truthout--2020-06-24--Activists Are Challenging Colorado’s Ongoing Legacy of Racism

From the cinders of Minneapolis ’ s police precinct burnt down in the wake of the murder of George Floyd , to calls for justice for Ahmaud Arbery , to protests over the killing of Tony McDade in Tallahassee , Florida , to the outrage over the murder of Breonna Taylor by police in Kentucky , Black communities and other communities of color are continuing to rise up and call for change .
White supremacy ’ s roots are weaved into the foundation of the U.S. and it has systematically wrapped itself into institutions affecting health , economic disparity , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the prison system , and outright survival for Black and Brown communities .
As noted by Joy DeGruy , author of Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome , white supremacy is a boil you can ’ t ignore ; you have to lance it , to clean it out .
Denver is one of those boils in the middle of the U.S .
It has long been a hotbed and breeding ground for white supremacy and police violence .
White supremacy groups have been on the rise in Colorado : in late 2019 a white @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a synagogue in Pueblo , Colorado , and on June 11 , a white man in Loveland , Colorado , held two Black men at gunpoint claiming they were from Antifa .
Denver is the homeland of the Cheyenne and Arapaho .
Following the 1851 Treaty of Fort Laramie during the Gold Rush , Chief Little Raven said , “ Take the gold but remember the land belongs to us , don ’ t stay long.
” While settlers continued to encroach into the Colorado region , Commissioner of Indian Affairs A.B .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ is no alternative to providing for them in this manner but to exterminate them , which the dictates of justice and humanity alike forbid.
” Territorial Gov .
of Colorado John Evans and Col. John Chivington had been “ eager to use violence prior to November 1864 , ” the Sand Creek Massacre .
Chivington “ publicly announced in August or September of 1864 ” his genocidal “ policy was to ‘ kill and scalp all , little and big ; that nits made lice.
’ ” In November 1864 , the Sand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , where 200 Cheyenne and Arapaho were murdered , the majority of them women and children .
Following the massacre , soldiers paraded through Denver with scalps , some were sent east , the Denver Theater even used them in plays .
Colorado ’ s foundation — like that of the U.S. itself — was built on white supremacist colonial violence , a violence that expressed itself through policing , politics and policy .
Colorado wasn ’ t exempt from the horrors of lynchings .
Catholics ( Italians and Irish ) , Native @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all lynched in Colorado .
In 1880 , on Halloween , an anti-Chinese riot broke out in downtown Denver with 3,000 people chanting , “ The Chinese must go.
” Chinese storefronts were destroyed , people were attacked , and 28-year-old Look Young “ was beaten to death and hung from a lamppost ” In 1900 , Preston Porter Jr. a 16-year-old African American teenager , was burned alive while chained to a railroad stake in Limon , Colorado , while a mob of more than 300 cheered .
From slave patrols to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ abolished slavery “ except as a punishment for crime , ” the prison-industrial complex is steeped in anti-Blackness that continues to this day with the U.S. having nearly a quarter of all people in prison on the planet , with a majority of them being Black and people of color .
Regarding this history , Khalil Gibran Muhammad , professor of history at the Harvard Kennedy School said , “ For me , to talk about the history of policing is also to talk about the history of white supremacy and racial capitalism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ During the resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan ( KKK ) in the 1920s , Denver played a major role in sustaining white supremacy .
Colorado was second only to Indiana for the most KKK members per capita in the country ; 1 in 10 Coloradans were in the KKK by 1925 .
The KKK had Klaverns in all 64 counties in Colorado .
Colorado Gov .
Clarence Morley , Denver Mayor Benjamin Stapleton ( who had a neighborhood named in his honor until a few days ago when the community voted to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) and Denver Police Chief William Candlish were all in the KKK .
It ’ s estimated that 75 percent of the police force in Colorado were in the Klan in the 1920s .
Mayor Stapleton gave the Klan city spaces to spread their message , leading to kidnappings , arson and bombs being put on people ’ s porches , creating explicit violence and breeding implicit hate that still lingers today .
White supremacy in Colorado affected Black doctors such as Justina Ford and enforced redlining policies that formed Denver ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 1902 but the medical community of Colorado wouldn ’ t permit her hospital privileges , so she worked from homes .
Even though she never had children , she delivered 7,000 babies .
In 1923 , she was denied entry into the local medical society .
In 1950 , two years before she died , she was finally accepted into the Denver Medical Society .
Through redlining , racism changed the geography of Denver .
Terri Gentry , a volunteer docent at the Black American West Museum , explained how her great @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Marion Street , ” where the first red line was drawn , “ and he had to walk up the alley to his house .
He couldn ’ t walk up the street.
” George Morrison , who violated the red line by building a house on Gilpin Street , allegedly had his home burned “ down three times ” by the KKK .
Along with oppression , people in the Black community resisted and fought back against white supremacy .
For instance , Five Points residents Benny Hooper and Clarence Holmes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the white supremacist film Birth of a Nation in Denver in 1915 .
Holmes went on to establish the Denver Interracial Committee in 1916 .
In the early 1920s , Joseph H.P .
Westbrook infiltrated the KKK in Denver passing as white , where he “ listened in to the [ KKK ’ s ] plots and relayed information back to his community.
” Holmes and Westbrook helped found a local branch of the NAACP in Denver , and the Klan burned a cross on Holmes ’ s front yard in 1925 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ saw a surge in state surveillance and violence in the 1960s .
While the FBI was planning assassinations on Black Panthers , COINTELPRO and police repression targeted the Chicano ( a ) ( x ) Movement , which was fighting against colonialism and white supremacy while bringing up issues on land rights , lack of Chicano history in school curriculums and discrimination in education .
As noted by Antonio Esquibel , “ police/community relations deteriorated , and Chicanos ’ awareness of discrimination in public accommodations , housing , transportation , communication , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rodolfo “ Corky ” Gonzales co-founded the Crusade for Justice , which advocated for “ Chicano nationalism and substantive social change.
” Denver erupted in 1973 when Luis “ Junior ” Martinez was shot and killed by Denver police in the bombing at the Crusade for Justice building .
According to historian Ernesto Vigil , Martinez was “ one of the most popular of the younger people in the Crusade ” ; he joined the Black Berets in 1969 , he denounced police for their brutality , and was a choreographer for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dance group .
In 1974 , six Chicano activists were killed by car bombs near the University of Colorado Boulder campus .
Denver police made headlines in 2009 for violently beating Alex Landau and again in 2010 , when street preacher Marvin Booker was murdered in the precinct when he went to pick up his shoes .
Susan Greene described the horrific incident , “ Four deputies piled on top of him , cuffed him , and put him in a chokehold in front of several witnesses .
While he lay on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , deputies holding him down , their sergeant shocked him with a Taser.
” The Denver Police Department ( DPD ) made headlines in 2011 by using excessive force against Occupy Denver protesters and was involved in the killing of Alonzo Ashley at the Denver Zoo .
Ryan Ronquillo was shot and killed by police in 2014 in the parking lot during his friend ’ s funeral .
LGBTQ teen Jessie Hernandez was shot and killed by police in 2015 .
Rosebud Sioux tribal member Paul Castaway was shot and killed in 2015 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Three Percenters militia tattoo on his hand ) .
Dion Avila Damon was shot and killed by police in downtown Denver in 2016 .
Like the rest of the U.S. , the list is long , tragic , and overwhelmingly of people from Black and communities of color .
Denver was ranked number one in excessive force complaints in 2010 and a report this year found police shootings are more frequent “ than in other states with similar population sizes.
” Following the murder of George Floyd , hundreds of protesters in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tear gassed , blasted with rubber bullets and arrested .
Denver journalists and photographers were shot with pepper balls during protests .
Ironically , Denver police agreed to First Amendment training , but so far , “ it still hasn ’ t happened.
” First Amendment training for every DPD officer was agreed to in a 2019 legal settlement after Denver journalist Susan Greene was detained for filming police .
The DPD made national headlines in June when they shot into a couple ’ s car when the man was explaining to them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
People in Denver are currently calling to defund the police and calling for justice for 23-year-old Elijah McClain who died after being tackled by police , put in a chokehold and sedated with ketamine when walking home from a convenience store in Aurora , Colorado , in 2019 .
Protesters have also been marching for William DeBose , who was shot and killed by police on May 1 in Denver near the Rodolfo “ Corky ” Gonzales Branch Library .
Since the protests , Denver has put a restraining order on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and projectiles , and the Denver School Board voted to remove police from public middle and high schools by June 2021 .
These stories don ’ t account for the everyday toll that white supremacy takes on communities of color .
A lifetime of racial harassment built on top of generational trauma is a violence that takes a toll on health and psyche .
Groups like Padres Y Jovenes Unidos in Denver have been organizing for years to combat white supremacy and the school-to-prison pipeline by holding rallies and walkouts , and gathering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Schools ( DPS ) while holding public accountability meetings with the DPS superintendent and having him publicly acknowledge and sign documents that this was true and that he would work to end carceral conditions in schools .
Organizations like the Denver Justice Project and the Colorado Criminal Justice Reform Coalition have been registering people who are incarcerated to vote and working to end mass incarceration , while Soul 2 Soul Sisters organizes for racial justice focused on Black healing and Black liberation via Black Womxn-centered education .
Black Lives Matter 5280 has long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Denver , demanding to defund the police and reinvest the resources into Black communities , “ while eliminating anti-Black violence and racism.
” Meanwhile , Colorado Freedom Fund , founded in 2018 and led by attorney Elizabeth Epps , has been collecting donations and actively bailing out protesters and seeking ways to defund the police and promote abolition .
As calls for police and prison abolition move closer to the forefront than ever before , more people are listening to the voices of Angela Davis , Joy James , Ruth Wilson Gilmore , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who have been discussing these needs for decades .
Being honest about the past draws the lance closer to the boil of white supremacy .
With Denver ’ s history of being a bastion of racism , its policies are still evident and causing violence .
It allowed white supremacy to breed and continue to spread through the U.S. Now more than ever , people are confronting history by toppling statues that celebrate colonialism and white supremacy , and asking important questions on creating a future free of state violence .
James Baldwin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ago , “ The great force of history comes from the fact that we carry it within us , are unconsciously controlled by it in many ways , and history is literally present in all that we do .
”

Part of the Series The Road to Abolition
From the cinders of Minneapolis’s police precinct burnt down in the wake of the murder of George Floyd, to calls for justice for Ahmaud Arbery, to protests over the killing of Tony McDade in Tallahassee, Florida, to the outrage over the murder of Breonna Taylor by police in Kentucky, Black communities and other communities of color are continuing to rise up and call for change. White supremacy’s roots are weaved into the foundation of the U.S. and it has systematically wrapped itself into institutions affecting health, economic disparity, foreign policy, housing, education, the prison system, and outright survival for Black and Brown communities. As noted by Joy DeGruy, author of Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome, white supremacy is a boil you can’t ignore; you have to lance it, to clean it out. Denver is one of those boils in the middle of the U.S. It has long been a hotbed and breeding ground for white supremacy and police violence. White supremacy groups have been on the rise in Colorado: in late 2019 a white supremacist was arrested for plotting to bomb a synagogue in Pueblo, Colorado, and on June 11, a white man in Loveland, Colorado, held two Black men at gunpoint claiming they were from Antifa.
Denver is the homeland of the Cheyenne and Arapaho. Following the 1851 Treaty of Fort Laramie during the Gold Rush, Chief Little Raven said, “Take the gold but remember the land belongs to us, don’t stay long.” While settlers continued to encroach into the Colorado region, Commissioner of Indian Affairs A.B. Greenwood stated in 1859, “There is no alternative to providing for them in this manner but to exterminate them, which the dictates of justice and humanity alike forbid.” Territorial Gov. of Colorado John Evans and Col. John Chivington had been “eager to use violence prior to November 1864,” the Sand Creek Massacre. Chivington “publicly announced in August or September of 1864” his genocidal “policy was to ‘kill and scalp all, little and big; that nits made lice.’” In November 1864, the Sand Creek Massacre took place in eastern Colorado, where 200 Cheyenne and Arapaho were murdered, the majority of them women and children. Following the massacre, soldiers paraded through Denver with scalps, some were sent east, the Denver Theater even used them in plays. Colorado’s foundation — like that of the U.S. itself — was built on white supremacist colonial violence, a violence that expressed itself through policing, politics and policy.
Colorado wasn’t exempt from the horrors of lynchings. Catholics (Italians and Irish), Native Americans, Mexicans and Chinese people were all lynched in Colorado. In 1880, on Halloween, an anti-Chinese riot broke out in downtown Denver with 3,000 people chanting, “The Chinese must go.” Chinese storefronts were destroyed, people were attacked, and 28-year-old Look Young “was beaten to death and hung from a lamppost . ” In 1900, Preston Porter Jr. , a 16-year-old African American teenager, was burned alive while chained to a railroad stake in Limon, Colorado, while a mob of more than 300 cheered.
From slave patrols to Black Codes to the 13th Amendment that abolished slavery “except as a punishment for crime,” the prison-industrial complex is steeped in anti-Blackness that continues to this day with the U.S. having nearly a quarter of all people in prison on the planet, with a majority of them being Black and people of color. Regarding this history, Khalil Gibran Muhammad, professor of history at the Harvard Kennedy School said, “For me, to talk about the history of policing is also to talk about the history of white supremacy and racial capitalism in the United States of America.”
During the resurgence of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) in the 1920s, Denver played a major role in sustaining white supremacy. Colorado was second only to Indiana for the most KKK members per capita in the country; 1 in 10 Coloradans were in the KKK by 1925. The KKK had Klaverns in all 64 counties in Colorado. Colorado Gov. Clarence Morley, Denver Mayor Benjamin Stapleton (who had a neighborhood named in his honor until a few days ago when the community voted to change the name after pressure from activists) and Denver Police Chief William Candlish were all in the KKK. It’s estimated that 75 percent of the police force in Colorado were in the Klan in the 1920s. Mayor Stapleton gave the Klan city spaces to spread their message, leading to kidnappings, arson , and bombs being put on people’s porches, creating explicit violence and breeding implicit hate that still lingers today.
White supremacy in Colorado affected Black doctors such as Justina Ford and enforced redlining policies that formed Denver’s Five Points neighborhood. Ford was licensed in 1902 but the medical community of Colorado wouldn’t permit her hospital privileges, so she worked from homes. Even though she never had children, she delivered 7,000 babies. In 1923, she was denied entry into the local medical society. In 1950, two years before she died, she was finally accepted into the Denver Medical Society.
Colorado’s foundation — like that of the U.S. itself — was built on white supremacist colonial violence that expressed itself through policing, politics and policy.
Through redlining, racism changed the geography of Denver. Terri Gentry, a volunteer docent at the Black American West Museum, explained how her great grandfather “was the first black family on Marion Street,” where the first red line was drawn, “and he had to walk up the alley to his house. He couldn’t walk up the street.” George Morrison, who violated the red line by building a house on Gilpin Street, allegedly had his home burned “down three times” by the KKK.
Along with oppression, people in the Black community resisted and fought back against white supremacy. For instance, Five Points residents Benny Hooper and Clarence Holmes did sit-ins to protest the showing of the white supremacist film Birth of a Nation in Denver in 1915. Holmes went on to establish the Denver Interracial Committee in 1916.
In the early 1920s, Joseph H.P. Westbrook infiltrated the KKK in Denver passing as white, where he “listened in to the [KKK’s] plots and relayed information back to his community.” Holmes and Westbrook helped found a local branch of the NAACP in Denver, and the Klan burned a cross on Holmes’s front yard in 1925.
Like most of the U.S., Denver saw a surge in state surveillance and violence in the 1960s. While the FBI was planning assassinations on Black Panthers, COINTELPRO and police repression targeted the Chicano(a)(x) Movement, which was fighting against colonialism and white supremacy while bringing up issues on land rights, lack of Chicano history in school curriculums and discrimination in education. As noted by Antonio Esquibel, “police/community relations deteriorated, and Chicanos’ awareness of discrimination in public accommodations, housing, transportation, communication, and the media grew.” In 1966, Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzales co-founded the Crusade for Justice, which advocated for “Chicano nationalism and substantive social change.” Denver erupted in 1973 when Luis “Junior” Martinez was shot and killed by Denver police in the bombing at the Crusade for Justice building. According to historian Ernesto Vigil, Martinez was “one of the most popular of the younger people in the Crusade”; he joined the Black Berets in 1969, he denounced police for their brutality, and was a choreographer for the Crusade For Justice’s Ballet Chicano dance group. In 1974, six Chicano activists were killed by car bombs near the University of Colorado Boulder campus.
Colorado was second only to Indiana for the most KKK members per capita in the country; 1 in 10 Coloradans were in the KKK by 1925.
Denver police made headlines in 2009 for violently beating Alex Landau and again in 2010, when street preacher Marvin Booker was murdered in the precinct when he went to pick up his shoes. Susan Greene described the horrific incident, “Four deputies piled on top of him, cuffed him, and put him in a chokehold in front of several witnesses. While he lay on the floor, hands cuffed behind his back, deputies holding him down, their sergeant shocked him with a Taser.” The Denver Police Department (DPD) made headlines in 2011 by using excessive force against Occupy Denver protesters and was involved in the killing of Alonzo Ashley at the Denver Zoo. Ryan Ronquillo was shot and killed by police in 2014 in the parking lot during his friend’s funeral. LGBTQ teen Jessie Hernandez was shot and killed by police in 2015. Rosebud Sioux tribal member Paul Castaway was shot and killed in 2015 by officer Michael Traudt (who has a Three Percenters militia tattoo on his hand). Dion Avila Damon was shot and killed by police in downtown Denver in 2016. Like the rest of the U.S., the list is long, tragic, and overwhelmingly of people from Black and communities of color.
Denver was ranked number one in excessive force complaints in 2010 and a report this year found police shootings are more frequent “than in other states with similar population sizes.” Following the murder of George Floyd, hundreds of protesters in Denver were shot with pepper balls, tear gassed, blasted with rubber bullets and arrested. Denver journalists and photographers were shot with pepper balls during protests. Ironically, Denver police agreed to First Amendment training, but so far, “it still hasn’t happened.” First Amendment training for every DPD officer was agreed to in a 2019 legal settlement after Denver journalist Susan Greene was detained for filming police. The DPD made national headlines in June when they shot into a couple’s car when the man was explaining to them that his pregnant fiancé was with him. People in Denver are currently calling to defund the police and calling for justice for 23-year-old Elijah McClain , who died after being tackled by police, put in a chokehold and sedated with ketamine when walking home from a convenience store in Aurora, Colorado, in 2019. Protesters have also been marching for William DeBose, who was shot and killed by police on May 1 in Denver near the Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzales Branch Library. Since the protests, Denver has put a restraining order on the DPD, limiting use of tear gas and projectiles, and the Denver School Board voted to remove police from public middle and high schools by June 2021.
These stories don’t account for the everyday toll that white supremacy takes on communities of color. A lifetime of racial harassment built on top of generational trauma is a violence that takes a toll on health and psyche.
It’s estimated that 75 percent of the police force in Colorado were in the Klan in the 1920s.
Groups like Padres Y Jovenes Unidos in Denver have been organizing for years to combat white supremacy and the school-to-prison pipeline by holding rallies and walkouts, and gathering data on racial disparity in Denver Public Schools (DPS) while holding public accountability meetings with the DPS superintendent and having him publicly acknowledge and sign documents that this was true and that he would work to end carceral conditions in schools. Organizations like the Denver Justice Project and the Colorado Criminal Justice Reform Coalition have been registering people who are incarcerated to vote and working to end mass incarceration, while Soul 2 Soul Sisters organizes for racial justice focused on Black healing and Black liberation via Black Womxn-centered education. Black Lives Matter 5280 has long been organizing and calling for change in Denver, demanding to defund the police and reinvest the resources into Black communities, “while eliminating anti-Black violence and racism.” Meanwhile, Colorado Freedom Fund, founded in 2018 and led by attorney Elizabeth Epps, has been collecting donations and actively bailing out protesters and seeking ways to defund the police and promote abolition.
As calls for police and prison abolition move closer to the forefront than ever before, more people are listening to the voices of Angela Davis, Joy James, Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Mariame Kaba , and groups like Critical Resistance , who have been discussing these needs for decades.
Being honest about the past draws the lance closer to the boil of white supremacy. With Denver’s history of being a bastion of racism, its policies are still evident and causing violence. It allowed white supremacy to breed and continue to spread through the U.S. Now more than ever, people are confronting history by toppling statues that celebrate colonialism and white supremacy, and asking important questions on creating a future free of state violence. James Baldwin eloquently explained the importance of history long ago, “The great force of history comes from the fact that we carry it within us, are unconsciously controlled by it in many ways, and history is literally present in all that we do.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-06-25--Trump Moves to End Funding for COVID Testing Sites Amid Record Daily Spike

As Covid-19 cases continue to spike across the U.S.—the nation on Wednesday saw its largest daily increase in confirmed new infections since the pandemic began—the Trump administration is reportedly planning to cut off federal funding for 13 coronavirus testing sites in five states at the end of the month , a move that is in keeping with the president ’ s vow to slow screenings for the virus .
Politico reported Wednesday that “ the federal government is ending its support for 13 drive-thru coronavirus testing sites on June 30 , urging states to take over their operations—even as cases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Seven of the sites set to lose federal funding and support are located in Texas , which has seen new Covid-19 cases and hospitalizations skyrocket during the reopening process—a spike that Texas Gov .
Greg Abbott predicted last month in a private call that leaked to reporters .
Texas was one of six states that saw a record increase in new infections on Wednesday .
The other testing sites that will lose federal support next week are located in Colorado , Pennsylvania , Illinois , and New Jersey .
Texas lawmakers reacted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plan , which was reported days after President Donald Trump said during a weekend rally in Oklahoma that he ordered a slowdown in coronavirus testing .
White House officials claimed Trump ’ s comments were made “ in jest , ” but the president on Tuesday doubled down and told reporters that he was not joking .
“ Texas continues to set records for the number of new cases and hospitalizations and Harris County leads the state in number of confirmed cases , ” Texas Democratic Reps. Sylvia Garcia , Al Green , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lee wrote in letters this week to U.S .
Surgeon General Jerome Adams and to Federal Emergency Management Agency ( FEMA ) administrator Pete Gaynor .
“ Without FEMA ’ s supplies , fiscal aid , and personnel , these sites may no longer be able to serve our communities , ” the lawmakers warned .
“ FEMA ’ s removal in this moment would be harmful and irresponsible .
We urgently ask you to extend FEMA ’ s presence at these testing sites through August 30 , 2020.
” Rocky Vaz , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , told Talking Points Memo that the city asked for an extension of federal support for two testing sites in Dallas County but was denied by the Trump administration .
“ They told us very clearly that they are not going to extend it , ” Vaz said .
“ We are not expecting it to continue beyond June 30 , but things change.
” On several occasions in recent weeks , Trump and Vice President Mike Pence have falsely claimed that the recent surge in Covid-19 cases is the result of an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spread of the virus .
In an interview with the Wall Street Journal last week , Trump said coronavirus testing is “ overrated ” and “ makes us look bad.
” Sen. Patty Murray ( D-Wash. ) , ranking member of the Senate Health , Education , Labor , and Pensions Committee , demanded in a statement Wednesday that Trump immediately reverse the plan to end federal support for testing sites .
On Sunday , as Common Dreams reported , Murray slammed the Trump administration for failing to spend $ 14 billion appropriated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tracing .
“ The pandemic is clearly getting worse in states nationwide—and instead of trying harder to stop it , President Trump is apparently trying harder to hide it , ” said Murray .
“ It ’ s completely unacceptable that while billions in federal dollars Congress passed to support testing sit unspent , this administration is closing testing sites in states where new Covid-19 cases are rapidly on the rise.
” Sen. Elizabeth Warren ( D-Mass . )
echoed Murray and urged Congress to intervene to ensure that the testing sites remain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Donald Trump can ’ t run from the facts : Covid-19 cases are still increasing and Americans are still dying , ” Warren tweeted .
“ This is unacceptable—and Congress must act immediately to counter this reckless and inhumane measure .
”

The move is in keeping with the president’s vow to slow screenings for the virus.
As Covid-19 cases continue to spike across the U.S. — the nation on Wednesday saw its largest daily increase in confirmed new infections since the pandemic began — the Trump administration is reportedly planning to cut off federal funding for 13 coronavirus testing sites in five states at the end of the month, a move that is in keeping with the president’s vow to slow screenings for the virus.
Politico reported Wednesday that “the federal government is ending its support for 13 drive-thru coronavirus testing sites on June 30, urging states to take over their operations — even as cases spike in several parts of the country.”
Seven of the sites set to lose federal funding and support are located in Texas, which has seen new Covid-19 cases and hospitalizations skyrocket during the reopening process — a spike that Texas Gov. Greg Abbott predicted last month in a private call that leaked to reporters. Texas was one of six states that saw a record increase in new infections on Wednesday.
The other testing sites that will lose federal support next week are located in Colorado, Pennsylvania, Illinois, and New Jersey.
Texas lawmakers reacted with alarm to the administration’s plan, which was reported days after President Donald Trump said during a weekend rally in Oklahoma that he ordered a slowdown in coronavirus testing. White House officials claimed Trump’s comments were made “in jest,” but the president on Tuesday doubled down and told reporters that he was not joking.
“Texas continues to set records for the number of new cases and hospitalizations and Harris County leads the state in number of confirmed cases,” Texas Democratic Reps. Sylvia Garcia, Al Green, Lizzie Pannill Fletcher, and Sheila Jackson Lee wrote in letters this week to U.S. Surgeon General Jerome Adams and to Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) administrator Pete Gaynor.
“Without FEMA’s supplies, fiscal aid, and personnel, these sites may no longer be able to serve our communities,” the lawmakers warned. “FEMA’s removal in this moment would be harmful and irresponsible. We urgently ask you to extend FEMA’s presence at these testing sites through August 30, 2020.”
Rocky Vaz, the director of emergency management for Dallas, told Talking Points Memo that the city asked for an extension of federal support for two testing sites in Dallas County but was denied by the Trump administration.
“They told us very clearly that they are not going to extend it,” Vaz said. “We are not expecting it to continue beyond June 30, but things change.”
On several occasions in recent weeks, Trump and Vice President Mike Pence have falsely claimed that the recent surge in Covid-19 cases is the result of an expansion of testing rather than an actual spread of the virus. In an interview with the Wall Street Journal last week, Trump said coronavirus testing is “overrated” and “makes us look bad.”
Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.), ranking member of the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee, demanded in a statement Wednesday that Trump immediately reverse the plan to end federal support for testing sites. On Sunday, as Common Dreams reported, Murray slammed the Trump administration for failing to spend $14 billion appropriated by Congress to expand coronavirus testing and tracing.
“The pandemic is clearly getting worse in states nationwide — and instead of trying harder to stop it, President Trump is apparently trying harder to hide it,” said Murray. “It’s completely unacceptable that while billions in federal dollars Congress passed to support testing sit unspent, this administration is closing testing sites in states where new Covid-19 cases are rapidly on the rise.”
Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) echoed Murray and urged Congress to intervene to ensure that the testing sites remain open and at full capacity.
“Donald Trump can’t run from the facts: Covid-19 cases are still increasing and Americans are still dying,” Warren tweeted. “This is unacceptable — and Congress must act immediately to counter this reckless and inhumane measure.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-06-25--Wendy’s Chairman and Top Owner Is Trump Donor, Fundraiser and Friend

Earlier this month , the hashtag # WendysIsOverParty went viral on Twitter after Business Insider reported in May that James Bodenstedt , CEO of Muy !
Companies , an owner of Wendy ’ s , Pizza Hut and Taco Bell franchises , had donated more than $ 400,000 to Donald Trump ’ s reelection campaign .
At the time of the reporting , Bodenstedt was set to join a roundtable discussion hosted by Trump on how to reopen the restaurant industry amid the COVID-19 pandemic .
With mass actions against the police killing of George Floyd as the backdrop , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as Wendy ’ s ties to President Trump , who has berated and tear-gassed protesters , encouraged police violence , and defended participants in the 2017 “ Unite the Right ” white nationalist rally in Charlottesville , Virginia , as “ very fine people.
” Wendy ’ s responded to the public relations fracas by denying it has made any contributions to Trump .
“ We never have and will never contribute to a presidential campaign , ” Wendy ’ s tweeted .
“ For the record our CEO has always kept that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wendy ’ s downplaying of its ties to Trump is disingenuous .
First , corporations are legally prohibited from making campaign donations .
Second , while it may be technically true that Wendy ’ s and its CEO have never donated to Trump or any other presidential campaign , this is only half the story .
The real power behind Wendy ’ s is its top owner , the hedge fund Trian Partners , and Trian ’ s billionaire CEO , Nelson Peltz , who is the chairman of Wendy ’ s board @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Twitter wave that went after Wendy ’ s Trump ties wasn ’ t wrong — it just focused on the wrong guy .
Trian Partners is a hedge fund that oversees $ 6.9 billion in assets as of June 2020 .
One of Trian ’ s flagship portfolio companies is Wendy ’ s .
According to Wendy ’ s most recent proxy filing , Trian and its executives are , by far , the fast food chain ’ s top owners .
Far from being a passive investor , Peltz has a reputation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , with Trian occupying board seats and exercising influence over its companies .
Indeed , Trian Partners plays an active governing role over Wendy ’ s .
Trian CEO and Founding Partner , Nelson Peltz , is the Chairman of Wendy ’ s board , while Trian President and Founding Partner Peter W. May is Wendy ’ s Vice-Chairman .
Matthew Peltz — Nelson Peltz ’ s son — also sits on the board .
Trian also has ties to other Wendy ’ s board members .
While Wendy ’ s has downplayed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a major donor and fundraiser for Trump , and the two are personal friends .
Peltz has personally donated $ 185,800 to the Trump campaign since June 2016 , including three donations of $ 25,000 apiece to Trump Victory , the Trump campaign ’ s joint fundraising committee with the Republican National Committee , and $ 100,000 to Trump ’ s Inauguration Committee .
( In previous reporting , we have cited the $ 85,800 that Peltz donated to Trump that shows up in Federal Election Commission search results .
OpenSecrets.org reports @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Trump ’ s inauguration committee which can be seen in the committee ’ s “ Report of Donors Accepted.
” ) Moreover , on February 15 , Peltz personally hosted the priciest-ever Trump reelection fundraiser at his Palm Beach , Florida oceanfront estate .
The estate , called “ Montsorrel , ” is reported to be worth $ 136.4 million , and is just a few miles from Trump ’ s Mar-a-Lago club .
The price tag for entry to the Trump fundraiser was $ 580,600 per couple , and was expected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Victory .
The Washington Post called it “ the most expensive such fundraising event since Trump took office.
” Trump and Peltz are longtime friends .
The Palm Beach Post reports that , according to someone who knows them both , “ Trump and Peltz have been friends for over 20 years and Trump was known to stop by Peltz ’ s home , several miles north of Mar-a-Lago , for lunch before Trump was president.
” The same day of the Trump fundraiser at Peltz ’ s estate , Peltz attended a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ One Trade Agreement .
During his remarks , Trump spoke fondly of Peltz : While Wendy ’ s has downplayed its Trump ties after facing a social media backlash , it ’ s noteworthy that Trump mentioned Peltz by name during May 6 , 2020 remarks .
When asked about the meat shortage at Wendy ’ s caused by the COVID-19 pandemic , Trump replied : This came just over a week after Trump signed an executive order declaring meat processing plants “ critical infrastructure , ” even as cases of COVID-19 skyrocketed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s purported meat shortage , this was a measure that the company likely supported .
Moreover , Peltz ’ s close relationship to Trump raises questions over whether Wendy ’ s , in light of its reported meat shortage , benefited from Peltz ’ s access to Trump when it came to the president ’ s decision to order meat plants to stay open , even at the expense of the health of those plants ’ workers .
Peltz also visited the White House on March 23 , 2017 , to have lunch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the Presidential Dining Room , according to Politico .
Additionally , Peltz has a history of publicly praising Trump .
In January 2018 , for example , Peltz praised Trump ’ s tax reform , which has been widely criticized as a giveaway to the wealthy .
“ I ’ m a results-oriented guy , ” said Peltz , “ and I ’ m happy with what he ’ s done .
The markets have been great.
” In October 2017 , The Washington Post also reported that Eli Miller , then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had recently flown to Palm Beach on Peltz ’ s private jet .
Miller has since left the Trump administration and is now managing director of government relations for the private equity giant Blackstone Group .
Did Twitter Get It All Wrong ?
All this suggests that the # WendysPartyIsOver viral wave , in focusing on Muy !
Companies CEO James Bodenstedt for his huge Trump donations , missed the even more significant ties between Wendy ’ s , at its highest levels of ownership and corporate governance , and Trump .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Wendy ’ s Twitter account , though few outlets covering the # WendysPartyIsOver viral wave dug deeper into — or even mentioned — Nelson Peltz ’ s connection to Trump as the more compelling example of Wendy ’ s-Trump ties .
Moreover , while major media identified Bodenstedt as giving more than $ 400,000 to Trump since January 2019 , his family — namely , his spouse , Deanna Bodenstedt — also gave Trump at least an additional $ 100,200 during that time .
The Bodenstedts also gave Trump $ 151,235 from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told , the Bodenstedt family has given at least $ 651,635 to Trump ’ s electoral efforts from November 2016 to March 2020 .
Wendy ’ s responded to public outrage over Bodenstedt ’ s donations to Trump by announcing in early June that it would give $ 500,000 to “ support social justice , the youth and education in the Black community starting with the Thurgood Marshall College Fund and we ’ ll have receipts.
” But the extent to which Wendy ’ s donation will go toward achieving core demands of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ defunding the police — is questionable .
The chairman of the board of the Thurgood Marshall College Fund , Charlie Merinoff , has been a member of the Federal Law Enforcement Foundation for over 20 years and currently serves as its treasurer and as “ an active member of its Board of Directors , ” according to his biography page .
The fund also has corporate partners who have bankrolled the conservative right , such as Koch Industries , and numerous banks and corporations , such as Wells Fargo , Coca-Cola , Amazon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the boards of police foundations across the U.S .
Moreover , if Wendy ’ s wants to support racial justice with real accountability , it could show its support for the Brown and Black workers of the fast food industry supply chain by joining the Fair Food Program .
For years , the Coalition of Immokalee Workers , a widely lauded human rights organization , has waged a high-profile boycott of Wendy ’ s over its refusal to join the program , which has a proven record of ensuring safer working conditions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ name companies , such as McDonald ’ s , Walmart , Burger King and Taco Bell are partners with the Fair Food Program — but not Wendy ’ s .
At a time when millions of people are seeking to hold corporate power to account for its support of political and civic structures that uphold police brutality , and as corporations make charitable donations with one hand while propping up these structures with the other , the public needs real access to the whole story around Wendy ’ s ties to elected officials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wants to be truly transparent , it should address the significant monetary , political and social connections between its top owner and chairman to Trump , and whether it has benefited from these ties .

The Twitter campaign that scrutinized Wendy’s ties to Trump wasn’t wrong — it just missed the other big Trump donor.
Earlier this month, the hashtag #WendysIsOverParty went viral on Twitter after Business Insider reported in May that James Bodenstedt, CEO of Muy! Companies, an owner of Wendy’s, Pizza Hut and Taco Bell franchises, had donated more than $400,000 to Donald Trump’s reelection campaign. At the time of the reporting, Bodenstedt was set to join a roundtable discussion hosted by Trump on how to reopen the restaurant industry amid the COVID-19 pandemic.
With mass actions against the police killing of George Floyd as the backdrop, the outcry mounted against what many perceived as Wendy’s ties to President Trump, who has berated and tear-gassed protesters, encouraged police violence, and defended participants in the 2017 “Unite the Right” white nationalist rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, as “very fine people.”
Wendy’s responded to the public relations fracas by denying it has made any contributions to Trump. “We never have and will never contribute to a presidential campaign,” Wendy’s tweeted. “For the record our CEO has always kept that same energy too. Facts.”
But Wendy’s downplaying of its ties to Trump is disingenuous. First, corporations are legally prohibited from making campaign donations. Second, while it may be technically true that Wendy’s and its CEO have never donated to Trump or any other presidential campaign, this is only half the story. The real power behind Wendy’s is its top owner, the hedge fund Trian Partners, and Trian’s billionaire CEO, Nelson Peltz, who is the chairman of Wendy’s board of directors.
In sum: The Twitter wave that went after Wendy’s Trump ties wasn’t wrong — it just focused on the wrong guy.
Wendy’s, Nelson Peltz and Trump
Trian Partners is a hedge fund that oversees $6.9 billion in assets as of June 2020. One of Trian’s flagship portfolio companies is Wendy’s. According to Wendy’s most recent proxy filing, Trian and its executives are, by far, the fast food chain’s top owners. Far from being a passive investor, Peltz has a reputation for being a hands-on, activist owner, with Trian occupying board seats and exercising influence over its companies.
Indeed, Trian Partners plays an active governing role over Wendy’s. Trian CEO and Founding Partner, Nelson Peltz, is the Chairman of Wendy’s board, while Trian President and Founding Partner Peter W. May is Wendy’s Vice-Chairman. Matthew Peltz — Nelson Peltz’s son — also sits on the board. Trian also has ties to other Wendy’s board members.
While Wendy’s has downplayed its ties to Trump, Nelson Peltz is a major donor and fundraiser for Trump, and the two are personal friends. Peltz has personally donated $185,800 to the Trump campaign since June 2016, including three donations of $25,000 apiece to Trump Victory, the Trump campaign’s joint fundraising committee with the Republican National Committee, and $100,000 to Trump’s Inauguration Committee. (In previous reporting, we have cited the $85,800 that Peltz donated to Trump that shows up in Federal Election Commission search results. OpenSecrets.org reports an additional $100,000 that Peltz donated to Trump’s inauguration committee which can be seen in the committee’s “Report of Donors Accepted.”)
The Twitter wave that went after Wendy’s Trump ties wasn’t wrong — it just focused on the wrong guy.
Moreover, on February 15, Peltz personally hosted the priciest-ever Trump reelection fundraiser at his Palm Beach, Florida oceanfront estate. The estate, called “Montsorrel,” is reported to be worth $136.4 million, and is just a few miles from Trump’s Mar-a-Lago club.
The price tag for entry to the Trump fundraiser was $580,600 per couple, and was expected to raise $10 million for Trump Victory. The Washington Post called it “the most expensive such fundraising event since Trump took office.”
Trump and Peltz are longtime friends. The Palm Beach Post reports that, according to someone who knows them both, “Trump and Peltz have been friends for over 20 years and Trump was known to stop by Peltz’s home, several miles north of Mar-a-Lago, for lunch before Trump was president.”
The same day of the Trump fundraiser at Peltz’s estate, Peltz attended a Trump press conference on the U.S.-China Phase One Trade Agreement. During his remarks, Trump spoke fondly of Peltz:
Nelson Peltz is here, a friend of mine. Where’s Nelson? Nelson is around here someplace. Hi, Nelson. What are you doing sitting all the way back there, Nelson?
While Wendy’s has downplayed its Trump ties after facing a social media backlash, it’s noteworthy that Trump mentioned Peltz by name during May 6, 2020 remarks. When asked about the meat shortage at Wendy’s caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, Trump replied:
I’ll have to call Nelson Peltz. I’ll have to — I’m going to call Nelson Peltz. He’s going to be — they’re going to be okay. They’ll be all right.
This came just over a week after Trump signed an executive order declaring meat processing plants “critical infrastructure,” even as cases of COVID-19 skyrocketed at these facilities. Given Wendy’s purported meat shortage, this was a measure that the company likely supported.
Peltz’s close relationship to Trump raises questions over whether Wendy’s benefited from the president’s decision to order meat plants to stay open, even at the expense of the health of those plants’ workers.
Moreover, Peltz’s close relationship to Trump raises questions over whether Wendy’s, in light of its reported meat shortage, benefited from Peltz’s access to Trump when it came to the president’s decision to order meat plants to stay open, even at the expense of the health of those plants’ workers.
Peltz also visited the White House on March 23, 2017, to have lunch with Trump and Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin in the Presidential Dining Room, according to Politico.
Additionally, Peltz has a history of publicly praising Trump. In January 2018, for example, Peltz praised Trump’s tax reform, which has been widely criticized as a giveaway to the wealthy. “I’m a results-oriented guy,” said Peltz, “and I’m happy with what he’s done. The markets have been great.”
In October 2017, The Washington Post also reported that Eli Miller, then Mnuchin’s chief of staff, had recently flown to Palm Beach on Peltz’s private jet. Miller has since left the Trump administration and is now managing director of government relations for the private equity giant Blackstone Group.
Did Twitter Get It All Wrong?
All this suggests that the #WendysPartyIsOver viral wave, in focusing on Muy! Companies CEO James Bodenstedt for his huge Trump donations, missed the even more significant ties between Wendy’s, at its highest levels of ownership and corporate governance, and Trump.
This was pointed out by the former manager of Wendy’s Twitter account, though few outlets covering the #WendysPartyIsOver viral wave dug deeper into — or even mentioned — Nelson Peltz’s connection to Trump as the more compelling example of Wendy’s-Trump ties.
Moreover, while major media identified Bodenstedt as giving more than $400,000 to Trump since January 2019, his family — namely, his spouse, Deanna Bodenstedt — also gave Trump at least an additional $100,200 during that time. The Bodenstedts also gave Trump $151,235 from November 2016 to January 2018. All told, the Bodenstedt family has given at least $651,635 to Trump’s electoral efforts from November 2016 to March 2020.
If Wendy’s wants to support racial justice with real accountability, it could show its support for the Brown and Black workers of the fast food industry supply chain by joining the Fair Food Program.
Wendy’s responded to public outrage over Bodenstedt’s donations to Trump by announcing in early June that it would give $500,000 to “support social justice, the youth and education in the Black community starting with the Thurgood Marshall College Fund and we’ll have receipts.”
But the extent to which Wendy’s donation will go toward achieving core demands of the current protest wave — such as defunding the police — is questionable. The chairman of the board of the Thurgood Marshall College Fund, Charlie Merinoff, has been a member of the Federal Law Enforcement Foundation for over 20 years and currently serves as its treasurer and as “an active member of its Board of Directors,” according to his biography page.
The fund also has corporate partners who have bankrolled the conservative right, such as Koch Industries, and numerous banks and corporations, such as Wells Fargo, Coca-Cola, Amazon and others, who fund and sit on the boards of police foundations across the U.S.
Moreover, if Wendy’s wants to support racial justice with real accountability, it could show its support for the Brown and Black workers of the fast food industry supply chain by joining the Fair Food Program. For years, the Coalition of Immokalee Workers, a widely lauded human rights organization, has waged a high-profile boycott of Wendy’s over its refusal to join the program, which has a proven record of ensuring safer working conditions and higher wages for farmworkers. Brand name companies, such as McDonald’s, Walmart, Burger King and Taco Bell are partners with the Fair Food Program — but not Wendy’s.
At a time when millions of people are seeking to hold corporate power to account for its support of political and civic structures that uphold police brutality, and as corporations make charitable donations with one hand while propping up these structures with the other, the public needs real access to the whole story around Wendy’s ties to elected officials like Trump. If Wendy’s wants to be truly transparent, it should address the significant monetary, political and social connections between its top owner and chairman to Trump, and whether it has benefited from these ties.
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