Today, the hoppers picketing Metro Services are organizing a union they call the City Waste Union. Rahman said he hopes other hoppers will join them. After all, hoppers working for other contractors are also paid low wages for grueling but essential labor that benefits every resident. For now, the City Waste Union is demanding a meeting with Metro Services to negotiate working conditions. Rahman said the bosses should be willing to “meet them in the middle.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-05-15--My Birth Control Experience Is Why I’m Fighting to Ensure Access for Everyone

The issue of birth control is particularly important to me as a woman of color from an immigrant community in Pennsylvania .
Beyond my own experience , I also understand the difficulties other marginalized communities face in obtaining this essential health care .
The first time I sought birth control , the provider lectured me based on stereotypes she had of people from my “ culture.
” She also insisted repeatedly that I choose a birth control method which I was not comfortable with because it was more effective .
She even went as far as to say she would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ preferred due to her beliefs .
While this experience was patronizing and dehumanizing , I also realized that someone like me still had a lot of privilege — I am fluent in English , I didn ’ t have to hide my decision from anyone at home and I had insurance .
Birth control has allowed me to shape my life on my terms .
As an adolescent , birth control helped me manage migraines that had previously led to my missing school once a month .
As an adult , birth control @ @ @ @ @ @ @ manage my reproductive life and decisions so that I am able to lead the life that I most desire and that makes the most sense for me .
My own experiences as a young person initially being denied the birth control that I needed to consistently attend school showed me just how wrong it is not only to deny people like me access but also why everyone should be able to get birth control without unnecessary obstacles .
This is why I was honored to be able to appear as co-counsel on an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a recent case the court heard related to birth control which has its origins in my home state .
The case in question involves two consolidated cases — Trump v. Pennsylvania and Little Sisters of the Poor Saints Peter and Paul Home v. Pennsylvania .
The cases concern the Affordable Care Act ’ s contraceptive mandate , a part of the law that allowed for coverage of contraception without cost-sharing , which meant that many people could obtain contraception without out-of-pocket costs through their insurance .
Pennsylvania is party to the case — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ birth control more inaccessible .
Not only was I born and raised in Pennsylvania , I also attended law school and graduate school here .
My parents moved to Philadelphia when they first came to the United States , and Pennsylvania was the first place that made my family Americans .
I ’ m deeply proud to be a Pennsylvanian .
While I know that our state is often politically divided , I also know that fighting for contraception is what is right for both Pennsylvanians and for all Americans who will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ builds on a previous Supreme Court decision , Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores , Inc. , which allowed employers with sincerely held religious beliefs to opt out of providing this coverage for contraception despite the mandate .
In 2018 , the Trump administration took this exemption a step further by issuing a final rule that expanded which types of employers could obtain exemptions .
The rule also expanded the categories of exemptions to include not just sincerely held religious beliefs but also “ moral ” exemptions .
Currently , 61.4 million women get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out-of-pocket costs .
Justice Sonia Sotomayor pointed out during oral arguments that the Trump administration is downplaying the impact the rule would have by “ calling it a small number of women who won ’ t get coverage , ” even though anywhere from 75,000 to 125,000 women could lose their coverage for birth control if it goes into effect .
The rule not only makes contraception more inaccessible , it also seeks to control the autonomy and lives of many people .
As our amicus brief argues , this is particularly true @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lower incomes , who have historically been denied reproductive autonomy .
Coming from a family and community in which my elders ’ reproductive lives were often defined by war , violence and immigration policy , having control over my reproductive life has always been vital to me .
It has allowed me to surpass the dreams my family and community had for me when they first began calling the U.S. and Pennsylvania home .
It is the reason that , as an attorney , I am able to contribute to the fight to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so many people .

The issue of birth control is particularly important to me as a woman of color from an immigrant community in Pennsylvania. Beyond my own experience, I also understand the difficulties other marginalized communities face in obtaining this essential health care.
The first time I sought birth control, the provider lectured me based on stereotypes she had of people from my “culture.” She also insisted repeatedly that I choose a birth control method which I was not comfortable with because it was more effective. She even went as far as to say she would withhold a prescription for the method I preferred due to her beliefs. While this experience was patronizing and dehumanizing, I also realized that someone like me still had a lot of privilege — I am fluent in English, I didn’t have to hide my decision from anyone at home and I had insurance.
Birth control has allowed me to shape my life on my terms. As an adolescent, birth control helped me manage migraines that had previously led to my missing school once a month. As an adult, birth control has allowed me to easily and effectively manage my reproductive life and decisions so that I am able to lead the life that I most desire and that makes the most sense for me.
My own experiences as a young person initially being denied the birth control that I needed to consistently attend school showed me just how wrong it is not only to deny people like me access but also why everyone should be able to get birth control without unnecessary obstacles.
This is why I was honored to be able to appear as co-counsel on an amicus brief to the Supreme Court on a recent case the court heard related to birth control which has its origins in my home state. The case in question involves two consolidated cases — Trump v. Pennsylvania and Little Sisters of the Poor Saints Peter and Paul Home v. Pennsylvania. The cases concern the Affordable Care Act’s contraceptive mandate, a part of the law that allowed for coverage of contraception without cost-sharing, which meant that many people could obtain contraception without out-of-pocket costs through their insurance.
Pennsylvania is party to the case — arguing against the rule that would make birth control more inaccessible. Not only was I born and raised in Pennsylvania, I also attended law school and graduate school here. My parents moved to Philadelphia when they first came to the United States, and Pennsylvania was the first place that made my family Americans. I’m deeply proud to be a Pennsylvanian. While I know that our state is often politically divided, I also know that fighting for contraception is what is right for both Pennsylvanians and for all Americans who will be impacted by this case.
Coming from a family and community in which my elders’ reproductive lives were often defined by war, violence and immigration policy, having control over my reproductive life has always been vital to me.
The case builds on a previous Supreme Court decision, Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc., which allowed employers with sincerely held religious beliefs to opt out of providing this coverage for contraception despite the mandate. In 2018, the Trump administration took this exemption a step further by issuing a final rule that expanded which types of employers could obtain exemptions. The rule also expanded the categories of exemptions to include not just sincerely held religious beliefs but also “moral” exemptions.
Currently, 61.4 million women get birth control through their insurance with no out-of-pocket costs. Justice Sonia Sotomayor pointed out during oral arguments that the Trump administration is downplaying the impact the rule would have by “calling it a small number of women who won’t get coverage,” even though anywhere from 75,000 to 125,000 women could lose their coverage for birth control if it goes into effect. The rule not only makes contraception more inaccessible, it also seeks to control the autonomy and lives of many people. As our amicus brief argues, this is particularly true for people of color and people with lower incomes, who have historically been denied reproductive autonomy.
Coming from a family and community in which my elders’ reproductive lives were often defined by war, violence and immigration policy, having control over my reproductive life has always been vital to me. It has allowed me to surpass the dreams my family and community had for me when they first began calling the U.S. and Pennsylvania home. It is the reason that, as an attorney, I am able to contribute to the fight to ensure birth control is not denied to so many people.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-05-15--Democrats’ Relief Bill Would Let Lobbying Giants Access Small Business Aid

House Democrats ’ newest coronavirus relief proposal would allow influential Washington lobbying groups — funded by deep-pocketed corporations — to access forgivable small business loans .
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi ( D-Calif. ) unveiled Democrats ’ $ 3 trillion relief package Tuesday .
The bill would provide nearly $ 1 trillion in relief to states , cities and tribal governments and authorize a second round of direct payments to American families .
But buried in the 1,815-page bill is a provision that allows trade associations , unions and 501 ( c ) ( 4 ) s , not just charities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The bill sets aside a portion of small business loans specifically for nonprofits with 500 or fewer employees .
The Democratic Policy Center , a progressive group that opposes government assistance to lobbying groups , found that over 99 percent of trade associations and chambers of commerce have fewer than 500 employees .
Some of the top lobbying spenders this cycle , including the U.S. Chamber of Commerce , National Association of Realtors and Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America , could qualify for that pool of money , according to their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these lobbying giants aren ’ t short on cash .
The pharmaceutical industry ’ s top trade group brought in $ 459 million in 2018 and had over $ 43 million in the bank , according to tax filings .
“ The fact that there ’ s no revenue cap here , that it can go to organizations that receive hundreds of millions of dollars every year and that exist as lobbying operations first and foremost , is just crazy , ” said Andrew Perez , co-founder of the Democratic Policy Center .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Congress and the federal government on behalf of their members .
Their influence operations include dispatching revolving door lobbyists with close ties to key officials , launching expensive public relations campaigns , flying their members to the Capitol and making PAC contributions to lawmakers ’ reelection campaigns .
A majority of the most powerful trade groups are led by former government officials who earn seven-figure salaries to leverage their connections .
Trade groups have sizable sway over legislative battles .
Congressional Republicans are currently pushing to shield businesses from lawsuits related to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce , the big business lobbying group that spends millions backing Republican reelection campaigns with “ dark money ” each cycle .
Prominent Democrats , whose campaigns and party committees are bankrolled by trial lawyers ’ trade group the American Association for Justice , have attacked the Republican proposal .
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell ( R-Ky. ) said Congress must act to prevent the “ biggest trial lawyer bonanza in history ” while Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer ( D-N.Y. ) accused McConnell of “ fighting to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reporters that House Democrats ’ $ 3 trillion proposal is “ dead on arrival ” in the upper chamber .
Democrats ’ small business provision is a spin-off of a bipartisan measure introduced last week that would allow 501 ( c ) ( 6 ) s with fewer than 300 employees to access small business assistance .
Those lawmakers said the bill was meant to help local and state-level chambers of commerce .
Major trade groups endorsed the legislation .
Trade associations ’ PACs provide a large chunk of campaign cash to incumbent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ PAC has already given $ 1.8 million to candidates this cycle , funneling campaign cash to over 400 members of Congress .
The American Bankers Association and Credit Union National Association PACs each gave around $ 1.6 million .
Corporations and trade associations can not donate directly to candidates .
But they can spend unlimited corporate funds on lavish fundraisers or create incentives for their employees to contribute to the PAC .
About three-fourths of PAC giving comes from business interests , giving private industry an advantage over unions and issue organizations .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ too , accounting for 89 percent of lobbying spending through the first quarter of 2020 .
The $ 2.2 trillion stimulus package passed in March is already the second most-lobbied bill on record .
Even as corporations were hurting for cash , clients managed to shell out near-record amounts of money on lobbying to start 2020 .
Main Street businesses , meanwhile , are struggling to stay afloat as many have yet to receive small business loans .
Disclosure : The Center for Responsive Politics has received a loan from the Small Business @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Additionally , Andrew Perez previously co-published stories with OpenSecrets.org during his time with MapLight , an organization that tracks money in politics .

The U.S. Chamber of Commerce and Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America could qualify for the aid money.
House Democrats’ newest coronavirus relief proposal would allow influential Washington lobbying groups — funded by deep-pocketed corporations — to access forgivable small business loans.
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) unveiled Democrats’ $3 trillion relief package Tuesday. The bill would provide nearly $1 trillion in relief to states, cities and tribal governments and authorize a second round of direct payments to American families. But buried in the 1,815-page bill is a provision that allows trade associations, unions and 501(c)(4)s, not just charities, to access coveted small business loans.
The bill sets aside a portion of small business loans specifically for nonprofits with 500 or fewer employees. The Democratic Policy Center, a progressive group that opposes government assistance to lobbying groups, found that over 99 percent of trade associations and chambers of commerce have fewer than 500 employees. Some of the top lobbying spenders this cycle, including the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, National Association of Realtors and Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, could qualify for that pool of money, according to their most recent tax filings.
Most of these lobbying giants aren’t short on cash. The pharmaceutical industry’s top trade group brought in $459 million in 2018 and had over $43 million in the bank, according to tax filings.
“The fact that there’s no revenue cap here, that it can go to organizations that receive hundreds of millions of dollars every year and that exist as lobbying operations first and foremost, is just crazy,” said Andrew Perez, co-founder of the Democratic Policy Center.
Trade associations are primarily tasked with lobbying Congress and the federal government on behalf of their members. Their influence operations include dispatching revolving door lobbyists with close ties to key officials, launching expensive public relations campaigns, flying their members to the Capitol and making PAC contributions to lawmakers’ reelection campaigns. A majority of the most powerful trade groups are led by former government officials who earn seven-figure salaries to leverage their connections.
Trade groups have sizable sway over legislative battles. Congressional Republicans are currently pushing to shield businesses from lawsuits related to the coronavirus outbreak. That measure is supported by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the big business lobbying group that spends millions backing Republican reelection campaigns with “dark money” each cycle.
Prominent Democrats, whose campaigns and party committees are bankrolled by trial lawyers’ trade group the American Association for Justice, have attacked the Republican proposal. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) said Congress must act to prevent the “biggest trial lawyer bonanza in history” while Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) accused McConnell of “fighting to protect corporate executives.”
Senate Republicans told reporters that House Democrats’ $3 trillion proposal is “dead on arrival” in the upper chamber. Democrats’ small business provision is a spin-off of a bipartisan measure introduced last week that would allow 501(c)(6)s with fewer than 300 employees to access small business assistance. Those lawmakers said the bill was meant to help local and state-level chambers of commerce. Major trade groups endorsed the legislation.
Trade associations’ PACs provide a large chunk of campaign cash to incumbent lawmakers. The National Beer Wholesalers Association PAC has already given $1.8 million to candidates this cycle, funneling campaign cash to over 400 members of Congress. The American Bankers Association and Credit Union National Association PACs each gave around $1.6 million.
Corporations and trade associations cannot donate directly to candidates. But they can spend unlimited corporate funds on lavish fundraisers or create incentives for their employees to contribute to the PAC. About three-fourths of PAC giving comes from business interests, giving private industry an advantage over unions and issue organizations.
Businesses and their trade groups dominate lobbying too, accounting for 89 percent of lobbying spending through the first quarter of 2020. The $2.2 trillion stimulus package passed in March is already the second most-lobbied bill on record. Even as corporations were hurting for cash, clients managed to shell out near-record amounts of money on lobbying to start 2020. Main Street businesses, meanwhile, are struggling to stay afloat as many have yet to receive small business loans.
Disclosure: The Center for Responsive Politics has received a loan from the Small Business Administration authorized by the CARES Act. Additionally, Andrew Perez previously co-published stories with OpenSecrets.org during his time with MapLight, an organization that tracks money in politics.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-05-15--Big Ag Lets Hundreds of Thousands of Farm Animals Die in Barn Fires Every Year

In January 2020 , an estimated 10,000 chickens perished in a fire just west of Winston-Salem , North Carolina .
The blaze spread quickly after reportedly activating exhaust fans in a poultry house managed by Mountaire Farms .
Delaware-based Mountaire , the sixth-largest poultry company in the United States , pumps out tens of millions of pounds of ready-to-eat chicken each week .
Less than 24 hours after the fire in North Carolina , a poultry house in Fulks Run , Virginia , burned to the ground , killing all 24,000 chickens trapped inside .
The county ’ s deputy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one media outlet that the structure , which was built in 1978 , was exempt from fire codes ; he merely encouraged farmers to practice “ good housekeeping.
” When thousands of animals burn to death , it should sound an alarm .
Yet , because farm animals are viewed as expendable commodities — not beloved pets — their deaths receive little more than a passing interest by factory farm operators who produce animals by the billions and are insured against such losses .
Proven fire deterrents are often completely ignored .
Since @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Welfare Institute ( AWI ) , has compiled media reports to track more than 650 barn fires around the country that have killed more than four million farm animals to date .
In 2019 , Michigan reported the most animal deaths from fires ( more than 253,000 deaths in 17 fires ) .
But shortly after ringing in the new year , the state had already eclipsed that death toll .
On January 3 , 2020 , a devastating fire tore through an egg farm in Otsego operated by Konos Inc. , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ egg-laying hens .
Rob Knecht , vice president of operations at Konos , was quick to point out that the staggering loss of life wouldn ’ t affect the company ’ s production schedule .
It also wouldn ’ t lead to any meaningful fire prevention improvements .
North Carolina ranked second in AWI ’ s 2019 barn fire analysis ( more than 42,500 deaths in five fires ) ; Pennsylvania was a close third ( more than 42,000 deaths in 14 fires ) .
In all , nearly half a million farm @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2019 — more than triple the number in 2018 .
Though these statistics are grim , they don ’ t even represent the full scale of the tragedy .
Municipalities aren ’ t generally required to report barn fires , and some companies decline to release the information to the public .
For example , Cal-Maine Foods , the country ’ s largest producer and marketer of shell eggs , failed to disclose the number of hens killed in a Kansas fire in November 2019 that destroyed an entire barn , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ official cause of most fires is unreported or characterized as “ unknown.
” AWI research , however , shows that electrical malfunctions or improperly placed or faulty heating devices are often the culprit .
Two major patterns have emerged from our analysis : Birds — in particular , egg-laying hens — account for the vast majority of barn fire victims , given that extreme confinement is the norm for the commercial egg industry .
Additionally , most fires occur during colder weather , possibly due to an increased reliance on electrical heating devices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of barn fire deaths occur in Northeastern and Midwestern states with lower levels of animal agriculture production .
Cows , pigs , chickens , ducks and turkeys die in large numbers in barn fires for the same reason they do in hurricanes , floods , blizzards , and other natural disasters : There is little legal mandate to ensure their safety .
There are no federal laws in the United States designed to protect farm animals from barn fires , and farm animals generally are not protected by any municipal codes or state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ considerably less protection than other species of confined animals , such as those living in laboratories or zoos .
Various codes exist for the construction and maintenance of office buildings to keep the workers inside safe , yet such protections are not afforded to farm animals in barns .
When a fire does erupt , it is often not detected or suppressed until it rages out of control , consuming an entire barn and all the terrified animals inside .
Some farm animals die almost immediately while others have to be euthanized later @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A number of fire suppression and prevention methods are available to producers .
These include enlisting the local fire department to perform annual hazard inspections of facilities , installing smoke and heat detection systems , adding sprinkler systems , drafting emergency plans under the guidance of a fire protection engineer , and properly training employees in these procedures .
In areas with limited water supply , producers can build on-site water storage containers .
AWI is urging poultry trade associations , including the National Chicken Council and United Egg Producers , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that all producers comply with the National Fire Protection Association ’ s “ Fire and Life Safety in Animal Housing Facilities Code.
” The animal agriculture industry has been opposed to making any changes in their production practices to prevent or suppress fires .
The industry flexed its considerable muscle in 2012 to block the National Fire Protection Association ’ s proposal of requiring sprinklers and smoke detectors , arguing that the systems are impractical and costly .
Fire hazard inspections were criticized as being a risk to animal health and biosecurity .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ has argued that no additional action on barn fires is needed because the percentage of farm animals who lose their lives in fires is extremely low compared to the number pumped out every year .
Failing to act , however , has grave repercussions .
As larger barns are constructed to meet consumer demand , we can expect an increasing number of birds succumbing to barn fires .
Moreover , barn fires have injured and even killed operators and employees and caused millions of dollars in damage to industrial farms .
Poultry companies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
At the very least , they should be obligated to take basic precautions to spare them an excruciating death by fire .
What Consumers Can Do The average meat-eater will consume a total of 2,500 pigs , cows , chickens , turkeys and sheep in their lifetime .
To give all farm animals a life worth living , Americans need to eat fewer products derived from them — that means less meat , dairy and eggs .
Ensure your food choices alleviate animal suffering rather than perpetuate cruelty .
If you consume @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where animals are not confined to cages or crates ( making them sitting targets for barn fires ) , and where they are able to roam freely and behave naturally .
When shopping for meat , dairy and eggs , look for labels indicating the product is third-party certified for animal welfare .
AWI publishes a handy guide for consumers that divides claims about how farm animals are raised into “ best choices ” — such as Certified Animal Welfare Approved by AGW ( A Greener World ) and Global Animal Partnership ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ next best choices , ” “ potentially good choices , ” and “ beware of these labels.
” In late March 2020 , AWI sent a letter to John Starkey , president of the U.S. Poultry & Egg Association , urging the world ’ s largest poultry organization to immediately implement barn fire prevention strategies .
AWI included a petition signed by 10,000 consumers nationwide calling on the industry group to act .
This is in addition to the 5,000 emailed letters that were recently sent by concerned citizens to the organization .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Change is urgently needed .
We hope that before millions more animals are needlessly killed , the industry will make preventing barn fires a priority and work with all stakeholders to put forth meaningful solutions .
This article was produced by Earth | Food | Life , a project of the Independent Media Institute .

Farm animals have less legal protection than other confined animals, such as those living in laboratories or zoos.
In January 2020, an estimated 10,000 chickens perished in a fire just west of Winston-Salem, North Carolina. The blaze spread quickly after reportedly activating exhaust fans in a poultry house managed by Mountaire Farms. Delaware-based Mountaire, the sixth-largest poultry company in the United States, pumps out tens of millions of pounds of ready-to-eat chicken each week.
Less than 24 hours after the fire in North Carolina, a poultry house in Fulks Run, Virginia, burned to the ground, killing all 24,000 chickens trapped inside. The county’s deputy fire marshal, Joe Mullens, told one media outlet that the structure, which was built in 1978, was exempt from fire codes; he merely encouraged farmers to practice “good housekeeping.”
When thousands of animals burn to death, it should sound an alarm. Yet, because farm animals are viewed as expendable commodities — not beloved pets — their deaths receive little more than a passing interest by factory farm operators who produce animals by the billions and are insured against such losses. Proven fire deterrents are often completely ignored.
Since 2013, my organization, the Animal Welfare Institute (AWI), has compiled media reports to track more than 650 barn fires around the country that have killed more than four million farm animals to date.
In 2019, Michigan reported the most animal deaths from fires (more than 253,000 deaths in 17 fires). But shortly after ringing in the new year, the state had already eclipsed that death toll. On January 3, 2020, a devastating fire tore through an egg farm in Otsego operated by Konos Inc., a Vande Bunte Eggs distributor, killing 300,000 egg-laying hens. Rob Knecht, vice president of operations at Konos, was quick to point out that the staggering loss of life wouldn’t affect the company’s production schedule. It also wouldn’t lead to any meaningful fire prevention improvements.
Graphic courtesy of AWI
North Carolina ranked second in AWI’s 2019 barn fire analysis (more than 42,500 deaths in five fires); Pennsylvania was a close third (more than 42,000 deaths in 14 fires). In all, nearly half a million farm animals perished in potentially preventable barn fires in 2019 — more than triple the number in 2018.
Nearly half a million farm animals perished in potentially preventable barn fires in 2019 — more than triple the number in 2018.
Though these statistics are grim, they don’t even represent the full scale of the tragedy. Municipalities aren’t generally required to report barn fires, and some companies decline to release the information to the public. For example, Cal-Maine Foods, the country’s largest producer and marketer of shell eggs, failed to disclose the number of hens killed in a Kansas fire in November 2019 that destroyed an entire barn, which probably housed thousands of birds.
The official cause of most fires is unreported or characterized as “unknown.” AWI research, however, shows that electrical malfunctions or improperly placed or faulty heating devices are often the culprit.
Two major patterns have emerged from our analysis: Birds — in particular, egg-laying hens — account for the vast majority of barn fire victims, given that extreme confinement is the norm for the commercial egg industry. Additionally, most fires occur during colder weather, possibly due to an increased reliance on electrical heating devices. In fact, a disproportionate number of barn fire deaths occur in Northeastern and Midwestern states with lower levels of animal agriculture production.
Jack Tummers
Cows, pigs, chickens, ducks and turkeys die in large numbers in barn fires for the same reason they do in hurricanes, floods, blizzards, and other natural disasters: There is little legal mandate to ensure their safety. There are no federal laws in the United States designed to protect farm animals from barn fires, and farm animals generally are not protected by any municipal codes or state laws. In reality, they receive considerably less protection than other species of confined animals, such as those living in laboratories or zoos.
Various codes exist for the construction and maintenance of office buildings to keep the workers inside safe, yet such protections are not afforded to farm animals in barns. When a fire does erupt, it is often not detected or suppressed until it rages out of control, consuming an entire barn and all the terrified animals inside. Some farm animals die almost immediately while others have to be euthanized later due to severe burns and smoke inhalation.
A number of fire suppression and prevention methods are available to producers. These include enlisting the local fire department to perform annual hazard inspections of facilities, installing smoke and heat detection systems, adding sprinkler systems, drafting emergency plans under the guidance of a fire protection engineer, and properly training employees in these procedures. In areas with limited water supply, producers can build on-site water storage containers.
Graphic courtesy of AWI
AWI is urging poultry trade associations, including the National Chicken Council and United Egg Producers, to revise their animal care guidelines to ensure that all producers comply with the National Fire Protection Association’s “Fire and Life Safety in Animal Housing Facilities Code.”
The animal agriculture industry has been opposed to making any changes in their production practices to prevent or suppress fires. The industry flexed its considerable muscle in 2012 to block the National Fire Protection Association’s proposal of requiring sprinklers and smoke detectors, arguing that the systems are impractical and costly. Fire hazard inspections were criticized as being a risk to animal health and biosecurity. In discussions with AWI, the industry has argued that no additional action on barn fires is needed because the percentage of farm animals who lose their lives in fires is extremely low compared to the number pumped out every year.
There are no federal laws in the United States designed to protect farm animals from barn fires, and farm animals generally are not protected by any municipal codes or state laws.
Failing to act, however, has grave repercussions. As larger barns are constructed to meet consumer demand, we can expect an increasing number of birds succumbing to barn fires. Moreover, barn fires have injured and even killed operators and employees and caused millions of dollars in damage to industrial farms.
Poultry companies depend on these animals for their livelihood. At the very least, they should be obligated to take basic precautions to spare them an excruciating death by fire.
What Consumers Can Do
The average meat-eater will consume a total of 2,500 pigs, cows, chickens, turkeys and sheep in their lifetime. To give all farm animals a life worth living, Americans need to eat fewer products derived from them — that means less meat, dairy and eggs.
Ensure your food choices alleviate animal suffering rather than perpetuate cruelty. If you consume animal products, buy from family farms where animals are not confined to cages or crates (making them sitting targets for barn fires), and where they are able to roam freely and behave naturally.
When shopping for meat, dairy and eggs, look for labels indicating the product is third-party certified for animal welfare. AWI publishes a handy guide for consumers that divides claims about how farm animals are raised into “best choices” — such as Certified Animal Welfare Approved by AGW (A Greener World) and Global Animal Partnership’s Steps 4 and 5 — “next best choices,” “potentially good choices,” and “beware of these labels.”
Mike Suarez
In late March 2020, AWI sent a letter to John Starkey, president of the U.S. Poultry & Egg Association, urging the world’s largest poultry organization to immediately implement barn fire prevention strategies. AWI included a petition signed by 10,000 consumers nationwide calling on the industry group to act. This is in addition to the 5,000 emailed letters that were recently sent by concerned citizens to the organization. To join this effort, click here.
Change is urgently needed. We hope that before millions more animals are needlessly killed, the industry will make preventing barn fires a priority and work with all stakeholders to put forth meaningful solutions.
This article was produced by Earth | Food | Life, a project of the Independent Media Institute.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-05-16--Exploiting Pandemic, Trump Admin Weighs Banning Immigration Indefinitely

Earlier this week , the Trump administration started hinting that the president ’ s “ temporary ” ban on immigration , rushed into effect in late April as a part of the pandemic response , was about to be extended indefinitely .
With the country entirely preoccupied by the public health and economic catastrophes , and with protest all but impossible given the dangers of congregating in large crowds , Trump ’ s team has , apparently , decided to seize the moment and lock down the country in a way that even the most restrictive , nativist policies of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ immigration never did .
The rationale will apparently be a Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ( CDC ) declaration that immigration poses a public health risk during the pandemic — despite the fact that fully one third of the world ’ s cases now are within the U.S. ; that an immigrant is far more likely to contract COVID-19 once he or she arrives in the country than to bring the disease into the country themselves .
And once such a declaration is made , Trump will , if the reports are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such time as the CDC head declares the public health crisis over — a formula that will , in effect , give Trump unlimited power to shut the U.S. off from the rest of the world for so long as he remains in the White House .
It is an extraordinary power grab , the true emergence of rule by diktat rather than by legislation .
In one fell swoop , while our attention is elsewhere , this action threatens to turn the U.S. into a closed society that not only shuns economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unification , but that also no longer pays even lip service to the notions of asylum and of refugee resettlement — ideas that are utterly central to the rules-based international system .
Now , it ’ s not as if we haven ’ t had fair warning that such vile policies were in the offing .
After all , from his first day in office , from that ghastly “ American carnage ” inauguration speech that ushered in the Trump era in all its shattering , coarse brutalism , in all its racism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ steadily ratcheting up the anti-immigrant rhetoric .
When the history books are written , Trump ’ s years in office will be seen as a Black Book of anti-immigrant atrocities , from the Muslim travel ban to family separation , from the imprisoning of children to the parading of unaccompanied toddlers before immigration judges , from the wanton assault on Temporary Protected Status and on Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals , to the decision to start deporting asylum seekers back to supposedly safe third countries — such as Honduras , El Salvador and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ highest murder rates in the world .
And that was all pre-pandemic .
In the last few months , with the COVID-19 crisis spiraling out of control , Trump ’ s team seems to have hit on a strategy of relentless bashing-the-foreigner in lieu of a coherent and effective strategy to tame the pandemic stateside and to stanch the economic bleed that has come about from shelter-in-place measures intended to slow the disease ’ s spread .
Back in late January , when the world was hoping against hope that the coronavirus outbreak @ @ @ @ @ @ @ administration barred flights from China , and prohibited entry into the country of most Chinese nationals as well as others who had recently transited through China .
In March , in a series of seemingly improvised responses as it became clear the virus was going global , the lockout and lockdown was ratcheted up .
First , flights from Europe were banned .
After that , the land borders with both Mexico and Canada were sealed .
And finally , on April 21 , at the urging of Stephen Miller , Trump ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ temporary ” 60-day ban on all immigration was announced .
In reality the “ total ” ban was actually far less restrictive – allowing the spouses of green card holders to enter , as well as those with visas for skilled work and temporary employment in essential services such as agriculture .
And , as a temporary measure , it was , in fact , largely symbolic , the throwing of red meat to Trump ’ s xenophobic base : With global air travel largely grounded , with consulates and embassies shuttered , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their own borders , it was highly unlikely there was going to be a rush of new immigration this spring .
Yet , even in its watered-down form , it remained an extraordinary moment : The U.S. , at presidential behest , was closing itself off from the rest of the world .
Ostensibly , the rationale for this completely unprecedented move was a public health one .
But Trump immediately telegraphed the real reason , tweeting out that he didn ’ t want immigrants competing with Americans for jobs – and implicitly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economic implosion from his administration ’ s startling mishandling of the crisis onto the backs of immigrants , of poor people , of people of color .
This was , clearly , xenophobic twaddle .
It made no economic sense and no public health sense .
But it did telegraph to Trump ’ s supporters that he was ramping up his nationalism to heights previously only dreamt of by small internet cadres of “ accelerationists , ” fascist groupings that have been strategizing online about using the crisis to push their nationalist , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic presents a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to mold the world to their white supremacist ideology .
Under cover of the public health emergency , at Trump ’ s orders , the Border Patrol began summarily throwing back into Mexico thousands of people , including at least 600 children in April , who had sought asylum after being apprehended north of the border without papers .
The impact has been entirely catastrophic : Since the lockdown , only two people – yes , you read that correctly – have been granted refuge after crossing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rights groups report that many hundreds of those returned to Mexico and to Central America have suffered everything from rape and kidnapping to murder .
Meanwhile , at the state level , the rule of law is under perhaps the gravest threat from white nationalists and militia groups that it has faced since the Civil War .
For weeks now , Trump has been tweeting about “ liberating ” states like Michigan and Pennsylvania – states with Democratic governors but with GOP control of at least one of the legislative chambers .
Now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his word .
In Michigan , for two weeks in a row , heavily armed militias have entered the Capitol building , and the governor is reportedly receiving countless death threats .
On Wednesday , the GOP-controlled legislature chose to adjourn so as not to antagonize the heavily armed thugs who had threatened to take over their chamber .
Let ’ s not mince words here : Trump has been urging paramilitary groupings to “ liberate ” states from their duly elected leadership .
And now those groupings are taking to the streets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fascist , putsches start .
Where the Nazis had their Munich Beer Hall putsch , Trump apparently wants a Michigan Bowling Alley putsch .
And , since Trump has all the power of the presidency at his disposal , when he eggs on armed insurrection against elected officials , he is quite literally flirting with civil war — or , at the very least , regional civil chaos .
From the southern border to Lansing , Michigan , at the urging of the president of the republic , the rule of law is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We ignore this at our peril .
No matter how preoccupied we are with lost jobs and a deadly virus , we can not afford to ignore what is happening .
Trump is using the fog of the pandemic to replace constitutional governance with one-man rule ; to replace the rule of law by the rule of brute force .
His accelerationist minions believe this is their moment , that they can use the crisis to permanently shut out poor and non-white immigrants , and that , with the presidential seal of approval @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get their political way in states led by governors with whom they disagree .
There is no turning back from this dark road .
The president is siding with armed insurrectionists in their opposition to public health regulations and to Democratic governors .
He is siding with white supremacists in their efforts to seal U.S. borders and wither the immigration system .
It is up to us to oppose them with every fiber of our being .
If we do not , we shall end up complicit in the wanton wrecking of @ @

Trump’s team has decided to lock down the country in a way that even the most nativist policies of the 1920s never did.
Part of the Series Despair and Disparity: The Uneven Burdens of COVID-19
Earlier this week, the Trump administration started hinting that the president’s “temporary” ban on immigration, rushed into effect in late April as a part of the pandemic response, was about to be extended indefinitely.
With the country entirely preoccupied by the public health and economic catastrophes, and with protest all but impossible given the dangers of congregating in large crowds, Trump’s team has, apparently, decided to seize the moment and lock down the country in a way that even the most restrictive, nativist policies of the 1920s and the quota era in immigration never did.
The rationale will apparently be a Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) declaration that immigration poses a public health risk during the pandemic — despite the fact that fully one third of the world’s cases now are within the U.S.; that an immigrant is far more likely to contract COVID-19 once he or she arrives in the country than to bring the disease into the country themselves. And once such a declaration is made, Trump will, if the reports are correct, then ban all immigration until such time as the CDC head declares the public health crisis over — a formula that will, in effect, give Trump unlimited power to shut the U.S. off from the rest of the world for so long as he remains in the White House.
It is an extraordinary power grab, the true emergence of rule by diktat rather than by legislation. In one fell swoop, while our attention is elsewhere, this action threatens to turn the U.S. into a closed society that not only shuns economic immigrants, that not only blocks family unification, but that also no longer pays even lip service to the notions of asylum and of refugee resettlement — ideas that are utterly central to the rules-based international system.
Now, it’s not as if we haven’t had fair warning that such vile policies were in the offing. After all, from his first day in office, from that ghastly “American carnage” inauguration speech that ushered in the Trump era in all its shattering, coarse brutalism, in all its racism and institutionalized cruelty, Trump has been steadily ratcheting up the anti-immigrant rhetoric. When the history books are written, Trump’s years in office will be seen as a Black Book of anti-immigrant atrocities, from the Muslim travel ban to family separation, from the imprisoning of children to the parading of unaccompanied toddlers before immigration judges, from the wanton assault on Temporary Protected Status and on Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, to the decision to start deporting asylum seekers back to supposedly safe third countries — such as Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala — that have some of the highest murder rates in the world.
And that was all pre-pandemic. In the last few months, with the COVID-19 crisis spiraling out of control, Trump’s team seems to have hit on a strategy of relentless bashing-the-foreigner in lieu of a coherent and effective strategy to tame the pandemic stateside and to stanch the economic bleed that has come about from shelter-in-place measures intended to slow the disease’s spread.
Back in late January, when the world was hoping against hope that the coronavirus outbreak could be contained within China, the administration barred flights from China, and prohibited entry into the country of most Chinese nationals as well as others who had recently transited through China. In March, in a series of seemingly improvised responses as it became clear the virus was going global, the lockout and lockdown was ratcheted up. First, flights from Europe were banned. After that, the land borders with both Mexico and Canada were sealed. And finally, on April 21, at the urging of Stephen Miller, Trump’s Svengali of xenophobia, a “temporary” 60-day ban on all immigration was announced.
In reality the “total” ban was actually far less restrictive – allowing the spouses of green card holders to enter, as well as those with visas for skilled work and temporary employment in essential services such as agriculture. And, as a temporary measure, it was, in fact, largely symbolic, the throwing of red meat to Trump’s xenophobic base: With global air travel largely grounded, with consulates and embassies shuttered, and with most countries having locking down their own borders, it was highly unlikely there was going to be a rush of new immigration this spring.
Yet, even in its watered-down form, it remained an extraordinary moment: The U.S., at presidential behest, was closing itself off from the rest of the world.
Ostensibly, the rationale for this completely unprecedented move was a public health one. But Trump immediately telegraphed the real reason, tweeting out that he didn’t want immigrants competing with Americans for jobs – and implicitly attempting to shift the blame for the economic implosion from his administration’s startling mishandling of the crisis onto the backs of immigrants, of poor people, of people of color.
This was, clearly, xenophobic twaddle. It made no economic sense and no public health sense. But it did telegraph to Trump’s supporters that he was ramping up his nationalism to heights previously only dreamt of by small internet cadres of “accelerationists,” fascist groupings that have been strategizing online about using the crisis to push their nationalist, anti-democratic vision, and who believe the pandemic presents a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to mold the world to their white supremacist ideology.
Under cover of the public health emergency, at Trump’s orders, the Border Patrol began summarily throwing back into Mexico thousands of people, including at least 600 children in April, who had sought asylum after being apprehended north of the border without papers. The impact has been entirely catastrophic: Since the lockdown, only two people – yes, you read that correctly – have been granted refuge after crossing the southern border and claiming asylum. Human rights groups report that many hundreds of those returned to Mexico and to Central America have suffered everything from rape and kidnapping to murder.
Meanwhile, at the state level, the rule of law is under perhaps the gravest threat from white nationalists and militia groups that it has faced since the Civil War. For weeks now, Trump has been tweeting about “liberating” states like Michigan and Pennsylvania – states with Democratic governors but with GOP control of at least one of the legislative chambers. Now, armed militias are taking him at his word.
Trump has been urging paramilitary groupings to “liberate” states from their duly elected leadership. And now those groupings are taking to the streets.
In Michigan, for two weeks in a row, heavily armed militias have entered the Capitol building, and the governor is reportedly receiving countless death threats. On Wednesday, the GOP-controlled legislature chose to adjourn so as not to antagonize the heavily armed thugs who had threatened to take over their chamber.
Let’s not mince words here: Trump has been urging paramilitary groupings to “liberate” states from their duly elected leadership. And now those groupings are taking to the streets. That’s how armed, fascist, putsches start. Where the Nazis had their Munich Beer Hall putsch, Trump apparently wants a Michigan Bowling Alley putsch. And, since Trump has all the power of the presidency at his disposal, when he eggs on armed insurrection against elected officials, he is quite literally flirting with civil war — or, at the very least, regional civil chaos.
From the southern border to Lansing, Michigan, at the urging of the president of the republic, the rule of law is breaking down at a startling pace. We ignore this at our peril. No matter how preoccupied we are with lost jobs and a deadly virus, we cannot afford to ignore what is happening. Trump is using the fog of the pandemic to replace constitutional governance with one-man rule; to replace the rule of law by the rule of brute force. His accelerationist minions believe this is their moment, that they can use the crisis to permanently shut out poor and non-white immigrants, and that, with the presidential seal of approval, they can use force of arms to get their political way in states led by governors with whom they disagree.
There is no turning back from this dark road. The president is siding with armed insurrectionists in their opposition to public health regulations and to Democratic governors. He is siding with white supremacists in their efforts to seal U.S. borders and wither the immigration system. It is up to us to oppose them with every fiber of our being. If we do not, we shall end up complicit in the wanton wrecking of democracy.
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