truthout--2020-07-23--Paramilitary-Style Tactics in Portland Mirror Decades of Global US Violence

The harrowing scenes of paramilitary-style units in the streets of American cities like Portland has shocked mainstream America , but award-winning independent journalist Todd Miller , who has reported on border security and immigration for over a decade , says it ’ s a reflection of how the U.S. has operated around the world .
We also speak with Cecilia Menjívar , UCLA sociology professor , who says the image of unmarked vans snatching people from the streets “ brings back memories to Latin Americans who lived through disappearances of families and friends and co-workers.
” This is a rush @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : This is Democracy Now !
The War and Peace Report .
I ’ m Amy Goodman , with Nermeen Shaikh .
We turn now to the harrowing scenes of paramilitary-style units in the streets of American cities , like Portland , Oregon , where heavily armed federal agents with no agency markings have snatched people off the streets , forced them into unmarked vans .
The developments have shocked mainstream America .
This is MSNBC host Brian Williams .
AMY GOODMAN : “ Just be a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ federal border agents is not unfamiliar to many Black and Brown Americans , especially those who live along the border .
The brutality now seen on U.S. streets is also all too recognizable to global communities who have faced the terror of U.S.-trained military forces , sometimes death squads , from Iraq to Kenya to Guatemala .
The scene unfolding in Portland , Oregon , has also drawn comparisons to U.S.-backed death squads that terrorized Latin America for decades .
For more , we ’ re joined by two guests .
Cecilia Menjívar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University of California , Los Angeles , UCLA , where she focuses on state and gender-based violence in Central America and immigration enforcement in the U.S. , originally from El Salvador .
Also with us , reporter Todd Miller , who has covered border security and immigration for over a decade .
He ’ s the author of Empire of Borders : The Expansion of the U.S. Border Around the World , also author of Border Patrol Nation : Dispatches from the Front Lines of Homeland Security .
We welcome you both to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s begin with you .
If you can respond to what ’ s happening in Portland , Oregon ?
As you heard Brian Williams say , I mean , this may be familiar to others .
He talked about Chile .
He talked about Mussolini .
But here in America ?
You know a different picture of this country , and also back to where you came from , in El Salvador , intimately connected to the United States , especially in the 1980s , sadly , through soldiers , often U.S.-trained @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the United States .
CECILIA MENJÍVAR : Yes .
Thank you .
Thank you for the questions , because what is happening in Portland , and probably in other cities in the United States , was , as Brian Williams said , the order of the day for most of Latin America during the 1970s and ’ 80s .
And , for instance , the image of an unmarked van taking people from the streets and taking them who knows where , it brings back memories to Latin Americans who lived through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a long period of time .
So this is something very familiar , very close to Latin Americans throughout the region , because these were strategies of state violence and state control that were implemented throughout the region during the military dictatorships of the ’ 70s and ’ 80s .
NERMEEN SHAIKH : Well , I ’ d like to bring Todd Miller into the conversation .
Toddy , you are the author of a book called Empire of Borders : The Expansion of the U.S. Border Around the World .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your subtitle , The Expansion of the U.S. Border Around the World , and then specifically how the role of the CBP changed after 9/11 ?
TODD MILLER : Sure .
One , in terms of the expansion of the U.S. border around the world , I — even thinking specifically about the specific force that was in Portland and with the BORTAC unit of the U.S. Border Patrol that was pulling people off the streets , over the years , in doing research , I ’ ve come across them on several @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Guatemala , and I was going to a military base to meet with a commander of a new Border Patrol force that they were forming there .
And my whole purpose of going there was to see how much the United States was behind the creation of that border force .
And so , I got there late , but I tried to convince the soldiers at the gate of the military base if I could still meet with the commander .
And while I was waiting there , one of the soldiers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if I was from BORTAC .
I went , “ What ?
” And he said , ” BORTAC.
” And I couldn ’ t believe my ears , really .
BORTAC , nobody — hardly anyone in the United States even knew who BORTAC was , but here I was , 1,500 miles away from the U.S. southern border , a soldier in Guatemala who knew who BORTAC was .
And I got the meeting with the commander , and the commander then verified that BORTAC had been there , the U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the United States Embassy funding was behind the creation of the new Border Patrol , and this one ’ s called the Chortí in Guatemala .
And that was just one example of many examples of this expansion of the U.S. border abroad , what they call externalization or the extension of the zone of security , if you want to use the kind of “ statespeak ” that ’ s being used .
And Guatemala is one example of , to much to my surprise , over a hundred examples in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.S. Border Patrol , specifically BORTAC even , are going and doing trainings , sending resources , creating border patrols , teaching other countries how to patrol their borders , and this whole idea of pushing out the U.S. borders , so — according to the mission of stopping people from coming to the United States long before they get to U.S. shores .
And this is something that ’ s been happening for quite a while .
It ’ s been happening for decades , in many ways .
In the 1980s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back to documents of INS , the Immigration and Naturalization Service , going to Mexico and saying , “ We ’ ll stop people coming from different countries in Central America from crossing the Mexican border.
” And so that ’ s an example of how far it goes back .
But the programs really shifted post-9/11 .
There was really a huge emphasis put on this extension of the border .
And you could really see where the core of this comes from , from the 9/11 Commission Report .
In the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quote in particular that ’ s really revealing , and it says , “ The American homeland is the planet , ” so the idea that the American homeland is everywhere , and thus there ’ s the underlying logic of this expansion of the United States going to over a hundred countries and using the same units that are now found in Portland , Oregon , or possibly in Chicago today or in other cities around the United States .
AMY GOODMAN : What gives these federal agents , Todd Miller , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
You ’ ve got Portland , Oregon , which falls within 100 miles of the border with Canada .
You ’ ve called about — you ’ ve talked about these Constitution-free zones and how it relates to border security , both the north , the south .
But now Trump is saying he ’ s sending it to , well , many cities where there are Democratic mayors , particularly women and women of color who are mayors .
TODD MILLER : Yes .
So , the BORTAC unit is — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agents .
And U.S. Border Patrol agents , as you just mentioned , Amy , they work in what are known the 100-mile zones , or , as the ACLU put , Constitution-free zones .
So , if one can imagine , you know , the contours of the United States — right ?
— along the 2,000-mile U.S.-Mexico border , the 5,000-mile U.S.-Canada border , along the coasts , and if you imagine a band , like an orange band or something like that , along the contours , that is covering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Two hundred million people are covered in what is known as the Constitution-free zone , where the U.S. Border Patrol works with extraconstitutional powers .
And in that sense , on the southern border , the idea of the U.S. Border Patrol agents snatching people off the streets or snatching people in the desert or snatching people in the various checkpoints that they can put up in these 100-mile zones happens every day , happens all the time .
In a sense , it ’ s like the extension of that border @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but , as you mentioned , fit within the Constitution-free zone or the border jurisdiction .
And Portland , close to the Canadian border and also along the coast — so , along the coastlines , that ’ s also in those sorts of jurisdictions .
And then , when you look at BORTAC , which is , you know , the special forces unit of the U.S. Border Patrol , the ones that are doing the paramilitary-style tactics , they are the Border Patrol on top of the Border Patrol — right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , weaponized .
They were formed in 1984 to quell uprisings in detention centers for the Immigration and Naturalization Service .
And then they had a presence in 1992 in Los Angeles , when there was unrest after the Rodney King incident .
And it goes on and on .
There ’ s a long history of BORTAC being involved in unrest , and it seems to be part of their purpose .
And so , as Border Patrol has expanded in astronomical fashion over the last 25 years particularly — 4,000 to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then happens , as well .
And so , in a way , it ’ s a surprise — in a way , it ’ s quite a surprise , like the clip from Brian Williams .
And then , in a way , it ’ s not a surprise at all to see that BORTAC is being a part of being put in places where they ’ re — where , you know , from — Washington might view as unrest — right ?
— but it ’ s really people protesting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be showing up in Chicago , that they ’ re going to be showing up in New York , in places that are in the 100-mile zones .
And I want to — as people are quite aware of , there was an announcement in March that BORTAC , or this Border Patrol unit , was going to join forces with Immigration and Customs Enforcement , in ICE , to do a show of force in the sanctuary cities — right ?
— the sanctuary cities , to then go after undocumented people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we ’ re seeing them being deployed right now .
So , in a way , it ’ s going hand in hand now with what was announced in March , with what ’ s been going on actually for years now .
NERMEEN SHAIKH : And , Professor Cecilia Menjívar , if you could also talk about the state violence that ’ s been deployed against immigrant communities along the border , and also what ’ s been happening in detention centers , where disappearances are routine often ?
CECILIA MENJÍVAR : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ focused not at the border — excuse me — away from the border .
But I was doing — I was doing quite a bit of research in Arizona , in Maricopa County , during the time when the sheriff of Maricopa County used many similar techniques to terrorize the Latino population specifically .
And at that time , I was interviewing Central American immigrants in the area who pointed me in this direction .
They brought up to my attention the similarities between what they had lived during the civil wars in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were living in Phoenix during the reign of terror that the sheriff created in Phoenix , for instance .
And so , it was their experiences that brought to my attention the similarities between technologies of state violence and state terror used during the civil wars in Latin America and what immigrant — Latino immigrants , specifically , were living in cities in the United States , specifically , for instance , Phoenix , where that concentrated .
And in relation to detention centers and disappearances in detention centers , what happens to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is that they are sent to very remote places .
They often lose contact with their families .
Their families don ’ t know where they are .
I have had immigrants calling me , asking me to help them locate their family members , because they don ’ t know where they are held , being held .
And so , this again brings back memories to when , in their home countries , they would go search for families who had been taken from their homes at night or from their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And so , the same thing was happening here in — is happening here in the United States , with 638 detention facilities throughout the country .
Each state has at least two detention facilities dedicated to hold immigrants in detention .
And so , the parallels are so strong and so vivid that immigrants who have lived through both can very quickly point that out to one ’ s attention .
AMY GOODMAN : I can only think — Professor Menjívar , I can only think about the words of Archbishop Romero @ @ @ @ @ @ @ broadcast throughout El Salvador .
March 24th , 1980 , he was gunned down by a U.S.-backed death squad , and he was saying the words to the soldiers of El Salvador , “ I implore you , I beg you , I order you : Stop the repression !
” Professor Cecilia Menjívar , professor of sociology at University of California , Los Angeles , and Todd Miller , author of a number of books , award-winning journalist , including Empire of Borders : The Expansion of the U.S. Border Around the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ show .
I ’ m Amy Goodman , with Nermeen Shaikh .
Stay safe .

The harrowing scenes of paramilitary-style units in the streets of American cities like Portland has shocked mainstream America, but award-winning independent journalist Todd Miller, who has reported on border security and immigration for over a decade, says it’s a reflection of how the U.S. has operated around the world. We also speak with Cecilia Menjívar, UCLA sociology professor, who says the image of unmarked vans snatching people from the streets “brings back memories to Latin Americans who lived through disappearances of families and friends and co-workers.”
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now! The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman, with Nermeen Shaikh. We turn now to the harrowing scenes of paramilitary-style units in the streets of American cities, like Portland, Oregon, where heavily armed federal agents with no agency markings have snatched people off the streets, forced them into unmarked vans. The developments have shocked mainstream America. This is MSNBC host Brian Williams.
BRIAN WILLIAMS: Overseas, if we saw these pictures, we’d call it something like a military junta. Under a Mussolini or a Pinochet, we would make nothing of it. It would just be a Wednesday.
AMY GOODMAN: “Just be a Wednesday.” But the violent presence of federal border agents is not unfamiliar to many Black and Brown Americans, especially those who live along the border. The brutality now seen on U.S. streets is also all too recognizable to global communities who have faced the terror of U.S.-trained military forces, sometimes death squads, from Iraq to Kenya to Guatemala. The scene unfolding in Portland, Oregon, has also drawn comparisons to U.S.-backed death squads that terrorized Latin America for decades.
For more, we’re joined by two guests. Cecilia Menjívar is a professor of sociology at the University of California, Los Angeles, UCLA, where she focuses on state and gender-based violence in Central America and immigration enforcement in the U.S., originally from El Salvador. Also with us, reporter Todd Miller, who has covered border security and immigration for over a decade. He’s the author of Empire of Borders: The Expansion of the U.S. Border Around the World, also author of Border Patrol Nation: Dispatches from the Front Lines of Homeland Security.
We welcome you both to Democracy Now! Professor Menjívar, let’s begin with you. If you can respond to what’s happening in Portland, Oregon? As you heard Brian Williams say, I mean, this may be familiar to others. He talked about Chile. He talked about Mussolini. But here in America? You know a different picture of this country, and also back to where you came from, in El Salvador, intimately connected to the United States, especially in the 1980s, sadly, through soldiers, often U.S.-trained soldiers, carrying weapons that might come from the United States.
CECILIA MENJÍVAR: Yes. Thank you. Thank you for the questions, because what is happening in Portland, and probably in other cities in the United States, was, as Brian Williams said, the order of the day for most of Latin America during the 1970s and ’80s. And, for instance, the image of an unmarked van taking people from the streets and taking them who knows where, it brings back memories to Latin Americans who lived through disappearances of families and friends and co-workers for a long period of time. So this is something very familiar, very close to Latin Americans throughout the region, because these were strategies of state violence and state control that were implemented throughout the region during the military dictatorships of the ’70s and ’80s.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: Well, I’d like to bring Todd Miller into the conversation. Toddy, you are the author of a book called Empire of Borders: The Expansion of the U.S. Border Around the World. So could you talk about that specific — your subtitle, The Expansion of the U.S. Border Around the World, and then specifically how the role of the CBP changed after 9/11?
TODD MILLER: Sure. One, in terms of the expansion of the U.S. border around the world, I — even thinking specifically about the specific force that was in Portland and with the BORTAC unit of the U.S. Border Patrol that was pulling people off the streets, over the years, in doing research, I’ve come across them on several occasions.
And one occasion was in Guatemala, and I was going to a military base to meet with a commander of a new Border Patrol force that they were forming there. And my whole purpose of going there was to see how much the United States was behind the creation of that border force. And so, I got there late, but I tried to convince the soldiers at the gate of the military base if I could still meet with the commander. And while I was waiting there, one of the soldiers came up to me and asked me if I was from BORTAC. I went, “What?” And he said, ”BORTAC.” And I couldn’t believe my ears, really. BORTAC, nobody — hardly anyone in the United States even knew who BORTAC was, but here I was, 1,500 miles away from the U.S. southern border, a soldier in Guatemala who knew who BORTAC was. And I got the meeting with the commander, and the commander then verified that BORTAC had been there, the U.S. Border Patrol had done trainings there, that the United States Embassy funding was behind the creation of the new Border Patrol, and this one’s called the Chortí in Guatemala.
And that was just one example of many examples of this expansion of the U.S. border abroad, what they call externalization or the extension of the zone of security, if you want to use the kind of “statespeak” that’s being used. And Guatemala is one example of, to much to my surprise, over a hundred examples in countries all over the world where the U.S. Border Patrol, specifically BORTAC even, are going and doing trainings, sending resources, creating border patrols, teaching other countries how to patrol their borders, and this whole idea of pushing out the U.S. borders, so — according to the mission of stopping people from coming to the United States long before they get to U.S. shores.
And this is something that’s been happening for quite a while. It’s been happening for decades, in many ways. In the 1980s, in fact, you could go back to documents of INS, the Immigration and Naturalization Service, going to Mexico and saying, “We’ll stop people coming from different countries in Central America from crossing the Mexican border.” And so that’s an example of how far it goes back.
But the programs really shifted post-9/11. There was really a huge emphasis put on this extension of the border. And you could really see where the core of this comes from, from the 9/11 Commission Report. In the 9/11 Commission Report, there is one quote in particular that’s really revealing, and it says, “The American homeland is the planet,” so the idea that the American homeland is everywhere, and thus there’s the underlying logic of this expansion of the United States going to over a hundred countries and using the same units that are now found in Portland, Oregon, or possibly in Chicago today or in other cities around the United States.
AMY GOODMAN: What gives these federal agents, Todd Miller, and law enforcement agencies so much power? You’ve got Portland, Oregon, which falls within 100 miles of the border with Canada. You’ve called about — you’ve talked about these Constitution-free zones and how it relates to border security, both the north, the south. But now Trump is saying he’s sending it to, well, many cities where there are Democratic mayors, particularly women and women of color who are mayors.
TODD MILLER: Yes. So, the BORTAC unit is — they’re essentially U.S. Border Patrol agents. And U.S. Border Patrol agents, as you just mentioned, Amy, they work in what are known the 100-mile zones, or, as the ACLU put, Constitution-free zones. So, if one can imagine, you know, the contours of the United States — right? — along the 2,000-mile U.S.-Mexico border, the 5,000-mile U.S.-Canada border, along the coasts, and if you imagine a band, like an orange band or something like that, along the contours, that is covering a huge chunk of the U.S. population. Two hundred million people are covered in what is known as the Constitution-free zone, where the U.S. Border Patrol works with extraconstitutional powers. And in that sense, on the southern border, the idea of the U.S. Border Patrol agents snatching people off the streets or snatching people in the desert or snatching people in the various checkpoints that they can put up in these 100-mile zones happens every day, happens all the time. In a sense, it’s like the extension of that border into places like Portland or Chicago, but, as you mentioned, fit within the Constitution-free zone or the border jurisdiction. And Portland, close to the Canadian border and also along the coast — so, along the coastlines, that’s also in those sorts of jurisdictions.
And then, when you look at BORTAC, which is, you know, the special forces unit of the U.S. Border Patrol, the ones that are doing the paramilitary-style tactics, they are the Border Patrol on top of the Border Patrol — right? — in terms of being militarized, weaponized. They were formed in 1984 to quell uprisings in detention centers for the Immigration and Naturalization Service. And then they had a presence in 1992 in Los Angeles, when there was unrest after the Rodney King incident. And it goes on and on. There’s a long history of BORTAC being involved in unrest, and it seems to be part of their purpose.
And so, as Border Patrol has expanded in astronomical fashion over the last 25 years particularly — 4,000 to 21,000 agents — the expansion of BORTAC then happens, as well. And so, in a way, it’s a surprise — in a way, it’s quite a surprise, like the clip from Brian Williams. And then, in a way, it’s not a surprise at all to see that BORTAC is being a part of being put in places where they’re — where, you know, from — Washington might view as unrest — right? — but it’s really people protesting, that they’re going to be showing up in Chicago, that they’re going to be showing up in New York, in places that are in the 100-mile zones.
And I want to — as people are quite aware of, there was an announcement in March that BORTAC, or this Border Patrol unit, was going to join forces with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, in ICE, to do a show of force in the sanctuary cities — right? — the sanctuary cities, to then go after undocumented people in cities, the same cities that we’re seeing them being deployed right now. So, in a way, it’s going hand in hand now with what was announced in March, with what’s been going on actually for years now.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: And, Professor Cecilia Menjívar, if you could also talk about the state violence that’s been deployed against immigrant communities along the border, and also what’s been happening in detention centers, where disappearances are routine often?
CECILIA MENJÍVAR: Right, yes. My research has focused not at the border — excuse me — away from the border. But I was doing — I was doing quite a bit of research in Arizona, in Maricopa County, during the time when the sheriff of Maricopa County used many similar techniques to terrorize the Latino population specifically. And at that time, I was interviewing Central American immigrants in the area who pointed me in this direction. They brought up to my attention the similarities between what they had lived during the civil wars in Guatemala and El Salvador and what they were living in Phoenix during the reign of terror that the sheriff created in Phoenix, for instance. And so, it was their experiences that brought to my attention the similarities between technologies of state violence and state terror used during the civil wars in Latin America and what immigrant — Latino immigrants, specifically, were living in cities in the United States, specifically, for instance, Phoenix, where that concentrated.
And in relation to detention centers and disappearances in detention centers, what happens to immigrants who are sent to detention facilities is that they are sent to very remote places. They often lose contact with their families. Their families don’t know where they are. I have had immigrants calling me, asking me to help them locate their family members, because they don’t know where they are held, being held. And so, this again brings back memories to when, in their home countries, they would go search for families who had been taken from their homes at night or from their places of work to be disappeared. And so, the same thing was happening here in — is happening here in the United States, with 638 detention facilities throughout the country. Each state has at least two detention facilities dedicated to hold immigrants in detention. And so, the parallels are so strong and so vivid that immigrants who have lived through both can very quickly point that out to one’s attention.
AMY GOODMAN: I can only think — Professor Menjívar, I can only think about the words of Archbishop Romero as he did his last homily, broadcast throughout El Salvador. March 24th, 1980, he was gunned down by a U.S.-backed death squad, and he was saying the words to the soldiers of El Salvador, “I implore you, I beg you, I order you: Stop the repression!” Professor Cecilia Menjívar, professor of sociology at University of California, Los Angeles, and Todd Miller, author of a number of books, award-winning journalist, including Empire of Borders: The Expansion of the U.S. Border Around the World.
That does it for our show. I’m Amy Goodman, with Nermeen Shaikh. Stay safe.


truthout--2020-07-23--Wells Fargo Reported Giving Only One Large PPP Loan to a Black-Owned Business

The Trump administration ’ s reliance on big banks to distribute small business aid under the Paycheck Protection Program and a lack of transparency requirements have resulted in many Black-owned businesses being shut out of the program .
One bank , Wells Fargo , reported distributing only one PPP loan larger than $ 150,000 to a Black-owned business out of the more than 12,000 it gave out .
Even when they had better financial profiles than white-owned businesses , Black business owners faced racial discrimination from banks , according to a recent study .
A disproportionate number of PPP loans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ York Times reported .
Big banks face multiple class-action lawsuits alleging they prioritized existing corporate clients over needy small businesses .
The economic shock of the coronavirus and the lack of relief has left Black-owned businesses without a safety net , and as many as half may not survive the pandemic .
Part of the reason that so many Black-owned businesses were excluded is a lack of government oversight .
The Treasury Department and Small Business Administration did not require applicants or banks to report demographic information — or even how many jobs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , one of the largest banks in the U.S. , reported distributing 12,147 PPP loans valued at $ 150,000 or more , according to data released by the Small Business Administration .
It did not list how many jobs were retained on 8,190 of those loans , and it reported zero jobs saved on 3,957 of those loans .
The bank reported race and ethnicity data on only 37 of those loans , only one of which went to a Black-owned business .
A spokesperson for Wells Fargo said it did not submit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not require it .
However , the other four largest banks — Chase , Bank of America , Citibank , and U.S. Bank — failed to report jobs data on only 291 out of more than 78,000 loans .
“ The SBA didn ’ t require banks to submit information about payroll ( including any metric regarding the retention of jobs ) , ” the spokesperson said .
“ And our understanding is that this information won ’ t be required until the application process for loan forgiveness begins , where applicants will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The bank said the Small Business Administration similarly did not require the collection of race and ethnicity data , thus it did not collect it .
The spokesperson added that 41 % of its booked applications were for low- or moderate-income areas , and the average loan size was just over $ 56,000 .
“ With the passing of the extension of the program , as well as the start of the forgiveness process , we know our work is far from over , ” the spokesperson said , “ and we will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the wider small business community both within the context of the PPP and beyond.
” A government watchdog argued that the SBA should have required this information from the start , blaming the move for the difficulty Black-owned businesses have faced in getting much-needed relief .
“ Trump PPP failed to support small businesses in communities of color who are disproportionately impacted by this crisis , while wealthy publicly traded companies got the red-carpet treatment , ” Kyle Herrig , president of the progressive watchdog group Accountable.US , which launched TrumpBailouts to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ The rejection of transparency and accountability sent a clear message to banks that they were free to ignore Black , Latinx or Asian small business owners in need without consequence – and that ’ s exactly what they did .
Congress needs to replace PPP with a new program that ensures resources make it to underserved communities across the country.
” The problem is not limited to Wells Fargo .
Hundreds of thousands of loans distributed by banks listed zero jobs saved , which experts say will “ make accountability a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for companies when the loan forgiveness begins .
“ It ’ s going to be a big mess , ” Veronique de Rugy , a senior research fellow at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University , told Marketwatch .
“ Companies that have done everything right will be denied forgiveness , and vice versa .
If you ’ re not even asked how many employees you started with in the application process , then you ’ re in big trouble.
” Part of the problem , added Aaron Klein , a fellow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Regulation and Markets at the Brookings Institution , is that the “ government relied on banks.
” It remains unclear why the SBA provided so few requirements for banks , given that many have a controversial past when it comes to racial discrimination .
In 2012 , Wells Fargo settled with the Department of Justice for $ 175 million after it was accused of charging Black and Latinx applicants higher rates and fees for home loans .
It also agreed to pay millions to homeowners in Baltimore , which sued the bank in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that resulted in higher rates of foreclosure in minority communities .
In 2017 , the Comptroller of the Currency said the bank “ flunked ” its community lending test due to the “ extent and egregious nature of the evidence of discriminatory and illegal credit practices ” and “ extensive and pervasive pattern and practice of violations across multiple lines of business within the bank.
” Last year , the bank reached a $ 10 million settlement with Philadelphia after it was accused of discriminating against minority borrowers and violating the Fair Housing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into mortgages which were “ riskier and more expensive than those offered to similarly situated white home-buyers , ” The Philadelphia Inquirer reported .
A federal investigation last year also found that the bank had discriminated against thousands of Black and women job applicants .
Despite its history , the Federal Reserve lifted its asset cap on the bank so it could offer PPP and other relief loans after it had been barred from growing its assets as a result of several scandals .
The bank has paid more than $ 18 billion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” since the 2008 financial crisis .
In 2017 , the bank admitted to creating about 3.5 million fake accounts to meet sales targets .
The bank now faces a class-action lawsuit accusing it of unfair practices against some small businesses which sought PPP loans , as well as a federal investigation into its PPP lending practices .

The bank processed more than 12,000 loans over $150,000. It reported giving only one to a Black-owned company.
The Trump administration’s reliance on big banks to distribute small business aid under the Paycheck Protection Program and a lack of transparency requirements have resulted in many Black-owned businesses being shut out of the program. One bank, Wells Fargo, reported distributing only one PPP loan larger than $150,000 to a Black-owned business out of the more than 12,000 it gave out.
Even when they had better financial profiles than white-owned businesses, Black business owners faced racial discrimination from banks, according to a recent study. A disproportionate number of PPP loans flowed to majority-white areas, The New York Times reported.
Big banks face multiple class-action lawsuits alleging they prioritized existing corporate clients over needy small businesses. The economic shock of the coronavirus and the lack of relief has left Black-owned businesses without a safety net, and as many as half may not survive the pandemic.
Part of the reason that so many Black-owned businesses were excluded is a lack of government oversight. The Treasury Department and Small Business Administration did not require applicants or banks to report demographic information — or even how many jobs the loans would save.
Wells Fargo, one of the largest banks in the U.S., reported distributing 12,147 PPP loans valued at $150,000 or more, according to data released by the Small Business Administration. It did not list how many jobs were retained on 8,190 of those loans, and it reported zero jobs saved on 3,957 of those loans. The bank reported race and ethnicity data on only 37 of those loans, only one of which went to a Black-owned business.
A spokesperson for Wells Fargo said it did not submit the data, because the government did not require it. However, the other four largest banks — Chase, Bank of America, Citibank, and U.S. Bank — failed to report jobs data on only 291 out of more than 78,000 loans.
“The SBA didn’t require banks to submit information about payroll (including any metric regarding the retention of jobs),” the spokesperson said. “And our understanding is that this information won’t be required until the application process for loan forgiveness begins, where applicants will need to document their payroll information.”
The bank said the Small Business Administration similarly did not require the collection of race and ethnicity data, thus it did not collect it. The spokesperson added that 41% of its booked applications were for low- or moderate-income areas, and the average loan size was just over $56,000.
“With the passing of the extension of the program, as well as the start of the forgiveness process, we know our work is far from over,” the spokesperson said, “and we will continue working tirelessly to support our customers and the wider small business community both within the context of the PPP and beyond.”
A government watchdog argued that the SBA should have required this information from the start, blaming the move for the difficulty Black-owned businesses have faced in getting much-needed relief.
“Trump PPP failed to support small businesses in communities of color who are disproportionately impacted by this crisis, while wealthy publicly traded companies got the red-carpet treatment,” Kyle Herrig, president of the progressive watchdog group Accountable.US, which launched TrumpBailouts to track recipients of federal relief, said. “The rejection of transparency and accountability sent a clear message to banks that they were free to ignore Black, Latinx or Asian small business owners in need without consequence – and that’s exactly what they did. Congress needs to replace PPP with a new program that ensures resources make it to underserved communities across the country.”
The problem is not limited to Wells Fargo. Hundreds of thousands of loans distributed by banks listed zero jobs saved, which experts say will “make accountability a challenge.” This may also cause problems for companies when the loan forgiveness begins.
“It’s going to be a big mess,” Veronique de Rugy, a senior research fellow at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University, told Marketwatch. “Companies that have done everything right will be denied forgiveness, and vice versa. If you’re not even asked how many employees you started with in the application process, then you’re in big trouble.”
Part of the problem, added Aaron Klein, a fellow and policy director of the Center on Regulation and Markets at the Brookings Institution, is that the “government relied on banks.”
It remains unclear why the SBA provided so few requirements for banks, given that many have a controversial past when it comes to racial discrimination.
In 2012, Wells Fargo settled with the Department of Justice for $175 million after it was accused of charging Black and Latinx applicants higher rates and fees for home loans. It also agreed to pay millions to homeowners in Baltimore, which sued the bank in 2008 for “reverse redlining” practices that resulted in higher rates of foreclosure in minority communities.
In 2017, the Comptroller of the Currency said the bank “flunked” its community lending test due to the “extent and egregious nature of the evidence of discriminatory and illegal credit practices” and “extensive and pervasive pattern and practice of violations across multiple lines of business within the bank.”
Last year, the bank reached a $10 million settlement with Philadelphia after it was accused of discriminating against minority borrowers and violating the Fair Housing Act by steering Black and Latinx borrowers into mortgages which were “riskier and more expensive than those offered to similarly situated white home-buyers,” The Philadelphia Inquirer reported.
A federal investigation last year also found that the bank had discriminated against thousands of Black and women job applicants.
Despite its history, the Federal Reserve lifted its asset cap on the bank so it could offer PPP and other relief loans after it had been barred from growing its assets as a result of several scandals. The bank has paid more than $18 billion for the “widespread mistreatment of customers” since the 2008 financial crisis. In 2017, the bank admitted to creating about 3.5 million fake accounts to meet sales targets.
The bank now faces a class-action lawsuit accusing it of unfair practices against some small businesses which sought PPP loans, as well as a federal investigation into its PPP lending practices.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-07-23--GOP Floats Slashing Boosted Unemployment Payments to $100 Per Week

With the final boosted unemployment check set to go out in just three days barring an unlikely last-minute extension by Congress , Senate Republicans are reportedly considering a proposal to slash the $ 600-per-week benefit boost to $ 100 — a cut that would drastically reduce the incomes of 30 million Americans and potentially cause massive job loss .
First reported by CNBC Wednesday , the Republican proposal comes as progressive advocacy groups , Democratic lawmakers , and economists are warning of the devastating consequences of letting the enhanced unemployment payments expire at the end of the month .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 100-per-week boost through the end of the year .
The $ 600 weekly benefit increase technically expires on July 31 , a Friday , but because states pay unemployment benefits on Saturdays or Sundays , the last enhanced payments are set to go out on July 25 and 26 .
Talks over the next Covid-19 stimulus package are expected to stretch into August , meaning unemployment benefits will likely revert to pre-pandemic levels — which averaged around $ 370 per week nationwide — for at least one payment cycle .
Sparking warnings of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the supercharged unemployment benefits is set to coincide with the end of an eviction moratorium shielding more than 12 million people who live in homes with federally backed mortgages .
Rep. Don Beyer ( D-Va. ) said the $ 100-per-week proposal shows “ Senate Republicans are wildly out of touch with reality.
” If adopted , the GOP proposal would reduce the monthly payments to millions of out-of-work Americans from $ 2,400 to $ 400 .
“ Seriously , just $ 400 a month ?
” Beyer tweeted late Wednesday .
“ Cutting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 2,000 would cost the country millions of jobs .
This wouldn ’ t just be horrible governance , it would show contempt for the American people.
” Economic Policy Institute research director Josh Bivens estimated that reducing the weekly unemployment insurance ( UI ) boost from $ 600 to $ 100 would cost the U.S. more than four million jobs over the next year .
Negotiations over the next coronavirus stimulus package are still in flux as Republicans , Democrats , and the White House remain miles apart on key issues , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the Associated Press , Senate Republicans appear to be leaning toward cutting the $ 600 weekly payment to $ 200 — still a sharp income cut for tens of millions of people .
Politico reported late Wednesday that “ many rank-and-file Democrats say they are willing to compromise on the extra $ 600 per week , saying they would be open to less money as long as there is no lapse in benefits .
Others say they won ’ t back down on that number.
” Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the GOP package on Thursday , two days after laughing off the possibility that any Covid-19 legislation will pass by the end of next week .
On Wednesday afternoon , protesters marched to McConnell ’ s home in Washington , D.C. demanding an extension of the $ 600-per-week UI boost .
“ Without the $ 600 , we would be in dire straits , ” one protester told a local ABC affiliate .
“ With the kids being home during the pandemic , it helps an awful lot , because there ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always something that has to be done .
”

Enhanced unemployment benefits are set to expire just as the federal eviction moratorium comes to an end.
With the final boosted unemployment check set to go out in just three days barring an unlikely last-minute extension by Congress, Senate Republicans are reportedly considering a proposal to slash the $600-per-week benefit boost to $100 — a cut that would drastically reduce the incomes of 30 million Americans and potentially cause massive job loss.
First reported by CNBC Wednesday, the Republican proposal comes as progressive advocacy groups, Democratic lawmakers, and economists are warning of the devastating consequences of letting the enhanced unemployment payments expire at the end of the month. The Republican plan would pay out the $100-per-week boost through the end of the year.
The $600 weekly benefit increase technically expires on July 31, a Friday, but because states pay unemployment benefits on Saturdays or Sundays, the last enhanced payments are set to go out on July 25 and 26. Talks over the next Covid-19 stimulus package are expected to stretch into August, meaning unemployment benefits will likely revert to pre-pandemic levels — which averaged around $370 per week nationwide — for at least one payment cycle.
Sparking warnings of a major housing crisis, expiration of the supercharged unemployment benefits is set to coincide with the end of an eviction moratorium shielding more than 12 million people who live in homes with federally backed mortgages.
Rep. Don Beyer (D-Va.) said the $100-per-week proposal shows “Senate Republicans are wildly out of touch with reality.” If adopted, the GOP proposal would reduce the monthly payments to millions of out-of-work Americans from $2,400 to $400.
“Seriously, just $400 a month?” Beyer tweeted late Wednesday. “Cutting monthly income for 30 million families by $2,000 would cost the country millions of jobs. This wouldn’t just be horrible governance, it would show contempt for the American people.”
Economic Policy Institute research director Josh Bivens estimated that reducing the weekly unemployment insurance (UI) boost from $600 to $100 would cost the U.S. more than four million jobs over the next year.
“Both cruel and stupid,” Bivens said.
At the end of the week, supercharged unemployment benefits will start expiring for millions of Americans. It’s time for Senate Republicans to put partisan games aside and #ExtendUI. The entire economy depends on it. — Ron Wyden (@RonWyden) July 22, 2020
Negotiations over the next coronavirus stimulus package are still in flux as Republicans, Democrats, and the White House remain miles apart on key issues, including the unemployment benefit boost. According to the Associated Press, Senate Republicans appear to be leaning toward cutting the $600 weekly payment to $200 — still a sharp income cut for tens of millions of people.
Politico reported late Wednesday that “many rank-and-file Democrats say they are willing to compromise on the extra $600 per week, saying they would be open to less money as long as there is no lapse in benefits. Others say they won’t back down on that number.”
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) is expected to roll out the GOP package on Thursday, two days after laughing off the possibility that any Covid-19 legislation will pass by the end of next week.
On Wednesday afternoon, protesters marched to McConnell’s home in Washington, D.C. demanding an extension of the $600-per-week UI boost.
“Without the $600, we would be in dire straits,” one protester told a local ABC affiliate. “With the kids being home during the pandemic, it helps an awful lot, because there’s always something needed, there’s always something that has to be done.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-07-23--Federal Prisons Went on Lockdown and Deployed Staff to Quash BLM Protests

On June 2 , for the first time in 25 years , the Bureau of Prisons directed all federal jails and prisons to implement a full lockdown , confining nearly 160,000 people to their cells and severely limiting contact with the outside world .
The following day , on the orders of Attorney General William Barr , the Bureau pulled some of its most militarized units out of BOP facilities and deployed them to confront protesters on the streets of Washington , D.C .
Typically , a lockdown occurs in a single facility at the discretion of the warden , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fights or , more rarely , longer-term issues like inadequate staffing levels .
But this June ’ s full lockdown was extraordinary in its pretext , scope , and duration .
It heightened restrictions already in place in federal facilities , which have been on “ modified ” lockdown since March in an effort to contain the spread of COVID-19 .
A BOP employee told The Appeal in June that the heightened lockdown kept people in their cells or units for 24 hours a day , often without access to phones , email @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the lockdown would last “ until it is calm around the nation , ” referencing protests against police brutality and the killing of George Floyd , a black man , by a white Minneapolis police officer .
The BOP did not mention any specific protest or incident that had yet occurred inside any facility .
Rather , BOP Spokesperson Justin Long explained that the Bureau was acting “ in an abundance of caution.
” The preemptive nature of the lockdown distinguishes it from the last nation-wide lockdown in 1995 , which followed two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The day after the BOP announced the lockdown , Attorney General Barr ordered the Bureau to dispatch its “ Crisis Management Teams ” to Washington and Miami , according to a statement from the BOP .
These teams consist mainly of units called Special Operations Response Teams ( SORT ) , who train to deal with tactical situations far beyond everyday prison security .
In an interview with Solitary Watch , a former correctional officer and administrator with 23 years experience in the BOP explained that SORT teams are deployed only rarely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hostage situations .
In addition to specialized training and duties , they use lethal , military-grade equipment , such as sniper rifles and grenades .
In Miami , Mayor Carlos Gimenez flatly rejected the BOP officers , telling CBS News , “ We didn ’ t ask them to be here .
We told them we didn ’ t need them here .
There is no reason for them to be here.
” In Washington , D.C. , where the federal government exercises more authority over local affairs , videos from June 3 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Washington , D.C. , in military-style gear , complete with helmets , bulletproof vests , and grenade launchers .
A journalist at local radio station WTOP photographed officers in BOP insignia , surrounded by others with no insignia or badges .
A few blocks from Lafayette Park , Solitary Watch staff member Valerie Kiebala saw about ten officers wearing jackets marked “ DCT , ” short for Disturbance Control Team .
The BOP told Solitary Watch that these BOP units , which are distinct from SORT , “ specialize in crowd control @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did not wear badges with their names , and refused to identify themselves to Kiebala when asked .
Advocates quickly expressed concern that it is impossible to hold anonymous officers accountable for potential violence against protesters .
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi wrote to President Trump on June 4 , noting that officers from the BOP , the U.S. military , the National Park Service , and various states ’ National Guards were all seen on the streets of D.C. , as well as officers with no insignia whatsoever , contributing to a “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Following publicity , the BOP confirmed that some of its prison guards had , in fact , been deployed to D.C. without identifying uniforms or external badges , noting that the officers carried their badges instead of wearing them , and wore non-BOP clothes because they were “ serving a broader mission.
” BOP Director Michael Carvajal responded to the criticism : “ We normally operate within the confines of our institution , and we don ’ t need to identify ourselves.
” Deborah Golden , a civil rights attorney with over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , called it “ a nightmare ” to send SORT units—who are trained specifically to quell prison uprisings with force—to police city streets .
“ They ’ re just not trained for how to assess this situation , ” she told Solitary Watch , noting that the First Amendment right to assembly does not exist behind prison walls .
“ It ’ s absolutely legal for a prison employee to shoot live ammo into a crowd if the intent is to quell the riot… The whole point of having specially trained units is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on their training .
SORT is trained , under their standards , on how to respond to an uprising.
” Asked if the SORT units received training on how to deal with non-incarcerated protesters in Washington , D.C. , the BOP did not respond to the question .
Coincidentally , a June 2020 memo from the Department of Justice ’ s Inspector General—which was uncovered by the Huffington Post ’ s Ryan Reilly—criticized SORT teams for their “ inappropriate and dangerous ” conduct during training exercises the previous year , which resulted in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bang devices , pepper spray , and non-lethal ammunition .
Of more than 5,800 federal agents amassed by Barr to police the protests , at least 445 were BOP officers , according to an internal document compiled for the Joint Chiefs of Staff .
Although the full lockdown of BOP facilities began just one day prior to the deployment of prison guards to city streets , the exact connection between the two moves has yet to be established .
What is clear is that the removal of crisis teams from federal facilities came @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already severely stretched .
A 2018 New York Times investigation documented BOP staff shortages that forced nurses , food service workers , and other employees to assume the work of correctional officers .
And a report from the Justice Department ’ s Inspector General ( now removed from the DOJ ’ s website ) cited insufficient staffing as a primary challenge to “ managing a safe , secure , and human [ sic ] prison system.
” Inadequate staffing has led to lockdowns in the past ; one understaffed Mississippi state prison was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The confluence of the two events also unwittingly supports arguments currently being made by criminal justice reformers and abolitionists : that the brutality exhibited by many prison guards is a corollary to police brutality on the streets , and that both are core components of a pernicious and racist structure .
As Mohamed Shehk of the abolitionist organization Critical Resistance told The Appeal , “ These violent systems are interlocking and feed off each other.
” The June lockdown produced harsher conditions than the preexisting “ modified lockdown ” that the BOP had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gathering and maximize social distancing ” and slow the spread of COVID-19 .
Although the modified lockdown restricted movement and interaction , many people still retained occasional access to privileges like phones , email , and showers .
The full lockdown , however , ended virtually all movement and left people stuck in cells round the clock .
“ Lockdown is a form of solitary , ” said Eddie Ellis , who spent 15 years in federal prison , starting when he was still a teenager , and is now an advocate with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Youth .
Ellis pointed out that the same vulnerable populations most affected by solitary confinement — youth , people with mental illness , individuals with disabilities — can also be deeply damaged by the isolation and idleness of an extended lockdown .
The full lockdown severely limited communication between the more than 158,000 people in BOP custody and those on the outside .
Individuals who did manage to get messages to loved ones , often using contraband cell phones , provided a glimpse of life under lockdown .
In Wisconsin , one man @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a cell without a sink or toilet , and described rising tensions between frustrated prisoners and staff , with prisoners screaming for access to the most basic needs .
A person incarcerated in a federal prison in Georgia described to the Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee being “ denied access to emails , phone calls , commissary and even showers ” for over a week .
Ellis confirmed that these descriptions match accounts his organization heard from other people incarcerated in the federal system .
He added that the full lockdown also affected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ critical court dates approached .
The use of blanket lockdowns has also been criticized by health experts , who have sharply rebuked the conflation of solitary confinement and medical isolation .
“ Turning to the punitive practice of solitary confinement in response to the COVID-19 crisis will only make things worse , ” wrote Dr. Brie Williams , a professor of medicine at University of California San Francisco and director of Amend , which aims to reduce the negative health effects of prisons and jails .
Solitary confinement as a containment strategy is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as people hide symptoms of illness in fear of being sent to the hole .
Despite the dramatic increase in the use of solitary generated by lockdowns , the New York Times reported on July 19 that all ten of the top “ clusters ” of COVID-19 cases were in jails and prisons .
Although NPR reported that the nationwide full lockdown was lifted by June 15 , it remains unclear if and when each facility returned to the less severe “ modified lockdown ” status implemented to fight the Coronavirus .
BOP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ requests and reviewed by Solitary Watch show that regional offices of the BOP track data on lockdowns , including their cause and duration .
But the BOP does not make this data public , and did not respond to Solitary Watch ’ s request to review current data .
The Council on Criminal Justice , an independent task-force of former politicians , prosecutors , and professors across the political spectrum , argues that the BOP ’ s lack of transparency worsens the mismanagement , abuse , and lack of programming plaguing BOP facilities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with “ the power to obtain data , analyze it , and distribute findings to the public.
” Asked if lockdowns are an issue that deserves more oversight , Golden responded : “ Absolutely .
Lockdowns are overused , they ’ re essentially putting people in solitary confinement.
” For some incarcerated people , the June lockdown in particular , ordered preemptively in response to the nation ’ s demand for an end to state violence , has stoked resentment and resistance .
“ This latest [ lockdown ] amounted to the BOP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disconnected from the righteous rebellions and demonstrations that were going on outside , ” said one person incarcerated in a federal prison .
“ The struggle that ’ s going on outside is naturally and inseparably our struggle as well , and no lockdown can change that .
”

On June 2, for the first time in 25 years, the Bureau of Prisons directed all federal jails and prisons to implement a full lockdown, confining nearly 160,000 people to their cells and severely limiting contact with the outside world. The following day, on the orders of Attorney General William Barr, the Bureau pulled some of its most militarized units out of BOP facilities and deployed them to confront protesters on the streets of Washington, D.C.
Typically, a lockdown occurs in a single facility at the discretion of the warden, usually in response to temporary incidents like fights or, more rarely, longer-term issues like inadequate staffing levels. But this June’s full lockdown was extraordinary in its pretext, scope, and duration. It heightened restrictions already in place in federal facilities, which have been on “modified” lockdown since March in an effort to contain the spread of COVID-19. A BOP employee told The Appeal in June that the heightened lockdown kept people in their cells or units for 24 hours a day, often without access to phones, email, or showers.
The BOP announced the lockdown would last “until it is calm around the nation,” referencing protests against police brutality and the killing of George Floyd, a black man, by a white Minneapolis police officer. The BOP did not mention any specific protest or incident that had yet occurred inside any facility. Rather, BOP Spokesperson Justin Long explained that the Bureau was acting “in an abundance of caution.” The preemptive nature of the lockdown distinguishes it from the last nation-wide lockdown in 1995, which followed two days of violent incidents at three prisons.
The day after the BOP announced the lockdown, Attorney General Barr ordered the Bureau to dispatch its “Crisis Management Teams” to Washington and Miami, according to a statement from the BOP. These teams consist mainly of units called Special Operations Response Teams (SORT), who train to deal with tactical situations far beyond everyday prison security. In an interview with Solitary Watch, a former correctional officer and administrator with 23 years experience in the BOP explained that SORT teams are deployed only rarely, in response to extraordinary incidents like hostage situations. In addition to specialized training and duties, they use lethal, military-grade equipment, such as sniper rifles and grenades.
In Miami, Mayor Carlos Gimenez flatly rejected the BOP officers, telling CBS News, “We didn’t ask them to be here. We told them we didn’t need them here. There is no reason for them to be here.”
In Washington, D.C., where the federal government exercises more authority over local affairs, videos from June 3 showed hundreds of men lining the streets of Washington, D.C., in military-style gear, complete with helmets, bulletproof vests, and grenade launchers. A journalist at local radio station WTOP photographed officers in BOP insignia, surrounded by others with no insignia or badges.
A few blocks from Lafayette Park, Solitary Watch staff member Valerie Kiebala saw about ten officers wearing jackets marked “DCT,” short for Disturbance Control Team. The BOP told Solitary Watch that these BOP units, which are distinct from SORT, “specialize in crowd control scenarios” within prisons. The officers did not wear badges with their names, and refused to identify themselves to Kiebala when asked.
Advocates quickly expressed concern that it is impossible to hold anonymous officers accountable for potential violence against protesters. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi wrote to President Trump on June 4, noting that officers from the BOP, the U.S. military, the National Park Service, and various states’ National Guards were all seen on the streets of D.C., as well as officers with no insignia whatsoever, contributing to a “lack of clarity that may increase chaos.”
Following publicity, the BOP confirmed that some of its prison guards had, in fact, been deployed to D.C. without identifying uniforms or external badges, noting that the officers carried their badges instead of wearing them, and wore non-BOP clothes because they were “serving a broader mission.” BOP Director Michael Carvajal responded to the criticism: “We normally operate within the confines of our institution, and we don’t need to identify ourselves.”
Deborah Golden, a civil rights attorney with over two decades of experience litigating prison conditions, called it “a nightmare” to send SORT units—who are trained specifically to quell prison uprisings with force—to police city streets.
“They’re just not trained for how to assess this situation,” she told Solitary Watch, noting that the First Amendment right to assembly does not exist behind prison walls. “It’s absolutely legal for a prison employee to shoot live ammo into a crowd if the intent is to quell the riot… The whole point of having specially trained units is to have people who can fall back on their training. SORT is trained, under their standards, on how to respond to an uprising.”
Asked if the SORT units received training on how to deal with non-incarcerated protesters in Washington, D.C., the BOP did not respond to the question. Coincidentally, a June 2020 memo from the Department of Justice’s Inspector General—which was uncovered by the Huffington Post’s Ryan Reilly—criticized SORT teams for their “inappropriate and dangerous” conduct during training exercises the previous year, which resulted in injuries to other BOP staff from flash bang devices, pepper spray, and non-lethal ammunition.
Of more than 5,800 federal agents amassed by Barr to police the protests, at least 445 were BOP officers, according to an internal document compiled for the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Although the full lockdown of BOP facilities began just one day prior to the deployment of prison guards to city streets, the exact connection between the two moves has yet to be established.
What is clear is that the removal of crisis teams from federal facilities came at a time when BOP staffing was already severely stretched. A 2018 New York Times investigation documented BOP staff shortages that forced nurses, food service workers, and other employees to assume the work of correctional officers. And a report from the Justice Department’s Inspector General (now removed from the DOJ’s website) cited insufficient staffing as a primary challenge to “managing a safe, secure, and human [sic] prison system.” Inadequate staffing has led to lockdowns in the past; one understaffed Mississippi state prison was locked down for months in 2019.
The confluence of the two events also unwittingly supports arguments currently being made by criminal justice reformers and abolitionists: that the brutality exhibited by many prison guards is a corollary to police brutality on the streets, and that both are core components of a pernicious and racist structure. As Mohamed Shehk of the abolitionist organization Critical Resistance told The Appeal, “These violent systems are interlocking and feed off each other.”
The June lockdown produced harsher conditions than the preexisting “modified lockdown” that the BOP had instituted in March to “prevent congregate gathering and maximize social distancing” and slow the spread of COVID-19. Although the modified lockdown restricted movement and interaction, many people still retained occasional access to privileges like phones, email, and showers. The full lockdown, however, ended virtually all movement and left people stuck in cells round the clock.
“Lockdown is a form of solitary,” said Eddie Ellis, who spent 15 years in federal prison, starting when he was still a teenager, and is now an advocate with the Campaign for the Fair Sentencing of Youth. Ellis pointed out that the same vulnerable populations most affected by solitary confinement — youth, people with mental illness, individuals with disabilities — can also be deeply damaged by the isolation and idleness of an extended lockdown.
The full lockdown severely limited communication between the more than 158,000 people in BOP custody and those on the outside. Individuals who did manage to get messages to loved ones, often using contraband cell phones, provided a glimpse of life under lockdown. In Wisconsin, one man told his sister that he was isolated in a cell without a sink or toilet, and described rising tensions between frustrated prisoners and staff, with prisoners screaming for access to the most basic needs. A person incarcerated in a federal prison in Georgia described to the Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee being “denied access to emails, phone calls, commissary and even showers” for over a week.
Ellis confirmed that these descriptions match accounts his organization heard from other people incarcerated in the federal system. He added that the full lockdown also affected access to legal counsel, even as critical court dates approached.
The use of blanket lockdowns has also been criticized by health experts, who have sharply rebuked the conflation of solitary confinement and medical isolation. “Turning to the punitive practice of solitary confinement in response to the COVID-19 crisis will only make things worse,” wrote Dr. Brie Williams, a professor of medicine at University of California San Francisco and director of Amend, which aims to reduce the negative health effects of prisons and jails. Solitary confinement as a containment strategy is also ineffective and can be counterproductive, as people hide symptoms of illness in fear of being sent to the hole. Despite the dramatic increase in the use of solitary generated by lockdowns, the New York Times reported on July 19 that all ten of the top “clusters” of COVID-19 cases were in jails and prisons.
Although NPR reported that the nationwide full lockdown was lifted by June 15, it remains unclear if and when each facility returned to the less severe “modified lockdown” status implemented to fight the Coronavirus. BOP records obtained via Freedom of Information Act requests and reviewed by Solitary Watch show that regional offices of the BOP track data on lockdowns, including their cause and duration. But the BOP does not make this data public, and did not respond to Solitary Watch’s request to review current data.
The Council on Criminal Justice, an independent task-force of former politicians, prosecutors, and professors across the political spectrum, argues that the BOP’s lack of transparency worsens the mismanagement, abuse, and lack of programming plaguing BOP facilities. It recommends creating an oversight committee with “the power to obtain data, analyze it, and distribute findings to the public.”
Asked if lockdowns are an issue that deserves more oversight, Golden responded: “Absolutely. Lockdowns are overused, they’re essentially putting people in solitary confinement.”
For some incarcerated people, the June lockdown in particular, ordered preemptively in response to the nation’s demand for an end to state violence, has stoked resentment and resistance. “This latest [lockdown] amounted to the BOP holding us hostage, to keep us disconnected from the righteous rebellions and demonstrations that were going on outside,” said one person incarcerated in a federal prison. “The struggle that’s going on outside is naturally and inseparably our struggle as well, and no lockdown can change that.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-07-23--Confronting White Supremacy Can’t Come Through Top-Down “Justice”

We bear witness to an extraordinary historical moment , one convulsing with both immense pain and opportunity .
We ’ re finally looking in the mirror , facing the truth that we are a nation born not in liberty but in terror — of white supremacy , slavery , genocide , land theft and racial capitalism .
At last we are disrupting centuries of denial .
We ’ re seeing that , throughout U.S. history , police have served as frontline enforcers of white supremacy , brutally subjugating Black people .
Slave patrollers torturing enslaved persons who resisted or attempted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enforcing Black Codes .
Police delivering Black bodies to white lynch mobs .
Today ’ s police killings enact the same racial terror that has been the unrelenting knee on the neck of Black people for 401 years .
A Zulu proverb says when the house burns down , the one we rebuild is more beautiful .
The house built in 1619 on the foundations of white supremacy is burning down .
To build a house more beautiful , we must continue to face the truth about our history , offer reparations for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ systematically brutalizes Black people , and build anew .
Undeniably , white people today are facing the truth like never before .
In police protests after Michael Brown ’ s 2014 killing , Black people were a majority .
But the legions marching in 50 states and 2,000 cities since police crushed George Floyd to death are majority white .
It seems only yesterday that white people were skeptical about Black Lives Matter .
Today , two-thirds of the nation supports it , including 60 percent of white people .
In numbers unparalleled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anti-racism texts and noticing and eradicating ways they personally perpetuate structural racism .
Increasing numbers of universities are telling the truth about complicity with slavery and the slave trade , apologizing , and engaging in reparations and memorialization .
Statutes extolling slavery and the confederacy are falling .
Memorials honoring those enslaved and lynched are rising .
The term “ white supremacy ” has moved from the margins to mainstream .
“ Systemic racism ” is nearly a household expression .
And yet , as the old house begins to crumble , what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ What can we do to ensure that a similar house is not built in its place ?
We need a community-led , radical rebuilding process that leaves no stone unturned to ensure non-recurrence .
Defunding police — calling both an end to current policing and collectively imagining new public safety futures — will surely make the house more beautiful .
Though the design of that house is something each community must together decide , defunding the police might mean taking police out of schools , as Oakland and other cities have started to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the arts , and restorative justice .
It could mean cutting funding for military equipment and facial recognition software and transferring resources to social service agencies — but not those that mimic policing ’ s punishment and surveillance behaviors .
The Minneapolis City Council has adopted the defund police strategy .
For years they had tried state-of-the-art reforms .
Yet Black lives still didn ’ t matter .
Pruning isn ’ t enough ; it ’ s time to plant anew .
When asked what defunding the police would look like , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ though she didn ’ t know , the people of her city did ; they would collectively imagine a new future of public safety where Black lives matter .
Minneapolis gets that justice for George Floyd requires more than prosecuting individual officers .
The problem isn ’ t just individual , it ’ s systemic .
Yet prevailing “ justice ” only has the capacity to address individual harm — and ineffectively , at that .
As a perpetrator itself of massive harm , this system is plainly incapable of stopping the killings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police is thus a cry to re-envision justice as well as dismantle policing .
Beyond a “ justice ” that blames , judges and punishes people , history calls us to imagine a justice that transforms both unjust relationships and systems — a justice that requires us to transform ourselves as we transform the world .
Restorative justice-informed truth processes rooted in Indigenous wisdoms about humanity , collectivity , responsibility and the earth are our best hope .
Today we hear multiple appeals for truth and reconciliation processes — from Minneapolis , San @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from U.S. Congresspersons Barbara Lee and Al Green .
We have much to learn from the past .
Over the last 45 years , countries in the global south have used truth processes to help them transition from an era of massive human rights abuses to western-styled democracy .
In the last decade Canada and the U.S. have followed suit with truth processes to address long-standing abuses against Indigenous and African-descended people .
In these settings , commissions have largely been top-down , quasi-judicial bodies of experts who hold hearings , examine evidence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ apologies , restitution , corrections to official records and curricular changes .
Plus , most previous truth processes , including South Africa ’ s , favored approaches that centered individual rather than systemic wrongdoing .
Though in other times and geopolitical contexts the top-down truth and reconciliation model may have had some traction , in the United States today , truth processes where systemic harm isn ’ t addressed and where governments don ’ t share power with communities — especially historically marginalized communities — won ’ t work .
The way we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the way we get there relies on hierarchies of power , we ’ ll replicate hierarchy .
If the way we get there embodies “ power over ” instead of “ power with , ” we ’ ll reproduce systems of domination .
We can ’ t get to a new place in an old way .
While current calls for truth and reconciliation gesture toward a more capacious justice , we need processes that reflect the particular insights of these times .
Truth processes that are grassroots and restorative justice-informed hold the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ without us ” is a central tenet of restorative justice .
In an ongoing , radically respectful and inclusive process , we must do the work ourselves .
This means in every neighborhood and on every block , everyday people roll up their sleeves and do the challenging and hopeful work of engendering transformed relationships and structures leading into new futures .
Peacemaking Circles , rooted in Tlingit Tagish and other Indigenous traditions , exemplify a shared leadership model whose ethos is communitarian , inclusivist and accountability-based .
Drawing on everyone ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ organization , Restorative Justice for Oakland Youth , and others have been fostering Circles for years .
The Bay Area Transformative Justice Collective — a community group based in Oakland , California , that builds transformative justice responses to child sexual abuse — has been cultivating community pods .
These are two examples of generative and embodied facilitated spaces where diverse communities can engage in dialogical encounter , deepen trust , reckon with the past , and breathe life into transformed relations and structures of the future .
Local processes would be complemented @ @ @ @ @ @ @ convenes and provides connective tissue and resources to support localities .
The national stage might also be a public site for truth-telling , apology and reparation of harm , similar to the 1994 South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission that captured the imagination of the world , the serious limitations of that process notwithstanding .
History calls us not only to build new houses of public safety and justice where Black lives are no longer systematically brutalized .
We also need new economic structures .
The ravages of COVID-19 demonstrate that racial capitalism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ needs of its citizens .
The cases of Breonna Taylor , Ahmaud Arbery , George Floyd , Tony McDade , and countless others show it is unable to protect citizens from police terror .
Climate catastrophe teaches us that capitalism has neither the ability nor the will to protect our children or the earth .
These are each radical , systemic and relational conditions that must be met with radical , systemic and relational remedies .
At the end of the day , we ensure public safety by saying no to a way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and extreme individualism while saying yes to one that lovingly centers the well-being of all human and earth beings and the generations to come .
Ultimately , we are being invited to reimagine what it means to be human , living in balance with others and the earth .
Restorative justice circles and transformative justice pods exemplify the kinds of liberatory spaces where we can imagine and practice new relational ways of being — now .
Predating and challenging the slave trade , genocide and racial capitalism , restorative justice is inspired by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is rooted in Indigenous insights affirming humans ’ equal moral worth and dignity , their interidentity and reciprocal responsibility to one another and to the earth .
One of the more powerful things we can do today is hold fast to values of radical respect , relationality and responsibility , while incarnating a deep anti-racist , anti-heteropatriarchal and anti-capitalist consciousness .
Restorative justice-informed truth processes offer a way to face and transform history ’ s pain while radically reimagining more beautiful relationships and structures that will be just , accommodating , and able @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

Part of the Series The Road to Abolition
We bear witness to an extraordinary historical moment, one convulsing with both immense pain and opportunity. We’re finally looking in the mirror, facing the truth that we are a nation born not in liberty but in terror — of white supremacy, slavery, genocide, land theft and racial capitalism. At last we are disrupting centuries of denial.
We’re seeing that, throughout U.S. history, police have served as frontline enforcers of white supremacy, brutally subjugating Black people. Slave patrollers torturing enslaved persons who resisted or attempted to escape. Convict leasing era police enforcing Black Codes. Police delivering Black bodies to white lynch mobs.
Today’s police killings enact the same racial terror that has been the unrelenting knee on the neck of Black people for 401 years.
A Zulu proverb says when the house burns down, the one we rebuild is more beautiful. The house built in 1619 on the foundations of white supremacy is burning down. To build a house more beautiful, we must continue to face the truth about our history, offer reparations for harm, abolish the old house that systematically brutalizes Black people, and build anew.
Undeniably, white people today are facing the truth like never before. In police protests after Michael Brown’s 2014 killing, Black people were a majority. But the legions marching in 50 states and 2,000 cities since police crushed George Floyd to death are majority white. It seems only yesterday that white people were skeptical about Black Lives Matter. Today, two-thirds of the nation supports it, including 60 percent of white people.
In numbers unparalleled, white people are writing and reading anti-racism texts and noticing and eradicating ways they personally perpetuate structural racism. Increasing numbers of universities are telling the truth about complicity with slavery and the slave trade, apologizing, and engaging in reparations and memorialization. Statutes extolling slavery and the confederacy are falling. Memorials honoring those enslaved and lynched are rising. The term “white supremacy” has moved from the margins to mainstream. “Systemic racism” is nearly a household expression.
The nationwide cry to defund the police is a cry to transform ourselves as we transform the world.
And yet, as the old house begins to crumble, what will actually make it more beautiful? What can we do to ensure that a similar house is not built in its place?
We need a community-led, radical rebuilding process that leaves no stone unturned to ensure non-recurrence.
Defunding police — calling both an end to current policing and collectively imagining new public safety futures — will surely make the house more beautiful. Though the design of that house is something each community must together decide, defunding the police might mean taking police out of schools, as Oakland and other cities have started to do, while increasing funding for counseling, the arts, and restorative justice. It could mean cutting funding for military equipment and facial recognition software and transferring resources to social service agencies — but not those that mimic policing’s punishment and surveillance behaviors.
The Minneapolis City Council has adopted the defund police strategy. For years they had tried state-of-the-art reforms. Yet Black lives still didn’t matter. Pruning isn’t enough; it’s time to plant anew. When asked what defunding the police would look like, the City Council president wisely responded that though she didn’t know, the people of her city did; they would collectively imagine a new future of public safety where Black lives matter.
Minneapolis gets that justice for George Floyd requires more than prosecuting individual officers. The problem isn’t just individual, it’s systemic. Yet prevailing “justice” only has the capacity to address individual harm — and ineffectively, at that. As a perpetrator itself of massive harm, this system is plainly incapable of stopping the killings.
The nationwide cry to defund the police is thus a cry to re-envision justice as well as dismantle policing. Beyond a “justice” that blames, judges and punishes people, history calls us to imagine a justice that transforms both unjust relationships and systems — a justice that requires us to transform ourselves as we transform the world. Restorative justice-informed truth processes rooted in Indigenous wisdoms about humanity, collectivity, responsibility and the earth are our best hope.
The way we imagine new futures is crucial. If the way we get there relies on hierarchies of power, we’ll replicate hierarchy.
Today we hear multiple appeals for truth and reconciliation processes — from Minneapolis, San Francisco, Philadelphia, Boston, and from U.S. Congresspersons Barbara Lee and Al Green.
We have much to learn from the past. Over the last 45 years, countries in the global south have used truth processes to help them transition from an era of massive human rights abuses to western-styled democracy. In the last decade Canada and the U.S. have followed suit with truth processes to address long-standing abuses against Indigenous and African-descended people. In these settings, commissions have largely been top-down, quasi-judicial bodies of experts who hold hearings, examine evidence and develop recommendations, such as public apologies, restitution, corrections to official records and curricular changes. Plus, most previous truth processes, including South Africa’s, favored approaches that centered individual rather than systemic wrongdoing.
Though in other times and geopolitical contexts the top-down truth and reconciliation model may have had some traction, in the United States today, truth processes where systemic harm isn’t addressed and where governments don’t share power with communities — especially historically marginalized communities — won’t work.
The way we imagine new futures is crucial. If the way we get there relies on hierarchies of power, we’ll replicate hierarchy. If the way we get there embodies “power over” instead of “power with,” we’ll reproduce systems of domination. We can’t get to a new place in an old way. While current calls for truth and reconciliation gesture toward a more capacious justice, we need processes that reflect the particular insights of these times. Truth processes that are grassroots and restorative justice-informed hold the greatest promise.
“Nothing about us without us” is a central tenet of restorative justice. In an ongoing, radically respectful and inclusive process, we must do the work ourselves. This means in every neighborhood and on every block, everyday people roll up their sleeves and do the challenging and hopeful work of engendering transformed relationships and structures leading into new futures.
We ensure public safety by saying no to a way of life that exalts profit, whiteness and extreme individualism while saying yes to one that lovingly centers the well-being of all human and earth beings.
Peacemaking Circles, rooted in Tlingit Tagish and other Indigenous traditions, exemplify a shared leadership model whose ethos is communitarian, inclusivist and accountability-based. Drawing on everyone’s wisdom, Circles are counter-hegemonic. Our organization, Restorative Justice for Oakland Youth, and others have been fostering Circles for years. The Bay Area Transformative Justice Collective — a community group based in Oakland, California, that builds transformative justice responses to child sexual abuse — has been cultivating community pods. These are two examples of generative and embodied facilitated spaces where diverse communities can engage in dialogical encounter, deepen trust, reckon with the past, and breathe life into transformed relations and structures of the future.
Local processes would be complemented by a national hub that facilitates, convenes and provides connective tissue and resources to support localities. The national stage might also be a public site for truth-telling, apology and reparation of harm, similar to the 1994 South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission that captured the imagination of the world, the serious limitations of that process notwithstanding.
History calls us not only to build new houses of public safety and justice where Black lives are no longer systematically brutalized. We also need new economic structures. The ravages of COVID-19 demonstrate that racial capitalism is incapable of meeting the basic health needs of its citizens. The cases of Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery, George Floyd, Tony McDade, and countless others show it is unable to protect citizens from police terror. Climate catastrophe teaches us that capitalism has neither the ability nor the will to protect our children or the earth. These are each radical, systemic and relational conditions that must be met with radical, systemic and relational remedies. At the end of the day, we ensure public safety by saying no to a way of life that exalts profit, whiteness and extreme individualism while saying yes to one that lovingly centers the well-being of all human and earth beings and the generations to come.
Ultimately, we are being invited to reimagine what it means to be human, living in balance with others and the earth. Restorative justice circles and transformative justice pods exemplify the kinds of liberatory spaces where we can imagine and practice new relational ways of being — now.
Predating and challenging the slave trade, genocide and racial capitalism, restorative justice is inspired by a vision of justice decolonized. It is rooted in Indigenous insights affirming humans’ equal moral worth and dignity, their interidentity and reciprocal responsibility to one another and to the earth. One of the more powerful things we can do today is hold fast to values of radical respect, relationality and responsibility, while incarnating a deep anti-racist, anti-heteropatriarchal and anti-capitalist consciousness.
Restorative justice-informed truth processes offer a way to face and transform history’s pain while radically reimagining more beautiful relationships and structures that will be just, accommodating, and able to serve as a home for all.
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