truthout--2020-10-12--Florida’s Chaotic 2018 Midterms Could Portend What’s to Come in November

As the nation prepares for an election that President Donald Trump has already suggested he will contest , Florida ’ s 2018 midterms provide a window into the political gamesmanship , bureaucratic errors and misinformation campaigns that may ensue .
That election could serve as a dry run in what is broadly expected to be a drawn-out vote count , due to the exploding numbers of people who will be voting by mail due to the pandemic .
Two years ago , Florida had five major statewide races , and nearly 1 in 3 votes – 31 % – were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ according to the Pew Research Center , even more voters across the country – 39 % – plan to vote by mail .
Among those 2018 Florida races were divisive contests for governor , between Democrat Andrew Gillum and Republican Ron DeSantis , and for the U.S. Senate , between outgoing Republican Gov .
Rick Scott and incumbent Democrat Bill Nelson .
As the election results started to come in , it became clear that three of the statewide races were so close that they were headed for an automatic recount .
Then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Broward County , the largest Democratic stronghold in the state , 100 % of precincts had reported their election results .
Yet the number of total votes kept climbing up and up .
It was unclear at the time where these votes were coming from .
In the days after the election , the vote totals in Broward County kept climbing , and Republican margins of victory in the races started to shrink .
In one statewide race , for the commissioner of agriculture , Democrat Nikki Fried soon narrowly overtook Republican Matt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A similar scenario could play out in multiple states this November , as most Trump supporters across the country , 60 % , plan to vote in person – meaning their votes will be tallied quickly – while most supporters of Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden , 58 % , plan to vote by mail , votes that will likely take longer to count .
In the aftermath of Election Day in 2018 , Republican protesters began swarming the Broward County elections office warehouse in Lauderhill , where the ballots were being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Stop the steal !
” and claimed rampant fraud was taking place inside .
Meanwhile , Democrats showed up , calling for election officials to continue the vote count .
Republican U.S. Rep. Matt Gaetz of northwest Florida came to Broward County to participate in the actions .
“ Rapunzel spun straw into gold .
Here , you ’ re spinnin ’ tens of thousands of ballots out of thin air , ” Gaetz told a fired-up crowd , “ out of nothing.
” In Tallahassee , Scott lobbed accusations that “ rampant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ County and in Palm Beach County , where aged machines were delaying the vote counts .
“ I will not sit idly by while unethical liberals try to steal this election from the great people of Florida , ” Scott said .
Then Trump , who strongly supported Scott and DeSantis , entered the melee .
“ There ’ s bad things going on in Broward County , really bad things .
All of a sudden , they ’ re finding votes out of nowhere , ” the president said .
“ Rick @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know , it was close , but he won by a comfortable margin – every couple hours , it goes down a little bit.
” At least 10 lawsuits were filed .
Conspiracy theories were widespread .
Fox News carried round-the-clock coverage at the Broward County Supervisor of Elections Office , giving viewers across the nation a play-by-play of what was happening .
In the end , Scott and DeSantis hung on to their narrow victories .
Looking back , the events felt like the beginnings of the 2020 presidential election .
Some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ banners were seen at the protests .
Things would soon come full circle .
The very issue that led to the delayed ballot counting in Broward County in 2018 , Floridians later learned , was the same issue that threatens to delay ballot counting across the entire country in the 2020 election .
It ’ s the same issue that Trump is already signaling he will use to potentially contest the results of the presidential election : the counting of vote-by-mail ballots after Election Day .
In a September presidential debate , Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supporters to remain calm and not engage in “ unrest ” if there is a delay counting vote-by-mail ballots , which by nature take longer to count .
“ I ’ m urging my supporters to go into the polls and watch very carefully .
Because that ’ s what has to happen .
I am urging them to do it , ” Trump said .
“ If I see tens of thousands of ballots being manipulated , I can ’ t go along with that.
” “ This is not going to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ This is all about trying to dissuade people from voting because he ’ s trying to scare people into thinking that it ’ s not going to be legitimate , ” Biden said .
“ The fact is that there are going to be millions of people , because of COVID , that are going to be voting by mail-in ballots – like he does , by the way.
” In 2018 , the problem was that Broward County dropped the ball .
Residents had been mailing in their vote-by-mail ballots for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Supervisor of Elections Office had not taken steps to count tens of thousands of those ballots until Election Day itself , according to an audit released this year .
The county could have started counting vote-by-mail ballots 15 days before the election , per state law at the time .
The delay created a major backlog of vote-by-mail ballots to be counted , one that was only compounded by the 18,116 vote-by-mail ballots received on Election Day .
Effectively , it meant that 69,902 vote-by-mail ballots were counted only in the two days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ audit .
The mystery votes were not fraudulent ; they simply were counted later than they should have been counted .
That in itself was not illegal , since the deadline for reporting the first unofficial vote tally is not until the Saturday after Election Day in Florida .
But the delay left room for conspiracy theories and wild allegations to fester .
Broward Supervisor of Elections Brenda Snipes was removed from office for “ incompetence ” during the last days of Scott ’ s administration .
Her handling of the 2018 election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ string of mismanagement – she also missed the 2018 recount deadline for the state of Florida by mere seconds .
In the audit of the 2018 elections , which was released this year , the scope of Snipes ’ troubles was laid bare .
The Office of the Broward County Auditor found that the entire election in Broward County was “ understaffed , ” that the delay in counting vote-by-mail ballots held up election results for the entire state , and that all the issues left it so that even auditors could not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote counts reported by Broward County .
Most troublingly , the auditor found that half of precincts recorded more ballots cast than there were voters on Election Day .
Scott appointed Republican Peter Antonacci to replace Snipes as the election supervisor for Broward County .
Since coming into office , he has changed protocols for counting vote-by-mail ballots and bought new equipment .
The primary election in August was one of the first big tests of Antonacci ’ s new management .
Yet even that election was presented with some problems because of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ yesterday by over 13,000 vote-by-mail ballots that came in on Election Day , ” Antonacci told reporters the morning after the primary election .
“ That ’ s the very thing that caused the meltdown in 2018.
” The Florida Legislature took some steps to avoid these kinds of situations after the troubled 2018 election .
It changed the law to allow election offices to start counting mail-in-ballots up to 22 days before Election Day .
The Legislature also made the deadline for requesting a vote-by-mail ballot earlier , to 10 days before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election .
This was an effort to stop so many ballots from getting mailed at the last minute and to discourage backlogs in counting vote-by-mail ballots .
Even so , on primary night , Antonacci ’ s office didn ’ t complete the vote count until 2 a.m .
Speaking with reporters , he acknowledged that counting all the mail-in ballots on election night might not be realistic , even if it is the goal .
“ We intend to count all our ballots election night or early next morning , ” he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re up against in November .
But our goal is to finish that night and we ’ re done.
” Across the nation , a huge uptick in mail-in voting is expected in response to the coronavirus pandemic .
The reality is that Florida , even with its ongoing issues , has far more experience with voting by mail than many other states .
Floridians have had the option to vote by mail since 2002 .
In several states , vote-by-mail ballots can only start getting processed on Election Day for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Conference of State Legislatures .
These include Alabama , Kentucky , Michigan , Mississippi , Pennsylvania , West Virginia and Wyoming .
If people vote by mail in large numbers , in those states especially , it could bring a significant backlog in nationwide election results .
This could lead to a different , less final kind of election night – unlike what many Americans have come to expect in recent decades .
But it would be far from unprecedented .
“ Really only since World War II have we had election results @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” said Ion Sancho , who served as the supervisor of elections in Florida ’ s Leon County for 28 years before retiring in 2016 .
“ This is a relatively recent phenomenon.
” Sancho was in office during the contested 2000 presidential election in Florida and has seen firsthand how the increasing prevalence of mail-in voting should temper the public ’ s expectation of immediate , comprehensive election results .
“ The growth of vote-by-mail ballots means that ’ s next to impossible .
It ’ s just next to impossible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This story was edited by Alicia Zuckerman , Terence Shepherd and Lance Dixon at WLRN and Esther Kaplan at Reveal .
Caitie Switalski can be reached at [ email protected ] , and Daniel Rivero can be reached at [ email protected ] .
Follow them on Twitter : @ caitielee0917 and @ TooMuchMe .

Result delays in Florida left room for conspiracy theories to fester. The same could happen in November.
This story was originally published by Reveal from The Center for Investigative Reporting, a nonprofit news organization based in the San Francisco Bay Area. Learn more at revealnews.org and subscribe to the “Reveal” podcast, produced with PRX, at revealnews.org/podcast.
This article was reported by WLRN Public Radio.
As the nation prepares for an election that President Donald Trump has already suggested he will contest, Florida’s 2018 midterms provide a window into the political gamesmanship, bureaucratic errors and misinformation campaigns that may ensue.
That election could serve as a dry run in what is broadly expected to be a drawn-out vote count, due to the exploding numbers of people who will be voting by mail due to the pandemic.
Two years ago, Florida had five major statewide races, and nearly 1 in 3 votes – 31% – were cast by mail. This November, according to the Pew Research Center, even more voters across the country – 39% – plan to vote by mail.
Among those 2018 Florida races were divisive contests for governor, between Democrat Andrew Gillum and Republican Ron DeSantis, and for the U.S. Senate, between outgoing Republican Gov. Rick Scott and incumbent Democrat Bill Nelson. As the election results started to come in, it became clear that three of the statewide races were so close that they were headed for an automatic recount.
Then something odd started to happen.
In Broward County, the largest Democratic stronghold in the state, 100% of precincts had reported their election results. Yet the number of total votes kept climbing up and up.
It was unclear at the time where these votes were coming from. In the days after the election, the vote totals in Broward County kept climbing, and Republican margins of victory in the races started to shrink. In one statewide race, for the commissioner of agriculture, Democrat Nikki Fried soon narrowly overtook Republican Matt Caldwell, who had already declared victory.
A similar scenario could play out in multiple states this November, as most Trump supporters across the country, 60%, plan to vote in person – meaning their votes will be tallied quickly – while most supporters of Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden, 58%, plan to vote by mail, votes that will likely take longer to count.
In the aftermath of Election Day in 2018, Republican protesters began swarming the Broward County elections office warehouse in Lauderhill, where the ballots were being counted. They started chanting, “Stop the steal!” and claimed rampant fraud was taking place inside.
Meanwhile, Democrats showed up, calling for election officials to continue the vote count.
Republican U.S. Rep. Matt Gaetz of northwest Florida came to Broward County to participate in the actions. “Rapunzel spun straw into gold. Here, you’re spinnin’ tens of thousands of ballots out of thin air,” Gaetz told a fired-up crowd, “out of nothing.”
In Tallahassee, Scott lobbed accusations that “rampant fraud” was taking place in Broward County and in Palm Beach County, where aged machines were delaying the vote counts. “I will not sit idly by while unethical liberals try to steal this election from the great people of Florida,” Scott said.
Then Trump, who strongly supported Scott and DeSantis, entered the melee.
“There’s bad things going on in Broward County, really bad things. All of a sudden, they’re finding votes out of nowhere,” the president said. “Rick Scott, who won by – you know, it was close, but he won by a comfortable margin – every couple hours, it goes down a little bit.”
At least 10 lawsuits were filed. Conspiracy theories were widespread. Fox News carried round-the-clock coverage at the Broward County Supervisor of Elections Office, giving viewers across the nation a play-by-play of what was happening. In the end, Scott and DeSantis hung on to their narrow victories.
Looking back, the events felt like the beginnings of the 2020 presidential election. Some of the first “Trump 2020” banners were seen at the protests.
Things would soon come full circle.
The very issue that led to the delayed ballot counting in Broward County in 2018, Floridians later learned, was the same issue that threatens to delay ballot counting across the entire country in the 2020 election. It’s the same issue that Trump is already signaling he will use to potentially contest the results of the presidential election: the counting of vote-by-mail ballots after Election Day.
In a September presidential debate, Trump was asked if he would ask his supporters to remain calm and not engage in “unrest” if there is a delay counting vote-by-mail ballots, which by nature take longer to count.
“I’m urging my supporters to go into the polls and watch very carefully. Because that’s what has to happen. I am urging them to do it,” Trump said. “If I see tens of thousands of ballots being manipulated, I can’t go along with that.”
“This is not going to end well,” Trump said.
Biden pushed back on Trump’s statements.
“This is all about trying to dissuade people from voting because he’s trying to scare people into thinking that it’s not going to be legitimate,” Biden said. “The fact is that there are going to be millions of people, because of COVID, that are going to be voting by mail-in ballots – like he does, by the way.”
In 2018, the problem was that Broward County dropped the ball.
Residents had been mailing in their vote-by-mail ballots for weeks before Election Day, but the Supervisor of Elections Office had not taken steps to count tens of thousands of those ballots until Election Day itself, according to an audit released this year.
The county could have started counting vote-by-mail ballots 15 days before the election, per state law at the time.
The delay created a major backlog of vote-by-mail ballots to be counted, one that was only compounded by the 18,116 vote-by-mail ballots received on Election Day. Effectively, it meant that 69,902 vote-by-mail ballots were counted only in the two days after polls closed, according to the audit.
The mystery votes were not fraudulent; they simply were counted later than they should have been counted. That in itself was not illegal, since the deadline for reporting the first unofficial vote tally is not until the Saturday after Election Day in Florida.
But the delay left room for conspiracy theories and wild allegations to fester.
Broward Supervisor of Elections Brenda Snipes was removed from office for “incompetence” during the last days of Scott’s administration. Her handling of the 2018 election was the latest incident in a long string of mismanagement – she also missed the 2018 recount deadline for the state of Florida by mere seconds.
In the audit of the 2018 elections, which was released this year, the scope of Snipes’ troubles was laid bare. The Office of the Broward County Auditor found that the entire election in Broward County was “understaffed,” that the delay in counting vote-by-mail ballots held up election results for the entire state, and that all the issues left it so that even auditors could not “provide assurance” about the final vote counts reported by Broward County. Most troublingly, the auditor found that half of precincts recorded more ballots cast than there were voters on Election Day.
Scott appointed Republican Peter Antonacci to replace Snipes as the election supervisor for Broward County. Since coming into office, he has changed protocols for counting vote-by-mail ballots and bought new equipment.
The primary election in August was one of the first big tests of Antonacci’s new management. Yet even that election was presented with some problems because of vote-by-mail ballots.
“We were assaulted yesterday by over 13,000 vote-by-mail ballots that came in on Election Day,” Antonacci told reporters the morning after the primary election. “That’s the very thing that caused the meltdown in 2018.”
The Florida Legislature took some steps to avoid these kinds of situations after the troubled 2018 election. It changed the law to allow election offices to start counting mail-in-ballots up to 22 days before Election Day. The Legislature also made the deadline for requesting a vote-by-mail ballot earlier, to 10 days before an election from six days before an election.
This was an effort to stop so many ballots from getting mailed at the last minute and to discourage backlogs in counting vote-by-mail ballots.
Even so, on primary night, Antonacci’s office didn’t complete the vote count until 2 a.m. Speaking with reporters, he acknowledged that counting all the mail-in ballots on election night might not be realistic, even if it is the goal. “We intend to count all our ballots election night or early next morning,” he said. “We know what we’re up against in November. But our goal is to finish that night and we’re done.”
Across the nation, a huge uptick in mail-in voting is expected in response to the coronavirus pandemic. The reality is that Florida, even with its ongoing issues, has far more experience with voting by mail than many other states. Floridians have had the option to vote by mail since 2002.
In several states, vote-by-mail ballots can only start getting processed on Election Day for the 2020 election, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures. These include Alabama, Kentucky, Michigan, Mississippi, Pennsylvania, West Virginia and Wyoming.
If people vote by mail in large numbers, in those states especially, it could bring a significant backlog in nationwide election results.
This could lead to a different, less final kind of election night – unlike what many Americans have come to expect in recent decades. But it would be far from unprecedented.
“Really only since World War II have we had election results that we could call on election night,” said Ion Sancho, who served as the supervisor of elections in Florida’s Leon County for 28 years before retiring in 2016. “This is a relatively recent phenomenon.”
Sancho was in office during the contested 2000 presidential election in Florida and has seen firsthand how the increasing prevalence of mail-in voting should temper the public’s expectation of immediate, comprehensive election results.
“The growth of vote-by-mail ballots means that’s next to impossible. It’s just next to impossible to do,” Sancho said.
This story was edited by Alicia Zuckerman, Terence Shepherd and Lance Dixon at WLRN and Esther Kaplan at Reveal.
Caitie Switalski can be reached at [email protected], and Daniel Rivero can be reached at [email protected]. Follow them on Twitter: @caitielee0917 and @TooMuchMe.
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truthout--2020-10-12--Many Places Refuse to Abandon Columbus Day — But They Are Losing That Battle

It has taken decades to reach this moment when 141 cities , 15 states , numerous universities , and the nation of Trinidad and Tobago officially recognize Indigenous Peoples ’ Day .
But for every city that chooses to recognize Indigenous Peoples ’ Day , more are still on the fence or willfully choosing to ignore the Indigenous people in their community .
And some of the places that recognize Indigenous Peoples ’ Day also continue to acknowledge Columbus Day alongside it — for example , Arizona ’ s Republican Gov .
Doug Ducey signed a proclamation this fall recognizing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but did not replace Columbus Day as a state holiday .
The City Council in Baltimore pushed through a bill this week to change Columbus Day to Indigenous Peoples ’ Day , but the city ’ s mayor has not yet said whether he will sign it .
Meanwhile demonstrators rallied Saturday in Boston to protest the city ’ s ongoing celebration of Christopher Columbus .
“ Boston and many other cities choose to ignore urban Indigenous populations and often urban Native centers , too , ” said Mahtowin Munro , co-leader of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lead organizer for Indigenous Peoples Day MA .
“ We are not a priority to them , and we have to go through a lot to get them to listen to and respect us.
” Across the U.S. , many Indigenous Peoples ’ Day organizers have reported that one of the main barriers they face is overcoming the inaccurate historical narrative of Christopher Columbus and his “ discovery ” of American lands , which persists even though Columbus himself never stepped foot in North America — and , more importantly , people had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before 1492 .
Columbus is portrayed as a hero and an explorer , and the atrocities he and his men committed against Indigenous peoples — including rape , murder and torture — are glossed over in most history books .
“ When we do an [ Indigenous Peoples ’ Day ] campaign , we have two big steps : to explain why Columbus should not be celebrated and to explain why Indigenous Peoples ’ Day brings something positive to replace Columbus Day , ” Munro told Truthout .
“ We talk not only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more contemporary Indigenous issues and our ongoing genocide.
” “ In particular , we try to make the city/town aware of local Indigenous history and ongoing presence , ” Munro added .
“ Like many other settler societies , Massachusetts erases Indigenous people and we get asked here , too , if we are not all extinct .
The statewide curriculum has very little about Indigenous history and nothing about contemporary Indigenous people or issues.
” Munro added that working on Indigenous Peoples ’ Day campaigns can be brutal because of the lack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ histories during the political process .
“ It can feel abusive to be in hearings where people are saying horrible and untrue things , denying our genocide , and we are prevented from responding directly , ” Munro told Truthout .
“ Legislators seem to have no compunction about platforming this racism even when we explain why that is a problem.
” It has taken many years of struggle for activists to push each city , state and institution that has finally recognized Indigenous Peoples ’ Day to do so .
The dream @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1969 , when over 200 Native activists occupied the former prison on Alcatraz Island in the San Francisco Bay to draw attention to the treaty violations and injustices impacting Native communities .
In 1989 , after years of Native-led organizing , South Dakota became the first state to officially recognize Indigenous Peoples ’ Day when it passed a proposal deeming 1990 a “ year of reconciliation.
” It was a small first step that led Native people in other communities to believe that the dream of replacing Columbus Day was more than just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ However , it wasn ’ t until 1992 , when Native people in the Bay area were protesting the 500-year celebration and re-enactment of the arrival of Christopher Columbus , that the Indigenous Peoples ’ Day movement began gaining traction .
In response to the “ Quincentennial Jubilee ” that was organized by Congress to celebrate the “ discovery of America , ” the Native community formed the Bay Area Native Alliance and the “ Resistance 500 ” task force .
They organized protests and counter events to challenge the narrative of “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Columbus ’ s arrival .
While San Francisco was celebrating the fifth centennial of Columbus ’ s arrival , the “ Resistance 500 ” task force sent representatives to Berkeley , California , to convince the city to recognize Indigenous Peoples ’ Day instead of Columbus Day .
They succeeded .
Moreover , they also persuaded the city to recognize 1992 as the “ Year of Indigenous People.
” Two years later , the city of Santa Cruz followed suit .
However , these victories did not lead to an immediate domino effect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Peoples ’ Day .
Native organizing took many forms in the years that followed , but it wasn ’ t until 20 years later , in 2014 , that a resurgence in the movement to replace Columbus Day with Indigenous Peoples ’ Day would result in a chain of victories across the country .
It has taken the collaborative efforts of Native organizations like the American Indian Movement and National Congress of American Indians and local grassroots Indigenous Peoples ’ Day coalitions to mobilize efforts in their communities .
The 2016 uprising at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ energized movements for Indigenous rights and liberation , fueling the fight to replace Columbus Day with Indigenous Peoples ’ Day .
This effort has never been as simple as bringing forth a resolution to a city council or state government to recognize Indigenous Peoples ’ Day .
It takes a tremendous amount of effort , time and tenacity .
The Campaign for Indigenous Peoples ’ Day in Massachusetts Indigenous Peoples Day MA has been mobilizing efforts to have Indigenous Peoples ’ Day recognized in Massachusetts since 2015 .
While the coalition ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Somerville , Brookline , Marblehead , Wellesley College and Tufts University , they have met with strong resistance in Boston .
Indigenous activists have expressed frustration with Boston Mayor Marty Walsh and the city council for their unresponsiveness .
Kisha James , President of the Wellesley College Native American Student Association , said the reason for the resistance and silence is because of the “ extreme erasure ” that Indigenous people must contend with in so-called New England .
“ As a result , a lot of non-Native people assume there are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and then racists … come forward to deny our genocide , ” said James .
“ The power dynamics are a lot to overcome.
” “ There is also a lot of history for us to scaffold , ” said Munro , describing the dynamic of what it is like to go before city council meetings to push for Indigenous Peoples ’ Day .
“ Most non-Natives know nothing about whose land they are on , the true history of the area , what Columbus did … you name it.
” Pushing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may wonder why there ’ s such an emphasis on the recognition of Indigenous Peoples ’ Day , when it ’ s just one day out of the year .
But for Native people , it ’ s not only about one day .
“ Indigenous Peoples ’ Day is also really important because we never see ourselves celebrated anywhere outside of our own communities , ” James said .
“ Indigenous Peoples ’ Day can also build community .
We go through a lot together , testifying at hearings , marching on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community in new ways.
” On October 10 , Indigenous Peoples Day MA , United American Indians of New England ( UAINE ) , and the North American Indian Center of Boston ( NAICOB ) held a rally and march in Boston to demand that the city acknowledge Indigenous Peoples ’ Day and take other steps toward recognizing and supporting Native communities .
Protesters also demonstrated against plans for the repair and reinstallation of a Columbus statue that was vandalized in June by racial justice protesters .
“ A great thing about Indigenous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to build community among those working together to make this happen , not only within Indigenous communities but with allies from other communities , ” said Munro .
“ We make it clear to towns that Indigenous Peoples ’ Day is just a first step , not just a box to check off.
” The growing recognition of Indigenous Peoples ’ Day is the result of decades-long efforts by Native people .
As celebrations occur across the nation , don ’ t forget to support the local efforts of Native organizers in your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stop fossil fuel pipelines around the country , protect the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge , confront the crisis of missing and murdered Indigenous women , and advocating for treaty rights and true decolonization .
Acknowledge the work of these Native activists .
Ask how you can get involved , and support their efforts to have Indigenous Peoples ’ Day recognized — and seek out ways to support the many other ongoing projects that Native organizers are spearheading , in the varied and long-term fight for decolonization and Indigenous liberation .
For more information @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Massachusetts , visit IndigenousPeoplesDayMA.org .

Indigenous Peoples’ Day is just a first step, not just a box to check off.
It has taken decades to reach this moment when 141 cities, 15 states, numerous universities, and the nation of Trinidad and Tobago officially recognize Indigenous Peoples’ Day.
But for every city that chooses to recognize Indigenous Peoples’ Day, more are still on the fence or willfully choosing to ignore the Indigenous people in their community.
And some of the places that recognize Indigenous Peoples’ Day also continue to acknowledge Columbus Day alongside it — for example, Arizona’s Republican Gov. Doug Ducey signed a proclamation this fall recognizing Oct. 12 as Indigenous Peoples’ Day but did not replace Columbus Day as a state holiday.
The City Council in Baltimore pushed through a bill this week to change Columbus Day to Indigenous Peoples’ Day, but the city’s mayor has not yet said whether he will sign it.
Meanwhile demonstrators rallied Saturday in Boston to protest the city’s ongoing celebration of Christopher Columbus.
“Boston and many other cities choose to ignore urban Indigenous populations and often urban Native centers, too,” said Mahtowin Munro, co-leader of United American Indians of New England and lead organizer for Indigenous Peoples Day MA. “We are not a priority to them, and we have to go through a lot to get them to listen to and respect us.”
Across the U.S., many Indigenous Peoples’ Day organizers have reported that one of the main barriers they face is overcoming the inaccurate historical narrative of Christopher Columbus and his “discovery” of American lands, which persists even though Columbus himself never stepped foot in North America — and, more importantly, people had been living here for thousands of years before 1492. Columbus is portrayed as a hero and an explorer, and the atrocities he and his men committed against Indigenous peoples — including rape, murder and torture — are glossed over in most history books.
“It can feel abusive to be in hearings where people are saying horrible and untrue things, denying our genocide, and we are prevented from responding directly.”
“When we do an [Indigenous Peoples’ Day] campaign, we have two big steps: to explain why Columbus should not be celebrated and to explain why Indigenous Peoples’ Day brings something positive to replace Columbus Day,” Munro told Truthout. “We talk not only about 1492, but also about some more contemporary Indigenous issues and our ongoing genocide.”
“In particular, we try to make the city/town aware of local Indigenous history and ongoing presence,” Munro added. “Like many other settler societies, Massachusetts erases Indigenous people and we get asked here, too, if we are not all extinct. The statewide curriculum has very little about Indigenous history and nothing about contemporary Indigenous people or issues.”
Munro added that working on Indigenous Peoples’ Day campaigns can be brutal because of the lack of respect for Native people and their histories during the political process.
“It can feel abusive to be in hearings where people are saying horrible and untrue things, denying our genocide, and we are prevented from responding directly,” Munro told Truthout. “Legislators seem to have no compunction about platforming this racism even when we explain why that is a problem.”
Decades of Struggle
It has taken many years of struggle for activists to push each city, state and institution that has finally recognized Indigenous Peoples’ Day to do so.
The dream was beginning to take root even before 1969, when over 200 Native activists occupied the former prison on Alcatraz Island in the San Francisco Bay to draw attention to the treaty violations and injustices impacting Native communities.
In 1989, after years of Native-led organizing, South Dakota became the first state to officially recognize Indigenous Peoples’ Day when it passed a proposal deeming 1990 a “year of reconciliation.” It was a small first step that led Native people in other communities to believe that the dream of replacing Columbus Day was more than just a possibility; it was inevitable.
However, it wasn’t until 1992, when Native people in the Bay area were protesting the 500-year celebration and re-enactment of the arrival of Christopher Columbus, that the Indigenous Peoples’ Day movement began gaining traction.
In response to the “Quincentennial Jubilee” that was organized by Congress to celebrate the “discovery of America,” the Native community formed the Bay Area Native Alliance and the “Resistance 500” task force. They organized protests and counter events to challenge the narrative of “discovery” and whitewashed history associated with Columbus’s arrival.
While San Francisco was celebrating the fifth centennial of Columbus’s arrival, the “Resistance 500” task force sent representatives to Berkeley, California, to convince the city to recognize Indigenous Peoples’ Day instead of Columbus Day. They succeeded. Moreover, they also persuaded the city to recognize 1992 as the “Year of Indigenous People.” Two years later, the city of Santa Cruz followed suit. However, these victories did not lead to an immediate domino effect of other cities and states adopting Indigenous Peoples’ Day.
Native organizing took many forms in the years that followed, but it wasn’t until 20 years later, in 2014, that a resurgence in the movement to replace Columbus Day with Indigenous Peoples’ Day would result in a chain of victories across the country. It has taken the collaborative efforts of Native organizations like the American Indian Movement and National Congress of American Indians and local grassroots Indigenous Peoples’ Day coalitions to mobilize efforts in their communities. The 2016 uprising at Standing Rock against the Dakota Access Pipeline energized movements for Indigenous rights and liberation, fueling the fight to replace Columbus Day with Indigenous Peoples’ Day.
This effort has never been as simple as bringing forth a resolution to a city council or state government to recognize Indigenous Peoples’ Day. It takes a tremendous amount of effort, time and tenacity.
The Campaign for Indigenous Peoples’ Day in Massachusetts
Indigenous Peoples Day MA has been mobilizing efforts to have Indigenous Peoples’ Day recognized in Massachusetts since 2015. While the coalition’s members have had several successes in Cambridge, Somerville, Brookline, Marblehead, Wellesley College and Tufts University, they have met with strong resistance in Boston.
Indigenous activists have expressed frustration with Boston Mayor Marty Walsh and the city council for their unresponsiveness.
“Indigenous Peoples’ Day is just a first step, not just a box to check off.”
Kisha James, President of the Wellesley College Native American Student Association, said the reason for the resistance and silence is because of the “extreme erasure” that Indigenous people must contend with in so-called New England.
“As a result, a lot of non-Native people assume there are no Indigenous people living in the city, and then racists … come forward to deny our genocide,” said James. “The power dynamics are a lot to overcome.”
“There is also a lot of history for us to scaffold,” said Munro, describing the dynamic of what it is like to go before city council meetings to push for Indigenous Peoples’ Day. “Most non-Natives know nothing about whose land they are on, the true history of the area, what Columbus did … you name it.”
Pushing for More Than a Name Change
Some may wonder why there’s such an emphasis on the recognition of Indigenous Peoples’ Day, when it’s just one day out of the year. But for Native people, it’s not only about one day.
“Indigenous Peoples’ Day is also really important because we never see ourselves celebrated anywhere outside of our own communities,” James said. “Indigenous Peoples’ Day can also build community. We go through a lot together, testifying at hearings, marching on the streets, all of that creates community in new ways.”
On October 10, Indigenous Peoples Day MA, United American Indians of New England (UAINE), and the North American Indian Center of Boston (NAICOB) held a rally and march in Boston to demand that the city acknowledge Indigenous Peoples’ Day and take other steps toward recognizing and supporting Native communities. Protesters also demonstrated against plans for the repair and reinstallation of a Columbus statue that was vandalized in June by racial justice protesters.
“A great thing about Indigenous Peoples’ Day is that it helps to build community among those working together to make this happen, not only within Indigenous communities but with allies from other communities,” said Munro. “We make it clear to towns that Indigenous Peoples’ Day is just a first step, not just a box to check off.”
The growing recognition of Indigenous Peoples’ Day is the result of decades-long efforts by Native people. As celebrations occur across the nation, don’t forget to support the local efforts of Native organizers in your communities. Native-led campaigns are working to stop fossil fuel pipelines around the country, protect the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, confront the crisis of missing and murdered Indigenous women, and advocating for treaty rights and true decolonization. Acknowledge the work of these Native activists. Ask how you can get involved, and support their efforts to have Indigenous Peoples’ Day recognized — and seek out ways to support the many other ongoing projects that Native organizers are spearheading, in the varied and long-term fight for decolonization and Indigenous liberation.
For more information on how you can help in Boston and Massachusetts, visit IndigenousPeoplesDayMA.org.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
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truthout--2020-10-12--Employers Are Using Surveillance Tech to Spy on Remote Workers

The future of work is here , ushered in by a global pandemic .
But is it turning employment into a Workers ’ Paradise of working at home ?
Or more of a Big Brother panopticon ?
Disturbing increases in use of digital surveillance technologies by employers to monitor their remote workers is raising alarm bells .
With the number of remote workers surging as a result of the pandemic — 42 % of U.S. workers are now doing their jobs from their kitchens , living rooms and home offices — a number of employers have begun requiring their workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and smartphones .
The goal is for businesses to monitor what their remote employees do all day , and to track job performance and productivity and reduce so-called  “ cyber-slacking.
” Business software products from Hubstaff , which tracks a worker ’ s mouse movements , keyboard strokes , webpages visited , email , file transfers and applications used , are surging in sales .
So are sales for TSheets , which workers download to their smartphones so that employers can track their location .
Another product , called Time Doctor , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ uses a computer ’ s webcam , which can take a picture of the employee every 10 minutes .
As one worker who was subjected to Time Doctor told NPR ,  “ If you ’ re idle for a few minutes , if you go to the bathroom or to the kitchen , a pop-up comes up and says ,  ‘ You have 60 seconds to start working again or we ’ re going to pause your time.
’ ” Another system , InterGuard , can be secretly installed on workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ notes , it  “ creates a minute-by-minute timeline of every app and website they view , categorizing each as  ‘ productive ’ or  ‘ unproductive ’ and ranking workers by their  ‘ productivity score.
’ ” Other employers are using a lower tech approach , requiring workers to stay on a teleconference like Zoom all day so they can be continually watched .
Since the Covid-19 outbreak , one surveillance company , Awareness Technologies , Inc. , says it has seen its sales triple .
Executives at Hubstaff and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ monitoring products have tripled .
One website showing  “ Employee Monitoring Software in the USA ” lists nearly 70 companies with products for sale .
Online surveillance of employees may seem invasive and creepy , but it is a legal practice in the United States .
Individual state laws vary over whether companies must inform workers that they ’ re using tracking software , but in reality  “ when you ’ re on your office computer , you have no privacy at all , ” Lewis Maltby , president of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
 “ Anything and everything you do is probably monitored by your boss.
” Current laws are vastly outdated , as they are based on the Electronic Communications Privacy Act of 1986 , when the primary form of electronic communication was the telephone .
That was a distant time when desktop computers were first becoming popular , and smart phones were not yet a glint in Steve Jobs ’ eye .
And now , in response to the coronavirus outbreak , companies such as PricewaterhouseCoopers ( PwC ) and Salesforce have developed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ track the health status of their employees .
Often they include a system for tracking contacts between employees within an office , and a mobile app for collecting information about their health status .
A number of large U.S. employers , including Amazon , Walmart , Home Depot and Starbucks , are taking the temperatures of their employees before they are allowed to work .
Certainly , employers have a legitimate need to collect the necessary data to safeguard their workplaces , especially in response to a pandemic .
But what is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” ?
How voluntary is the participation of workers , and who gets to decide ?
The reality of this constant Big Brother digital spying in people ’ s homes is that dozens of remote workers are starting to complain that they feel burned out by this pressure .
A recent Fishbowl survey of major companies ’ employees found that three-quarters of those polled were opposed to using an app or device that allows their company to trace their contacts with colleagues .
Yet many fear they will be branded as troublemakers or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And since remote workers hardly see each other — and increasingly may not even know many of their coworkers — these factors will make labor organizing and collective worker empowerment increasingly challenging .
U.S. labor unions have been slow to advocate for updating these outdated laws .
One union , the United Electrical , Radio , and Machine Workers of America , has been working to blunt the worst of the abuses .
Labor-friendly media have been missing this story as well .
Not only should unions advocate to update the laws @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not also demand that home-based workers be compensated by employers for use of their house , utilities and the internet ?
And that the employer remains responsible to provide equipment and a safe workplace , even in the home ?
As the number of remote workers rises , concerns are growing among labor advocates that this is quickly becoming the  “ new normal.
” One survey found that 74 % of companies intend to keep some proportion of their workforce on a permanent remote status , with nearly a quarter of respondents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % of their on-site employees to permanent remote status .
Google , whose parent company is Alphabet , recently announced it will keep its 200,000 full-time and contract employees home until at least July 2021 , and Mark Zuckerberg predicts half of Facebook employees will work from home over the next decade .
HUB International , a global insurance brokerage , has shifted 90 % of its 12,000-plus employees to remote status .
Teleperformance , the world ’ s largest call-center company , estimates that nearly 155,000 of its employees — almost half @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to a physical worksite .
A survey of firms by the Survey of Business Uncertainty found that the share of working days spent at home is expected to increase fourfold from a pre-Covid-19 level of 5 percent to 20 % .
Post-pandemic , many employees will work from home one to three days a week , and come into the office the rest of the time .
But not all at-home workers are created equal .
Stanford economist Nicholas Bloom says  “ This is generating a time bomb for inequality.
” More @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likely to work from home , continuing to get paid and advance their careers .
But many others are unable to work from home , often because they lack suitable space or fast , affordable internet connections , and they are being left behind .
 “ They face bleak prospects if their skills and work experience erode during an extended shutdown and beyond , ” says Bloom .
The future of work has become more uncertain than ever .
In this  “ brave new world , ” labor unions and advocates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ misused by businesses as an excuse to worsen conditions for employees who work out of the office .
It is easy to imagine how the lines between  ‘ remote ’ work and  ‘ platform ’ work could blur , leading to more  ‘ Uberization ’ as work devolves into  ‘ independent ’ contracts , bogus self-employment and  ‘ pay-by-project ’ arrangements that can be easily outsourced to remote ( and lower cost ) destinations .
Worker advocates must push for a strong and modern legal data protection framework @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enforcement system against privacy abuse that creates a disincentive against illegal spying behavior .
Remote work should not become a downward slide toward a Big Brother panopticon that penetrates into society ever more deeply , including into our homes .

We must ensure that the pandemic is not used as an excuse to worsen conditions for remote employees.
The future of work is here, ushered in by a global pandemic. But is it turning employment into a Workers’ Paradise of working at home? Or more of a Big Brother panopticon?
Disturbing increases in use of digital surveillance technologies by employers to monitor their remote workers is raising alarm bells. With the number of remote workers surging as a result of the pandemic — 42% of U.S. workers are now doing their jobs from their kitchens, living rooms and home offices — a number of employers have begun requiring their workers to download spying software to their laptops and smartphones. The goal is for businesses to monitor what their remote employees do all day, and to track job performance and productivity and reduce so-called “cyber-slacking.”
Business software products from Hubstaff, which tracks a worker’s mouse movements, keyboard strokes, webpages visited, email, file transfers and applications used, are surging in sales. So are sales for TSheets, which workers download to their smartphones so that employers can track their location. Another product, called Time Doctor, downloads videos of employees’ screens and uses a computer’s webcam, which can take a picture of the employee every 10 minutes. As one worker who was subjected to Time Doctor told NPR, “If you’re idle for a few minutes, if you go to the bathroom or to the kitchen, a pop-up comes up and says, ‘You have 60 seconds to start working again or we’re going to pause your time.’”
Another system, InterGuard, can be secretly installed on workers’ computers. As the Washington Post notes, it “creates a minute-by-minute timeline of every app and website they view, categorizing each as ‘productive’ or ‘unproductive’ and ranking workers by their ‘productivity score.’” Other employers are using a lower tech approach, requiring workers to stay on a teleconference like Zoom all day so they can be continually watched.
Since the Covid-19 outbreak, one surveillance company, Awareness Technologies, Inc., says it has seen its sales triple. Executives at Hubstaff and Teramind also say demand for their companies’ monitoring products have tripled. One website showing “Employee Monitoring Software in the USA” lists nearly 70 companies with products for sale.
Outdated Laws Keep It Legal
Online surveillance of employees may seem invasive and creepy, but it is a legal practice in the United States. Individual state laws vary over whether companies must inform workers that they’re using tracking software, but in reality “when you’re on your office computer, you have no privacy at all,” Lewis Maltby, president of the National Workrights Institute, told CNBC. “Anything and everything you do is probably monitored by your boss.”
Current laws are vastly outdated, as they are based on the Electronic Communications Privacy Act of 1986, when the primary form of electronic communication was the telephone. That was a distant time when desktop computers were first becoming popular, and smart phones were not yet a glint in Steve Jobs’ eye.
And now, in response to the coronavirus outbreak, companies such as PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) and Salesforce have developed intrusive applications that enable companies to continuously track the health status of their employees. Often they include a system for tracking contacts between employees within an office, and a mobile app for collecting information about their health status. A number of large U.S. employers, including Amazon, Walmart, Home Depot and Starbucks, are taking the temperatures of their employees before they are allowed to work. Certainly, employers have a legitimate need to collect the necessary data to safeguard their workplaces, especially in response to a pandemic. But what is the appropriate level of “health intrusion”? How voluntary is the participation of workers, and who gets to decide?
The reality of this constant Big Brother digital spying in people’s homes is that dozens of remote workers are starting to complain that they feel burned out by this pressure. A recent Fishbowl survey of major companies’ employees found that three-quarters of those polled were opposed to using an app or device that allows their company to trace their contacts with colleagues. Yet many fear they will be branded as troublemakers or lose their jobs if they speak out. And since remote workers hardly see each other — and increasingly may not even know many of their coworkers — these factors will make labor organizing and collective worker empowerment increasingly challenging.
U.S. labor unions have been slow to advocate for updating these outdated laws. One union, the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America, has been working to blunt the worst of the abuses. Labor-friendly media have been missing this story as well. Not only should unions advocate to update the laws and limit digital spying, but why not also demand that home-based workers be compensated by employers for use of their house, utilities and the internet? And that the employer remains responsible to provide equipment and a safe workplace, even in the home?
Remote Workforce Growth — the New Normal?
As the number of remote workers rises, concerns are growing among labor advocates that this is quickly becoming the “new normal.” One survey found that 74% of companies intend to keep some proportion of their workforce on a permanent remote status, with nearly a quarter of respondents saying they will move at least 20% of their on-site employees to permanent remote status. Google, whose parent company is Alphabet, recently announced it will keep its 200,000 full-time and contract employees home until at least July 2021, and Mark Zuckerberg predicts half of Facebook employees will work from home over the next decade. HUB International, a global insurance brokerage, has shifted 90% of its 12,000-plus employees to remote status. Teleperformance, the world’s largest call-center company, estimates that nearly 155,000 of its employees — almost half its global workforce — will not return to a physical worksite. A survey of firms by the Survey of Business Uncertainty found that the share of working days spent at home is expected to increase fourfold from a pre-Covid-19 level of 5 percent to 20%. Post-pandemic, many employees will work from home one to three days a week, and come into the office the rest of the time.
But not all at-home workers are created equal. Stanford economist Nicholas Bloom says “This is generating a time bomb for inequality.” More educated, higher-earning employees are far more likely to work from home, continuing to get paid and advance their careers. But many others are unable to work from home, often because they lack suitable space or fast, affordable internet connections, and they are being left behind. “They face bleak prospects if their skills and work experience erode during an extended shutdown and beyond,” says Bloom.
The future of work has become more uncertain than ever. In this “brave new world,” labor unions and advocates must ensure that the pandemic is not misused by businesses as an excuse to worsen conditions for employees who work out of the office. It is easy to imagine how the lines between ‘remote’ work and ‘platform’ work could blur, leading to more ‘Uberization’ as work devolves into ‘independent’ contracts, bogus self-employment and ‘pay-by-project’ arrangements that can be easily outsourced to remote (and lower cost) destinations.
Worker advocates must push for a strong and modern legal data protection framework. And that should include an effective enforcement system against privacy abuse that creates a disincentive against illegal spying behavior. Remote work should not become a downward slide toward a Big Brother panopticon that penetrates into society ever more deeply, including into our homes.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Originally published at In These Times.