truthout--2020-07-10--Number of Food Insecure Households With Children Doubled From Pre-COVID Levels

As policymakers consider what could be the last COVID-19 relief package this year , they should respond to the alarming rise in the number of children who aren ’ t getting enough to eat by increasing SNAP ( food stamp ) benefits , which would minimize COVID-19 ’ s lasting impact on a generation of children .
Policymakers , including Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and Senate Democrats , have called for policies that support children in the next package .
That ’ s wise , because many families with children , particularly low-income families , already struggled with food @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and they ’ ve been hit especially hard by the crisis .
With schools closed , many children , particularly low-income children , have missed out on educational instruction and other supports with potentially lasting consequences ; many families of low-income children who normally eat free- or reduced-price meals at school also suddenly had to provide those meals just as they were losing jobs and other income .
Compared to childless families , families with children were likelier to lose employment income — over half of families with children report such losses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rent or mortgage payments .
Rising food costs are also likely further straining parents ’ budgets .
These factors have driven shocking increases in food insecurity affecting children , with over one-quarter of households with children reporting food insecurity in recent weeks .
Those levels , which have been consistent across various surveys , have likely at least doubled from pre-COVID-19 levels .
Families of color , which already had elevated rates of food insecurity due to longstanding inequities in income , wealth , and food access , are now experiencing even greater @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that close to two-fifths of Black and Hispanic households with children experienced food insecurity in recent weeks .
Some data suggest that household food insecurity may have fallen somewhat from its peak ( in one survey , from 35 percent in April to 28 percent in early June among households with children ) , but it remains significantly higher than pre-crisis rates .
These drops may be due in part to low-income families receiving some temporary increases ( from the Families First Coronavirus Response Act of March ) in SNAP , which before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
That emergency aid likely helped many families afford food , but it ’ s temporary and may expire when federal or state emergencies end , which may be well before food insecurity improves .
It also leaves out the poorest 40 percent of SNAP households with the lowest incomes , including at least 5 million children .
Pandemic EBT ( P-EBT ) , a program ( also from Families First ) to provide benefits to replace the value of those lost meals during school closures for children receiving free- and reduced-price meals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hardship , but it is also temporary ( only providing assistance through the school year ) and can not fully offset families ’ other lost income .
High rates of food insecurity among families with children don ’ t always mean that children go hungry .
Parents and other caretakers try to shield their children from food insecurity , often eating less or skipping meals themselves so that their children still have enough to eat ; that ’ s why food insecurity among children is rarer than food insecurity among households with children @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the Census Bureau ’ s Household Pulse Survey from late June showing that 18.8 percent of adults in households with children report that children in their household sometimes or often didn ’ t eat enough in the past week because their families couldn ’ t afford food is deeply concerning .
Rates are even higher among households of color , with over one-quarter of Black and Hispanic households reporting that children weren ’ t eating enough , research from the Hamilton Project shows .
That ’ s a substantial rise from previous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about 3 percent of adults in households with children reported that children were sometimes or often not eating enough .
Moreover , the 2018 survey asked households about food problems in the last month ; if it had asked about the last week , as the Pulse survey does , the 2018 result would have been even smaller and the increase since 2018 even bigger .
Food insecurity among children can have negative consequences far into their futures .
Nutrition in infancy and early childhood is linked with outcomes that can affect individuals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of research finds ; for example , early iron deficiency is linked with long-term neurological damage .
School-aged children who don ’ t get enough to eat may have more difficulty learning in school , which can translate to worse longer-term outcomes , such as lower high school completion rates and lower earnings potential .
Children of all ages exposed to food insecurity are also at higher risk of negative health outcomes , such as higher rates of asthma and anemia .
Ensuring that children get enough to eat can help improve those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the 1960s and 1970s find that such access in early childhood had long-term impacts , contributing to better health and other measures of well-being .
Children receiving benefits that cover less of their food costs are likelier to have worse health outcomes , which underscores the importance of ensuring that SNAP benefits cover costs .
The high food insecurity figures and their potential consequences — and the chance that they will continue for months — make the case that policymakers should provide additional , lasting support .
Forecasts suggest that economic conditions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ least through 2021 .
Given the historic relationship between food insecurity and unemployment , food insecurity will also likely remain high in the months to come , with many families struggling to find adequate work and pay bills .
One key first step to addressing food insecurity is boosting SNAP .
Increasing SNAP benefits for all households by raising SNAP ’ s maximum benefit by 15 percent and maintaining that increase as long as the economy remains weak would help families put food on the table and help stimulate the economy by enabling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stores .

As policymakers consider what could be the last COVID-19 relief package this year, they should respond to the alarming rise in the number of children who aren’t getting enough to eat by increasing SNAP (food stamp) benefits, which would minimize COVID-19’s lasting impact on a generation of children.
Policymakers, including Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and Senate Democrats, have called for policies that support children in the next package. That’s wise, because many families with children, particularly low-income families, already struggled with food insecurity and other hardship before the pandemic, and they’ve been hit especially hard by the crisis. With schools closed, many children, particularly low-income children, have missed out on educational instruction and other supports with potentially lasting consequences; many families of low-income children who normally eat free- or reduced-price meals at school also suddenly had to provide those meals just as they were losing jobs and other income.
Compared to childless families, families with children were likelier to lose employment income — over half of families with children report such losses — and likelier to be behind on rent or mortgage payments. Rising food costs are also likely further straining parents’ budgets.
These factors have driven shocking increases in food insecurity affecting children, with over one-quarter of households with children reporting food insecurity in recent weeks. Those levels, which have been consistent across various surveys, have likely at least doubled from pre-COVID-19 levels.
Families of color, which already had elevated rates of food insecurity due to longstanding inequities in income, wealth, and food access, are now experiencing even greater food hardship, with recent data showing that close to two-fifths of Black and Hispanic households with children experienced food insecurity in recent weeks.
Some data suggest that household food insecurity may have fallen somewhat from its peak (in one survey, from 35 percent in April to 28 percent in early June among households with children), but it remains significantly higher than pre-crisis rates. These drops may be due in part to low-income families receiving some temporary increases (from the Families First Coronavirus Response Act of March) in SNAP, which before the pandemic served about 17 million children.
That emergency aid likely helped many families afford food, but it’s temporary and may expire when federal or state emergencies end, which may be well before food insecurity improves. It also leaves out the poorest 40 percent of SNAP households with the lowest incomes, including at least 5 million children. Pandemic EBT (P-EBT), a program (also from Families First) to provide benefits to replace the value of those lost meals during school closures for children receiving free- and reduced-price meals, may also have helped alleviate short-term hardship, but it is also temporary (only providing assistance through the school year) and cannot fully offset families’ other lost income.
High rates of food insecurity among families with children don’t always mean that children go hungry. Parents and other caretakers try to shield their children from food insecurity, often eating less or skipping meals themselves so that their children still have enough to eat; that’s why food insecurity among children is rarer than food insecurity among households with children. That’s also why data from the Census Bureau’s Household Pulse Survey from late June showing that 18.8 percent of adults in households with children report that children in their household sometimes or often didn’t eat enough in the past week because their families couldn’t afford food is deeply concerning. Rates are even higher among households of color, with over one-quarter of Black and Hispanic households reporting that children weren’t eating enough, research from the Hamilton Project shows.
That’s a substantial rise from previous levels; in December 2018, only about 3 percent of adults in households with children reported that children were sometimes or often not eating enough. Moreover, the 2018 survey asked households about food problems in the last month; if it had asked about the last week, as the Pulse survey does, the 2018 result would have been even smaller and the increase since 2018 even bigger.
Food insecurity among children can have negative consequences far into their futures. Nutrition in infancy and early childhood is linked with outcomes that can affect individuals throughout their lifetime, a large body of research finds; for example, early iron deficiency is linked with long-term neurological damage. School-aged children who don’t get enough to eat may have more difficulty learning in school, which can translate to worse longer-term outcomes, such as lower high school completion rates and lower earnings potential. Children of all ages exposed to food insecurity are also at higher risk of negative health outcomes, such as higher rates of asthma and anemia.
Ensuring that children get enough to eat can help improve those outcomes. Studies of access to SNAP in the 1960s and 1970s find that such access in early childhood had long-term impacts, contributing to better health and other measures of well-being. Children receiving benefits that cover less of their food costs are likelier to have worse health outcomes, which underscores the importance of ensuring that SNAP benefits cover costs.
The high food insecurity figures and their potential consequences — and the chance that they will continue for months — make the case that policymakers should provide additional, lasting support. Forecasts suggest that economic conditions such as unemployment may be elevated at least through 2021.
Given the historic relationship between food insecurity and unemployment, food insecurity will also likely remain high in the months to come, with many families struggling to find adequate work and pay bills. One key first step to addressing food insecurity is boosting SNAP. Increasing SNAP benefits for all households by raising SNAP’s maximum benefit by 15 percent and maintaining that increase as long as the economy remains weak would help families put food on the table and help stimulate the economy by enabling families to buy more food in local stores.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-07-10--Poll Shows Two-Thirds Disapprove Trump’s Handling of Coronavirus and Race Issues

Two-thirds of the American people say that President Donald Trump is doing a poor job handling both the coronavirus pandemic as well as race relations in the United States .
Findings from an ABC News/Ipsos poll released on Friday demonstrated only 33 percent of Americans say Trump is handling the spread of COVID-19 in the U.S. in a positive way .
But 67 percent of Americans say they disapprove of how he ’ s handling the issue .
The new numbers are both his lowest approval and highest disapproval ratings recorded by the ABC News/Ipsos poll since the pandemic reached @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be losing support from his base on the issue as well .
While Trump still polls high with members of his own political party — 78 percent of Republican respondents said he was doing a good job with coronavirus — the numbers from the poll , conducted this earlier week , demonstrate the lowest approval rating he ’ s received from Republican voters since polling began on the topic .
The dismal numbers on his handling of coronavirus come as the United States set a record for the highest single-day report of new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when 63,247 positive tests were reported across the country .
It ’ s the second time this week that the record was broken , a sign that the reopening of states ’ economies likely caused the virus to spread .
Indeed , nearly three-in-five Americans ( 59 percent ) believe the country is moving too fast on easing social distancing rules , while 26 percent say things are going at the right pace , and 15 percent say things should move faster .
The ABC News/Ipsos poll also asked respondents for their views @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to race during his presidency .
Notably , Trump has engaged in racist rhetoric and bigoted attacks on others throughout his tenure , but with uprisings happening in cities across the country in response to the police killings of Breonna Taylor , George Floyd and many other Black Americans , the president has responded by issuing threats of using the military against its own citizens to quell protests .
According to the poll , only 32 percent of Americans think Trump is doing well on the issue of race relations in the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ percent ) say they disapprove of the job he ’ s done .
Respondents were also asked to describe how they felt about the Confederate battle flag .
Just five percent of Americans , according to the poll , say they have a positive reaction when they see the emblem , while 43 percent say they feel negatively when they view it .
However , 52 percent said they have neither negative nor positive feelings toward the flag .
Among Black respondents , 76 percent said they have a negative reaction to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said they were neutral about it .
While the flag may not draw widespread condemnation from Americans yet , a separate poll from Quinnipiac University released in mid-June found support from 52 percent of Americans in favor of removing statues and monuments honoring soldiers and other leaders from the Confederacy .
Trump has voiced strong opposition to removing any symbol or monument honoring Confederate leaders , and has embraced support of the battle flag remaining in places where some have tried to limit its prominence .

Record high COVID numbers and threats to use the military against protesters likely soured Americans’ views of Trump.
Two-thirds of the American people say that President Donald Trump is doing a poor job handling both the coronavirus pandemic as well as race relations in the United States.
Findings from an ABC News/Ipsos poll released on Friday demonstrated only 33 percent of Americans say Trump is handling the spread of COVID-19 in the U.S. in a positive way. But 67 percent of Americans say they disapprove of how he’s handling the issue.
The new numbers are both his lowest approval and highest disapproval ratings recorded by the ABC News/Ipsos poll since the pandemic reached the country.
The president appears to be losing support from his base on the issue as well. While Trump still polls high with members of his own political party — 78 percent of Republican respondents said he was doing a good job with coronavirus — the numbers from the poll, conducted this earlier week, demonstrate the lowest approval rating he’s received from Republican voters since polling began on the topic.
The dismal numbers on his handling of coronavirus come as the United States set a record for the highest single-day report of new cases of the disease on Thursday, when 63,247 positive tests were reported across the country. It’s the second time this week that the record was broken, a sign that the reopening of states’ economies likely caused the virus to spread.
Indeed, nearly three-in-five Americans (59 percent) believe the country is moving too fast on easing social distancing rules, while 26 percent say things are going at the right pace, and 15 percent say things should move faster.
The ABC News/Ipsos poll also asked respondents for their views on how Trump has handled issues related to race during his presidency. Notably, Trump has engaged in racist rhetoric and bigoted attacks on others throughout his tenure, but with uprisings happening in cities across the country in response to the police killings of Breonna Taylor, George Floyd and many other Black Americans, the president has responded by issuing threats of using the military against its own citizens to quell protests.
According to the poll, only 32 percent of Americans think Trump is doing well on the issue of race relations in the country, while more than two-thirds (67 percent) say they disapprove of the job he’s done.
Respondents were also asked to describe how they felt about the Confederate battle flag. Just five percent of Americans, according to the poll, say they have a positive reaction when they see the emblem, while 43 percent say they feel negatively when they view it. However, 52 percent said they have neither negative nor positive feelings toward the flag.
Among Black respondents, 76 percent said they have a negative reaction to the flag, while 58 percent of whites said they were neutral about it.
While the flag may not draw widespread condemnation from Americans yet, a separate poll from Quinnipiac University released in mid-June found support from 52 percent of Americans in favor of removing statues and monuments honoring soldiers and other leaders from the Confederacy.
Trump has voiced strong opposition to removing any symbol or monument honoring Confederate leaders, and has embraced support of the battle flag remaining in places where some have tried to limit its prominence.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-07-10--Airline Industries Laid Off Workers, Then Got Money Meant to Prevent Layoffs

Three airline industry companies slated to receive $ 338 million in public money designed to preserve jobs in the hard-hit industry have laid off thousands of workers anyway , according to Treasury disclosure filings and public layoff data .
The largest company , Gate Gourmet , is a global preparer of airline meals and part of a Swiss conglomerate owned by the private equity firm of wealthy Malaysian businessman Richard Ong .
Gate Gourmet is scheduled to get $ 171 million from the federal program to bail out the airline industry even after it reported laying off thousands of workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , including California , Georgia , New York and Illinois , in recent months , according to public filings .
The exact number of workers who lost their jobs is not clear .
“ These grants are meant to save jobs and only to save jobs , ” said Rep. Katie Porter , D-CA , who has supported the aid program for aviation workers .
Every payment Treasury makes “ despite clear indications that the recipient company is firing workers or cutting hours is an abuse of the program and taxpayer money.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for small businesses , the airline industry provision — known as the Payroll Support Program — allowed large companies to get benefits .
It was based on a proposal by airline industry unions and leading Democrats .
The program provided a special deal for the airline industry and its workers : The air carriers and contractors could apply to the Treasury for government aid to pay their workers and , in exchange , agree not to make any layoffs until Sept. 30 .
The idea was , essentially , for the money to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Payroll Support aid is composed mostly of grants and partly of low-interest loans .
The program has allowed many workers to retain their pay and benefits even as demand for air travel cratered .
The money is paid out on a rolling basis ; the government is disclosing only the total amounts it anticipates giving to each company .
Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin has lauded the effort as “ an important CARES Act program that will support American workers and help preserve the strategic importance of the airline industry.
” The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the major carriers like American and United , which inked their Payroll Support agreements with the Treasury in April .
The big airlines have not laid off workers , though many fear they will begin doing so after the deadline passes .
But at least three contractors — Gate Gourmet along with Illinois-based Flying Food Fare and Texas-based G2 Secure Staff — appear to be benefitting from a loophole in the law : They laid workers off and then got the federal money .
The size of the Payroll Support grants is calculated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ costs between April and September of 2019 , before the pandemic .
The idea was that companies would quickly sign agreements with the Treasury after the CARES Act was passed at the end of March , and then be barred from conducting any layoffs through September since the government was footing the companies ’ payroll bills .
Gate Gourmet , in contrast to the airlines , didn ’ t sign its agreement with the Treasury until June 19 .
In the months between the creation of the program and the date of signing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ layoffs in state disclosure filings .
The company employs 27,000 people around the world , according to LinkedIn .
But the amount of money the companies received from the government was based on their pre-pandemic , pre-layoffs workforce .
In effect , a program meant to save jobs is instead being used to get government money for payroll costs for a shrunken workforce .
A Treasury Department spokeswoman said that the agency ’ s hands are tied .
“ The CARES Act requires Treasury to provide payroll support to eligible applicants , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ employees be rehired .
Treasury implemented the CARES Act as written.
” It ’ s not clear whether the Treasury raised the issue of the layoffs with the company .
Mnuchin has wide discretion over many of the CARES Act programs and experts told ProPublica he could have exercised it here .
Adding to the mystery around the Gate Gourmet grant , the Teamsters , which represent some of the company ’ s workers , issued a press release in early April announcing that Gate Gourmet had filed its application for Payroll Support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did not respond to questions about why so much time passed between Gate Gourmet ’ s application and the signing of the Payroll Support agreement in mid June .
Porter , the congresswoman , said that “ firing thousands of employees in the period of time between submitting a Payroll Support application and finalizing the terms of the agreement with Treasury is a clear violation of Congressional intent in creating the Payroll Support Program.
” Gate Gourmet spokesperson Nancy Jewell said in a statement , “ To ensure the long-term sustainability of our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ furloughs were necessary during these unprecedented times.
” She added , “ We are committed to complying with all our obligations and will use all CARES Act funds exclusively for the continuation of payment of employee wages , salaries , and benefits.
” Jewell did not respond to questions about the size of the company ’ s workforce , its dealings with the Treasury or the terms of its Payroll Support grant .
On April 1 , just a few days after the program was created , Gate Gourmet hired the Washington lobbying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ provide guidance on the CARES Act funding , ” according to public filings .
Sara Nelson , president of the Association of Flight Attendants-CWA and a prominent supporter of extending the program , said in a statement that , “ The Payroll Support Program has succeeded in protecting the jobs and healthcare of nearly two million aviation workers and integrity in the program is vital .
Treasury should investigate this egregious misconduct and recover the funds.
” Flying Food Group , another airline catering company , reported laying off more than a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , including hundreds in Hawaii and California .
G2 Secure Staff , which provides a variety of services within airports , reported laying off hundreds of workers the day the bill was signed .
Flying Food Group is slated to receive $ 85 million in government aid and G2 to receive $ 81 million .
Flying Food Group hired the law firm Greenberg Traurig to lobby on pandemic bailout issues on March 19 .
Neither Flying Food Group nor G2 Secure Staff responded to requests for comment .
There is no comprehensive national @ @ @ @ @ @ @ certain kinds of layoffs , they are required to file notices with employees , their representatives and state governments .
ProPublica reviewed data about those notices provided by dozens of states with large airports across the country .
But the data might not capture all of the layoffs .

Three airline industry companies slated to receive $338 million in public money designed to preserve jobs in the hard-hit industry have laid off thousands of workers anyway, according to Treasury disclosure filings and public layoff data.
The largest company, Gate Gourmet, is a global preparer of airline meals and part of a Swiss conglomerate owned by the private equity firm of wealthy Malaysian businessman Richard Ong. Gate Gourmet is scheduled to get $171 million from the federal program to bail out the airline industry even after it reported laying off thousands of workers at airports in half a dozen states, including California, Georgia, New York and Illinois, in recent months, according to public filings. The exact number of workers who lost their jobs is not clear.
“These grants are meant to save jobs and only to save jobs,” said Rep. Katie Porter, D-CA, who has supported the aid program for aviation workers. Every payment Treasury makes “despite clear indications that the recipient company is firing workers or cutting hours is an abuse of the program and taxpayer money.”
While the better-known Paycheck Protection Program was for small businesses, the airline industry provision — known as the Payroll Support Program — allowed large companies to get benefits. It was based on a proposal by airline industry unions and leading Democrats.
The program provided a special deal for the airline industry and its workers: The air carriers and contractors could apply to the Treasury for government aid to pay their workers and, in exchange, agree not to make any layoffs until Sept. 30. The idea was, essentially, for the money to flow through the employers to the workers.
The Payroll Support aid is composed mostly of grants and partly of low-interest loans. The program has allowed many workers to retain their pay and benefits even as demand for air travel cratered. The money is paid out on a rolling basis; the government is disclosing only the total amounts it anticipates giving to each company.
Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin has lauded the effort as “an important CARES Act program that will support American workers and help preserve the strategic importance of the airline industry.”
The program has largely worked for employees of the major carriers like American and United, which inked their Payroll Support agreements with the Treasury in April. The big airlines have not laid off workers, though many fear they will begin doing so after the deadline passes.
But at least three contractors — Gate Gourmet along with Illinois-based Flying Food Fare and Texas-based G2 Secure Staff — appear to be benefitting from a loophole in the law: They laid workers off and then got the federal money.
The size of the Payroll Support grants is calculated based on a company’s payroll costs between April and September of 2019, before the pandemic. The idea was that companies would quickly sign agreements with the Treasury after the CARES Act was passed at the end of March, and then be barred from conducting any layoffs through September since the government was footing the companies’ payroll bills.
Gate Gourmet, in contrast to the airlines, didn’t sign its agreement with the Treasury until June 19. In the months between the creation of the program and the date of signing, the company reported a series of layoffs in state disclosure filings. The company employs 27,000 people around the world, according to LinkedIn.
But the amount of money the companies received from the government was based on their pre-pandemic, pre-layoffs workforce. In effect, a program meant to save jobs is instead being used to get government money for payroll costs for a shrunken workforce.
A Treasury Department spokeswoman said that the agency’s hands are tied. “The CARES Act requires Treasury to provide payroll support to eligible applicants, and it doesn’t require that former employees be rehired. Treasury implemented the CARES Act as written.”
It’s not clear whether the Treasury raised the issue of the layoffs with the company. Mnuchin has wide discretion over many of the CARES Act programs and experts told ProPublica he could have exercised it here.
Adding to the mystery around the Gate Gourmet grant, the Teamsters, which represent some of the company’s workers, issued a press release in early April announcing that Gate Gourmet had filed its application for Payroll Support with the Treasury. The Treasury spokeswoman did not respond to questions about why so much time passed between Gate Gourmet’s application and the signing of the Payroll Support agreement in mid June.
Porter, the congresswoman, said that “firing thousands of employees in the period of time between submitting a Payroll Support application and finalizing the terms of the agreement with Treasury is a clear violation of Congressional intent in creating the Payroll Support Program.”
Gate Gourmet spokesperson Nancy Jewell said in a statement, “To ensure the long-term sustainability of our business in the U.S., layoffs and furloughs were necessary during these unprecedented times.” She added, “We are committed to complying with all our obligations and will use all CARES Act funds exclusively for the continuation of payment of employee wages, salaries, and benefits.”
Jewell did not respond to questions about the size of the company’s workforce, its dealings with the Treasury or the terms of its Payroll Support grant.
On April 1, just a few days after the program was created, Gate Gourmet hired the Washington lobbying firm Hannegan Landau Poersch & Rosenbaum to “provide guidance on the CARES Act funding,” according to public filings.
Sara Nelson, president of the Association of Flight Attendants-CWA and a prominent supporter of extending the program, said in a statement that, “The Payroll Support Program has succeeded in protecting the jobs and healthcare of nearly two million aviation workers and integrity in the program is vital. Treasury should investigate this egregious misconduct and recover the funds.”
Flying Food Group, another airline catering company, reported laying off more than a thousand workers since the CARES Act passed, including hundreds in Hawaii and California. G2 Secure Staff, which provides a variety of services within airports, reported laying off hundreds of workers the day the bill was signed. Flying Food Group is slated to receive $85 million in government aid and G2 to receive $81 million.
Flying Food Group hired the law firm Greenberg Traurig to lobby on pandemic bailout issues on March 19.
Neither Flying Food Group nor G2 Secure Staff responded to requests for comment.
There is no comprehensive national database of layoffs. When companies conduct certain kinds of layoffs, they are required to file notices with employees, their representatives and state governments. ProPublica reviewed data about those notices provided by dozens of states with large airports across the country. But the data might not capture all of the layoffs.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-07-10--Even in Death, Black Bodies Face Environmental Racism

Less than a week before George Floyd was laid to rest in a Pearland , Texas , cemetery , a California-based risk analysis company published a report highlighting how three major Houston-area petrochemical plants — about 20 miles due east of Floyd ’ s burial site — were unprepared to deal with the increasing incidence of severe weather linked to climate change .
“ The estimated damage of extreme flood events at the three facilities will balloon by 3-8 times within the next decade , ” the report stated .
Presently , models show a 100-year caliber flood resulting in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by water .
Due to factors like sea level rise , the same caliber storm is estimated to inundate 80 percent of the operations by 2030 .
And that estimate was a low-ball figure .
The report acknowledged it didn ’ t take into account the risk of exposing surrounding communities to hazardous materials .
The cemetery where Floyd is buried is outside of the three petrochemical plants ’ standard evacuation zones , though scientists have noted that the full extent to which natural disasters mobilize contaminants is not yet fully understood because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ baseline data before a storm occurs .
But the Houston area is home to 40 percent of U.S. capacity for chemical production , along with 3,600 energy companies .
It ’ s also the fifth most vulnerable city in the U.S. to the impacts of hurricanes .
Emissions from petrochemical facilities , like arsenic and cadmium , increase residents ’ risk of death by brain , bladder and lung cancers .
Those threats are further exacerbated by intense storms , which not only extend the reach of long-lasting soil pollutants , like the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impact recovery rates by disrupting cancer treatment .
Within a five-mile radius of Floyd ’ s grave , 12 facilities report to the Environmental Protection Agency ’ s Toxic Release Inventory .
And as is the case with another cemetery on the other side of town , which flooded after Hurricane Harvey in 2017 , the burial ground lies in a 100-year floodplain .
In contrast with Floyd ’ s home-going celebration , which attracted thousands in the Houston area following memorials in North Carolina and Minnesota , the location of Floyd ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but also surrounded by flood zones and chemical hazards linked with conditions like asthma and cancer — call into question whether justice can be had when precarity surrounds , even postmortem .
“ We are not fighting some disconnected incidents , ” the Rev .
Al Sharpton told the crowd at Floyd ’ s June 9 funeral .
“ We are fighting an institutional , systemic problem that has been allowed to permeate since we were brought to these shores , ” he said .
Other Black people killed by the police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years rest in similar geographies .
Yvette Smith , a 47-year-old Texas woman who was killed in 2014 after calling 911 for help settling a dispute between friends , is interred less than two miles from a natural gas burning power plant in a small town outside of Austin .
Charleena Lyles , the 30-year-old mother of four who was killed by Seattle Police in 2017 , is buried in a Washington State cemetery in an area that was surrounded by phase 4 floodwaters in February 2020 .
Alton Sterling , the 37-year-old @ @ @ @ @ @ @ selling homemade CDs , was laid to rest four miles from an Exxon refinery in Baton Rouge , Louisiana .
And Ahmaud Arbery , the 25-year-old runner who was killed by two white residents in Georgia in February 2020 , now lies 15 miles away from the last nuclear power plant under construction in the United States , well within the ingestion exposure range – the surrounding area where pollutants may contaminate food and water — as defined by the U.S. Regulatory Commission .
Little scholarly attention has been devoted to the potential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ according to an article co-authored by Eastern Illinois University Professor William Lovekamp .
Lovekamp and his colleagues have called for the use of Geographic Information System ( GIS ) mapping software to develop spatially accurate digital inventories of headstones and monuments .
As climate change brings water into new places — eroding graves once six feet under or above-ground vaults from Alaska to California and threatening tribal burial sites — graveyard owners may consider relocation , reporting by E & E News has found .
But the enormous cost to do so and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of kin complicate the process .
Burial grounds tend to be segregated by race and ethnicity , Albright College history professor , Kami Fletcher , has pointed out in her co-edited book Till Death Do Us Part .
But while Black cemeteries and funeral homes originally formed the foundation of Black business in many communities — as was the case for Baltimore ’ s Mount Auburn Cemetery , which is the subject of Fletcher ’ s research — a disparity in preservation resources for Black cultural and historic sites across the country has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some of which happen to be located in now flood-prone areas , like Olivewood Cemetery — another Houston graveyard .
George , Yvette , Charleena , Alton and Ahmaud , among so many others , are buried near big polluters and in flood zones , explains senior policy advocate for the Natural Resources Defense Council , Khalil Shahyd , because that ’ s where they lived .
“ There is no reason to assume that the fate of our burial grounds would be any different from our living communities themselves [ which ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s way , ” he told Truthout , of where his own ancestors are buried in southeast Louisiana .
The site where one side of his family is buried is protected by a levee .
But his grandmother is buried in another family plot in Morgan City .
“ In a matter of years , this land will be lost to the bayou , ” he said .
As organizers like Empower DC ’ s Kari Fulton have pointed out long before George Floyd ’ s murder , deeply entrenched racism manifests @ @ @ @ @ @ @ system that hires and trains cops to racially profile African-Americans , also trains urban planners , developers and politicians , ” Fulton explained in a 2016 forum published by The Black Scholar on the relationship between the Movement for Black Lives and climate justice organizing .
Those same professionals are trained to place polluting industries in minority communities , she said .
“ And to develop emergency management plans that protect affluent white neighborhoods , while destroying low-income minority communities.
” Shahyd echoes Fulton ’ s sentiment .
The location and vulnerability of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in generations of settlement patterns , development and urban growth , he says .
Which is all the more reason that responses to calls for racial justice must be comprehensive and intersectional .
Many existing policy prescriptions that aim to tackle the inequities brought by climate change , like attempts to regulate carbon emissions , are based on the notion that the reasonable target is bringing Black communities into social parity with white middle-class consumers .
But those same economic development patterns are dependent upon and further drive the devaluation of Black lives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Federally backed home buyouts , for instance , have become a go-to program that cities offer to try and build more climate resilient communities .
But for families such as Shahyd ’ s to collect money based on the market value of the structure of a house in exchange for leaving their land “ does nothing to compensate us for loss of family heritage and history represented by that graveyard which dates back to the late 1800s , ” he says .
More holistic solutions , Shahyd argues , entail projects like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , livelihoods , recreation and even sacred spaces for those who have passed are all accessible , ” he says , and where resources are invested in supporting workers , families , towns and regions dependent on fossil fuel economies to find alternatives .
Funding for projects that make for more secure communities and pay tribute to Black lives lost could come from defunding the police , some activists say .
The three Houston petrochemical companies assessed to be unequipped to deal with climate change-related flooding — Dixie Chemical , Carpenter Chemical and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Truthout ’ s requests for comment on how they ’ ll mitigate that risk and protect surrounding communities from the flooding and related toxicity .
A yearlong Houston Chronicle investigation has revealed that Occupational Safety and Health Administration and Environmental Protection Agency regulatory loopholes continue to enable the manufacturing and storage of hundreds of chemicals that pose serious threats to public safety .
But activists are reclaiming space to remember the victims of police violence and other incidents of racial terror .
On a lawn in Minneapolis , a short walk away from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ murder , 100 makeshift headstones have sprung up to pay tribute to Black lives lost , in what ’ s now known as the Say Their Names Cemetery .
In the Independence Heights neighborhood of Houston , “ Black Towns Matter ” is painted in bright red and yellow letters on the 3300 block of Link Road , rolled out on Juneteenth .
On that same day , June 19 , 2020 , a Louisiana community sang , danced and prayed at a cemetery of unmarked graves on the grounds of a former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ company ’ s attempts to prevent the remembrance on land where it is building a $ 9.4 billion petrochemical plant .
At this moment in history , Fletcher pointed out in a recent talk , African American last rites rituals are on full display .
“ I don ’ t know anyone that did not see George Floyd ’ s funeral , ” she said .
“ That gold casket was the centerpiece .
You tried to caricature him as a thug , as a nobody.
” Through public rituals like Floyd ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can be challenged and the dead can be humanized .
The proximity of climate hazard zones to Black burial sites and decorous community rituals is yet another reminder of the contradictions that have led to this uprising .
As Fletcher co-writes in the introduction of her new book , “ Deeper explorations of the dead in America can tell us [ much ] about American identity , nationhood , and national belonging .
”

Less than a week before George Floyd was laid to rest in a Pearland, Texas, cemetery, a California-based risk analysis company published a report highlighting how three major Houston-area petrochemical plants — about 20 miles due east of Floyd’s burial site — were unprepared to deal with the increasing incidence of severe weather linked to climate change. “The estimated damage of extreme flood events at the three facilities will balloon by 3-8 times within the next decade,” the report stated. Presently, models show a 100-year caliber flood resulting in 35-40 percent of the facilities being inundated by water. Due to factors like sea level rise, the same caliber storm is estimated to inundate 80 percent of the operations by 2030. And that estimate was a low-ball figure. The report acknowledged it didn’t take into account the risk of exposing surrounding communities to hazardous materials.
The cemetery where Floyd is buried is outside of the three petrochemical plants’ standard evacuation zones, though scientists have noted that the full extent to which natural disasters mobilize contaminants is not yet fully understood because there tends to be a lack of baseline data before a storm occurs. But the Houston area is home to 40 percent of U.S. capacity for chemical production, along with 3,600 energy companies. It’s also the fifth most vulnerable city in the U.S. to the impacts of hurricanes. Emissions from petrochemical facilities, like arsenic and cadmium, increase residents’ risk of death by brain, bladder and lung cancers. Those threats are further exacerbated by intense storms, which not only extend the reach of long-lasting soil pollutants, like the fire ant-killing compound chlordane, but negatively impact recovery rates by disrupting cancer treatment.
Within a five-mile radius of Floyd’s grave, 12 facilities report to the Environmental Protection Agency’s Toxic Release Inventory. And as is the case with another cemetery on the other side of town, which flooded after Hurricane Harvey in 2017, the burial ground lies in a 100-year floodplain.
In contrast with Floyd’s home-going celebration, which attracted thousands in the Houston area following memorials in North Carolina and Minnesota, the location of Floyd’s burial — next to his mother, but also surrounded by flood zones and chemical hazards linked with conditions like asthma and cancer — call into question whether justice can be had when precarity surrounds, even postmortem. “We are not fighting some disconnected incidents,” the Rev. Al Sharpton told the crowd at Floyd’s June 9 funeral. “We are fighting an institutional, systemic problem that has been allowed to permeate since we were brought to these shores,” he said.
Other Black people killed by the police or by lynching in the past few years rest in similar geographies. Yvette Smith, a 47-year-old Texas woman who was killed in 2014 after calling 911 for help settling a dispute between friends, is interred less than two miles from a natural gas burning power plant in a small town outside of Austin. Charleena Lyles, the 30-year-old mother of four who was killed by Seattle Police in 2017, is buried in a Washington State cemetery in an area that was surrounded by phase 4 floodwaters in February 2020. Alton Sterling, the 37-year-old man who was killed by police after selling homemade CDs, was laid to rest four miles from an Exxon refinery in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. And Ahmaud Arbery, the 25-year-old runner who was killed by two white residents in Georgia in February 2020, now lies 15 miles away from the last nuclear power plant under construction in the United States, well within the ingestion exposure range – – the surrounding area where pollutants may contaminate food and water — as defined by the U.S. Regulatory Commission.
Little scholarly attention has been devoted to the potential devastation of cemeteries by natural disasters, according to an article co-authored by Eastern Illinois University Professor William Lovekamp. Lovekamp and his colleagues have called for the use of Geographic Information System (GIS) mapping software to develop spatially accurate digital inventories of headstones and monuments. As climate change brings water into new places — eroding graves once six feet under or above-ground vaults from Alaska to California and threatening tribal burial sites — graveyard owners may consider relocation, reporting by E&E News has found. But the enormous cost to do so and strict regulations sometimes requiring permission from next of kin complicate the process.
A disparity in preservation resources for Black cultural and historic sites across the country has led to neglect of Black cemeteries, some of which happen to be located in now flood-prone areas.
Burial grounds tend to be segregated by race and ethnicity, Albright College history professor, Kami Fletcher, has pointed out in her co-edited book Till Death Do Us Part. But while Black cemeteries and funeral homes originally formed the foundation of Black business in many communities — as was the case for Baltimore’s Mount Auburn Cemetery, which is the subject of Fletcher’s research — a disparity in preservation resources for Black cultural and historic sites across the country has led to neglect of Black cemeteries, some of which happen to be located in now flood-prone areas, like Olivewood Cemetery — another Houston graveyard.
George, Yvette, Charleena, Alton and Ahmaud, among so many others, are buried near big polluters and in flood zones, explains senior policy advocate for the Natural Resources Defense Council, Khalil Shahyd, because that’s where they lived. “There is no reason to assume that the fate of our burial grounds would be any different from our living communities themselves [which] are more likely to be in harm’s way,” he told Truthout, of where his own ancestors are buried in southeast Louisiana. The site where one side of his family is buried is protected by a levee. But his grandmother is buried in another family plot in Morgan City. “In a matter of years, this land will be lost to the bayou,” he said.
As organizers like environmental justice advocate Kari Fulton have pointed out long before George Floyd’s murder, deeply entrenched racism manifests in multitudinous ways. “The same system that hires and trains cops to racially profile African-Americans, also trains urban planners, developers and politicians,” Fulton explained in a 2016 forum published by The Black Scholar on the relationship between the Movement for Black Lives and climate justice organizing. Those same professionals are trained to place polluting industries in minority communities, she said. “And to develop emergency management plans that protect affluent white neighborhoods, while destroying low-income minority communities.”
Shahyd echoes Fulton’s sentiment. The location and vulnerability of many Black grave sites is tied up in generations of settlement patterns, development and urban growth, he says. Which is all the more reason that responses to calls for racial justice must be comprehensive and intersectional. Many existing policy prescriptions that aim to tackle the inequities brought by climate change, like attempts to regulate carbon emissions, are based on the notion that the reasonable target is bringing Black communities into social parity with white middle-class consumers. But those same economic development patterns are dependent upon and further drive the devaluation of Black lives, bodies and property, Shahyd says.
Funding for projects that make for more secure communities and pay tribute to Black lives lost could come from defunding the police, some activists say.
Federally backed home buyouts, for instance, have become a go-to program that cities offer to try and build more climate resilient communities. But for families such as Shahyd’s to collect money based on the market value of the structure of a house in exchange for leaving their land “does nothing to compensate us for loss of family heritage and history represented by that graveyard which dates back to the late 1800s,” he says.
More holistic solutions, Shahyd argues, entail projects like building green communities, “where homes, livelihoods, recreation and even sacred spaces for those who have passed are all accessible,” he says, and where resources are invested in supporting workers, families, towns and regions dependent on fossil fuel economies to find alternatives. Funding for projects that make for more secure communities and pay tribute to Black lives lost could come from defunding the police, some activists say.
The three Houston petrochemical companies assessed to be unequipped to deal with climate change-related flooding — Dixie Chemical, Carpenter Chemical and Athlon Solutions — have not responded to Truthout’s requests for comment on how they’ll mitigate that risk and protect surrounding communities from the flooding and related toxicity. A yearlong Houston Chronicle investigation has revealed that Occupational Safety and Health Administration and Environmental Protection Agency regulatory loopholes continue to enable the manufacturing and storage of hundreds of chemicals that pose serious threats to public safety.
But activists are reclaiming space to remember the victims of police violence and other incidents of racial terror. On a lawn in Minneapolis, a short walk away from the site of George Floyd’s murder, 100 makeshift headstones have sprung up to pay tribute to Black lives lost, in what’s now known as the Say Their Names Cemetery. In the Independence Heights neighborhood of Houston, “Black Towns Matter” is painted in bright red and yellow letters on the 3300 block of Link Road, rolled out on Juneteenth. On that same day, June 19, 2020, a Louisiana community sang, danced and prayed at a cemetery of unmarked graves on the grounds of a former plantation in spite of a Taiwanese plastic company’s attempts to prevent the remembrance on land where it is building a $9.4 billion petrochemical plant.
At this moment in history, Fletcher pointed out in a recent talk, African American last rites rituals are on full display. “I don’t know anyone that did not see George Floyd’s funeral,” she said. “That gold casket was the centerpiece. You tried to caricature him as a thug, as a nobody.” Through public rituals like Floyd’s funeral, Fletcher says, stereotypes can be challenged and the dead can be humanized. The proximity of climate hazard zones to Black burial sites and decorous community rituals is yet another reminder of the contradictions that have led to this uprising. As Fletcher co-writes in the introduction of her new book, “Deeper explorations of the dead in America can tell us [much] about American identity, nationhood, and national belonging.”
Note: This article has been corrected to reflect the fact that Kari Fulton is no longer with Empower DC.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-07-10--“New Right” Leaders Are Co-opting Progressive Language to Mislead Voters

Over the past two years , a growing and somewhat unconventional faction of leaders on the American right have caught the attention of the press .
This faction — who often refer to themselves as either the “ new populist right ” or “ national conservatives ” — includes , most notably , Tucker Carlson at Fox News and Senators Josh Hawley , Marco Rubio and Tom Cotton .
It also features several lower-profile but increasingly prominent journalists and authors , such as Julius Krein ( founder and editor of American Affairs ) , Oren Cass ( founder and executive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Enjeti ( host of “ Rising ” at The Hill ) .
In general , this faction holds true to the extreme cultural stances that have long united most American conservatives .
But they distinguish themselves by rebuking the mainstream right ’ s cozy relationship with financial elites , a relationship they ( correctly ) see as both politically unwise — because it alienates working- and middle-class voters — and societally disastrous — because it promotes and reproduces extreme inequality .
They oppose asset stripping , stock buybacks , and other economic practices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; and they support redirecting wealth toward the growth of American industry .
Add it all up , this faction argues , and you have the ideological blueprint for a new and more democratic political order .
This new order , they tell us , would abolish the elitism of contemporary U.S. politics , replacing it with a populism that respects the values of the “ great American middle ” and provides “ dignified work ” to the majority .
In recent months , they have also framed their worldview as the basis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ response to the coronavirus pandemic .
At least a handful of journalists and progressive commentators have taken this anti-elitist posturing quite seriously .
However , in reality , it is grossly misleading .
Far from pioneering a democratic political transformation — or , really , any political transformation — the leaders of the “ new populist right ” are refurbishing the very conservative and elite order they claim to oppose .
The elitism of this group — who I will , for brevity ’ s sake , simply call the new right — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ addition to opposing the empowerment of financiers , they frequently imitate the rhetoric of well-known progressive leaders , including Bernie Sanders , Elizabeth Warren and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez .
Media figures like Tucker Carlson and Saagar Enjeti speak in sweeping and often vitriolic terms about “ the exploitation of Americans ” and “ neoliberals in Washington.
” Even the faction ’ s most mainstream members engage in this imitation .
For example , in a speech touted by new right intellectuals , Sen. Marco Rubio spoke eloquently about American capitalism ’ s betrayal of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s “ obligations ” toward workers .
Yet , if you push beyond the rhetoric and focus on what the new right actually proposes , the truth becomes clear : their agenda is , at its core , mostly a revamped version of the one that has dominated conservative politics for the last 40 years .
The cultural or social side of this agenda is , of course , by their own admission , similar to what the mainstream right has long embraced .
If anything , it is perhaps more extreme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , support further tightening already conservative and draconian immigration controls and eliminating almost all abortion rights .
More to the point , even the new right ’ s apparently unorthodox and progressive-leaning economic agenda is broadly similar to that of mainstream conservatives .
For example , they typically oppose universal entitlements like Medicare for All and favor creating a welfare state centered on tax credits and work promotion — a standard conservative position .
In addition , their support for the labor movement is tepid at best ; and , in many cases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for right-to-work legislation and contesting increases to the minimum wage .
Their one major difference with mainstream conservatives is , of course , that they advocate redistributing wealth away from affluent financiers and toward domestic industrial expansion .
They go to significant lengths to construe this stance as proof of their greater allegiance to workers .
Yet , in the absence of support for universal entitlements and a strong labor movement , all it really indicates is their greater allegiance to American industrial , rather than financial , economic elites .
Lacking any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s revamped conservatism has no more capacity to transform and democratize U.S. politics than the “ free market ” conservatism they criticize .
For starters , as others have already pointed out , their claim to respect the values of the “ American middle ” is laughable .
By any reasonable measure , their cultural stances disregard most Americans ’ core beliefs in favor of propping up a fringe minority .
Record-high majorities support many of the ideals and policies they oppose , including abortion rights , the legalization of marijuana , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contrast , only a radical few back the positions advocated by leaders on the new right , such as banning abortion or reducing legal immigration .
Furthermore , contrary to their proclamations , the new right has no plan for expanding what most Americans would call “ dignified work.
” They hide this fact by equating “ dignified work ” with industrial employment .
But while most Americans agree that growing domestic industry is an important goal , they do not associate industrial employment per se with feelings of dignity .
What they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with generous compensation and power in the workplace .
Unfortunately , most industrial work in the United States currently lacks these traits ; and , as I already stated , the new right opposes the expansive welfare state and powerful labor movement that experts say are needed to improve the situation .
At the end of the day , the new right ’ s conservatism would push ordinary Americans into unsatisfactory jobs while forcing them to adhere to the cultural beliefs of a radical minority .
Sound familiar ?
It should , because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conservatism has already helped to produce , the reality most Americans already experience .
The true function of the new right is not to transform this reality , but rather to make a revised version of it seem more palatable than it is .
For progressives , the emergence of the new right can seem like a promising development .
The rhetorical attacks that people like Josh Hawley and Tucker Carlson level on big finance make them sound like kindred spirits in the struggle to build what Bernie Sanders calls “ an economy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Moreover , as progressive author Matt Stoller points out , to the extent that these new right leaders are willing to legislate against asset stripping , stock buybacks and the like , there is indeed some room to work with them .
Ultimately , however , in the fight for equality and democracy , the new right is at most a group of unwitting accomplices .
They are stoking popular , bipartisan opposition to the U.S. ’ s corrupt and neoliberal political economy , but failing to offer a coherent and convincing plan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The contradiction between their populist rhetoric and elitist , minoritarian worldview leaves a huge gap between themselves and the disaffected working- and middle-class voters they claim to represent .
This gap begs to be filled by a more legitimately majoritarian movement against concentrated power .
Progressives should stay focused on building that movement and avoid wasting too much time trying to figure out the “ new populist right.
” They ’ re just conservatives .

Over the past two years, a growing and somewhat unconventional faction of leaders on the American right have caught the attention of the press. This faction — who often refer to themselves as either the “new populist right” or “national conservatives” — includes, most notably, Tucker Carlson at Fox News and Senators Josh Hawley, Marco Rubio and Tom Cotton. It also features several lower-profile but increasingly prominent journalists and authors, such as Julius Krein (founder and editor of American Affairs), Oren Cass (founder and executive director of American Compass) and Saagar Enjeti (host of “Rising” at The Hill).
In general, this faction holds true to the extreme cultural stances that have long united most American conservatives. But they distinguish themselves by rebuking the mainstream right’s cozy relationship with financial elites, a relationship they (correctly) see as both politically unwise — because it alienates working- and middle-class voters — and societally disastrous — because it promotes and reproduces extreme inequality. They oppose asset stripping, stock buybacks, and other economic practices that further empower and enrich financial elites; and they support redirecting wealth toward the growth of American industry.
Add it all up, this faction argues, and you have the ideological blueprint for a new and more democratic political order. This new order, they tell us, would abolish the elitism of contemporary U.S. politics, replacing it with a populism that respects the values of the “great American middle” and provides “dignified work” to the majority. In recent months, they have also framed their worldview as the basis for developing a more democratic and pro-worker response to the coronavirus pandemic.
At least a handful of journalists and progressive commentators have taken this anti-elitist posturing quite seriously. However, in reality, it is grossly misleading. Far from pioneering a democratic political transformation — or, really, any political transformation — the leaders of the “new populist right” are refurbishing the very conservative and elite order they claim to oppose.
The elitism of this group — who I will, for brevity’s sake, simply call the new right — can be easy to miss. In addition to opposing the empowerment of financiers, they frequently imitate the rhetoric of well-known progressive leaders, including Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. Media figures like Tucker Carlson and Saagar Enjeti speak in sweeping and often vitriolic terms about “the exploitation of Americans” and “neoliberals in Washington.” Even the faction’s most mainstream members engage in this imitation. For example, in a speech touted by new right intellectuals, Sen. Marco Rubio spoke eloquently about American capitalism’s betrayal of the “common good” and business’s “obligations” toward workers.
Yet, if you push beyond the rhetoric and focus on what the new right actually proposes, the truth becomes clear: their agenda is, at its core, mostly a revamped version of the one that has dominated conservative politics for the last 40 years. The cultural or social side of this agenda is, of course, by their own admission, similar to what the mainstream right has long embraced. If anything, it is perhaps more extreme. Many of them, for instance, support further tightening already conservative and draconian immigration controls and eliminating almost all abortion rights.
Their agenda is, at its core, mostly a revamped version of the one that has dominated conservative politics for the last 40 years.
More to the point, even the new right’s apparently unorthodox and progressive-leaning economic agenda is broadly similar to that of mainstream conservatives. For example, they typically oppose universal entitlements like Medicare for All and favor creating a welfare state centered on tax credits and work promotion — a standard conservative position. In addition, their support for the labor movement is tepid at best; and, in many cases, they have opposed it, campaigning for right-to-work legislation and contesting increases to the minimum wage. Their one major difference with mainstream conservatives is, of course, that they advocate redistributing wealth away from affluent financiers and toward domestic industrial expansion. They go to significant lengths to construe this stance as proof of their greater allegiance to workers. Yet, in the absence of support for universal entitlements and a strong labor movement, all it really indicates is their greater allegiance to American industrial, rather than financial, economic elites.
Lacking any truly groundbreaking positions, the new right’s revamped conservatism has no more capacity to transform and democratize U.S. politics than the “free market” conservatism they criticize. For starters, as others have already pointed out, their claim to respect the values of the “American middle” is laughable. By any reasonable measure, their cultural stances disregard most Americans’ core beliefs in favor of propping up a fringe minority. Record-high majorities support many of the ideals and policies they oppose, including abortion rights, the legalization of marijuana, legal immigration and affirmative action. In contrast, only a radical few back the positions advocated by leaders on the new right, such as banning abortion or reducing legal immigration.
Furthermore, contrary to their proclamations, the new right has no plan for expanding what most Americans would call “dignified work.” They hide this fact by equating “dignified work” with industrial employment. But while most Americans agree that growing domestic industry is an important goal, they do not associate industrial employment per se with feelings of dignity. What they do consider dignified is employment that comes with generous compensation and power in the workplace. Unfortunately, most industrial work in the United States currently lacks these traits; and, as I already stated, the new right opposes the expansive welfare state and powerful labor movement that experts say are needed to improve the situation.
The true function of the new right is not to transform this reality, but rather to make a revised version of it seem more palatable than it is.
At the end of the day, the new right’s conservatism would push ordinary Americans into unsatisfactory jobs while forcing them to adhere to the cultural beliefs of a radical minority. Sound familiar? It should, because it is the same outcome that mainstream conservatism has already helped to produce, the reality most Americans already experience. The true function of the new right is not to transform this reality, but rather to make a revised version of it seem more palatable than it is.
For progressives, the emergence of the new right can seem like a promising development. The rhetorical attacks that people like Josh Hawley and Tucker Carlson level on big finance make them sound like kindred spirits in the struggle to build what Bernie Sanders calls “an economy that works for all of us.” Moreover, as progressive author Matt Stoller points out, to the extent that these new right leaders are willing to legislate against asset stripping, stock buybacks and the like, there is indeed some room to work with them.
Ultimately, however, in the fight for equality and democracy, the new right is at most a group of unwitting accomplices. They are stoking popular, bipartisan opposition to the U.S.’s corrupt and neoliberal political economy, but failing to offer a coherent and convincing plan for how to achieve a better future. The contradiction between their populist rhetoric and elitist, minoritarian worldview leaves a huge gap between themselves and the disaffected working- and middle-class voters they claim to represent. This gap begs to be filled by a more legitimately majoritarian movement against concentrated power. Progressives should stay focused on building that movement and avoid wasting too much time trying to figure out the “new populist right.” They’re just conservatives.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-07-11--Raising Corporate Taxes Could Help Cities Facing COVID-19 Budget Crises

The economic impact of the Covid-19 pandemic has strained municipal budgets , even as cities have been on the frontlines of the public health emergency and the rising eviction crisis .
The federal government is balking at approving aid to states and municipalities , sparking calls for cutbacks in vital public services .
Instead , local elected officials should explore options for generating new revenue in ways that help reduce the inequalities that have worsened the effects of the crisis .
This is also a critical moment for municipalities to help restore some fairness to the tax code after the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wealthy individuals and corporations .
Below we highlight several revenue options , focusing on corporations and wealthy property owners .
The feasibility of these proposals vary by jurisdiction , since states grant municipalities different levels of taxation power .
The Seattle city council approved a new tax on July 6 , 2020 that targets large businesses with highly paid employees to generate funds for initial use as crisis relief .
The Jumpstart Seattle plan has three tiers .
Businesses with annual payrolls of at least $ 7 million will be taxed 0.7 percent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 150,000- $ 399,999 per year and 1.7 percent on pay to employees making $ 400,000 or more .
Middle-tier firms with payrolls of at least $ 100 million will owe a tax of 0.7 percent on pay to employees making $ 150,000- $ 399,999 and 1.9 percent on pay to employees earning $ 400,000 or more .
At the top end , corporations with payrolls of at least $ 1 billion ( e.g.
, Amazon ) will be taxed at 1.4 percent on pay to employees making at least $ 150,000 and 2.4 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 400,000 or more .
The tax plan is expected to generate more than $ 200 million per year .
Municipalities with the authority to apply local corporate income taxes should consider introducing or increasing the rate on existing taxes or require firms to pay a certain percentage of their state/federal corporate income tax bill to the local government .
Another well-established option is a local corporate minimum tax , which could be based on income , gross receipts , or the value of a firm ’ s local payroll or property .
New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2015 .
San Francisco is another example .
After a 2018 ballot initiative , the city imposed an additional gross receipts tax on its biggest corporations in order to fund homelessness programs .
Americans across the political spectrum are outraged about the vast gaps between CEO and worker pay .
In 2016 , Portland became the first city to tackle this problem through its tax code .
Companies that operate in this Oregon city face a 10 percent surtax on the standard 2.2 percent local profits tax if their CEO pay is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pay .
For firms with pay ratios larger than 250 to 1 , the surtax is 25 percent .
Many of the 500 corporations subject to the tax regularly appear on highest-paid CEO lists , such as General Electric and Wells Fargo .
In San Francisco , residents will vote in November 2020 on a ballot measure to introduce a similar tax in that city .
Under the proposal , large companies that pay their CEO more than 100 times the pay of their median worker in San Francisco will owe a tax @ @ @ @ @ @ @ receipts .
The tax rises to 0.2 percent for companies with pay gaps of more than 200 to 1 , and can go up to 1 percent of gross receipts if the top-paid exec makes 1,000 times the median .
If approved , the tax is expected to generate as much as $ 140 million per year .
Lawmakers in eight U.S. states and in the U.S. Congress have introduced legislation similar to the Portland tax .
These efforts build on the living wage movement by giving corporations an incentive to narrow their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of their wage scale and reining in CEO pay .
High-End Real Estate Taxes to Fund Affordable Housing And Other Priorities In many U.S. cities , gentrification trends are exacerbated by a surge in international capital as wealthy investors seek safe havens to park their money .
Cities should consider taxes on luxury real estate transfers and annual taxes targeting luxury second homes and unoccupied , vacant properties .
Ordinances can be designed to target residential , commercial , and corporate-owned properties .
Such legislation raises revenue while discouraging the disruptive impact of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Some municipalities may require state enabling legislation to allow such local taxes .
Jurisdictions should also consider requiring disclosure of the true owners of real estate ( which is not always the name on the legal title ) so they better understand who is buying up their communities .
In 2016 , San Francisco voters approved a tax on high-end ( over $ 5 million ) commercial and residential real estate transactions , with funds used to make community college more affordable .
In 2019 , the New York state legislature strengthened an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rates ranging from 1 percent on sales over million to 3.9 percent rate on transactions over $ 25 million .
The new tax is expected to raise $ 365 million in FY2019-2020 to help finance mass transit .
At least 35 states have luxury real estate transfer taxes , and seven states levy a surcharge on the highest-value homes or have a progressive bracket structure through their real estate transfer tax system .
Some of these laws enable municipalities to piggyback on the state transfer tax .
In 2019 , Washington state implemented @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also enables cities and towns to create a local add-on tax for affordable housing and homeless services .
The statewide transfer tax ranges from 1.1 percent on the first $ 500,000 in real estate value to 3 percent on sales over $ 3 million .
Cities and counties have great flexibility to add-on to the state transfer tax to fund capital projects .
Seattle ’ s municipal add-on tax will generate an estimated $ 15 million- $ 20 million per year for affordable housing and homeless services .
In Massachusetts , state legislators @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to implement luxury transfer taxes .
In December 2019 , Boston city councilors passed a “ home rule petition ” to the state legislature to enable them to levy a 2 percent real estate transfer tax on properties valued at over $ 2 million .
The fees could raise over $ 160 million for the City of Boston and would be dedicated to affordable housing programs .
A growing number of cities are also exploring “ vacancy taxes ” to discourage wealthy investors from treating properties as “ wealth storage units , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , for example , a new Empty Homes Tax aims to combat a recent housing crisis caused by property owners ’ refusal to enter into rental agreements .
Vacant residential properties are taxed at 1 percent of their value .
Such taxes build on state “ split roll property taxes ” that apply different rates to different types of property .
The District of Columbia , for example , taxes vacant commercial and residential properties at a much higher rate .
In addition to fair tax increases , municipalities should eliminate wasteful tax @ @ @ @ @ @ @ create good , sustainable jobs .
New accounting rules require all state and local budgets to report revenues lost to such tax breaks , generating useful information for eliminating subsidies that drain resources from vital public services .

The economic impact of the Covid-19 pandemic has strained municipal budgets, even as cities have been on the frontlines of the public health emergency and the rising eviction crisis. The federal government is balking at approving aid to states and municipalities, sparking calls for cutbacks in vital public services. Instead, local elected officials should explore options for generating new revenue in ways that help reduce the inequalities that have worsened the effects of the crisis.
This is also a critical moment for municipalities to help restore some fairness to the tax code after the 2017 Republican tax law slashed taxes on wealthy individuals and corporations. Below we highlight several revenue options, focusing on corporations and wealthy property owners. The feasibility of these proposals vary by jurisdiction, since states grant municipalities different levels of taxation power.
Corporate Payroll Taxes
The Seattle city council approved a new tax on July 6, 2020 that targets large businesses with highly paid employees to generate funds for initial use as crisis relief. The Jumpstart Seattle plan has three tiers. Businesses with annual payrolls of at least $7 million will be taxed 0.7 percent on pay to Seattle employees making $150,000-$399,999 per year and 1.7 percent on pay to employees making $400,000 or more. Middle-tier firms with payrolls of at least $100 million will owe a tax of 0.7 percent on pay to employees making $150,000-$399,999 and 1.9 percent on pay to employees earning $400,000 or more. At the top end, corporations with payrolls of at least $1 billion (e.g., Amazon) will be taxed at 1.4 percent on pay to employees making at least $150,000 and 2.4 percent on pay to employees make $400,000 or more. The tax plan is expected to generate more than $200 million per year.
Corporate Income Taxes
Municipalities with the authority to apply local corporate income taxes should consider introducing or increasing the rate on existing taxes or require firms to pay a certain percentage of their state/federal corporate income tax bill to the local government. Another well-established option is a local corporate minimum tax, which could be based on income, gross receipts, or the value of a firm’s local payroll or property. New York City adopted such a minimum tax in 2015. San Francisco is another example. After a 2018 ballot initiative, the city imposed an additional gross receipts tax on its biggest corporations in order to fund homelessness programs.
Taxes on Excessive CEO Pay
Americans across the political spectrum are outraged about the vast gaps between CEO and worker pay. In 2016, Portland became the first city to tackle this problem through its tax code. Companies that operate in this Oregon city face a 10 percent surtax on the standard 2.2 percent local profits tax if their CEO pay is more than 100 times their median worker pay. For firms with pay ratios larger than 250 to 1, the surtax is 25 percent. Many of the 500 corporations subject to the tax regularly appear on highest-paid CEO lists, such as General Electric and Wells Fargo.
In San Francisco, residents will vote in November 2020 on a ballot measure to introduce a similar tax in that city. Under the proposal, large companies that pay their CEO more than 100 times the pay of their median worker in San Francisco will owe a tax of 0.1 percent of their annual gross receipts. The tax rises to 0.2 percent for companies with pay gaps of more than 200 to 1, and can go up to 1 percent of gross receipts if the top-paid exec makes 1,000 times the median. If approved, the tax is expected to generate as much as $140 million per year.
Lawmakers in eight U.S. states and in the U.S. Congress have introduced legislation similar to the Portland tax. These efforts build on the living wage movement by giving corporations an incentive to narrow their gaps by lifting up the bottom end of their wage scale and reining in CEO pay.
High-End Real Estate Taxes to Fund Affordable Housing And Other Priorities
In many U.S. cities, gentrification trends are exacerbated by a surge in international capital as wealthy investors seek safe havens to park their money. Cities should consider taxes on luxury real estate transfers and annual taxes targeting luxury second homes and unoccupied, vacant properties. Ordinances can be designed to target residential, commercial, and corporate-owned properties. Such legislation raises revenue while discouraging the disruptive impact of luxury development on local housing markets.
Some municipalities may require state enabling legislation to allow such local taxes. Jurisdictions should also consider requiring disclosure of the true owners of real estate (which is not always the name on the legal title) so they better understand who is buying up their communities.
In 2016, San Francisco voters approved a tax on high-end (over $5 million) commercial and residential real estate transactions, with funds used to make community college more affordable.
In 2019, the New York state legislature strengthened an existing “mansion tax,” with rates ranging from 1 percent on sales over million to 3.9 percent rate on transactions over $25 million. The new tax is expected to raise $365 million in FY2019-2020 to help finance mass transit.
At least 35 states have luxury real estate transfer taxes, and seven states levy a surcharge on the highest-value homes or have a progressive bracket structure through their real estate transfer tax system. Some of these laws enable municipalities to piggyback on the state transfer tax.
In 2019, Washington state implemented a progressive real estate transfer tax that also enables cities and towns to create a local add-on tax for affordable housing and homeless services. The statewide transfer tax ranges from 1.1 percent on the first $500,000 in real estate value to 3 percent on sales over $3 million. Cities and counties have great flexibility to add-on to the state transfer tax to fund capital projects. Seattle’s municipal add-on tax will generate an estimated $15 million-$20 million per year for affordable housing and homeless services.
In Massachusetts, state legislators are considering a bill to enable municipalities to implement luxury transfer taxes. In December 2019, Boston city councilors passed a “home rule petition” to the state legislature to enable them to levy a 2 percent real estate transfer tax on properties valued at over $2 million. The fees could raise over $160 million for the City of Boston and would be dedicated to affordable housing programs.
Vacancy Taxes
A growing number of cities are also exploring “vacancy taxes” to discourage wealthy investors from treating properties as “wealth storage units,” not homes. In Vancouver, Canada, for example, a new Empty Homes Tax aims to combat a recent housing crisis caused by property owners’ refusal to enter into rental agreements. Vacant residential properties are taxed at 1 percent of their value.
Such taxes build on state “split roll property taxes” that apply different rates to different types of property. The District of Columbia, for example, taxes vacant commercial and residential properties at a much higher rate.
Reduce Corporate Tax Subsidies
In addition to fair tax increases, municipalities should eliminate wasteful tax subsidies that do little to ensure businesses create good, sustainable jobs. New accounting rules require all state and local budgets to report revenues lost to such tax breaks, generating useful information for eliminating subsidies that drain resources from vital public services.