truthout--2020-06-18--The Stock Market Is Recovering. We Are Not. Congress Is to Blame.

While the stock market has nearly recovered to its pre-coronavirus levels ( even with recent drops ) , more than 44 million people remain unemployed .
The pandemic has hit those making the least the hardest : 40 percent of those making less than $ 40,000 have lost their jobs .
Despite this , Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell ( R-Kentucky ) has indicated he ’ d like to wait and see how the actions taken so far turn out before acting again .
The markets have been responding strongly to the actions of Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of March that the Fed was prepared to do whatever it takes to rescue the economy .
But no politicians go on TV and say they will do whatever it takes to make sure no one goes hungry or bankrupt during ( or after ) the pandemic .
In fact , it seems that the only thing that may drive McConnell to pass another coronavirus package is another market crash .
On March 22 , McConnell pleaded for action on the Senate floor , “ The American people are watching this spectacle .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ is down 5 percent , ” and said that inaction was “ fiddling with the markets.
” But once the stock market began its recovery from the March lows , McConnell lost any urgency to act further .
The financial markets ’ recovery is largely attributed to the Fed ’ s unprecedented actions .
As one example , the agency said it will buy the debt of corporations , including those whose debt was reduced to a “ junk ” rating after March 23 .
This move made it easier for companies ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are the largest issuers of junk-rated debt ) to find buyers of their corporate debt in the private market , because investors believed the Fed ’ s commitment made buying corporate debt less risky .
Former Fed Governor Sarah Bloom Raskin has argued that this exacerbates inequality , since junk bonds are predominantly purchased by hedge funds , which you can not even invest in unless you are wealthy .
When asked by Sen. Chris Van Hollen ( D-Maryland ) why that was a good move , Fed Chair Powell said these “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But in other Fed programs , such as the Main Street Lending Program , the Fed itself does require companies to keep their workers on payroll .
Not only has the Fed ’ s response been unequal in who it helps , it ’ s also quite directly lining the pockets of a Trump administration official who helped design the programs .
ProPublica recently reported that the person behind the corporate bond purchase programs is Deputy Treasury Secretary Justin Muzinich , whose family has a $ 10 billion hedge fund invested mostly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of interest .
Meanwhile , the government won ’ t use one of the easiest tools we have to boost the real economy , not just the stock market : cancelling federal student loan debt , the vast majority of which is owned by the government .
It would not only help 43 million federal student loan borrowers , it would boost the economy for everyone .
And the administration could do it without even needing Congress to act .
Instead , Trump ’ s Education Secretary Betsy DeVos is fighting to prevent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relief funds directed at schools and students .
We also don ’ t see the administration using its existing enforcement tools to act to ensure the protection of workers .
The Occupational Safety and Health Administration ( OSHA ) , which is the agency responsible for creating and enforcing workplace health and safety standards , has taken just one enforcement action in the entire pandemic , despite receiving over 1,364 COVID-19 whistleblower complaints as of May 26 .
OSHA has effectively abandoned all workers outside health care : Any complaints received from non-health–care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the employer .
At the end of May , National Economic Council Director Larry Kudlow suggested making the response even more unequal .
He proposed creating a new incentive for investors to trade even more by waiving the capital gains taxes that investors pay when they buy and sell stocks and other securities .
The vast majority , over 80 percent of the stock market , is held by the wealthiest 10 percent of the U.S. That ’ s who Kudlow wants to target with this relief .
Those , and the many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sports , have moved to gambling on stocks .
But it ’ s not just policies laser-focused on the wealthy .
It ’ s the protection of their property above the rights of human beings to protest , and even the guarding of their symbols .
An image of the Wall Street bull covered in a blue tarp and surrounded by police protectors amid a Black Lives Matter protest in Manhattan went viral this weekend on social media .
McConnell is working to protect companies ’ bottom line against the health and safety @ @ @ @ @ @ @ future package have immunity for firms whose workers get sick when they return .
Colleges and universities , through the lobbying organization the American Council on Education ( ACE ) , also wrote to Congress asking for immunity from class-action lawsuits if their students and workers come back and get sick with COVID .
Meanwhile , ACE also argued against broad debt cancellation for all federal student borrowers , effectively putting the needs of the institutions ahead of their own students , alumni and workers .
Congressional inaction in the face of mass @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that our lawmakers ’ priorities are defense of capital over human life .
As a nation , we had to crowd-source personal protective equipment to health care workers while cops have all the gas masks they need as they tear gas protesters .
It took ten years after the financial crisis for wages to return to where they were before the crisis .
Meanwhile , the banks returned to profitability less than a year later , in 2009 .
We are facing an even steeper cliff in this crisis for working people , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than ever to ask ourselves : What should be the true measure of a healthy economy ?
It ’ s certainly not the level of the S & P 500 stock index .
It ’ s also not just unemployment numbers .
We have to start measuring the health of our economy in terms of life expectancy , bankruptcy rates , health security and human well-being .
True economic health would look like the vast majority of people being able to go to sleep without worrying about money .
In the PBS “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Money , Power and Wall Street , author Satyajit Das explained , “ in the modern age , our God was finance .
Except it ’ s turned out to be a very cruel , destructive God.
” When I worked on Wall Street during the last crisis , the trading floor had a massive scoreboard mounted close to the ceiling , which displayed the latest stock index numbers .
Traders would look up at the numbers like supplicants .
We have a choice to respond to this crisis differently than the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have to stop protecting and worshipping the golden bull .

While the stock market has nearly recovered to its pre-coronavirus levels (even with recent drops), more than 44 million people remain unemployed. The pandemic has hit those making the least the hardest: 40 percent of those making less than $40,000 have lost their jobs.
Despite this, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) has indicated he’d like to wait and see how the actions taken so far turn out before acting again. The markets have been responding strongly to the actions of Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell, who made it clear at the end of March that the Fed was prepared to do whatever it takes to rescue the economy. But no politicians go on TV and say they will do whatever it takes to make sure no one goes hungry or bankrupt during (or after) the pandemic. In fact, it seems that the only thing that may drive McConnell to pass another coronavirus package is another market crash.
On March 22, McConnell pleaded for action on the Senate floor, “The American people are watching this spectacle. I’m told the futures market is down 5 percent,” and said that inaction was “fiddling with the markets.” But once the stock market began its recovery from the March lows, McConnell lost any urgency to act further.
The financial markets’ recovery is largely attributed to the Fed’s unprecedented actions. As one example, the agency said it will buy the debt of corporations, including those whose debt was reduced to a “junk” rating after March 23.
This move made it easier for companies (like the oil and gas firms that are the largest issuers of junk-rated debt) to find buyers of their corporate debt in the private market, because investors believed the Fed’s commitment made buying corporate debt less risky.
Former Fed Governor Sarah Bloom Raskin has argued that this exacerbates inequality, since junk bonds are predominantly purchased by hedge funds, which you cannot even invest in unless you are wealthy.
Not only has the Fed’s response been unequal in who it helps, it’s also quite directly lining the pockets of a Trump administration official who helped design the programs.
When asked by Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Maryland) why that was a good move, Fed Chair Powell said these “fallen angels” employ lots of workers. But in other Fed programs, such as the Main Street Lending Program, the Fed itself does require companies to keep their workers on payroll.
Not only has the Fed’s response been unequal in who it helps, it’s also quite directly lining the pockets of a Trump administration official who helped design the programs. ProPublica recently reported that the person behind the corporate bond purchase programs is Deputy Treasury Secretary Justin Muzinich, whose family has a $10 billion hedge fund invested mostly in corporate bonds, a clear conflict of interest.
Meanwhile, the government won’t use one of the easiest tools we have to boost the real economy, not just the stock market: cancelling federal student loan debt, the vast majority of which is owned by the government. It would not only help 43 million federal student loan borrowers, it would boost the economy for everyone. And the administration could do it without even needing Congress to act. Instead, Trump’s Education Secretary Betsy DeVos is fighting to prevent DACA recipients from receiving money from the relief funds directed at schools and students.
Congressional inaction in the face of mass layoffs and dying small business makes clear that our lawmakers’ priorities are defense of capital over human life.
We also don’t see the administration using its existing enforcement tools to act to ensure the protection of workers. The Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA), which is the agency responsible for creating and enforcing workplace health and safety standards, has taken just one enforcement action in the entire pandemic, despite receiving over 1,364 COVID-19 whistleblower complaints as of May 26. OSHA has effectively abandoned all workers outside health care: Any complaints received from non-health–care employees will simply generate a letter to the employer.
At the end of May, National Economic Council Director Larry Kudlow suggested making the response even more unequal. He proposed creating a new incentive for investors to trade even more by waiving the capital gains taxes that investors pay when they buy and sell stocks and other securities.
The vast majority, over 80 percent of the stock market, is held by the wealthiest 10 percent of the U.S. That’s who Kudlow wants to target with this relief. Those, and the many sports bettors who, in lieu of sports, have moved to gambling on stocks. But it’s not just policies laser-focused on the wealthy. It’s the protection of their property above the rights of human beings to protest, and even the guarding of their symbols.
An image of the Wall Street bull covered in a blue tarp and surrounded by police protectors amid a Black Lives Matter protest in Manhattan went viral this weekend on social media. McConnell is working to protect companies’ bottom line against the health and safety of their workers by advocating that any future package have immunity for firms whose workers get sick when they return.
Colleges and universities, through the lobbying organization the American Council on Education (ACE), also wrote to Congress asking for immunity from class-action lawsuits if their students and workers come back and get sick with COVID. Meanwhile, ACE also argued against broad debt cancellation for all federal student borrowers, effectively putting the needs of the institutions ahead of their own students, alumni and workers.
We have a choice to respond to this crisis differently than the last one. But first, we have to stop protecting and worshipping the golden bull.
Congressional inaction in the face of mass layoffs and dying small business makes clear that our lawmakers’ priorities are defense of capital over human life. As a nation, we had to crowd-source personal protective equipment to health care workers while cops have all the gas masks they need as they tear gas protesters.
It took ten years after the financial crisis for wages to return to where they were before the crisis. Meanwhile, the banks returned to profitability less than a year later, in 2009.
We are facing an even steeper cliff in this crisis for working people, which makes now a more urgent time than ever to ask ourselves: What should be the true measure of a healthy economy? It’s certainly not the level of the S&P 500 stock index. It’s also not just unemployment numbers.
We have to start measuring the health of our economy in terms of life expectancy, bankruptcy rates, health security and human well-being. True economic health would look like the vast majority of people being able to go to sleep without worrying about money.
In the PBS “Frontline” documentary about the 2008 crisis, Money, Power and Wall Street, author Satyajit Das explained, “in the modern age, our God was finance. Except it’s turned out to be a very cruel, destructive God.”
When I worked on Wall Street during the last crisis, the trading floor had a massive scoreboard mounted close to the ceiling, which displayed the latest stock index numbers. Traders would look up at the numbers like supplicants.
We have a choice to respond to this crisis differently than the last one. But first, we have to stop protecting and worshipping the golden bull.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-06-18--911 Services That Dispatch Mental Health Counselors, Not Cops, Gain Traction

Austin-Travis County Emergency Medical Services ( EMS ) Capt .
Jason Castleberry grabbed his shoulder radio , responding to a dispatcher from his office at Austin EMS ’ s Station 5 , “ Chip 100 , chip 1 , are you calling me ?
” “ Yes , we ’ ve got a confirmed psych call .
Are you available ?
” “ Yes , we ’ ll get moving.
” Castleberry helps oversee the city ’ s Community Health Paramedic team , abbreviated as CHP , or “ chip , ” and this was just the type of call @ @ @ @ @ @ @ morning to witness .
We hopped into the station ’ s marked SUV , and rolled .
“ Normally for these , I would go lights and sirens .
The reason we ’ re not is I can tell medic 3 is already on scene , ” he tells me , pointing to his monitor .
The monitor also showed that mental health counselors with Integral Care ’ s Expanded Mobile Crisis Outreach Team ( EMCOT ) had been dispatched ; it didn ’ t show police among the responders at or heading @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to observe and document both CHP and EMCOT ’ s work and coordination to de-escalate a mental health crisis , but the call was canceled en route .
Still , even the canceled call gave me insight into how Austin ’ s first-response system works when it comes to “ psych calls , ” as Captain Castleberry calls them .
This model has been in place since 2014 , when the city ’ s EMS first partnered with the mental health center Integral Care .
EMCOT , alongside programs in Eugene , Oregon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of the few services that existed in the U.S. prior to the murder of George Floyd that send mental health counselors directly to nonviolent , mental health-related 911 calls .
Now , such models are rapidly expanding , especially as roughly half of police-perpetrated killings involve someone living with mental illness or disability .
San Francisco , Albuquerque and Los Angeles are all moving to introduce similar systems to replace cops with trained , unarmed professionals to respond to noncriminal emergency calls .
Even the insubstantial executive order focused on procedural reform @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more resources for social workers to accompany police on calls involving mental health and substance abuse .
Austin ’ s City Council provided additional funds for EMCOT last year to add four counselors to the city ’ s 911 call center to provide a fourth option beyond EMS , fire and police .
Currently , when an Austin resident dials 911 , they are still given the standard three options .
The determination to transfer a caller to EMCOT , though , remains in the hands of EMS and police , who often @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police can also request EMCOT directly to the scene of a mental health crisis , but an EMCOT counselor can release other first responders from the scene if everyone determines that ’ s best .
Last fiscal year , the expanded crisis team dispatched 3,182 times , says Integral Care Practice Administrator Laura Wilson-Slocum , mostly to communities of color on the city ’ s east side .
Last fiscal year , 29 percent of people EMCOT served were those experiencing homelessness .
As long as there ’ s no weapon present and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ harm to self or others , ” Wilson-Slocum says , 911 callers can be transferred from the Austin police to the crisis team .
EMCOT is automatically dispatched to psych calls that are determined to be Priority 5 or lower .
Last year ’ s funding boost has also made it possible for EMCOT counselors to take video calls from paramedics or clinicians in the field .
The program ’ s budget for fiscal year 2020 is a little over $ 2.3 million , funding 28 positions .
About 85.5 percent of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ team are ultimately diverted away from a police response , with many calls being handled directly by a mental health counselor over the phone .
When calls are diverted back to police , it ’ s mostly because the caller is insistent about having a cop present at the scene , Wilson-Slocum says .
EMCOT ’ s rate is similar , between 75 to 80 percent , in terms of keeping the patient on scene , rather than transporting them to a clinic .
The team is able to follow up with and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after a precipitating crisis event , linking them with longer-term social services .
“ We want to prevent the unnecessary dispatch of an ambulance and the unnecessary dispatch of police , ” Wilson-Slocum says .
“ We want to make sure that we are preventing the misuse and overuse of jails , psychiatric commitments , hospitalization and emergency department admissions when someone is experiencing a crisis .
Those are the most restrictive types of interventions ; they are the most costly types of intervention.
” Moreover , she says , people experiencing a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out of control .
“ To have police officers come on scene , it can feel very jarring and very destabilizing .
If you ’ ve had poor experiences with law enforcement , it can really escalate the crisis.
” The crisis team works alongside CHP paramedics like Captain Castleberry to provide services to reduce the residents ’ reliance on the 911 system .
CHP ’ s goal is to connect residents with the social and medical services they need to prevent reliance on hospital emergency rooms as primary care providers .
After @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s next tasks were to check in with a confirmed positive COVID-19 case to assess any potential need for hospitalization , and then do a follow-up visit with a longtime opiate user who had recently overdosed , assisting in the patient ’ s detoxing process .
These types of opiate responses , Castleberry says , only started about two years ago .
According to Andy Hofmeister , an assistant chief with Austin EMS , the service currently has 15 staffers , and has funding to bring on three more positions , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ process in recent months .
On the Monday morning I arrived at Station 5 , Castleberry was the only one there .
Mondays , he explained , are one of CHP ’ s “ light staffing ” days because of reassignments due to the pandemic .
“ There ’ s always the ability to do more , ” Castleberry said when I asked him if he thought the program was adequately funded .
“ We ’ ve been able to develop a triage system for the referrals that come in , ” he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the program hard .
The demand for both CHP paramedics and EMCOT counselors “ definitely outstrips the supply , ” he says .
Last year , Austin City Council also gave CHP a funding boost : providing nearly $ 2.4 million to the service , which served 1,164 individuals in fiscal year 2019 .
“ When you work in EMS for any length of time , it becomes pretty evident pretty quick that we ’ re very much a safety net for a lot of things , ” Hofmeister told Truthout .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cause of many residents ’ issues early on , they could free up much of the department ’ s resources .
Community health paramedics don ’ t work on the ambulance as a regular assignment ; instead , they work autonomously to engage patients , identify gaps in their care , and connect them with services to fill those gaps .
Many specialize in working with residents experiencing homelessness .
“ One of the things that we try and do is educate people on appropriate uses of the ER but also give them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , so it ’ s not just us going once and saying , ‘ You don ’ t need to go to the ER for this , ’ but getting them connected with a place so that they truly have long-term medical care , ” Castleberry says .
“ We have a much more holistic goal.
” Austin City Council members voted unanimously last week in favor of resolutions to limit the police department ’ s budget by eliminating money for new hires and filling vacant positions in the next fiscal year , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of deadly force .
The money will instead fund mental health services , including EMCOT and CHP .
The details are still being worked out ahead of next month ’ s budget discussions .
The eventual goal , said City Council Member Greg Casar , is to expand EMCOT ’ s hours from 8 am to 10 pm Monday through Friday so that it becomes available around-the-clock , and for residents to have an automatic , fourth option when they initially dial 911 .
Things are already shifting quickly : Next month , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on weekdays .
According to the council ’ s resolution , from December 16 , 2019 , to June 4 , 2020 , the city received 23,333 calls with a mental health component , but only 291 were transferred to a mental health counselor .
Mental health accounted for about 7 percent of the roughly 146,000 911 calls the city received from 2014 through 2017 .
“ Clearly , we are not even close to where we need to be as far as addressing mental health issues with treatment and care rather than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ So the hope is that this year we can divert millions of dollars from policing to other forms of community safety and response , and I think one of the most obvious places to do that is mental health calls.
” Casar pushed to reduce funding for a few police positions to instead fund EMCOT last year , and “ didn ’ t have even close to majority support ” from the council .
Now , he says , the council is united about replacing dozens of police positions to fund the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ goes to show how much the movement has changed hearts and minds , ” he says .
Locally , activists are calling for Police Chief Brian Manley to resign and for city leaders to defund the department by $ 100 million after police fired beanbag rounds at protesters , fracturing 20-year-old , Black college student Justin Howell ’ s skull and leaving him with permanent brain damage .
Organizers are also demanding accountability and answers in the police-perpetrated killings of Mike Ramos and Javier Ambler .
Many of those activists say the city @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made a dent in Austin ’ s racist and ableist policing .
The programs ’ current budgets are a drop in the bucket compared to the police department ’ s record $ 375.6 million in funds .
Ultimately , they say , police have to choose to use the programs , which they often fail to do .
By the city ’ s own account , activists are right : A 2018 city audit found that of the 15 most populous cities in the U.S. , Austin had the highest per capita rate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ More than a third of the 24 people killed in police shootings in Austin from 2010 through 2016 had mental health conditions .
The data underscores the debate around how effective even the most dramatic police reform and alternative first-response efforts have been thus far .
How much of a difference City Council ’ s planned funding increases can ultimately make , however , remains an open question .
Casar says discussions are ongoing in regard to how the 911 dispatch system should work moving forward , and the degree to which police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ One case from last year remains instructive : Instead of requesting EMCOT , Austin police responded to a 911 caller requesting EMS for Tania Silva , an undocumented student diagnosed with schizophrenia who was off her medication .
Video obtained by the Texas Observer shows how police escalated the situation after they arrived .
They charged Silva with felony assault and took her to jail , where Immigration and Customs Enforcement placed a detainer on her .
In another case from 2017 , police were dispatched to a mental health call in which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explicit about not wanting contact with police .
When Munroe emerged from his house with a BB gun , officers fired 23 bullets , six of which struck and killed him .
Police requested a helicopter fly over Munroe ’ s neighborhood but never called for EMCOT .
“ In the past , this has been thought of as a supplementary program and an accessory , useful resource that exists , rather than as its own alternative emergency response , ” Casar told Truthout .
“ I think this is the year for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to make that philosophical shift : that this isn ’ t an additional resource available for policing , but instead that this is a more compassionate and more effective response that should have its own decision making and be prioritized in its own right.
” More than 1,000 miles up Interstate 35E , city council members in Minneapolis , Minnesota , are looking to such programs after a veto-proof majority pledged to disband the city ’ s police force and envision a new system of public safety after national uprisings over the murder @ @ @ @ @ @ @ model being discussed there , though , is White Bird Clinic ’ s “ Crisis Assistance Helping Out On The Streets ” ( CAHOOTS ) program in Eugene , Oregon .
I recognized the program ’ s significance as a first-response system that minimized contact with police early on , reporting on the program in a 2015 story that was later compiled for Truthout ’ s Haymarket anthology Who Do You Serve , Who Do You Protect ?
CAHOOTS is a mobile intervention service that is designed to provide an alternative to police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more call volumes , however , independently responding to 20 percent of all public safety calls .
“ A lot of citizens that I think would otherwise not be calling and getting support because they ’ d be afraid of the type of responses they might get , I think feel more comfortable calling us because they know that we ’ re a human service response , ” Benjamin Brubaker , a CAHOOTS team crisis worker , told me in 2015 .
In fact , Austin EMS staffers themselves are looking to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ late February to meet and ride along with White Bird Clinic ’ s field staff to see firsthand how the service works .
Casar is likewise organizing a public meeting with CAHOOTS staffers toward the end of the month so that city leaders can understand the model before heading into budget deliberations .
Oluchi Omeoga , a co-creator and organizer with Black Visions Collective in Minneapolis , says the collective is working with a number of organizations that don ’ t partner with police , including the Minneapolis Sex Workers Outreach Project and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to build networks focused on both crisis response and prevention .
Two of the collective ’ s members , Omeoga says , were 911 dispatchers and “ know the ins and outs of the system.
” It ’ s this kind of organizing and investment in community-driven models that Omeoga hopes can ultimately lead the city ’ s transformation of its public safety system in ways truly unlike what has come before .
Organizers there are not interested in simply repeating CAHOOTS or the “ community policing ” structure put in place in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police department was disbanded , he says .
Even while remaining fiercely optimistic , the one thing Omeoga does say he fears is “ that people are not going to be motivated enough to actually contribute to the system we want to see.
” In order to truly abolish police , a much deeper kind of revolution must first take place .
“ Abolition of police in the current moment that we ’ re talking about , around defunding the police , does not get rid of other systems of oppression that people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As much as we can reinvest in our communities , we still live under a capitalist and imperialist state .
”

Part of the Series The Road to Abolition
Austin-Travis County Emergency Medical Services (EMS) Capt. Jason Castleberry grabbed his shoulder radio, responding to a dispatcher from his office at Austin EMS’s Station 5, “Chip 100, chip 1, are you calling me?” “Yes, we’ve got a confirmed psych call. Are you available?” “Yes, we’ll get moving.”
Castleberry helps oversee the city’s Community Health Paramedic team, abbreviated as CHP, or “chip,” and this was just the type of call I had come to the station that morning to witness. We hopped into the station’s marked SUV, and rolled. “Normally for these, I would go lights and sirens. The reason we’re not is I can tell medic 3 is already on scene,” he tells me, pointing to his monitor.
The monitor also showed that mental health counselors with Integral Care’s Expanded Mobile Crisis Outreach Team (EMCOT) had been dispatched; it didn’t show police among the responders at or heading to the scene. I was hoping to observe and document both CHP and EMCOT’s work and coordination to de-escalate a mental health crisis, but the call was canceled en route.
Still, even the canceled call gave me insight into how Austin’s first-response system works when it comes to “psych calls,” as Captain Castleberry calls them. This model has been in place since 2014, when the city’s EMS first partnered with the mental health center Integral Care.
Capt. Jason Castleberry during his regular shift as a Community Health Paramedic in Austin on June 15, 2020. Candice Bernd
EMCOT, alongside programs in Eugene, Oregon, and Denver, Colorado, is one of the few services that existed in the U.S. prior to the murder of George Floyd that send mental health counselors directly to nonviolent, mental health-related 911 calls.
Now, such models are rapidly expanding, especially as roughly half of police-perpetrated killings involve someone living with mental illness or disability. San Francisco, Albuquerque and Los Angeles are all moving to introduce similar systems to replace cops with trained, unarmed professionals to respond to noncriminal emergency calls. Even the insubstantial executive order focused on procedural reform signed by President Trump on Tuesday provides more resources for social workers to accompany police on calls involving mental health and substance abuse.
Mental Crisis First Responders
Austin’s City Council provided additional funds for EMCOT last year to add four counselors to the city’s 911 call center to provide a fourth option beyond EMS, fire and police. Currently, when an Austin resident dials 911, they are still given the standard three options. The determination to transfer a caller to EMCOT, though, remains in the hands of EMS and police, who often show up in tandem.
EMS and police can also request EMCOT directly to the scene of a mental health crisis, but an EMCOT counselor can release other first responders from the scene if everyone determines that’s best.
“We want to make sure that we are preventing the misuse and overuse of jails, psychiatric commitments, hospitalization and emergency department admissions.”
Last fiscal year, the expanded crisis team dispatched 3,182 times, says Integral Care Practice Administrator Laura Wilson-Slocum, mostly to communities of color on the city’s east side. Last fiscal year, 29 percent of people EMCOT served were those experiencing homelessness.
As long as there’s no weapon present and no sense of “imminent death or harm to self or others,” Wilson-Slocum says, 911 callers can be transferred from the Austin police to the crisis team. EMCOT is automatically dispatched to psych calls that are determined to be Priority 5 or lower.
Last year’s funding boost has also made it possible for EMCOT counselors to take video calls from paramedics or clinicians in the field. The program’s budget for fiscal year 2020 is a little over $2.3 million, funding 28 positions.
About 85.5 percent of the calls that get transferred to the crisis team are ultimately diverted away from a police response, with many calls being handled directly by a mental health counselor over the phone. When calls are diverted back to police, it’s mostly because the caller is insistent about having a cop present at the scene, Wilson-Slocum says.
EMCOT’s rate is similar, between 75 to 80 percent, in terms of keeping the patient on scene, rather than transporting them to a clinic. The team is able to follow up with and serve patients for up to 90 days after a precipitating crisis event, linking them with longer-term social services.
“We want to prevent the unnecessary dispatch of an ambulance and the unnecessary dispatch of police,” Wilson-Slocum says. “We want to make sure that we are preventing the misuse and overuse of jails, psychiatric commitments, hospitalization and emergency department admissions when someone is experiencing a crisis. Those are the most restrictive types of interventions; they are the most costly types of intervention.”
Moreover, she says, people experiencing a mental crisis already feel very unstable and out of control. “To have police officers come on scene, it can feel very jarring and very destabilizing. If you’ve had poor experiences with law enforcement, it can really escalate the crisis.”
Community Health Paramedics
The crisis team works alongside CHP paramedics like Captain Castleberry to provide services to reduce the residents’ reliance on the 911 system. CHP’s goal is to connect residents with the social and medical services they need to prevent reliance on hospital emergency rooms as primary care providers.
A Community Health Paramedic first-response vehicle, parked at Austin EMS’s Station 5, on June 15, 2020. Candice Bernd
After the canceled psych call, Captain Castleberry’s next tasks were to check in with a confirmed positive COVID-19 case to assess any potential need for hospitalization, and then do a follow-up visit with a longtime opiate user who had recently overdosed, assisting in the patient’s detoxing process. These types of opiate responses, Castleberry says, only started about two years ago.
According to Andy Hofmeister, an assistant chief with Austin EMS, the service currently has 15 staffers, and has funding to bring on three more positions, but the COVID-19 pandemic has slowed the hiring process in recent months.
On the Monday morning I arrived at Station 5, Castleberry was the only one there. Mondays, he explained, are one of CHP’s “light staffing” days because of reassignments due to the pandemic. “There’s always the ability to do more,” Castleberry said when I asked him if he thought the program was adequately funded. “We’ve been able to develop a triage system for the referrals that come in,” he says, but the pandemic has hit the program hard. The demand for both CHP paramedics and EMCOT counselors “definitely outstrips the supply,” he says.
Last year, Austin City Council also gave CHP a funding boost: providing nearly $2.4 million to the service, which served 1,164 individuals in fiscal year 2019.
“When you work in EMS for any length of time, it becomes pretty evident pretty quick that we’re very much a safety net for a lot of things,” Hofmeister told Truthout. The department recognized that by addressing the root cause of many residents’ issues early on, they could free up much of the department’s resources.
“When you work in EMS for any length of time, it becomes pretty evident pretty quick that we’re very much a safety net for a lot of things.”
Community health paramedics don’t work on the ambulance as a regular assignment; instead, they work autonomously to engage patients, identify gaps in their care, and connect them with services to fill those gaps. Many specialize in working with residents experiencing homelessness.
“One of the things that we try and do is educate people on appropriate uses of the ER but also give them the means to connect to alternative resources, so it’s not just us going once and saying, ‘You don’t need to go to the ER for this,’ but getting them connected with a place so that they truly have long-term medical care,” Castleberry says. “We have a much more holistic goal.”
Programs Are Reform, Not Panacea
Austin City Council members voted unanimously last week in favor of resolutions to limit the police department’s budget by eliminating money for new hires and filling vacant positions in the next fiscal year, as well as restricting officers’ use of deadly force. The money will instead fund mental health services, including EMCOT and CHP. The details are still being worked out ahead of next month’s budget discussions.
The eventual goal, said City Council Member Greg Casar, is to expand EMCOT’s hours from 8 am to 10 pm Monday through Friday so that it becomes available around-the-clock, and for residents to have an automatic, fourth option when they initially dial 911. Things are already shifting quickly: Next month, the service will become available until midnight on weekdays.
“Clearly, we are not even close to where we need to be as far as addressing mental health issues with treatment and care rather than policing.”
According to the council’s resolution, from December 16, 2019, to June 4, 2020, the city received 23,333 calls with a mental health component, but only 291 were transferred to a mental health counselor. Mental health accounted for about 7 percent of the roughly 146,000 911 calls the city received from 2014 through 2017.
“Clearly, we are not even close to where we need to be as far as addressing mental health issues with treatment and care rather than policing,” Casar told Truthout. “So the hope is that this year we can divert millions of dollars from policing to other forms of community safety and response, and I think one of the most obvious places to do that is mental health calls.”
Casar pushed to reduce funding for a few police positions to instead fund EMCOT last year, and “didn’t have even close to majority support” from the council. Now, he says, the council is united about replacing dozens of police positions to fund the response model, “So it just goes to show how much the movement has changed hearts and minds,” he says.
Locally, activists are calling for Police Chief Brian Manley to resign and for city leaders to defund the department by $100 million after police fired beanbag rounds at protesters, fracturing 20-year-old, Black college student Justin Howell’s skull and leaving him with permanent brain damage. Organizers are also demanding accountability and answers in the police-perpetrated killings of Mike Ramos and Javier Ambler.
Many of those activists say the city’s programs haven’t even made a dent in Austin’s racist and ableist policing. The programs’ current budgets are a drop in the bucket compared to the police department’s record $375.6 million in funds. Ultimately, they say, police have to choose to use the programs, which they often fail to do.
By the city’s own account, activists are right: A 2018 city audit found that of the 15 most populous cities in the U.S., Austin had the highest per capita rate of fatal mental health-related police-perpetrated shootings. More than a third of the 24 people killed in police shootings in Austin from 2010 through 2016 had mental health conditions.
The data underscores the debate around how effective even the most dramatic police reform and alternative first-response efforts have been thus far. How much of a difference City Council’s planned funding increases can ultimately make, however, remains an open question.
Casar says discussions are ongoing in regard to how the 911 dispatch system should work moving forward, and the degree to which police should have control over routing calls.
“This is a more compassionate and more effective response that should have its own decision making and be prioritized in its own right.”
One case from last year remains instructive: Instead of requesting EMCOT, Austin police responded to a 911 caller requesting EMS for Tania Silva, an undocumented student diagnosed with schizophrenia who was off her medication. Video obtained by the Texas Observer shows how police escalated the situation after they arrived. They charged Silva with felony assault and took her to jail, where Immigration and Customs Enforcement placed a detainer on her.
In another case from 2017, police were dispatched to a mental health call in which the caller, Richard Munroe, was explicit about not wanting contact with police. When Munroe emerged from his house with a BB gun, officers fired 23 bullets, six of which struck and killed him. Police requested a helicopter fly over Munroe’s neighborhood but never called for EMCOT.
“In the past, this has been thought of as a supplementary program and an accessory, useful resource that exists, rather than as its own alternative emergency response,” Casar told Truthout. “I think this is the year for our city and lots of other cities to make that philosophical shift: that this isn’t an additional resource available for policing, but instead that this is a more compassionate and more effective response that should have its own decision making and be prioritized in its own right.”
Toward Abolition
More than 1,000 miles up Interstate 35E, city council members in Minneapolis, Minnesota, are looking to such programs after a veto-proof majority pledged to disband the city’s police force and envision a new system of public safety after national uprisings over the murder of George Floyd.
The main first-response model being discussed there, though, is White Bird Clinic’s “Crisis Assistance Helping Out On The Streets” (CAHOOTS) program in Eugene, Oregon. I recognized the program’s significance as a first-response system that minimized contact with police early on, reporting on the program in a 2015 story that was later compiled for Truthout’s Haymarket anthology Who Do You Serve, Who Do You Protect?
CAHOOTS is a mobile intervention service that is designed to provide an alternative to police action whenever possible. It handles significantly more call volumes, however, independently responding to 20 percent of all public safety calls.
“A lot of citizens that I think would otherwise not be calling and getting support because they’d be afraid of the type of responses they might get, I think feel more comfortable calling us because they know that we’re a human service response,” Benjamin Brubaker, a CAHOOTS team crisis worker, told me in 2015.
In fact, Austin EMS staffers themselves are looking to the CAHOOTS model, traveling to Eugene in late February to meet and ride along with White Bird Clinic’s field staff to see firsthand how the service works. Casar is likewise organizing a public meeting with CAHOOTS staffers toward the end of the month so that city leaders can understand the model before heading into budget deliberations.
“Abolition of police in the current moment that we’re talking about, around defunding the police, does not get rid of other systems of oppression that people face.”
Oluchi Omeoga, a co-creator and organizer with Black Visions Collective in Minneapolis, says the collective is working with a number of organizations that don’t partner with police, including the Minneapolis Sex Workers Outreach Project and the Minneapolis chapter of Men Against Destruction to build networks focused on both crisis response and prevention. Two of the collective’s members, Omeoga says, were 911 dispatchers and “know the ins and outs of the system.”
It’s this kind of organizing and investment in community-driven models that Omeoga hopes can ultimately lead the city’s transformation of its public safety system in ways truly unlike what has come before. Organizers there are not interested in simply repeating CAHOOTS or the “community policing” structure put in place in Camden, New Jersey, after the police department was disbanded, he says.
Even while remaining fiercely optimistic, the one thing Omeoga does say he fears is “that people are not going to be motivated enough to actually contribute to the system we want to see.” In order to truly abolish police, a much deeper kind of revolution must first take place.
“Abolition of police in the current moment that we’re talking about, around defunding the police, does not get rid of other systems of oppression that people face,” Omeoga says. “As much as we can reinvest in our communities, we still live under a capitalist and imperialist state.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-06-19--Trump Issues Threat to Those Planning to Protest Tulsa Rally

President Donald Trump made an ambiguous but direct threat to anyone planning to protest his first campaign event in months , set to take place this Saturday in Tulsa , Oklahoma .
“ Any protesters , anarchists , agitators , looters or lowlifes who are going to Oklahoma please understand , you will not be treated like you have been in New York , Seattle , or Minneapolis , ” Trump wrote in a tweet on Friday .
“ It will be a much different scene !
” Trump wasn ’ t explicit in what would happen to protesters or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did happen to show up during his visit to Tulsa .
But he has made similar threats , some of them violent , toward demonstrators in the past few weeks , as uprisings demanding racial justice and an end to police violence have become commonplace across the country following the police killings of George Floyd , Breonna Taylor and Rayshard Brooks , among others .
Trump has made specific threats to protesters outside of the White House , for example , promising them that the Secret Service was ready to release “ the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ most ominous weapons ” against demonstrators on May 30 .
On that same evening , Trump and his family members were reportedly escorted to the White House bunker for about an hour .
The president later tried to claim he wasn ’ t doing so in response to protesters , but senior White House officials , including Attorney General William Barr , contradicted that assertion .
The following day , Trump appeared to follow through on his promise to attack protesters , unleashing tear gas and flash-bang grenades on peaceful demonstrators in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to ensure he could walk undisturbed to a photo-op at a nearby church .
A number of protests , demonstrations and other events across the country , coinciding with Juneteenth celebrations , are scheduled to take place on Friday and Saturday .
One event , organized by Unify Tulsa and taking place mere blocks from where Trump is scheduled to speak this weekend , is set for Friday and will last through Saturday in anticipation for the president ’ s arrival .
“ Join us any time through the day on 6/20 as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ till the afternoon where we will march to remind President Trump , Governor [ Kevin ] Stitt , and Mayor [ G.T . ]
Bynum that Black lives matter , ” according to the event ’ s description .
Trump has expressed outrage toward protesters who express dissent with his administration , while giving little mind to those backing his own views , even when they brandish weapons and threaten lawmakers ’ lives .
In April , for instance , after calling on citizens in a number of states to “ liberate ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ capitol buildings to demonstrate against state-at-home orders while wielding assault rifles .
The president referred to them as “ very responsible people .
”

Well-before Trump made the threat, a demonstration had been planned to take place mere blocks from his campaign event.
President Donald Trump made an ambiguous but direct threat to anyone planning to protest his first campaign event in months, set to take place this Saturday in Tulsa, Oklahoma.
“Any protesters, anarchists, agitators, looters or lowlifes who are going to Oklahoma please understand, you will not be treated like you have been in New York, Seattle, or Minneapolis,” Trump wrote in a tweet on Friday. “It will be a much different scene!”
Trump wasn’t explicit in what would happen to protesters or how they might be treated if they did happen to show up during his visit to Tulsa. But he has made similar threats, some of them violent, toward demonstrators in the past few weeks, as uprisings demanding racial justice and an end to police violence have become commonplace across the country following the police killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and Rayshard Brooks, among others.
Trump has made specific threats to protesters outside of the White House, for example, promising them that the Secret Service was ready to release “the most vicious dogs” and use the “most ominous weapons” against demonstrators on May 30.
On that same evening, Trump and his family members were reportedly escorted to the White House bunker for about an hour. The president later tried to claim he wasn’t doing so in response to protesters, but senior White House officials, including Attorney General William Barr, contradicted that assertion.
The following day, Trump appeared to follow through on his promise to attack protesters, unleashing tear gas and flash-bang grenades on peaceful demonstrators in front of the White House in order to ensure he could walk undisturbed to a photo-op at a nearby church.
A number of protests, demonstrations and other events across the country, coinciding with Juneteenth celebrations, are scheduled to take place on Friday and Saturday.
One event, organized by Unify Tulsa and taking place mere blocks from where Trump is scheduled to speak this weekend, is set for Friday and will last through Saturday in anticipation for the president’s arrival.
“Join us any time through the day on 6/20 as we continue to hold space and celebrate till the afternoon where we will march to remind President Trump, Governor [Kevin] Stitt, and Mayor [G.T.] Bynum that Black lives matter,” according to the event’s description.
Trump has expressed outrage toward protesters who express dissent with his administration, while giving little mind to those backing his own views, even when they brandish weapons and threaten lawmakers’ lives.
In April, for instance, after calling on citizens in a number of states to “liberate” themselves, many protesters stormed their states’ capitol buildings to demonstrate against state-at-home orders while wielding assault rifles. The president referred to them as “very responsible people.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-06-19--Corporations Are Bankrolling US Police Foundations Without Public Oversight

As calls to defund the police gain traction , bloated police budgets are coming under scrutiny for siphoning public resources away from Black and Brown communities .
While police budgets are typically public documents that must be approved by elected officials , there are other institutions in place with the sole purpose of funneling even more resources toward law enforcement .
Police foundations across the country are partnering with corporations to raise money to supplement police budgets by funding programs and purchasing tech and weaponry for law enforcement with little public oversight .
Annual fundraising events and parties like the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Blue Nite Gala ” and the Chicago Police Foundation ’ s “ True Blue ” event are huge moneymakers .
The NYC Police Foundation reported that it raised $ 5.5 million from its annual benefit in 2019 .
If police departments already have massive budgets — averaging 20 % to 45 % of a municipal budget — why do these organizations exist ?
Police foundations offer a few unique benefits to law enforcement .
First , these foundations can purchase equipment and weapons with little public input or oversight .
The Houston Police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ website showcasing the equipment it purchased for the police department , including SWAT equipment , LRAD sound equipment , and dogs for the K-9 unit .
The Philadelphia Police Foundation purchased long guns , drones , and ballistic helmets .
The Atlanta Police Foundation helped fund a major surveillance network of over 12,000 cameras .
In Los Angeles , the police used foundation funding to purchase controversial surveillance software from Palantir .
If the LAPD purchased this technology through its public budget , it would have been required to hold public meetings and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ By having the foundation purchase it for them , the LAPD was able to bypass that oversight .
Second , these foundations provide a public-private structure wherein the corporate elite can overtly support police departments through direct donations , sponsorships , special programs , and by serving as directors on foundations ’ boards .
The ongoing protests have emphasized that police exist to enforce a racist social order that protects corporations , capital , and buildings rather than black and brown lives .
Police foundations are a key space for orchestrating , normalizing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power and the police .
The corporate interests backing police foundations across the country cover a wide range of industries .
We profile some of these industries and corporate actors below .
Some of the biggest backers of police foundations are financial institutions , including public-facing banks that millions of people do business with , as well as some of the most infamous Wall Street vulture firms .
Some of these include : • Bank of America , which has given hundreds of thousand of dollars to police foundations , according to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ charitable arm .
These donations include $ 200,000 to the NYC Police Foundation , $ 51,250 to the Atlanta Police Foundation , $ 25,000 to the Boston Police Foundation , $ 10,000 to the Los Angeles Police Foundation , as well as smaller donations to the Yarmouth MA , Sarasota FL , Abilene TX , Duluth MN , Bellevue WA , and Sacramento and Glendale CA police foundations .
They also have seats on the Chicago and NYC police foundation boards .
• Goldman Sachs , the Wall Street behemoth that earned a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and profiting from the 2008 financial crisis , gave a whopping $ 250,000 to the Los Angeles Police Foundation in 2018 , as well as $ 15,000 to the NYC Police Foundation .
• Wells Fargo , the scandal-ridden bank that engaged in everything from predatory lending to profiting from private prisons and fossil fuels , is a “ partner ” and donor to the Seattle Police Foundation , and it sits on the Atlanta Police Foundation ’ s board and has sponsored its Blue Jean Ball .
Wells Fargo has a record @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back years .
• Larry Fink , CEO of BlackRock , the world ’ s largest asset manager , co-chaired the NYC Police Foundation ’ s annual gala in 2017 , 2018 , and 2019 .
Color of Change has started a petition demanding that Fink and BlackRock stop supporting the foundation .
Regional banks are also major backers of police foundations .
SunTrust Bank , based in Atlanta , recently gave $ 3 million to the Atlanta Police Foundation .
Commerce Bank of Washington is a partner and donor to the Seattle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s CEO sits on the executive committee of the Seattle Police Foundation ’ s board .
Moreover , private equity money also makes its way into police foundation coffers — for example , Cary Kleinman , managing director and in-house counsel for Oaktree Capital , a major Puerto Rico debt profiteer , supports the Los Angeles Police Foundation .
Alan Batkin , a senior advisor to an Oaktree Capital distressed debt fund , is a member of the New York City Police Foundation board of trustees .
Retail and food and beverage companies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country and include well known national chains as well as popular regional brands .
Several of these companies have especially close relationships with the police foundations in the cities where they are headquartered .
• Target has long made major contributions to police foundations across the country , including the NYC , Atlanta , and Seattle Police Foundations .
A $ 200,000 donation from Target helped the LA Police Foundation purchase sophisticated surveillance equipment for the LAPD with little public knowledge .
Currently , Target is a sponsor of the Washington D.C. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the board .
In addition to funding police foundations , Target runs programs with local police departments , including “ Heroes and Helpers , ” and offers even more funding to local agencies through its “ public safety grant ” program .
• Starbucks , based in Seattle , is an active donor to the Seattle Police Foundation and has a representative on its board .
The company also recently donated $ 25,000 to the NYC Police Foundation .
Starbucks touts its relationship with the police through its “ Coffee with a Cop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Starbucks stores to drink coffee and “ interact ” with employees and patrons .
The company claims to have sponsored over 1,500 of such events over the years .
• Coca-Cola is a massive multinational corporation and a major corporate presence in the Atlanta area where it is headquartered .
It is a long time donor to the Atlanta Police Foundation and pledged to give $ 2 million to the organization in 2018 .
Coca-Cola ’ s Chief Public Affairs Officer sits on the police foundation board of trustees .
• Walmart sponsors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Shop with a Cop , ” and region-specific programs such as “ Snow Cones with Local Heros , ” in Houston .
Wal-Mart also donates to the Washington D.C. Police Foundation .
Regional chains can also be found on police foundation boards .
Meijer Supermarkets , a supermarket chain owned by the two richest people in Michigan , has a representative on the board of the Detroit Police Foundation and is a sponsor of the foundation ’ s events “ Women in Blue ” and “ Above & Beyond.
” Dave ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the Cleveland Police Foundation on events .
Silicon Valley powerhouses and major communications firms populate the boards of police foundations and are some of these foundation ’ s top bankrollers .
Some examples include : • Amazon not only sits on the executive committee of the Seattle Police Foundation ’ s board and is a partner and donor , but it donates to police foundations across the U.S. through its charitable program , AmazonSmile .
Amazon has been widely criticized for selling facial recognition software to police and partnering with departments who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has a board seat with the Seattle Police Foundation and has donated at least $ 35,000 .
It also sits on the board of the Washington DC Police Foundation and Detroit Public Safety Foundation and donates to the Chicago Police Foundation .
Motorola profits from selling body cams , radios , and other products to police departments .
• Verizon gives to the Chicago and NYC Police Foundations and is a board member of the Detroit Public Safety Foundation .
As Donald Shaw of Sludge reported , Verizon — along with AT & @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” of the National Sheriff ’ s Association , a law enforcement lobbying group .
Facebook , Google , and Microsoft are also all partners and donors to the Seattle Police Foundation , and Microsoft sits on the foundation ’ s board .
Viacom and its CBS Corporation subsidiary have also given big to the Seattle and NYC police Foundation and others , and the Gothamist reported that AT & T was a “ deep-pocketed ” donor to the NYC Police Foundation .
Many of the same companies that are driving our climate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and board members for police foundations .
These include : • Chevron has a spot on the Houston Police Foundation board , and , in the past , has partnered with the foundation to host the North American Mounted Unit Commander ‘ s Association Conference .
• DTE Energy , the midwest utility giant , is a donor to the Detroit Public Safety Foundation board .
DTE also has a trustee spot on the foundation ’ s board .
• Marathon Petroleum , owner of a major refinery in Detroit , sits on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Marathon is also a donor to the foundation .
The chairman and CEO of Hilcorp Energy is a Houston Police Foundation board member , while the CEO of Halliburton is on the foundation ’ s advisory board .
Southern Company subsidiary Georgia Power is a donor to the Atlanta Police Foundation and has a board seat .
Energy Transfer Partners , a company that gained notoriety for its role in the Dakota Access Pipeline , is a sponsor of “ Friends of the Dallas Police.
” Finally , a major category of corporate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regional actors .
These include law firms , real estate firms , universities , sports teams , and companies that are headquartered in the same city or state as a police foundation — sometimes well-known corporations , and other times less-known and smaller businesses .
• Sports & Entertainment.Sporting events consistently showcase the deep relationship between pro sports franchises and law enforcement .
“ Law Enforcement Appreciation Nights ” are common and some franchises even have branded products specifically highlighting this connection to the police , such as the thin blue line beanies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Blackhawks .
While sports franchise participation in police foundations may be local to the cities they are based in , the celebration of law enforcement at pro sports events is a national issue .
In Detroit , for example , the NFL ’ s Lions , NBA ’ s Pistons , and MLB ’ s Tigers each have a representative on the Detroit Public Safety Foundation board of trustees .
The Lions and the Pistons are both sponsors of the foundation ’ s fundraising events .
The Director for Security for the MLB @ @ @ @ @ @ @ board of the Seattle Police Foundation , and the Mariners and the NFL ’ s Seattle Seahawks donate to the foundation .
The MLB ’ s Tampa Bay Rays and the NFL ’ s Tampa Bay Buccaneers each have a representative on the board of the Tampa Bay Area Chiefs of Police Association .
The NBA ’ s Dallas Mavericks are corporal-level sponsors of the Friends of the Dallas Police .
Scott Wilpon of the Wilpon Family , owners of the NY Mets , sits on the NYC Police Foundation board of trustees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of higher education have ties to police foundations in their cities .
For example , in Charlottesville , Virginia , the site of the violent “ Unite the Right ” rally in 2017 that left Heather Heyer dead after a car attack by a white supremacist , the local police foundation is sponsored by the University of Virginia ( UVA ) .
In fact , the foundation has three UVA-connected board members including the Associate Dean of Students .
In Pennsylvania , the University of Pennsylvania is a “ partner ” of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Director of Student Engagement at Fisher College sits on the board of the Boston Police Foundation .
Seattle University is a donor and sponsor of the Seattle Police Foundation .
Columbia Universitytrustee Abigail Elbaum Black sits on the NYC Police Foundation board , as does Alan R. Batkin , a member of the board of overseers of Columbia ’ s Mailman School of Public Health .
• Law firms , real estate firms & other local companies .
If you go to the board or sponsor page of any police foundation , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of local law firms , real estate developers , and other local businesses .
In Dallas , for example , Holt Commercial is a sponsor of the “ Friends of the Dallas Police ” and has a slot on its board .
Mortgage lender Quicken Loan in Detroit has a representative on the board of the Detroit Public Safety Foundation and sponsors their events .
The chairman of the Seattle Police Foundation is a Shareholder and General Counsel of Lane Powell , a law firm that does business in the Pacific Northwest , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Foundation is the President and CEO of Loudermilk Companies , a fixture in the Atlanta real estate market for decades .
The NYC Police Foundation gala is sponsored by a slew of powerhouse NYC law firms and developers .
Robert Schumer , a partner at Paul Weiss Rifkind and the brother of Democratic Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer , sits on the NYC Police Foundation board of trustees .
By browsing police foundation websites and social media accounts , movements against police violence and efforts to defund the police in specific cities can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the power behind the police in their area .
Researching and power mapping the corporate partners , sponsors , donors , and board members of their local police foundations can help campaigns understand who is standing behind the police and who might step in to supplement police budgets when efforts to defund take hold .

As calls to defund the police gain traction, bloated police budgets are coming under scrutiny for siphoning public resources away from Black and Brown communities. While police budgets are typically public documents that must be approved by elected officials, there are other institutions in place with the sole purpose of funneling even more resources toward law enforcement.
Police foundations across the country are partnering with corporations to raise money to supplement police budgets by funding programs and purchasing tech and weaponry for law enforcement with little public oversight. Annual fundraising events and parties like the St. Paul Police Foundation’s “Blue Nite Gala” and the Chicago Police Foundation’s “True Blue” event are huge moneymakers. The NYC Police Foundation reported that it raised $5.5 million from its annual benefit in 2019.
If police departments already have massive budgets — averaging 20% to 45% of a municipal budget — why do these organizations exist? Police foundations offer a few unique benefits to law enforcement.
First, these foundations can purchase equipment and weapons with little public input or oversight. The Houston Police Foundation has an entire page on its website showcasing the equipment it purchased for the police department, including SWAT equipment, LRAD sound equipment, and dogs for the K-9 unit. The Philadelphia Police Foundation purchased long guns, drones, and ballistic helmets. The Atlanta Police Foundation helped fund a major surveillance network of over 12,000 cameras.
In Los Angeles, the police used foundation funding to purchase controversial surveillance software from Palantir. If the LAPD purchased this technology through its public budget, it would have been required to hold public meetings and gain approval from the city council. By having the foundation purchase it for them, the LAPD was able to bypass that oversight.
Second, these foundations provide a public-private structure wherein the corporate elite can overtly support police departments through direct donations, sponsorships, special programs, and by serving as directors on foundations’ boards. The ongoing protests have emphasized that police exist to enforce a racist social order that protects corporations, capital, and buildings rather than black and brown lives. Police foundations are a key space for orchestrating, normalizing, and celebrating the collaboration between corporate power and the police.
The corporate interests backing police foundations across the country cover a wide range of industries. We profile some of these industries and corporate actors below.
Wall Street & Finance
Some of the biggest backers of police foundations are financial institutions, including public-facing banks that millions of people do business with, as well as some of the most infamous Wall Street vulture firms. Some of these include:
Bank of America, which has given hundreds of thousand of dollars to police foundations, according to the most recently available tax filing of its charitable arm. These donations include $200,000 to the NYC Police Foundation, $51,250 to the Atlanta Police Foundation, $25,000 to the Boston Police Foundation, $10,000 to the Los Angeles Police Foundation, as well as smaller donations to the Yarmouth MA, Sarasota FL, Abilene TX, Duluth MN, Bellevue WA, and Sacramento and Glendale CA police foundations. They also have seats on the Chicago and NYC police foundation boards.
Goldman Sachs, the Wall Street behemoth that earned a sordid reputation from its role in causing and profiting from the 2008 financial crisis, gave a whopping $250,000 to the Los Angeles Police Foundation in 2018, as well as $15,000 to the NYC Police Foundation.
Wells Fargo, the scandal-ridden bank that engaged in everything from predatory lending to profiting from private prisons and fossil fuels, is a “partner” and donor to the Seattle Police Foundation, and it sits on the Atlanta Police Foundation’s board and has sponsored its Blue Jean Ball. Wells Fargo has a record of donating to police foundations that goes back years.
Larry Fink, CEO of BlackRock, the world’s largest asset manager, co-chaired the NYC Police Foundation’s annual gala in 2017, 2018, and 2019. Color of Change has started a petition demanding that Fink and BlackRock stop supporting the foundation.
Regional banks are also major backers of police foundations. SunTrust Bank, based in Atlanta, recently gave $3 million to the Atlanta Police Foundation. Commerce Bank of Washington is a partner and donor to the Seattle Police Foundation, and the bank’s CEO sits on the executive committee of the Seattle Police Foundation’s board. Moreover, private equity money also makes its way into police foundation coffers — for example, Cary Kleinman, managing director and in-house counsel for Oaktree Capital, a major Puerto Rico debt profiteer, supports the Los Angeles Police Foundation. Alan Batkin, a senior advisor to an Oaktree Capital distressed debt fund, is a member of the New York City Police Foundation board of trustees.
Retail & Food Industries
Retail and food and beverage companies are ubiquitous on police foundation boards across the country and include well known national chains as well as popular regional brands. Several of these companies have especially close relationships with the police foundations in the cities where they are headquartered.
Target has long made major contributions to police foundations across the country, including the NYC, Atlanta, and Seattle Police Foundations. A $200,000 donation from Target helped the LA Police Foundation purchase sophisticated surveillance equipment for the LAPD with little public knowledge. Currently, Target is a sponsor of the Washington D.C. Police Foundation and has a representative on the board. In addition to funding police foundations, Target runs programs with local police departments, including “Heroes and Helpers,” and offers even more funding to local agencies through its “public safety grant” program.
Starbucks, based in Seattle, is an active donor to the Seattle Police Foundation and has a representative on its board. The company also recently donated $25,000 to the NYC Police Foundation. Starbucks touts its relationship with the police through its “Coffee with a Cop” program, which brings police into Starbucks stores to drink coffee and “interact” with employees and patrons. The company claims to have sponsored over 1,500 of such events over the years.
Thank you @Starbucks for providing @SeattlePD officers with yummy treats and much needed hot coffee for #LawEnforcementAppreciationDay! ☕🚔☕🚔 pic.twitter.com/UTkCNtCJam — Seattle Police Fndtn (@SeattlePF) January 10, 2020
Coca-Cola is a massive multinational corporation and a major corporate presence in the Atlanta area where it is headquartered. It is a long time donor to the Atlanta Police Foundation and pledged to give $2 million to the organization in 2018. Coca-Cola’s Chief Public Affairs Officer sits on the police foundation board of trustees.
Walmart sponsors national pro-police programs, such as “Shop with a Cop,” and region-specific programs such as “Snow Cones with Local Heros,” in Houston. Wal-Mart also donates to the Washington D.C. Police Foundation.
Regional chains can also be found on police foundation boards. Meijer Supermarkets, a supermarket chain owned by the two richest people in Michigan, has a representative on the board of the Detroit Police Foundation and is a sponsor of the foundation’s events “Women in Blue” and “Above & Beyond.” Dave’s Supermarketis a Cleveland-area grocery chain that partners with the Cleveland Police Foundation on events.
Big Tech & Communications
Silicon Valley powerhouses and major communications firms populate the boards of police foundations and are some of these foundation’s top bankrollers. Some examples include:
Amazon not only sits on the executive committee of the Seattle Police Foundation’s board and is a partner and donor, but it donates to police foundations across the U.S. through its charitable program, AmazonSmile. Amazon has been widely criticized for selling facial recognition software to police and partnering with departments who use its surveillance technology.
Planning on shopping tomorrow for Cyber Monday? When you shop @AmazonSmile, Amazon will make a donation to Los Angeles Police Foundation. #CyberMonday #SupportLAPD #amazonsmile https://t.co/kYvdaYiJoR — LA Police Foundation (@LAPoliceFdtn) December 1, 2019
Motorola has a board seat with the Seattle Police Foundation and has donated at least $35,000. It also sits on the board of the Washington DC Police Foundation and Detroit Public Safety Foundation and donates to the Chicago Police Foundation. Motorola profits from selling body cams, radios, and other products to police departments.
Verizon gives to the Chicago and NYC Police Foundations and is a board member of the Detroit Public Safety Foundation. As Donald Shaw of Sludge reported, Verizon — along with AT&T — are also “Platinum Partners” of the National Sheriff’s Association, a law enforcement lobbying group.
Facebook, Google, and Microsoft are also all partners and donors to the Seattle Police Foundation, and Microsoft sits on the foundation’s board. Viacom and its CBS Corporation subsidiary have also given big to the Seattle and NYC police Foundation and others, and the Gothamist reported that AT&T was a “deep-pocketed” donor to the NYC Police Foundation.
Fossil Fuel & Utility Companies
Many of the same companies that are driving our climate crisis are also donors, partners, and board members for police foundations. These include:
Chevron has a spot on the Houston Police Foundation board, and, in the past, has partnered with the foundation to host the North American Mounted Unit Commander‘s Association Conference.
DTE Energy, the midwest utility giant, is a donor to the Detroit Public Safety Foundation board. DTE also has a trustee spot on the foundation’s board.
Marathon Petroleum, owner of a major refinery in Detroit, sits on the Detroit Public Safety Foundation board. Marathon is also a donor to the foundation.
The chairman and CEO of Hilcorp Energy is a Houston Police Foundation board member, while the CEO of Halliburton is on the foundation’s advisory board. Southern Company subsidiary Georgia Power is a donor to the Atlanta Police Foundation and has a board seat. Energy Transfer Partners, a company that gained notoriety for its role in the Dakota Access Pipeline, is a sponsor of “Friends of the Dallas Police.”
Georgia Power today announced a $900,000 donation from the Georgia Power Foundation to the Atlanta Police Foundation https://t.co/03IBOvLwwC pic.twitter.com/OjQlK3hy0n — Georgia Power (@GeorgiaPower) November 10, 2016
Regional and Local Power: Sports, Universities, Etc.
Finally, a major category of corporate backers of police foundations is local and regional actors. These include law firms, real estate firms, universities, sports teams, and companies that are headquartered in the same city or state as a police foundation — sometimes well-known corporations, and other times less-known and smaller businesses.
Sports & Entertainment.Sporting events consistently showcase the deep relationship between pro sports franchises and law enforcement. “Law Enforcement Appreciation Nights” are common and some franchises even have branded products specifically highlighting this connection to the police, such as the thin blue line beanies sold by the NHL’s Chicago Blackhawks. While sports franchise participation in police foundations may be local to the cities they are based in, the celebration of law enforcement at pro sports events is a national issue. In Detroit, for example, the NFL’s Lions, NBA’s Pistons, and MLB’s Tigers each have a representative on the Detroit Public Safety Foundation board of trustees. The Lions and the Pistons are both sponsors of the foundation’s fundraising events. The Director for Security for the MLB’s Seattle Mariners sits on the board of the Seattle Police Foundation, and the Mariners and the NFL’s Seattle Seahawks donate to the foundation. The MLB’s Tampa Bay Rays and the NFL’s Tampa Bay Buccaneers each have a representative on the board of the Tampa Bay Area Chiefs of Police Association. The NBA’s Dallas Mavericks are corporal-level sponsors of the Friends of the Dallas Police. Scott Wilpon of the Wilpon Family, owners of the NY Mets, sits on the NYC Police Foundation board of trustees.
Colleges & Universities. Institutions of higher education have ties to police foundations in their cities. For example, in Charlottesville, Virginia, the site of the violent “Unite the Right” rally in 2017 that left Heather Heyer dead after a car attack by a white supremacist, the local police foundation is sponsored by the University of Virginia (UVA). In fact, the foundation has three UVA-connected board members including the Associate Dean of Students. In Pennsylvania, the University of Pennsylvania is a “partner” of the Philadelphia Police Foundation. In Boston, the Director of Student Engagement at Fisher College sits on the board of the Boston Police Foundation. Seattle University is a donor and sponsor of the Seattle Police Foundation. Columbia Universitytrustee Abigail Elbaum Black sits on the NYC Police Foundation board, as does Alan R. Batkin, a member of the board of overseers of Columbia’s Mailman School of Public Health.
Law firms, real estate firms & other local companies. If you go to the board or sponsor page of any police foundation, and you’ll find a host of local law firms, real estate developers, and other local businesses. In Dallas, for example, Holt Commercial is a sponsor of the “Friends of the Dallas Police” and has a slot on its board. Mortgage lender Quicken Loan in Detroit has a representative on the board of the Detroit Public Safety Foundation and sponsors their events.
The chairman of the Seattle Police Foundation is a Shareholder and General Counsel of Lane Powell, a law firm that does business in the Pacific Northwest, while the chairman of the Atlanta Police Foundation is the President and CEO of Loudermilk Companies, a fixture in the Atlanta real estate market for decades. The NYC Police Foundation gala is sponsored by a slew of powerhouse NYC law firms and developers. Robert Schumer, a partner at Paul Weiss Rifkind and the brother of Democratic Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, sits on the NYC Police Foundation board of trustees.
By browsing police foundation websites and social media accounts, movements against police violence and efforts to defund the police in specific cities can get a better, broader picture of the power behind the police in their area. Researching and power mapping the corporate partners, sponsors, donors, and board members of their local police foundations can help campaigns understand who is standing behind the police and who might step in to supplement police budgets when efforts to defund take hold.
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