truthout--2020-06-01--Police Attacked Protesters After Kneeling for Solidarity Photo Op, Activists Say

Some of the police officers who have been prominently photographed kneeling or praying alongside demonstrators against police violence have turned around and harmed protesters soon afterward , according to numerous accounts posted by activists on social media .
Twitter user @ NeeNeinNyetNo , for example , showed an image of Orlando Police praying with protesters and wrote , “ Literally 45 minutes later they maced us in the face for the crime of standing in their vicinity.
” User @ starrydani described a similar about-face from the Portland Police after some of their officers used a take-a-knee moment as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ WERE PUT ON AND GASSED AN ENTIRE PARK , ” they wrote .
Another Twitter user in Detroit said that tear gas was authorized by the head of the police department a mere 10 minutes after they had knelt with demonstrators in that city ’ s demonstrations .
And user @ diabliitax , who was in New York , quoted a tweet of protesters and police officers kneeling with one another .
The video of the event looks almost harmonious , as opposing sides appear to be coming together , until the tweet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the story .
“ They beat the living shit out of us one hour after this , ” they said .
In light of these eyewitness reports , it ’ s no wonder that many protesters are expressing skepticism about whether the recent flurry of feel-good images showing police officers expressing supposed solidarity with protesters is in fact an attempt to provide propaganda cover for police who act nice one moment but cause pain to demonstrators in the next .
Meanwhile , some law enforcement officers are being lauded uncritically for their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for prior troubling incidents that have occurred in their departments .
One notable story involves Chattanooga , Tennessee , Chief of Police David Roddy , who responded to Floyd ’ s death last week by tweeting out a strong statement regarding his own officers under his command .
“ If you wear a badge and you don ’ t have an issue with this…turn it in , ” Roddy said in his tweet .
Roddy ’ s post has been retweeted more than 165,000 times , and shared in articles on Facebook countless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ home town have found reason to be critical of the police chief .
Roddy has defended or ignored a number of acts of violence by his own officers over the years despite community outrage , including an incident in 2018 where a 14-year-old Black girl was forcefully pulled out of a vehicle and arrested , resulting in injuries to her wrists .
Another officer formerly in Roddy ’ s command pleaded guilty to raping three women and tasering a fourth while in his custody — an incident that the police chief didn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ admitted to his crimes last September .
As photos and videos of police engaged in apparent acts of solidarity continue to circulate , some activists are calling for readers to engage more critically and skeptically with them .
Demonstrator Aleeia Abraham , who recorded video of officers kneeling with protesters in Queens , New York , said it ’ s important to remember the limits of symbolic acts like the one she witnessed “ What we ’ re really looking for is action , ” Abraham explained .
“ I ’ ll be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not stepped on and gunned down .
That ’ s the moment I ’ m looking for .
”

Some feel-good stories of officers showing signs of unity are followed up with disturbing accounts of police violence.
Some of the police officers who have been prominently photographed kneeling or praying alongside demonstrators against police violence have turned around and harmed protesters soon afterward, according to numerous accounts posted by activists on social media.
Twitter user @NeeNeinNyetNo, for example, showed an image of Orlando Police praying with protesters and wrote, “Literally 45 minutes later they maced us in the face for the crime of standing in their vicinity.”
Literally 45 minutes later they maced us in the face for the crime of standing in their vicinity https://t.co/85a6zU2oJy — Matzo Man (@NeeNeinNyetNo) June 1, 2020
User @starrydani described a similar about-face from the Portland Police after some of their officers used a take-a-knee moment as a photo opportunity: “IMMEDIATELY GAS MASKS WERE PUT ON AND GASSED AN ENTIRE PARK,” they wrote.
Another Twitter user in Detroit said that tear gas was authorized by the head of the police department a mere 10 minutes after they had knelt with demonstrators in that city’s demonstrations.
THE HEAD OF DPD KNELT WITH US THEN 10 MINUTES LATER AUTHORIZED TEAR GAS. FUCK THEIR PERFORMANCES — acab emily (@kkslidersgod) June 1, 2020
And user @diabliitax, who was in New York, quoted a tweet of protesters and police officers kneeling with one another. The video of the event looks almost harmonious, as opposing sides appear to be coming together, until the tweet’s author tells the other side of the story.
“They beat the living shit out of us one hour after this,” they said.
In light of these eyewitness reports, it’s no wonder that many protesters are expressing skepticism about whether the recent flurry of feel-good images showing police officers expressing supposed solidarity with protesters is in fact an attempt to provide propaganda cover for police who act nice one moment but cause pain to demonstrators in the next.
Meanwhile, some law enforcement officers are being lauded uncritically for their current statements without being asked to account for prior troubling incidents that have occurred in their departments. One notable story involves Chattanooga, Tennessee, Chief of Police David Roddy, who responded to Floyd’s death last week by tweeting out a strong statement regarding his own officers under his command.
“If you wear a badge and you don’t have an issue with this…turn it in,” Roddy said in his tweet.
Roddy’s post has been retweeted more than 165,000 times, and shared in articles on Facebook countless times. Yet community leaders in his home town have found reason to be critical of the police chief.
Roddy has defended or ignored a number of acts of violence by his own officers over the years despite community outrage, including an incident in 2018 where a 14-year-old Black girl was forcefully pulled out of a vehicle and arrested, resulting in injuries to her wrists.
Another officer formerly in Roddy’s command pleaded guilty to raping three women and tasering a fourth while in his custody — an incident that the police chief didn’t condemn until after that officer fully admitted to his crimes last September.
As photos and videos of police engaged in apparent acts of solidarity continue to circulate, some activists are calling for readers to engage more critically and skeptically with them.
Demonstrator Aleeia Abraham, who recorded video of officers kneeling with protesters in Queens, New York, said it’s important to remember the limits of symbolic acts like the one she witnessed
“What we’re really looking for is action,” Abraham explained. “I’ll be even more impressed when we’re not stepped on and gunned down. That’s the moment I’m looking for.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-06-01--Don’t Let Trump Use This Moment to Sneak in Domestic Terrorism Laws

There ’ s something ironic about a fascist president labeling an anti-fascist movement “ terrorists.
” It could be a joke , if it didn ’ t have such terrifying implications for civil liberties .
Yet in an attempt to deflect responsibility for kindling the flames of white nationalism and racism over the course of his administration , President Donald Trump ’ s scapegoat of the day is the left .
He tweeted early Sunday : “ The United States of America will be designating ANTIFA as a Terrorist Organization.
” And on Monday , he spread a claim from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was no involvement of “ white supremest [ sic ] ” groups in the protests that have taken over cities nationwide over the past week .
For starters , there ’ s no authority to formally designate U.S. groups , so it ’ s unclear what direct legal weight the move would carry .
But more worrisome is that the attempted designation signals that more is likely to come , especially considering the administration and the Department of Justice ’ s years-long agenda .
The desire to associate a group on the left @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any metric , it ’ s a farce to believe there ’ s new evidence in the current whirlwind to support a weighty label of terrorism for antifa — a decentralized collective of radical movements opposed to fascism .
Activists arrested in solidarity have hardly even posted bail or faced hearings .
There hasn ’ t been due process .
And even if there was , we couldn ’ t possibly know the full story because journalists are getting beaten and arrested .
But terror labels for the left have been something the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ salivated over for years .
Senators Ted Cruz and Bill Cassidy were sounding war drums against antifa , introducing a terrorism designation resolution last year .
The FBI maintained a special designation for “ Black Identity Extremists ” which was pulled following outcry from civil rights leaders .
Federal harassment of the left has a long and sordid history .
Most may be familiar with COINTELPRO , the infamous program advanced by FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover to surveil , infiltrate and disrupt groups on the left , from the antiwar movement to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continued to partner with the Department of Homeland Security , fusion centers ( intelligence-sharing centers between federal and state agencies ) , local police and even private companies against movements such as Occupy Wall Street .
Focusing on antifa is a deflection from the reality that violent far right groups have killed more people inside the United States than any ideological group in nearly 20 years .
The Justice Department has faced increased scrutiny for its double standards in how it pursues cases of violence when it involves actions by right-wing , predominantly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ involving Muslims , often of color , or even just those perceived to be Muslim .
For years , I have studied these double standards with the Washington , D.C.-based Institute for Social Policy and Understanding .
Our data revealed enormous disparities in the legal and media treatment of ideological violence .
Right-wing , typically white perpetrators of violence typically faced a fraction of the penalties that others did , and were almost never described as terrorists .
Perhaps due to mounting pressure , in April , the U.S. designated a white supremacist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a Foreign Terrorist Organization for the first time .
That action followed on the heels of FBI Director Christopher Wray ’ s testimony before Congress that violent far right extremists are a “ national threat priority , ” describing their “ unrelenting ” nature and elevating these groups to the same threat level as ISIS ( also known as Daesh ) — a move that has its own problems , as ISIS shouldn ’ t be the benchmark for a threat that has been objectively more dangerous in recent years .
Those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provide quick fixes to any problems , but they were movements in a long process of addressing years of systemic inequity predating Trump .
But it ’ s unclear in light of Trump ’ s tweets what , if anything , is being done to address this “ national threat priority.
” The use of the word “ terrorist ” by an administration against its ideological opponents should always be met with skepticism .
What terrorist labels would likely allow in practice , especially against an entity so amorphously defined as antifa , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ PATRIOT Act for federal law enforcement against political movements the current administration disagrees with .
What are the limits as to who gets investigated on suspicion for being part of antifa ?
The criteria , assuming there are any , would likely be opaque .
And such labels would probably present significant First Amendment problems to the extent that they stigmatize individuals based purely on their political beliefs and ideological opposition to the Trump administration .
Attempts to use this moment to pass a domestic terrorism law would also be misguided .
Terrorism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to some of the worst infringements of civil liberties in U.S. history .
They combine vague and broadly-worded prohibitions with severe penalties and virtually destroy any semblance of due process .
A domestic terror law would likely be used just like any other law — disproportionately against communities of color .
Prosecutors already have tools to go after right-wing violence , racism and white nationalism .
They do not need more .
The problem is a not a lack of laws but a continuous and systematic refusal to apply existing laws equally , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If anything , the alarming responses to citizens and journalists in response to justifiable outrage prove the urgency of defunding the immense resources of , and curtailing the legal impunity of , prosecutors and law enforcement .
The terrorists are those who continue to wage violence against communities of color .

There’s something ironic about a fascist president labeling an anti-fascist movement “terrorists.” It could be a joke, if it didn’t have such terrifying implications for civil liberties.
Yet in an attempt to deflect responsibility for kindling the flames of white nationalism and racism over the course of his administration, President Donald Trump’s scapegoat of the day is the left. He tweeted early Sunday: “The United States of America will be designating ANTIFA as a Terrorist Organization.” And on Monday, he spread a claim from “Fox & Friends” that there was no involvement of “white supremest [sic]” groups in the protests that have taken over cities nationwide over the past week.
For starters, there’s no authority to formally designate U.S. groups, so it’s unclear what direct legal weight the move would carry.
But more worrisome is that the attempted designation signals that more is likely to come, especially considering the administration and the Department of Justice’s years-long agenda.
The desire to associate a group on the left with terrorism predates this moment. Under any metric, it’s a farce to believe there’s new evidence in the current whirlwind to support a weighty label of terrorism for antifa — a decentralized collective of radical movements opposed to fascism. Activists arrested in solidarity have hardly even posted bail or faced hearings. There hasn’t been due process. And even if there was, we couldn’t possibly know the full story because journalists are getting beaten and arrested.
But terror labels for the left have been something the administration and many on the right have salivated over for years. Senators Ted Cruz and Bill Cassidy were sounding war drums against antifa, introducing a terrorism designation resolution last year. The FBI maintained a special designation for “Black Identity Extremists” which was pulled following outcry from civil rights leaders.
The use of the word “terrorist” by an administration against its ideological opponents should always be met with skepticism.
Federal harassment of the left has a long and sordid history. Most may be familiar with COINTELPRO, the infamous program advanced by FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover to surveil, infiltrate and disrupt groups on the left, from the antiwar movement to Black liberation groups. The FBI has continued to partner with the Department of Homeland Security, fusion centers (intelligence-sharing centers between federal and state agencies), local police and even private companies against movements such as Occupy Wall Street.
Focusing on antifa is a deflection from the reality that violent far right groups have killed more people inside the United States than any ideological group in nearly 20 years. The Justice Department has faced increased scrutiny for its double standards in how it pursues cases of violence when it involves actions by right-wing, predominantly white and Christian perpetrators, versus cases involving Muslims, often of color, or even just those perceived to be Muslim. For years, I have studied these double standards with the Washington, D.C.-based Institute for Social Policy and Understanding. Our data revealed enormous disparities in the legal and media treatment of ideological violence. Right-wing, typically white perpetrators of violence typically faced a fraction of the penalties that others did, and were almost never described as terrorists.
Perhaps due to mounting pressure, in April, the U.S. designated a white supremacist group — the Russian Imperial Movement — as a Foreign Terrorist Organization for the first time. That action followed on the heels of FBI Director Christopher Wray’s testimony before Congress that violent far right extremists are a “national threat priority,” describing their “unrelenting” nature and elevating these groups to the same threat level as ISIS (also known as Daesh) — a move that has its own problems, as ISIS shouldn’t be the benchmark for a threat that has been objectively more dangerous in recent years.
A domestic terror law would likely be used just like any other law — disproportionately against communities of color.
Those steps were progress. They did not provide quick fixes to any problems, but they were movements in a long process of addressing years of systemic inequity predating Trump.
But it’s unclear in light of Trump’s tweets what, if anything, is being done to address this “national threat priority.” The use of the word “terrorist” by an administration against its ideological opponents should always be met with skepticism.
What terrorist labels would likely allow in practice, especially against an entity so amorphously defined as antifa, is even greater surveillance powers under the PATRIOT Act for federal law enforcement against political movements the current administration disagrees with. What are the limits as to who gets investigated on suspicion for being part of antifa? The criteria, assuming there are any, would likely be opaque. And such labels would probably present significant First Amendment problems to the extent that they stigmatize individuals based purely on their political beliefs and ideological opposition to the Trump administration.
Attempts to use this moment to pass a domestic terrorism law would also be misguided. Terrorism laws like the PATRIOT Act have led to some of the worst infringements of civil liberties in U.S. history. They combine vague and broadly-worded prohibitions with severe penalties and virtually destroy any semblance of due process.
A domestic terror law would likely be used just like any other law — disproportionately against communities of color. Prosecutors already have tools to go after right-wing violence, racism and white nationalism. They do not need more. The problem is a not a lack of laws but a continuous and systematic refusal to apply existing laws equally, reinforcing double standards in the justice system.
If anything, the alarming responses to citizens and journalists in response to justifiable outrage prove the urgency of defunding the immense resources of, and curtailing the legal impunity of, prosecutors and law enforcement. The terrorists are those who continue to wage violence against communities of color.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-06-01--This Is What a Revolution Looks Like

This Is What a Revolution Looks Like

There has never been a weekend in the U.S. quite like the one we just experienced .
Many comparisons of this moment have been made to the fury that boiled over in 1968 after the murder of Martin Luther King Jr. , and to the “ Days of Rage , ” the anti-war civil unrest that gripped Chicago in October of 1969 .
Some have pointed to the “ Red Summer ” of 1919 as an apt comparison , when a wave of racist violence washed over the nation as it grappled with the ravages of the Spanish flu pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , squares entirely with the events now before us .
Another lethal pandemic , this one still in its beginnings , has chewed through the illusions of strength this nation has used for decades to paper over its glaring inadequacies .
Those very insufficiencies helped give rise to a pretender tyrant of a president , a one-man failed state who rages against the dying of his own feeble light even as he hides in the White House bunker from the consequences of his own gross derelictions .
Thanks to the advent of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this has been recorded and spread far and wide .
The violence of the white supremacist police state , a truth centuries in the making , has been exposed once again .
This time , there was no retreat back into how it has always been , no slow fade from the news cycle .
This time , it is in the streets with fists and voices raised , and no end in sight .
George Floyd died under the knee of a police officer with a notorious record of violence .
A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and within days , the whole world was watching .
As actor Will Smith told Late Show host Stephen Colbert in 2016 , “ Racism isn ’ t getting worse .
It ’ s getting filmed.
” In Minneapolis , Louisville , Washington , D.C. , New York City , Boston , Chicago , Atlanta , Birmingham , Sioux Falls , Sacramento , Oklahoma City , Cleveland , Murfreesboro , Long Beach , Detroit , Denver , Philadelphia , Seattle , Dallas , Milwaukee and more , the people have risen .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ 24 states have borne witness to peaceful protests and fiery uprisings in equal measure .
The smashed windows and the fires , of course , get most of the press attention , and have drawn the grateful ire of those who would distract us from the reasons this has all erupted in the first place .
There is growing evidence that some on the extreme right are attempting to co-opt some of the chaos toward their own ends , as they seek to harm communities of color and spark a racial civil war @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being lavished upon “ looting ” : Images of citizens from all racial backgrounds taking food , toiletries and other goods from stores amid the chaos have dominated the news cycles , threatening to bury the story at the heart of the matter .
But the coverage of this development fails to acknowledge the actual context : millions of people enduring massive economic disruption amid COVID-19 who are out of work and out of money .
I speak of the millions of people who have suffered a lifetime of menace from the police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the conscience of men like Mitch McConnell , who has balked at providing further relief to them because he does not see doing so as ideologically sound .
What relief that has been provided came in the guise of a now long-gone $ 1,200 payment that many who needed it most never saw , while the trillions of dollars earmarked for relief more than two months ago was plundered by wealthy corporations and friends of Donald Trump .
Who , then , are the true looters here ?
There is always another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shelf of a store .
There will never , ever , be another George Floyd , Breonna Taylor , Eric Garner , Atatiana Jefferson , Botham Jean , Sandra Bland , Tamir Rice , Philando Castile , Tanisha Anderson , Michael Brown or Freddie Gray .
The dead were looted from us all by a racist police state that now has reacted with unrestrained violence against the people they are sworn to protect .
In Minneapolis , a woman standing peacefully on her own porch is fired upon by battle-armored police .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pulls down the COVID mask of a young Black man who has his arms raised to pepper spray him in the face .
In Grand Rapids , a lone and unarmed protester is maced and shot in the face with a tear gas cannister by police .
In Atlanta , police smash the windows of a car containing a Black couple , haul them bodily from the vehicle , and taze them .
Also in Minneapolis , Vice News reporter Michael Adams is pepper sprayed by police as he lays on the ground @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violence against this reporter was echoed all across the country as journalists were viciously targeted by police .
Video footage of scenes like this has been piling up like the pallets of bricks that are mysteriously appearing at protest locations with no construction zones in sight .
Either these out-of-control violent cops don ’ t know that phones come with cameras now , or they simply don ’ t care .
That latter possibility — nay , probability — is the deeply disquieting rub .
A great many people are leaning hard into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before us due to a most lethal confluence of reasons : More than 100,000 dead and more than 40 million unemployed in an out-of-control pandemic presided over by a monster president even as Black men are slaughtered by cops in the name of the white power state , and oh by the way , the ocean is still coming .
The police , in many places , are leaning back with an arsenal of violent intent .
The extreme ferocity of the police reaction is prima facie evidence of a state willing to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the racist status quo .
In response , we need to keep leaning .
If you can , get out in the street with the protesters , or start your own small one where you live .
If the streets are not possible for you , do what you can to stand in support , because everything counts .
There are many ways to stand and fight in this moment of truth .
This is a fulcrum moment for the nation , one that could tilt either way .
Either we secure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or the authoritarian pushback that has already begun will hurl us down into a darkness as yet uncomprehended should we weaken or stagger .
We must not .
“ Someday ” is now .
We can only write a better future if we are true to each other , to ourselves , and to the legion of victims who cry for justice from beyond this vale of fathomless sorrow .

We are at a fulcrum moment as a society. We must back the movement for justice and resist authoritarian pushback.
Part of the Series Despair and Disparity: The Uneven Burdens of COVID-19
There has never been a weekend in the U.S. quite like the one we just experienced.
Many comparisons of this moment have been made to the fury that boiled over in 1968 after the murder of Martin Luther King Jr., and to the “Days of Rage,” the anti-war civil unrest that gripped Chicago in October of 1969. Some have pointed to the “Red Summer” of 1919 as an apt comparison, when a wave of racist violence washed over the nation as it grappled with the ravages of the Spanish flu pandemic.
Nothing in our history, however, squares entirely with the events now before us. Another lethal pandemic, this one still in its beginnings, has chewed through the illusions of strength this nation has used for decades to paper over its glaring inadequacies. Those very insufficiencies helped give rise to a pretender tyrant of a president, a one-man failed state who rages against the dying of his own feeble light even as he hides in the White House bunker from the consequences of his own gross derelictions.
Thanks to the advent of the social media age, nearly all of this has been recorded and spread far and wide. The violence of the white supremacist police state, a truth centuries in the making, has been exposed once again. This time, there was no retreat back into how it has always been, no slow fade from the news cycle. This time, it is in the streets with fists and voices raised, and no end in sight.
George Floyd died under the knee of a police officer with a notorious record of violence. A 17-year-old woman captured this murder on film, and within days, the whole world was watching. As actor Will Smith told Late Show host Stephen Colbert in 2016, “Racism isn’t getting worse. It’s getting filmed.”
In Minneapolis, Louisville, Washington, D.C., New York City, Boston, Chicago, Atlanta, Birmingham, Sioux Falls, Sacramento, Oklahoma City, Cleveland, Murfreesboro, Long Beach, Detroit, Denver, Philadelphia, Seattle, Dallas, Milwaukee and more, the people have risen. More than 40 cities in at least 24 states have borne witness to peaceful protests and fiery uprisings in equal measure.
The violence of the white supremacist police state, a truth centuries in the making, has been exposed once again.
The smashed windows and the fires, of course, get most of the press attention, and have drawn the grateful ire of those who would distract us from the reasons this has all erupted in the first place. There is growing evidence that some on the extreme right are attempting to co-opt some of the chaos toward their own ends, as they seek to harm communities of color and spark a racial civil war.
Far too much media attention is being lavished upon “looting”: Images of citizens from all racial backgrounds taking food, toiletries and other goods from stores amid the chaos have dominated the news cycles, threatening to bury the story at the heart of the matter.
But the coverage of this development fails to acknowledge the actual context: millions of people enduring massive economic disruption amid COVID-19 who are out of work and out of money. I speak of the millions of people who have suffered a lifetime of menace from the police and whose immediate desperation makes no purchase on the conscience of men like Mitch McConnell, who has balked at providing further relief to them because he does not see doing so as ideologically sound.
What relief that has been provided came in the guise of a now long-gone $1,200 payment that many who needed it most never saw, while the trillions of dollars earmarked for relief more than two months ago was plundered by wealthy corporations and friends of Donald Trump.
The dead were looted from us all by a racist police state that now has reacted with unrestrained violence against the people they are sworn to protect.
Who, then, are the true looters here?
There is always another microwave or television to put on the shelf of a store. There will never, ever, be another George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Eric Garner, Atatiana Jefferson, Botham Jean, Sandra Bland, Tamir Rice, Philando Castile, Tanisha Anderson, Michael Brown or Freddie Gray.
The dead were looted from us all by a racist police state that now has reacted with unrestrained violence against the people they are sworn to protect.
In Minneapolis, a woman standing peacefully on her own porch is fired upon by battle-armored police.
In New York City, a police officer pulls down the COVID mask of a young Black man who has his arms raised to pepper spray him in the face.
In Grand Rapids, a lone and unarmed protester is maced and shot in the face with a tear gas cannister by police.
In Atlanta, police smash the windows of a car containing a Black couple, haul them bodily from the vehicle, and taze them.
Also in Minneapolis, Vice News reporter Michael Adams is pepper sprayed by police as he lays on the ground in full compliance with orders. The violence against this reporter was echoed all across the country as journalists were viciously targeted by police.
Video footage of scenes like this has been piling up like the pallets of bricks that are mysteriously appearing at protest locations with no construction zones in sight.
Either these out-of-control violent cops don’t know that phones come with cameras now, or they simply don’t care. That latter possibility — nay, probability — is the deeply disquieting rub.
This is a fulcrum moment for the nation, one that could tilt either way.
A great many people are leaning hard into the nexus of change that has exploded before us due to a most lethal confluence of reasons: More than 100,000 dead and more than 40 million unemployed in an out-of-control pandemic presided over by a monster president even as Black men are slaughtered by cops in the name of the white power state, and oh by the way, the ocean is still coming.
The police, in many places, are leaning back with an arsenal of violent intent. The extreme ferocity of the police reaction is prima facie evidence of a state willing to commit virtually any atrocity in the defense of the racist status quo.
In response, we need to keep leaning. If you can, get out in the street with the protesters, or start your own small one where you live. If the streets are not possible for you, do what you can to stand in support, because everything counts. There are many ways to stand and fight in this moment of truth.
This is a fulcrum moment for the nation, one that could tilt either way. Either we secure a measure of justice through sustained effort, or the authoritarian pushback that has already begun will hurl us down into a darkness as yet uncomprehended should we weaken or stagger.
We must not. “Someday” is now. We can only write a better future if we are true to each other, to ourselves, and to the legion of victims who cry for justice from beyond this vale of fathomless sorrow.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-06-01--Trump Retreats to Bunker as Uprisings Intensify

Demonstrations in response to the killing of George Floyd last week at the hands of a Minneapolis police officer have expanded to other parts of the country , and indeed around the world .
Perhaps because of the growing intensity of the protests , President Donald Trump and his family members were ushered by the Secret Service to an underground bunker beneath the White House complex on Friday evening .
After staying there for just under an hour , the Trump family was allowed to return to the main residential area .
It was unclear what warranted the move to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reports of breaches to the perimeter while protesters demonstrated outside the White House .
Trump praised the Secret Service on Saturday for their work protecting the executive residence .
“ Great job last night at the White House by the U.S. @ SecretService .
They were not only totally professional , but very cool , ” Trump said in a tweet .
The president also claimed he was inside watching “ every move ” that the Secret Service took with demonstrators .
Trump also mentioned that any protesters who may have breached the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the most vicious dogs , and most ominous weapons ” for doing so .
The White House , meanwhile , has largely ignored the issue of police brutality , with the president instead taking actions to protect himself and lashing out on social media to cast blame toward his political adversaries .
George Floyd was killed by former Officer Derek Chauvin , who handcuffed and pinned Floyd to the ground while applying pressure from his knee to Floyd ’ s neck .
Floyd repeatedly begged officers to stop , telling them he could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ release his knee after Floyd had lost consciousness , and kept pressure applied to his neck even after paramedics arrived at the scene .
After mounting public pressure , Chauvin was eventually arrested and charged with third-degree homicide and second-degree manslaughter on Friday .
The other officers involved in the arrest have yet to be charged .
The protest that led Trump to move to the White House bunker as thousands gathered in front of the White House to demonstrate is part of the nationwide surge of uprisings that have taken place in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s killing , anti-Black racism , police brutality and the stark racial disparities that have been made more apparent than ever by the grossly disparate toll of COVID-19 on Black , Indigenous and Latinx communities There has been significant international support of the protests and uprisings happening in the United States .
In Berlin on Saturday , thousands appeared in front of the U.S. Embassy building holding signs and chanting “ Say his name ” and “ I can ’ t breathe.
” Protests were also held on Saturday in Toronto , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ residents in London defied stay-at-home orders to voice their support for U.S. demonstrations .

Trump has offered some consolatory words toward Floyd’s family, but has primarily used protests to attack his opponents.
Demonstrations in response to the killing of George Floyd last week at the hands of a Minneapolis police officer have expanded to other parts of the country, and indeed around the world.
Perhaps because of the growing intensity of the protests, President Donald Trump and his family members were ushered by the Secret Service to an underground bunker beneath the White House complex on Friday evening. After staying there for just under an hour, the Trump family was allowed to return to the main residential area.
It was unclear what warranted the move to the bunker, as there were no reports of breaches to the perimeter while protesters demonstrated outside the White House.
Trump praised the Secret Service on Saturday for their work protecting the executive residence.
“Great job last night at the White House by the U.S. @SecretService. They were not only totally professional, but very cool,” Trump said in a tweet. The president also claimed he was inside watching “every move” that the Secret Service took with demonstrators.
Trump also mentioned that any protesters who may have breached the fence “would have been greeted with the most vicious dogs, and most ominous weapons” for doing so.
The White House, meanwhile, has largely ignored the issue of police brutality, with the president instead taking actions to protect himself and lashing out on social media to cast blame toward his political adversaries.
George Floyd was killed by former Officer Derek Chauvin, who handcuffed and pinned Floyd to the ground while applying pressure from his knee to Floyd’s neck. Floyd repeatedly begged officers to stop, telling them he could not breathe. Chauvin didn’t release his knee after Floyd had lost consciousness, and kept pressure applied to his neck even after paramedics arrived at the scene.
After mounting public pressure, Chauvin was eventually arrested and charged with third-degree homicide and second-degree manslaughter on Friday. The other officers involved in the arrest have yet to be charged.
The protest that led Trump to move to the White House bunker as thousands gathered in front of the White House to demonstrate is part of the nationwide surge of uprisings that have taken place in many U.S. cities in response to Floyd’s killing, anti-Black racism, police brutality and the stark racial disparities that have been made more apparent than ever by the grossly disparate toll of COVID-19 on Black, Indigenous and Latinx communities
There has been significant international support of the protests and uprisings happening in the United States. In Berlin on Saturday, thousands appeared in front of the U.S. Embassy building holding signs and chanting “Say his name” and “I can’t breathe.” Protests were also held on Saturday in Toronto, Canada, and on Sunday hundreds of residents in London defied stay-at-home orders to voice their support for U.S. demonstrations.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-06-01--Racism and Racial Terrorism Has Fueled Nationwide Anger

In the largest nationwide uprising since the 1960s , protesters shut down cities across the United States over the weekend following the police killing of George Floyd , an African American man in Minneapolis .
“ These are not just repeats of past events , ” says scholar Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor .
“ These are the consequences of the failures of this government and the political establishment … to resolve these crises.
” This is a rush transcript .
Copy may not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : This is Democracy Now !
, democracynow.org , The Quarantine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in New York City , joined by my co-host Nermeen Shaikh from her home also here in New York City .
Hi , Nermeen .
NERMEEN SHAIKH : Good morning , Amy .
And welcome to our listeners and viewers around the country and around the world .
AMY GOODMAN : Well , in the largest nationwide uprising since the 1960s , protesters shut down cities across the United States over the weekend following the police killing of George Floyd , the 46-year-old African American man in Minneapolis .
AMY GOODMAN : George @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Memorial Day , when Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin arrested him and pressed his knee into Floyd ’ s neck for nearly nine minutes as Floyd repeatedly gasped , “ I can ’ t breathe , ” and then stopped moving .
On Friday , Chauvin was charged with third-degree murder and second-degree manslaughter .
The three other officers involved have been fired along with Chauvin but not arrested .
Minnesota Governor Tim Walz has announced Attorney General Keith Ellison will take the lead in the investigation and any prosecutions related to George @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Minneapolis intersection where Floyd was killed , people created a memorial and declared it a sacred space .
Meanwhile , protests continued throughout the weekend from coast to coast .
The police erupted in violence in response to the widespread protests , arresting more than 4,000 people and attacking demonstrators with tear gas and rubber bullets in cities across the country .
Police cars and buildings went up in flames as thousands braved the coronavirus and increasing police violence to demonstrate .
In New York City alone , authorities said 47 police vehicles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cities have imposed curfews .
The National Guard has been deployed in Minnesota , California , Illinois , Florida and other states .
Police departments are facing increasing criticism for using excessive force on protesters and , in at least 50 separate incidents , attacking journalists .
The protests come as the nation ’ s dealing with its largest public health crisis in generations and the highest unemployment rate since the Great Depression .
During protests Friday , President Trump was moved to the White House ’ s underground bunker .
On Saturday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protesters with “ vicious dogs ” and “ ominous weapons.
” He also tweeted he would designate antifa as a terrorist organization , even though legal experts say he lacks the authority to designate a domestic group as a terrorist organization , and warn such a move would violate the First Amendment .
Outrage over Floyd ’ s death comes after protests led to the arrest of two white men last month for the February shooting death of Black jogger Ahmaud Arbery in Georgia , and then a third man arrested , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Breonna Taylor in her home in March , which the FBI is now investigating .
The demonstrations have been mostly outside , with many people wearing masks , so it ’ s unclear if they ’ ll trigger spread of the coronavirus .
But many protesters who were arrested were taken to jails that are COVID hot spots .
For more , we ’ re hosting a roundtable discussion with Dr. Cornel West , professor of the practice of public philosophy at Harvard University , author of many books , including Race Matters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re joined by Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor , assistant professor of African American studies at Princeton University .
Her recent piece for The New York Times is headlined “ Of Course There Are Protests .
The State Is Failing Black People.
” She ’ s also author of Race for Profit : How Banks and the Real Estate Industry Undermined Black Homeownership and From # BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation .
And with us from Charlotte , North Carolina , Bakari Sellers is with us , an attorney and author of his new memoir , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ youngest African American elected official in the country when he was elected to the South Carolina state Legislature in 2006 .
We welcome you all to Democracy Now !
We ’ re going to begin with professor Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor .
If you can respond to the mass uprising that has happened around the country and the police response to it , as well as the original horror on Memorial Day , the killing of George Floyd ?
KEEANGA–YAMAHTTA TAYLOR : Well , thank you , Amy , for letting me come on this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I think part of what we are seeing is years and years of pent-up rage .
Many people have referenced the 1960s , have referenced Ferguson in 2014 , but I think it ’ s important to say that these are not just repeats of past events .
These are the consequences of the failures of this government and the political establishment , the economic establishment of this country to resolve those crises , and so they build and accumulate over time .
And we are watching the boiling over of that .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ you would have to be to come out and protest in the conditions of a historical pandemic that has already killed over 103,000 Americans , that has had a disproportionately horrendous impact in Black communities .
I believe 23,000 or 24,000 Black people have died .
To put it more bluntly , one in every 2,000 African Americans in the United States has died as the result of COVID .
So imagine how difficult things have to be for people to come out in those conditions .
So , I think that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of police brutality , police abuse and violence and murder has compelled people to have to endure those conditions , because it is obvious that there is either nothing that our government can do about this or that the government is complicit and chooses not to do anything about this .
And I think that we have to add to that the crisis that is unfolding beyond police brutality in the country , as well , because we all know that the videotapes of police beatings , abuse , murder have never stopped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out of the Ferguson uprising , that became Black Lives Matter , the conditions that led to that never actually ended .
And I think that what has reignited that is obviously the public lynching of George Floyd one week ago in Minneapolis , but also the conditions , the wider context within which that is spilling over .
And because of that wider condition of mass unemployment , of the death that has been caused by the pandemic , that this is not just — I don ’ t believe these are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But we see a lot of — hundreds , if not thousands , of young white people in these uprisings , making these multiracial rebellions , really .
And I think that that is important .
Some people have sort of described the participation of white people as outside agitators , or I know that there are reports of white supremacists infiltrating some of the demonstrations .
And I think that those are things that we have to pay attention to , keep track of and try to understand .
But I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ widespread way the participation of young white people , because we have to see that what has happened over the last decade has gutted their lives , too .
And there has been some discussion about this with perhaps their parents ’ generation , with the description of deaths by despair .
So , we know that the life expectancy of ordinary white men and women has gone into reverse — something , by the way , that does not typically happen in the developed world .
And it is driven by opioid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so , this generation , whose lives really — you know , if you ’ ve graduated from college , your life has been bracketed by war at the turn of the 21st century , by recession and now by a deadly pandemic .
And so , I think we ’ re seeing the convergence of a class rebellion with racism and racial terrorism at the center of it .
And in many ways , we are in uncharted territory in the United States .

In the largest nationwide uprising since the 1960s, protesters shut down cities across the United States over the weekend following the police killing of George Floyd, an African American man in Minneapolis. “These are not just repeats of past events,” says scholar Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor. “These are the consequences of the failures of this government and the political establishment … to resolve these crises.”
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The Quarantine Report. I’m Amy Goodman in New York City, joined by my co-host Nermeen Shaikh from her home also here in New York City. Hi, Nermeen.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: Good morning, Amy. And welcome to our listeners and viewers around the country and around the world.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, in the largest nationwide uprising since the 1960s, protesters shut down cities across the United States over the weekend following the police killing of George Floyd, the 46-year-old African American man in Minneapolis.
PROTESTERS: George Floyd! Say his name! George Floyd! Say his name! George Floyd! Say his name! George Floyd! What do we want? Justice! When do we want it? Now! What do we want? Justice! When do we want it? Now! If we don’t get it? Shut it down! If we don’t get it? Shut it down! If we don’t get it? Shut it down! What do we want? Justice!
AMY GOODMAN: George Floyd died one week ago, on Memorial Day, when Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin arrested him and pressed his knee into Floyd’s neck for nearly nine minutes as Floyd repeatedly gasped, “I can’t breathe,” and then stopped moving. On Friday, Chauvin was charged with third-degree murder and second-degree manslaughter. The three other officers involved have been fired along with Chauvin but not arrested. Minnesota Governor Tim Walz has announced Attorney General Keith Ellison will take the lead in the investigation and any prosecutions related to George Floyd’s killing. At the Minneapolis intersection where Floyd was killed, people created a memorial and declared it a sacred space.
Meanwhile, protests continued throughout the weekend from coast to coast. The police erupted in violence in response to the widespread protests, arresting more than 4,000 people and attacking demonstrators with tear gas and rubber bullets in cities across the country. Police cars and buildings went up in flames as thousands braved the coronavirus and increasing police violence to demonstrate. In New York City alone, authorities said 47 police vehicles have been damaged. At least 40 cities have imposed curfews. The National Guard has been deployed in Minnesota, California, Illinois, Florida and other states. Police departments are facing increasing criticism for using excessive force on protesters and, in at least 50 separate incidents, attacking journalists.
The protests come as the nation’s dealing with its largest public health crisis in generations and the highest unemployment rate since the Great Depression. During protests Friday, President Trump was moved to the White House’s underground bunker. On Saturday, he took to Twitter to threaten protesters with “vicious dogs” and “ominous weapons.” He also tweeted he would designate antifa as a terrorist organization, even though legal experts say he lacks the authority to designate a domestic group as a terrorist organization, and warn such a move would violate the First Amendment.
Outrage over Floyd’s death comes after protests led to the arrest of two white men last month for the February shooting death of Black jogger Ahmaud Arbery in Georgia, and then a third man arrested, and after the Louisville police shooting death of Breonna Taylor in her home in March, which the FBI is now investigating.
The demonstrations have been mostly outside, with many people wearing masks, so it’s unclear if they’ll trigger spread of the coronavirus. But many protesters who were arrested were taken to jails that are COVID hot spots.
For more, we’re hosting a roundtable discussion with Dr. Cornel West, professor of the practice of public philosophy at Harvard University, author of many books, including Race Matters and Black Prophetic Fire. And we’re joined by Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, assistant professor of African American studies at Princeton University. Her recent piece for The New York Times is headlined “Of Course There Are Protests. The State Is Failing Black People.” She’s also author of Race for Profit: How Banks and the Real Estate Industry Undermined Black Homeownership and From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation. And with us from Charlotte, North Carolina, Bakari Sellers is with us, an attorney and author of his new memoir, My Vanishing Country. He became the youngest African American elected official in the country when he was elected to the South Carolina state Legislature in 2006.
We welcome you all to Democracy Now! We’re going to begin with professor Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor. If you can respond to the mass uprising that has happened around the country and the police response to it, as well as the original horror on Memorial Day, the killing of George Floyd?
KEEANGA–YAMAHTTA TAYLOR: Well, thank you, Amy, for letting me come on this morning to talk.
You know, I think part of what we are seeing is years and years of pent-up rage. Many people have referenced the 1960s, have referenced Ferguson in 2014, but I think it’s important to say that these are not just repeats of past events. These are the consequences of the failures of this government and the political establishment, the economic establishment of this country to resolve those crises, and so they build and accumulate over time. And we are watching the boiling over of that.
Imagine how angry, desperate, rage-filled you would have to be to come out and protest in the conditions of a historical pandemic that has already killed over 103,000 Americans, that has had a disproportionately horrendous impact in Black communities. I believe 23,000 or 24,000 Black people have died. To put it more bluntly, one in every 2,000 African Americans in the United States has died as the result of COVID. So imagine how difficult things have to be for people to come out in those conditions. So, I think that the buildup around police brutality, the continuation of police brutality, police abuse and violence and murder has compelled people to have to endure those conditions, because it is obvious that there is either nothing that our government can do about this or that the government is complicit and chooses not to do anything about this.
And I think that we have to add to that the crisis that is unfolding beyond police brutality in the country, as well, because we all know that the videotapes of police beatings, abuse, murder have never stopped. So, the movement that grew out of the Ferguson uprising, that became Black Lives Matter, the conditions that led to that never actually ended. And I think that what has reignited that is obviously the public lynching of George Floyd one week ago in Minneapolis, but also the conditions, the wider context within which that is spilling over. And because of that wider condition of mass unemployment, of the death that has been caused by the pandemic, that this is not just — I don’t believe these are just protests around or against police brutality.
But we see a lot of — hundreds, if not thousands, of young white people in these uprisings, making these multiracial rebellions, really. And I think that that is important. Some people have sort of described the participation of white people as outside agitators, or I know that there are reports of white supremacists infiltrating some of the demonstrations. And I think that those are things that we have to pay attention to, keep track of and try to understand. But I think we cannot dismiss in a widespread way the participation of young white people, because we have to see that what has happened over the last decade has gutted their lives, too. And there has been some discussion about this with perhaps their parents’ generation, with the description of deaths by despair.
So, we know that the life expectancy of ordinary white men and women has gone into reverse — something, by the way, that does not typically happen in the developed world. And it is driven by opioid addiction, alcoholism and suicide. And so, this generation, whose lives really — you know, if you’ve graduated from college, your life has been bracketed by war at the turn of the 21st century, by recession and now by a deadly pandemic. And so, I think we’re seeing the convergence of a class rebellion with racism and racial terrorism at the center of it. And in many ways, we are in uncharted territory in the United States.


truthout--2020-06-01--Senator Plans Amendment to End Transfer of Military Equipment to Local Police

With the militarization of local police forces on full display as heavily armed cops and armored vehicles patrol the streets and crack down on protests over the killing of George Floyd , Sen. Brian Schatz on Sunday said he plans to introduce an amendment to end the federal program that permits the transfer of excess military equipment to police departments across the nation .
“ I will be introducing an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act to discontinue the program that transfers military weaponry to local police departments , ” the Hawaii Democrat tweeted late Sunday .
Julián Castro @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Schatz ’ s proposal , warning that “ as long as our police arm up like a combat force , they ’ ll act like it.
” President Donald Trump in 2017 rolled back Obama-era limits on the 1033 Program , which authorizes the Defense Department to send military equipment and weapons to local police departments .
As NBC reported at the time , “ Congress created the program in 1990 during the height of the war on drugs for federal and state law enforcement agencies , and it was expanded seven years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” “ Since the program ’ s inception , ” NBC noted , “ more than $ 5.4 billion in equipment has flowed to police.
” The response by local law enforcement to the nationwide uprising that followed Floyd ’ s killing has heightened scrutiny of the 1033 Program , with lawmakers and activists warning that access to military hardware has made police behavior toward protesters even more brutal and violent .
“ Militarizing local police forces doesn ’ t make our communities safer , ” tweeted Rep. Pramila Jayapal ( D-Wash. ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Philip McHarris , a PhD candidate in sociology and African American studies at Yale University , wrote in an op-ed for the Washington Post last week that “ police departments have come to resemble military units , contributing to deadly violence disproportionately against black Americans.
” “ The cycle of police brutality sparking unrest , and that unrest being met by the militarized police is increasingly familiar in modern American society , ” wrote McHarris .
“ Tough-on-crime policies and militarized police departments have paved the way for increased police contact and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police to engage in routine and militaristic violence is the only way to break recurring cycles of police killings and the militarized response that protests of them are often met with .
”

The militarization of local police forces is on full display following the police killing of George Floyd.
With the militarization of local police forces on full display as heavily armed cops and armored vehicles patrol the streets and crack down on protests over the killing of George Floyd, Sen. Brian Schatz on Sunday said he plans to introduce an amendment to end the federal program that permits the transfer of excess military equipment to police departments across the nation.
“I will be introducing an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act to discontinue the program that transfers military weaponry to local police departments,” the Hawaii Democrat tweeted late Sunday.
Julián Castro, the former Housing Secretary, applauded Schatz’s proposal, warning that “as long as our police arm up like a combat force, they’ll act like it.”
President Donald Trump in 2017 rolled back Obama-era limits on the 1033 Program, which authorizes the Defense Department to send military equipment and weapons to local police departments. As NBC reported at the time, “Congress created the program in 1990 during the height of the war on drugs for federal and state law enforcement agencies, and it was expanded seven years later to include all law enforcement departments.”
“Since the program’s inception,” NBC noted, “more than $5.4 billion in equipment has flowed to police.”
A 2017 study found that transferring military equipment to law enforcement agencies led to more people killed by police. Basically, having access to military equipment can change the organization, operations and culture of department too.https://t.co/DWv2sIPicZ pic.twitter.com/FFZ0YREfD3 — Mira Rojanasakul (@rjnskl) June 1, 2020
The response by local law enforcement to the nationwide uprising that followed Floyd’s killing has heightened scrutiny of the 1033 Program, with lawmakers and activists warning that access to military hardware has made police behavior toward protesters even more brutal and violent.
“Militarizing local police forces doesn’t make our communities safer,” tweeted Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.), co-chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus.
Philip McHarris, a PhD candidate in sociology and African American studies at Yale University, wrote in an op-ed for the Washington Post last week that “police departments have come to resemble military units, contributing to deadly violence disproportionately against black Americans.”
“The cycle of police brutality sparking unrest, and that unrest being met by the militarized police is increasingly familiar in modern American society,” wrote McHarris. “Tough-on-crime policies and militarized police departments have paved the way for increased police contact and tragic violence. Reducing the capacity for police to engage in routine and militaristic violence is the only way to break recurring cycles of police killings and the militarized response that protests of them are often met with.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-06-01--Amid COVID, People Involuntarily Confined in Psych Hospitals Must Be Released

When most people speak of invisibility right now , they ’ re speaking of germs — those too-small-to-be-seen strands of coronavirus that are circling the world so ferociously .
And yet so many full-sized and visible humans are being treated as if they just aren ’ t there .
With every pronouncement to “ just stay home , ” we fail to see those who are unhoused and living on the streets .
With every urging to stay “ socially distanced , ” we miss all those who are forced to share overcrowded sleeping quarters in prisons and jails .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the importance of wearing masks , we fail to recognize the non-white people for whom that might actually not be so safe , and act as if people trapped in inpatient psychiatric units — who have absolutely no control over their access to personal protective equipment ( PPE ) like masks and gloves — simply don ’ t exist .
There has long been concern that psychiatric treatment facilities are misnamed in that their mission so often seems geared toward containment over rehabilitation , no matter how they choose to portray themselves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recognition for her poem , “ And the Psych Ward Says , ” in which she powerfully details just what that lack of real help can look like from the inside : “ Remember , you are only here for three days , so take advantage of the 5 to 10 minutes you have with the doctor .
But , understand he has a list of patients as long as his pay stubs , so you won ’ t be receiving any actual therapy sessions while you ’ re here.
” The COVID-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into focus .
For example , pre-crisis , hospitals across the nation would typically insist that someone isn ’ t “ participating in treatment ” if they weren ’ t regularly going to groups in the unit , no matter how inane some of them were .
Yet now , many of those same hospitals are insisting that — with all groups canceled — they ’ re still able to provide treatment at the same time that they ’ re asking people to quarantine in those very same rooms .
And , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — sometimes with people asked to sit nearly shoulder-to-shoulder — aren ’ t in any better position to defend their choices as they recklessly put the lives of both their staff and those hospitalized at serious risk .
However , the issues don ’ t stop there .
One of the most pronounced concerns is the simple lack of transparency about transmission rates and response plans or guidance at both the state and facility level .
This leaves vulnerable people often held against their will in environments where visitor access has temporarily been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ real way to get information about what ’ s going on .
The conditions appear to mirror one another from state to state .
Whether we look to New York , Texas , Washington State , Washington , D.C. , or beyond , both patients and staff are feeling forgotten .
A search on “ coronavirus ” and “ psychiatric hospital ” in virtually any state brings troubling results .
Anonymous reports from staff who are terrified of being fired also suggest that some facilities are so understaffed that they ’ re unable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — or even ( in some instances ) properly deliver the psychiatric drugs and medications that hospital doctors themselves have prescribed .
Medical responses have also apparently been delayed , with people reporting COVID-like symptoms for days before being addressed .
PPE has not consistently been available in an equitable fashion to both workers and patients .
Some facilities still have three , four and sometimes even five people sleeping in the same room .
Thus , the resultant deaths have begun .
The only real way to demonstrate that we as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is to demand transparency about what exactly is happening behind all those locked doors and to recognize the need to let people go .
Prisons in some areas have begun to accelerate release dates for many individuals .
Gov .
Ned Lamont in Connecticut has at least agreed to “ mull over ” the release of those being held in their state-run psychiatric facilities following compelling advocacy efforts on the part of the Connecticut Legal Rights Project .
In Massachusetts , where it was recently revealed that one psychiatric facility has a 90 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my organization , the Western Massachusetts Recovery Learning Community , is leading the charge to ask Gov .
Charlie Baker , the Executive Office of Health and Human Services and the Department of Mental Health to do the same .
We have been joined in our efforts by a variety of disability rights attorneys and the Massachusetts Chapter of the ACLU ( among others ) in asking the Commonwealth to take a hard look at what ’ s happening , and take expedient measures to change course and save lives .
As we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ jails and prisons , we must call for the release of involuntarily confined people at psychiatric hospitals .
We must call for resources for those who are released , including emergency housing and community support dollars .
It ’ s clear that holding people in congregate environments dramatically increases risk of coronavirus-related illness up to and including death .
All that remains to be seen is how strongly our government officials feel about being on the right side of history .

Part of the Series Despair and Disparity: The Uneven Burdens of COVID-19
When most people speak of invisibility right now, they’re speaking of germs — those too-small-to-be-seen strands of coronavirus that are circling the world so ferociously. And yet so many full-sized and visible humans are being treated as if they just aren’t there.
With every pronouncement to “just stay home,” we fail to see those who are unhoused and living on the streets. With every urging to stay “socially distanced,” we miss all those who are forced to share overcrowded sleeping quarters in prisons and jails. And, with every sentence we utter about the importance of wearing masks, we fail to recognize the non-white people for whom that might actually not be so safe, and act as if people trapped in inpatient psychiatric units — who have absolutely no control over their access to personal protective equipment (PPE) like masks and gloves — simply don’t exist.
There has long been concern that psychiatric treatment facilities are misnamed in that their mission so often seems geared toward containment over rehabilitation, no matter how they choose to portray themselves. Poet Anita D has won widespread recognition for her poem, “And the Psych Ward Says,” in which she powerfully details just what that lack of real help can look like from the inside: “Remember, you are only here for three days, so take advantage of the 5 to 10 minutes you have with the doctor. But, understand he has a list of patients as long as his pay stubs, so you won’t be receiving any actual therapy sessions while you’re here.”
The COVID-19 crisis has served to bring this issue into focus. For example, pre-crisis, hospitals across the nation would typically insist that someone isn’t “participating in treatment” if they weren’t regularly going to groups in the unit, no matter how inane some of them were. Yet now, many of those same hospitals are insisting that — with all groups canceled — they’re still able to provide treatment at the same time that they’re asking people to quarantine in those very same rooms. And, the hospitals that have continued to hold groups — sometimes with people asked to sit nearly shoulder-to-shoulder — aren’t in any better position to defend their choices as they recklessly put the lives of both their staff and those hospitalized at serious risk.
However, the issues don’t stop there. One of the most pronounced concerns is the simple lack of transparency about transmission rates and response plans or guidance at both the state and facility level. This leaves vulnerable people often held against their will in environments where visitor access has temporarily been eliminated, and there’s no real way to get information about what’s going on. The conditions appear to mirror one another from state to state. Whether we look to New York, Texas, Washington State, Washington, D.C., or beyond, both patients and staff are feeling forgotten. A search on “coronavirus” and “psychiatric hospital” in virtually any state brings troubling results.
Anonymous reports from staff who are terrified of being fired also suggest that some facilities are so understaffed that they’re unable to consistently follow any amended cleaning protocols — or even (in some instances) properly deliver the psychiatric drugs and medications that hospital doctors themselves have prescribed. Medical responses have also apparently been delayed, with people reporting COVID-like symptoms for days before being addressed. PPE has not consistently been available in an equitable fashion to both workers and patients. Some facilities still have three, four and sometimes even five people sleeping in the same room. Thus, the resultant deaths have begun.
The only real way to demonstrate that we as a society see the humans behind the numbers is to demand transparency about what exactly is happening behind all those locked doors and to recognize the need to let people go. Prisons in some areas have begun to accelerate release dates for many individuals. Gov. Ned Lamont in Connecticut has at least agreed to “mull over” the release of those being held in their state-run psychiatric facilities following compelling advocacy efforts on the part of the Connecticut Legal Rights Project. In Massachusetts, where it was recently revealed that one psychiatric facility has a 90 percent infection rate among its patients, my organization, the Western Massachusetts Recovery Learning Community, is leading the charge to ask Gov. Charlie Baker, the Executive Office of Health and Human Services and the Department of Mental Health to do the same. We have been joined in our efforts by a variety of disability rights attorneys and the Massachusetts Chapter of the ACLU (among others) in asking the Commonwealth to take a hard look at what’s happening, and take expedient measures to change course and save lives.
As we call for the releases of people from jails and prisons, we must call for the release of involuntarily confined people at psychiatric hospitals. We must call for resources for those who are released, including emergency housing and community support dollars. It’s clear that holding people in congregate environments dramatically increases risk of coronavirus-related illness up to and including death. All that remains to be seen is how strongly our government officials feel about being on the right side of history.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
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truthout--2020-06-01--Four More Years of Donald Trump Could Delay Global Emissions Cuts by 10 Years

Modelling suggests there are only very limited circumstances where the Paris Agreement ’ s warming limit of 2C is met — and a U.S. departure from the landmark 2015 deal restricts those options further for every term Trump is in office .
While the immediate effects will be felt at home , ultimately , the knock-on impacts of “ the Trump effect ” will be “ even more detrimental ” for international efforts , the study finds .
The research , published in Environmental Science and Policy , suggests two presidential terms of U.S. inaction on climate change would create @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , this could delay global emissions reduction by a decade .
The presence of a climate sceptic in the White House also means other countries would have to pick up the slack to stay within the 2C limit , adding a percentage point of reductions to each of their emissions pledges for every Trump term .
However , scientists not involved in the study have told Carbon Brief that simplistic assumptions in the modelling exclude crucial factors , such as “ messy and unpredictable ” domestic politics and the emissions cuts being made @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s announcement in 2017 that he intended to withdraw from the Paris Agreement was a significant setback for international climate politics .
Widely viewed as “ disastrous , ” there was speculation the decision could both lead to higher emissions and trigger an “ avalanche ” of further departures .
However , according to the authors of the new paper , actual analysis of this historic event ’ s impact has been “ sparse.
” Lead author Dr Håkon Sælen from the Centre for International Climate Research ( CICERO ) in Norway @ @ @ @ @ @ @ team to investigate the knock-on effects it could have on the “ dynamic cooperation process envisioned by Paris ” : The researchers used an “ agent-based model , ” which Sælen describes as “ a computerised world where agents [ in this case states ] interact according to predescribed rules.
” Such models are useful for understanding “ adaptive systems ” like the Paris Agreement that change in response to internal changes .
The model was designed to mimic the Paris Agreement ’ s key components , including the cycles of nationally determined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make pledges about future climate action .
With initial emissions based on data from 2015 , the model also simulates how countries might raise the ambition of their pledges every five years .
This ramping up of ambition — the so-called “ ratchet mechanism ” — is meant to happen this year , but may face delays due to the coronavirus pandemic .
The model ran over one million scenarios based on different combinations of input parameters .
The researchers were attempting to capture the full range of possible futures , within the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The parameters included whether countries do or do not raise their ambition , by a little or a lot , and the influence other countries have on them doing so , as well as other factors including compliance with targets and faith in the overall Paris system .
The Paris Agreement states that each new NDC “ will represent a progression ” from the existing one .
While in principle this should prevent backtracking , for example in response to U.S. departure , the authors note this is “ probably overly optimistic ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the model — one with this “ progression principle ” and one without .
The U.S. features even in scenarios where it has left the agreement , but its emissions remain at 2015 levels for the length of one or two Trump terms .
This is based on work that suggests emissions will “ remain approximately constant ” for the length of Trump ’ s presidency .
The effects of the nation ’ s withdrawal then play out as other states respond to its static emissions with less ambitious pledges .
Using @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many scenarios resulted in a world where emissions remained within the budget for 2C of warming , as laid out in the Paris Agreement .
Most of the numbers used in the model are uncertain , so the model was run for multiple different values of those parameters .
Sælen is clear that this still represents a very simplified version of the agreement : In other words , the model runs are not predictions of how countries will act , but instead reflect the different ways they might respond under various circumstances .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Trump presidency , creating three scenarios in which he never assumed office , serves for one four-year term and serves for two terms .
These scenarios assume that whoever was president instead of Trump would have remained part of the Paris Agreement , using the NDC adopted under former president Barack Obama .
When all other factors are kept constant , the researchers are then able to identify “ the Trump effect ” on other nations ’ behaviour , global emissions trajectories and the likelihood of keeping emissions within the 2C @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the current president ’ s “ laggardship ” reduces the prospects for meeting the 2C target to “ near zero.
” Of their million model runs , only 0.3 % stay within their emissions budget for 2C given one Trump term , and 0.1 % given two terms .
However , even if the U.S. had remained within the Paris Agreement , the modelling only suggests a maximum of 0.64 % of scenarios would remain within the 2C limit .
According to Prof Johannes Urpelainen , director at the Johns Hopkins School of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ involved in the study , this is to be expected .
He tells Carbon Brief : The authors acknowledge that “ only under a very small set of conditions ” do states remain within the budget , let alone the smaller budget required for 1.5C of warming — the stretch goal of the agreement .
They conclude : Pointing out the “ substantial ” differences between the Trump scenarios , Sælen also notes that not all of the model ’ s scenarios are equally likely , therefore the percentages of successful runs can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The modelling suggests that under conditions that are otherwise beneficial for the Paris Agreement , where parties take cues from each other and trust the process , the impact of U.S. withdrawal is highest .
In such scenarios , the 10-year delay in U.S. emissions cuts the researchers expect will result from a longer Trump presidency has far-reaching effects .
It ends up delaying both global emissions reductions and the world ’ s “ net-zero ” date by a decade as well .
This can be seen in the bottom-right chart below , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — meaning countries exert a strong influence on each other — drives a wider gap between the “ no Trump ” ( undotted line ) and “ Trump 2 periods ” ( dotted line ) scenarios .
As the impact of U.S. withdrawal plays out , the researchers conclude other parties would have to comply “ nearly 100 % ” with their pledges and increase each of their NDC commitments an additional percentage point each for every term Trump spends in office , in order to stay below 2C .
Kelly Levin from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the paper shows the far-reaching impact of U.S. inaction , as well as how other states will have to compensate as the Trump administration ’ s policies “ chip away at our ever-shrinking carbon budget.
” Urpelainen , who has previously published similar work , says while he thinks this is a “ very good paper , ” he questions the key assumption that U.S. emissions will remain roughly the same due to leaving the Paris Agreement : The U.S. has a long history of non-compliance with international climate agreements and yet there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for example , from the power and transport sectors .
Another issue is that while the U.S. may be currently on course to withdraw at the end of this year from the Paris Agreement , Levin points out that cities , states and counties accounting for two thirds of the U.S. economy — “ equivalent to the world ’ s second largest economy ” — remain committed to the agreement .
This suggests “ the worst scenarios in this paper may not materialise , ” she says .
In fact , due to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the complexities of domestic politics are largely excluded in this study , says Dr Sylvia Karlsson-Vinkhuyzen , a political scientist at Wageningen University who was not involved in the work .
She tells Carbon Brief : While she says this is “ much more messy and unpredictable , ” Karlsson-Vinkhuyzen notes this plays out in significant ways — not least President Trump ’ s decision to leave the agreement in the first place .
Finally , she notes the model is optimistic in that it assumes nations take positive cues from each others @ @ @ @ @ @ @ countries are likely to be less cooperative , while others may even undertake climate action because it is deemed “ the right thing to do , ” irrespective of other parties .
“ The truth is a mixture , there are different drivers for different states at different times , ” Karlsson-Vinkhuyzen says .
Sælen acknowledges these points , but notes contributions by cities and other smaller actors would be hard for other countries to track if they are not included in an NDC .
This means even if their emissions cuts were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would not be eliminated .
He says the effects of U.S. withdrawal will be easier to estimate once data on new pledges and post-2020 emissions are available , but notes the postponement of COP26 in Glasgow until next year and the coronavirus pandemic “ may take political attention away from updating of NDCs .
”

Modelling suggests there are only very limited circumstances where the Paris Agreement’s warming limit of 2C is met — and a U.S. departure from the landmark 2015 deal restricts those options further for every term Trump is in office.
While the immediate effects will be felt at home, ultimately, the knock-on impacts of “the Trump effect” will be “even more detrimental” for international efforts, the study finds.
The research, published in Environmental Science and Policy, suggests two presidential terms of U.S. inaction on climate change would create ripple effects across other nations. Ultimately, this could delay global emissions reduction by a decade.
The presence of a climate sceptic in the White House also means other countries would have to pick up the slack to stay within the 2C limit, adding a percentage point of reductions to each of their emissions pledges for every Trump term.
However, scientists not involved in the study have told Carbon Brief that simplistic assumptions in the modelling exclude crucial factors, such as “messy and unpredictable” domestic politics and the emissions cuts being made by individual U.S. states.
Modelling Paris
President Trump’s announcement in 2017 that he intended to withdraw from the Paris Agreement was a significant setback for international climate politics.
Widely viewed as “disastrous,” there was speculation the decision could both lead to higher emissions and trigger an “avalanche” of further departures. However, according to the authors of the new paper, actual analysis of this historic event’s impact has been “sparse.”
Lead author Dr Håkon Sælen from the Centre for International Climate Research (CICERO) in Norway tells Carbon Brief they are the first team to investigate the knock-on effects it could have on the “dynamic cooperation process envisioned by Paris”:
“The novelty [of our study] is that it tries to quantify indirect effects, meaning the increase in other countries’ emissions due to the political effects of U.S. withdrawal.”
The researchers used an “agent-based model,” which Sælen describes as “a computerised world where agents [in this case states] interact according to predescribed rules.” Such models are useful for understanding “adaptive systems” like the Paris Agreement that change in response to internal changes.
The model was designed to mimic the Paris Agreement’s key components, including the cycles of nationally determined contributions (NDCs) in which parties make pledges about future climate action.
With initial emissions based on data from 2015, the model also simulates how countries might raise the ambition of their pledges every five years. This ramping up of ambition — the so-called “ratchet mechanism” — is meant to happen this year, but may face delays due to the coronavirus pandemic.
The model ran over one million scenarios based on different combinations of input parameters. The researchers were attempting to capture the full range of possible futures, within the bounds of reality and Paris rules.
The parameters included whether countries do or do not raise their ambition, by a little or a lot, and the influence other countries have on them doing so, as well as other factors including compliance with targets and faith in the overall Paris system.
The Paris Agreement states that each new NDC “will represent a progression” from the existing one. While in principle this should prevent backtracking, for example in response to U.S. departure, the authors note this is “probably overly optimistic” and, therefore, run two versions of the model — one with this “progression principle” and one without.
The U.S. features even in scenarios where it has left the agreement, but its emissions remain at 2015 levels for the length of one or two Trump terms. This is based on work that suggests emissions will “remain approximately constant” for the length of Trump’s presidency.
The effects of the nation’s withdrawal then play out as other states respond to its static emissions with less ambitious pledges.
Using these components, the researchers determined how many scenarios resulted in a world where emissions remained within the budget for 2C of warming, as laid out in the Paris Agreement.
Most of the numbers used in the model are uncertain, so the model was run for multiple different values of those parameters. Sælen is clear that this still represents a very simplified version of the agreement:
“The decision rules must be simplified relative to the complicated decision-making procedures in governments…The model runs should be considered scenarios, not predictions.”
In other words, the model runs are not predictions of how countries will act, but instead reflect the different ways they might respond under various circumstances.
“The Trump Effect”
The researchers wanted to isolate the impact of the Trump presidency, creating three scenarios in which he never assumed office, serves for one four-year term and serves for two terms.
These scenarios assume that whoever was president instead of Trump would have remained part of the Paris Agreement, using the NDC adopted under former president Barack Obama.
When all other factors are kept constant, the researchers are then able to identify “the Trump effect” on other nations’ behaviour, global emissions trajectories and the likelihood of keeping emissions within the 2C target.
Overall, they concluded that the current president’s “laggardship” reduces the prospects for meeting the 2C target to “near zero.” Of their million model runs, only 0.3% stay within their emissions budget for 2C given one Trump term, and 0.1% given two terms.
However, even if the U.S. had remained within the Paris Agreement, the modelling only suggests a maximum of 0.64% of scenarios would remain within the 2C limit.
According to Prof Johannes Urpelainen, director at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, who was not involved in the study, this is to be expected. He tells Carbon Brief:
“We’re not on track toward 2C, so a model that correctly describes the current politics and economics of climate change should not lead to 2C.”
The authors acknowledge that “only under a very small set of conditions” do states remain within the budget, let alone the smaller budget required for 1.5C of warming — the stretch goal of the agreement. They conclude:
“Indeed, these targets might have proved out of reach even without U.S. withdrawal. Nevertheless, U.S. withdrawal will further reduce the prospects for reaching them.”
Pointing out the “substantial” differences between the Trump scenarios, Sælen also notes that not all of the model’s scenarios are equally likely, therefore the percentages of successful runs cannot be seen as strict probabilities.
The modelling suggests that under conditions that are otherwise beneficial for the Paris Agreement, where parties take cues from each other and trust the process, the impact of U.S. withdrawal is highest.
In such scenarios, the 10-year delay in U.S. emissions cuts the researchers expect will result from a longer Trump presidency has far-reaching effects.
It ends up delaying both global emissions reductions and the world’s “net-zero” date by a decade as well. This can be seen in the bottom-right chart below, where a high “reciprocity factor” — meaning countries exert a strong influence on each other — drives a wider gap between the “no Trump” (undotted line) and “Trump 2 periods” (dotted line) scenarios.
Sælen et al. (2020)
As the impact of U.S. withdrawal plays out, the researchers conclude other parties would have to comply “nearly 100%” with their pledges and increase each of their NDC commitments an additional percentage point each for every term Trump spends in office, in order to stay below 2C.
Kelly Levin from the World Resources Institute tells Carbon Brief the paper shows the far-reaching impact of U.S. inaction, as well as how other states will have to compensate as the Trump administration’s policies “chip away at our ever-shrinking carbon budget.”
“Messy and Unpredictable”
Urpelainen, who has previously published similar work, says while he thinks this is a “very good paper,” he questions the key assumption that U.S. emissions will remain roughly the same due to leaving the Paris Agreement:
“I think really [this is the] lynchpin…Does the agreement have an actual impact on U.S. behaviour, or is it just a way to codify what would happen in any case?”
The U.S. has a long history of non-compliance with international climate agreements and yet there have still been domestic emissions cuts — for example, from the power and transport sectors.
Another issue is that while the U.S. may be currently on course to withdraw at the end of this year from the Paris Agreement, Levin points out that cities, states and counties accounting for two thirds of the U.S. economy — “equivalent to the world’s second largest economy” — remain committed to the agreement. This suggests “the worst scenarios in this paper may not materialise,” she says.
In fact, due to the nature of the modelling approach, the complexities of domestic politics are largely excluded in this study, says Dr Sylvia Karlsson-Vinkhuyzen, a political scientist at Wageningen University who was not involved in the work. She tells Carbon Brief:
“The whole modelling exercise assumes that it’s a one-level game, so countries decide based on what other countries do. But, in fact, I think it’s two-level game, it’s at least as much about domestic politics.”
While she says this is “much more messy and unpredictable,” Karlsson-Vinkhuyzen notes this plays out in significant ways — not least President Trump’s decision to leave the agreement in the first place.
Finally, she notes the model is optimistic in that it assumes nations take positive cues from each others’ NDCs.
In reality, some countries are likely to be less cooperative, while others may even undertake climate action because it is deemed “the right thing to do,” irrespective of other parties. “The truth is a mixture, there are different drivers for different states at different times,” Karlsson-Vinkhuyzen says.
Sælen acknowledges these points, but notes contributions by cities and other smaller actors would be hard for other countries to track if they are not included in an NDC. This means even if their emissions cuts were large the political impact on other nations would not be eliminated.
He says the effects of U.S. withdrawal will be easier to estimate once data on new pledges and post-2020 emissions are available, but notes the postponement of COP26 in Glasgow until next year and the coronavirus pandemic “may take political attention away from updating of NDCs.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.