truthout--2020-06-21--Trump’s Firing of US Attorney Berman Prompts Calls for Congressional Probe

At the request of Attorney General William Barr , President Donald Trump fired U.S. Attorney Geoffrey S. Berman in Manhattan on Saturday , less than a day after the top prosecutor publicly disputed claims from Barr that he had resigned voluntarily .
As the New York Times reports , the firing “ was the culmination of an extraordinary clash after years of tension between the White House and New York federal prosecutors.
” In a letter released by the Justice Department , Attorney General William P. Barr accused of Mr. Berman of choosing “ public spectacle over public service ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the position .
“ Because you have declared that you have no intention of resigning , I have asked the President to remove you as of today , and he has done so , ” the letter read .
Mr. Barr said Mr. Berman ’ s top deputy , Audrey Strauss , would become the acting United States Attorney .
Critics lashed out at the president for his overt — and seemingly corrupt — efforts to interfere with the independence of the Justice Department .
“ Trump is the most corrupt president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ witnessing more evidence today , ” tweeted Sen. Bernie Sanders ( I-Vermont ) .
“ The DOJ is not meant to be a political tool of the president .
Trump and Barr have utter contempt for the rule of law .
Congress must initiate an investigation of this firing immediately.
” “ Make no mistake , ” said Sen. Kamala Harris ( D-California ) in reaction to the news , “ Bill Barr will go down in history as having aided and abetted the most corrupt president this country has ever seen.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ effort to force Berman out , Rep. Jerrold Nadler ( D-New York ) , chair of the House Judiciary Committee , aimed his ire at Barr and indicated that congressional probe and hearings would be forthcoming .
“ America is right to expect the worst of Bill Barr , who has repeatedly interfered in criminal investigations on Trump ’ s behalf .
We have a hearing on this topic on Wednesday , ” tweeted Nadler .
“ We welcome Mr. Berman ’ s testimony and will invite him to testify.
” After what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ purported firing ” of Berman on Saturday , Nadler released the following statement : Last night , Attorney General Bill Barr told us that Geoffrey Berman of the SDNY had resigned—which was untrue .
Today , Barr told us that the President asked him to fire Mr. Berman—which may also be untrue , given that the President says he had nothing to do with the decision .
The whole thing smacks of corruption and incompetence , which is what we have come to expect from this President and his Attorney General .
Neither @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have offered any explanation for Mr. Berman ’ s purported dismissal .
We know that the U.S. Attorney ’ s Office for the Southern District of New York is engaged in investigations aimed at President Trump ’ s inner circle .
We know , from revelations earlier this week , that the President wanted to have ‘ his own people ’ in that office to help him with his personal and political needs .
And we know that , time and time again , Bill Barr has reached into ongoing criminal investigations in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consequences .
The American people are right to be outraged .
Barr may sit in the office of the chief law enforcement officer of the United States , but he clearly cares very little about the law .
The House Judiciary Committee will immediately open an investigation into this incident , as part of our broader investigation into Barr ’ s unacceptable politicization of the Department of Justice .
On Wednesday , the Committee will hear from two whistleblowers who will explain why Barr ’ s attempt to fire Mr. Berman is part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wholly unacceptable pattern of conduct .
If the President removes Mr. Berman , then we will take additional steps to secure his testimony as well .
According to Politico reporting on Saturday , “ White House officials have not responded to requests for comment on the unusual showdown between the attorney general and Berman , whose office has a long tradition of relative independence from Justice Department headquarters in Washington .
”

The firing came less than a day after the prosecutor disputed William Barr’s claims that he had resigned voluntarily.
At the request of Attorney General William Barr, President Donald Trump fired U.S. Attorney Geoffrey S. Berman in Manhattan on Saturday, less than a day after the top prosecutor publicly disputed claims from Barr that he had resigned voluntarily.
As the New York Times reports, the firing “was the culmination of an extraordinary clash after years of tension between the White House and New York federal prosecutors.”
In a letter released by the Justice Department, Attorney General William P. Barr accused of Mr. Berman of choosing “public spectacle over public service” because he would not voluntarily step down from the position. “Because you have declared that you have no intention of resigning, I have asked the President to remove you as of today, and he has done so,” the letter read. Mr. Barr said Mr. Berman’s top deputy, Audrey Strauss, would become the acting United States Attorney.
Critics lashed out at the president for his overt — and seemingly corrupt — efforts to interfere with the independence of the Justice Department.
“Trump is the most corrupt president in our lifetimes and we’re witnessing more evidence today,” tweeted Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vermont). “The DOJ is not meant to be a political tool of the president. Trump and Barr have utter contempt for the rule of law. Congress must initiate an investigation of this firing immediately.”
“Make no mistake,” said Sen. Kamala Harris (D-California) in reaction to the news, “Bill Barr will go down in history as having aided and abetted the most corrupt president this country has ever seen.”
In response to Friday’s night effort to force Berman out, Rep. Jerrold Nadler (D-New York), chair of the House Judiciary Committee, aimed his ire at Barr and indicated that congressional probe and hearings would be forthcoming.
“America is right to expect the worst of Bill Barr, who has repeatedly interfered in criminal investigations on Trump’s behalf. We have a hearing on this topic on Wednesday,” tweeted Nadler. “We welcome Mr. Berman’s testimony and will invite him to testify.”
After what he described as Trump’s “purported firing” of Berman on Saturday, Nadler released the following statement:
Last night, Attorney General Bill Barr told us that Geoffrey Berman of the SDNY had resigned—which was untrue. Today, Barr told us that the President asked him to fire Mr. Berman—which may also be untrue, given that the President says he had nothing to do with the decision. The whole thing smacks of corruption and incompetence, which is what we have come to expect from this President and his Attorney General. Neither the President nor the Department of Justice have offered any explanation for Mr. Berman’s purported dismissal. We know that the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York is engaged in investigations aimed at President Trump’s inner circle. We know, from revelations earlier this week, that the President wanted to have ‘his own people’ in that office to help him with his personal and political needs. And we know that, time and time again, Bill Barr has reached into ongoing criminal investigations in order to protect the President from their consequences. The American people are right to be outraged. Barr may sit in the office of the chief law enforcement officer of the United States, but he clearly cares very little about the law. The House Judiciary Committee will immediately open an investigation into this incident, as part of our broader investigation into Barr’s unacceptable politicization of the Department of Justice. On Wednesday, the Committee will hear from two whistleblowers who will explain why Barr’s attempt to fire Mr. Berman is part of a larger, ongoing, and wholly unacceptable pattern of conduct. If the President removes Mr. Berman, then we will take additional steps to secure his testimony as well.
According to Politico reporting on Saturday, “White House officials have not responded to requests for comment on the unusual showdown between the attorney general and Berman, whose office has a long tradition of relative independence from Justice Department headquarters in Washington.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-06-21--Your Boss’s Personal Beliefs Should Not Dictate Your Health Care

As a practicing OB/GYN , I have the privilege of taking care of patients seeking reproductive health care , including birth control .
I have patients who have started on birth control pills because they don ’ t want to be pregnant .
I have patients who have decided to get a hormonal IUD to prevent pregnancy and treat heavy bleeding .
I have patients with complex medical problems who make decisions that balance the management of their medical problems , consideration of the risks of pregnancy and the impact that different birth control options may have on their care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to track their own cycles to control when they get pregnant .
The fundamental thread is that these patients have choice .
But my patients ’ ability to make those choices is fragile in the face of constant attacks on reproductive health care .
If the Supreme Court gives the Trump administration its way , that birth control will be even harder to get for my patients who struggle the most .
In the coming days , the Supreme Court will decide a case determining whether the Trump administration can give employers free @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on claims of their “ religious ” or “ moral ” objections .
It ’ s part of a years-long battle to chip away at the hard-fought birth control coverage provided by the Affordable Care Act .
Every lower court has ruled that the Trump administration could not issue these regulations , but that hasn ’ t deterred them in their relentless effort to deprive people of care .
If the Trump administration wins , hundreds of thousands of people could lose their birth control coverage .
As is always the case in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the people hit hardest by this rule will be the ones who already struggle to get quality , affordable care — low-wage workers , people of color and LGBTQ people .
The Trump-Pence administration ’ s rule is a violation of human rights and personal autonomy .
Access to birth control is a fundamental element of health care and a human right .
The Affordable Care Act ’ s no-cost coverage allows people with insurance to choose birth control from a range of options based on their own personal values .
They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ medical health , plans for future pregnancies and the potential changes in their periods .
What they don ’ t have to base it on is their employers ’ irrelevant personal beliefs .
Imagine a world in which your employer can dictate other aspects of your medical care .
Some people ’ s religious beliefs include opposition to blood transfusions .
If you get into an accident , have unexpected bleeding during a routine surgery or have bleeding after giving birth to your baby , don ’ t expect that blood transfusion to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ administration has frequently weaponized the idea of “ religious liberty ” to attempt to legalize blatant discrimination that threatens reproductive and LGBTQ care .
Empowering employers to deny birth control coverage sets a dangerous precedent .
The concept of “ choice ” is all too often not a reality for many of my patients .
Do you have choice when your community has daily fears about whether they can make ends meet to take care of themselves and their families ?
Do you have choice when you have daily fears of police violence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been forcibly separated from your family — at the border , through forced deportation or through incarceration ?
Do you have choice if your health care system and provider have a precedent of discriminating against you and have the legal protections to do so ?
Do you have choice if you are dependent on the income from essential work without proper health protections in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic ?
Do you have choice if you are a Black or Brown person in a system that was built to uphold the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ choices , but those choices are constrained by racism , sexism , xenophobia , homophobia , transphobia , classism and other forms of systemic oppression .
Taking away the freedom of birth control options based on one ’ s employer ’ s beliefs is just another way that the Trump-Pence administration is constricting choice with no regard for the marginalized communities who will bear the burden .
Access to no-cost birth control is one tool that helps the people I care for determine their own future paths .
Taking away that choice is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for my patients and my community .
Your boss ’ s personal beliefs should not dictate your health care .
Period .
The Supreme Court ’ s ruling in Trump v. Pennsylvania will send a message about who we are as a country and who we value freedom for .
Everyone deserves access to birth control no matter where they work , how much money they make or who they are .
The court should put a stop to these attacks on that fundamental right once and for all .

As a practicing OB/GYN, I have the privilege of taking care of patients seeking reproductive health care, including birth control. I have patients who have started on birth control pills because they don’t want to be pregnant. I have patients who have decided to get a hormonal IUD to prevent pregnancy and treat heavy bleeding. I have patients with complex medical problems who make decisions that balance the management of their medical problems, consideration of the risks of pregnancy and the impact that different birth control options may have on their care. I have patients who have decided to track their own cycles to control when they get pregnant. The fundamental thread is that these patients have choice.
But my patients’ ability to make those choices is fragile in the face of constant attacks on reproductive health care. If the Supreme Court gives the Trump administration its way, that birth control will be even harder to get for my patients who struggle the most.
In the coming days, the Supreme Court will decide a case determining whether the Trump administration can give employers free rein to deny birth control coverage based on claims of their “religious” or “moral” objections. It’s part of a years-long battle to chip away at the hard-fought birth control coverage provided by the Affordable Care Act. Every lower court has ruled that the Trump administration could not issue these regulations, but that hasn’t deterred them in their relentless effort to deprive people of care. If the Trump administration wins, hundreds of thousands of people could lose their birth control coverage. As is always the case in our health care system steeped in inequity, the people hit hardest by this rule will be the ones who already struggle to get quality, affordable care — low-wage workers, people of color and LGBTQ people.
The Trump-Pence administration’s rule is a violation of human rights and personal autonomy. Access to birth control is a fundamental element of health care and a human right. The Affordable Care Act’s no-cost coverage allows people with insurance to choose birth control from a range of options based on their own personal values. They can decide based on factors including their medical health, plans for future pregnancies and the potential changes in their periods. What they don’t have to base it on is their employers’ irrelevant personal beliefs.
Imagine a world in which your employer can dictate other aspects of your medical care. Some people’s religious beliefs include opposition to blood transfusions. If you get into an accident, have unexpected bleeding during a routine surgery or have bleeding after giving birth to your baby, don’t expect that blood transfusion to be covered by your insurance. This administration has frequently weaponized the idea of “religious liberty” to attempt to legalize blatant discrimination that threatens reproductive and LGBTQ care. Empowering employers to deny birth control coverage sets a dangerous precedent.
The concept of “choice” is all too often not a reality for many of my patients. Do you have choice when your community has daily fears about whether they can make ends meet to take care of themselves and their families? Do you have choice when you have daily fears of police violence? Do you have choice when you have been forcibly separated from your family — at the border, through forced deportation or through incarceration? Do you have choice if your health care system and provider have a precedent of discriminating against you and have the legal protections to do so? Do you have choice if you are dependent on the income from essential work without proper health protections in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic? Do you have choice if you are a Black or Brown person in a system that was built to uphold the tenets of white supremacy? People have choices, but those choices are constrained by racism, sexism, xenophobia, homophobia, transphobia, classism and other forms of systemic oppression. Taking away the freedom of birth control options based on one’s employer’s beliefs is just another way that the Trump-Pence administration is constricting choice with no regard for the marginalized communities who will bear the burden.
Access to no-cost birth control is one tool that helps the people I care for determine their own future paths. Taking away that choice is an injustice that will have huge repercussions for my patients and my community. Your boss’s personal beliefs should not dictate your health care. Period.
The Supreme Court’s ruling in Trump v. Pennsylvania will send a message about who we are as a country and who we value freedom for. Everyone deserves access to birth control no matter where they work, how much money they make or who they are. The court should put a stop to these attacks on that fundamental right once and for all.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-06-21--I’m Protesting for a World That Affirms My Black Son’s Life Matters

During a recent Black Lives Matter march in New York City , I got a text with a photo of my son .
The screen showed an image of him in bed , smiling in that goofy , mischievous way he smiles .
I pressed the phone to my chest , and then held it up .
His face bobbed between protest signs .
I protested for him .
I want a world where his life matters .
He was born into danger .
He is half Puerto Rican , half Black .
When I looked at the phone , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ open to new experience , on the screen .
As I marched , those eyes were juxtaposed with signs that read , “ White Silence Is Violence ” and “ Black Lives Matter.
” I am angry that he has had to enter a racist world , but I also feel hope that we can change it .
“ Hey , is that your son ?
” a white protester asked .
I nodded .
She took a few quick steps , and pulled out her phone , set as a screensaver was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ each other , and although we were strangers , a whole intimate confession passed between us .
Love like this .
Love that is this immense , overwhelms the ideas that separate us , and can connect those who felt it .
Here in our children were all our tomorrows .
“ Your baby is beautiful , ” I said .
We hugged , briefly , intensely and then got back to marching .
How Can I Protect Him ?
“ Wuh-wuh-wuh.
” The fetal heartbeat came through the speaker .
I leaned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was born , I held a space inside for him .
Each new sign of his impending arrival I tucked away like a letter from a faraway friend .
I studied the black-and-white ultrasound photos of him in the womb .
I held my partner ’ s belly , and felt his foot brush my cheek .
Slowly , he changed me .
When we left the doctor ’ s office , I looked at people on the street : the deli cook smoking outside , the wealthy older lady , the homeless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of them grew from something just as small .
I imagined them as tiny heartbeats bobbing inside a womb .
In a flash , the contrast between raw new life entering the world and the pre-existing channels of history that it is forced into became very real .
No one is born a race , or a nationality , or religion , or class , but each one of us is molded like clay by those systems .
How would America shape my son ?
How would it teach him to see himself @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protect himself against the ambient threat against people of color that drenched the air like gasoline and could ignite in an unpredictable way ?
I held my partner ’ s hand harder .
She asked me what was wrong .
I didn ’ t say at the time , but a loud question rang in my head .
How can I protect him ?
Living Every Day With the Threat of Violence “ Is he Black or white ?
” the 911 dispatcher asked .
The woman on the phone answered , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a police car rush in and stop .
Two cops get out and shoot 12-year-old Tamir Rice .
He died the next day .
When I first saw that video , I palmed my chest where a sharp pain hit .
The photos and videos of Black people killed by cops magnified into view how racism can transform an ordinary day into deadly tragedy .
Trayvon Martin was walking home from getting tea and Skittles .
Eric Garner had just broken up a fight .
Sandra Bland was driving to a job interview @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blatant .
But racism also operates every day in smaller , more subtle ways , even among communities of color .
After my son was born , neighbors gushed over his light skin and “ good ” hair .
I know they meant well , but if he believes them , he will internalize their racism .
People of color reinforce colorism .
In the summer , he is toasted brown by the sun , so as a man , will he be profiled ?
Or will he learn self-sabotage at the racially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
Or will he get sick from the dirty air , itself an effect of environmental racism ?
Driving my son to Freeport , I saw homes wrecked and for sale after Hurricane Sandy flooded the neighborhood .
A U.N. report warned that by 2030 , our gas-guzzling economies will lock in global warming that dries the land , brings floods and deepens poverty .
How will he face this ?
Taking my son to the corner bodega , I see customers speak through masks and know that COVID-19 will not be the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , will suffer as a viral underclass because they live in the most tightly packed neighborhoods , and disproportionately do front-line work that exposes their bodies to disease .
How will my son face all of this ?
The day before the protest , I lifted my son , fed him , changed his diaper and held him until he slept .
Even though they can ’ t answer , parents just prattle to their kids .
I know I do .
“ You see everyone protesting , ” I said as I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ saying your life matters.
” I took him to his mother , and the next day I joined the Black Lives Matter march at Police Plaza .
It thundered up Lafayette Street .
Along the way , activists shared water , snacks , masks and uplifting chants .
They carried each other ’ s heavy bags .
They stopped to offer support when the sun and shouting made someone dizzy .
They cared deeply for each other .
It was like how I cared for my son .
And that is what gives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ More than the ideas .
More than the slogans and signs .
The truth that we need to turn history around , and give our lives a chance is being practiced in every move and expression .
We are already family .
And that ’ s when the text came .
I saw my son ’ s face and held it up .
A marcher asked , “ What do we want ?
” I yelled for the child I loved , “ Justice !
”

I am angry that my son had to be born into a racist world, but the ongoing protests give me hope that we can change it.
Part of the Series The Struggle for Caregiving Equity
During a recent Black Lives Matter march in New York City, I got a text with a photo of my son. The screen showed an image of him in bed, smiling in that goofy, mischievous way he smiles. I pressed the phone to my chest, and then held it up. His face bobbed between protest signs. I protested for him. I want a world where his life matters.
He was born into danger. He is half Puerto Rican, half Black. When I looked at the phone, I saw his big eyes, so open to new experience, on the screen. As I marched, those eyes were juxtaposed with signs that read, “White Silence Is Violence” and “Black Lives Matter.” I am angry that he has had to enter a racist world, but I also feel hope that we can change it.
“Hey, is that your son?” a white protester asked. I nodded. She took a few quick steps, and pulled out her phone, set as a screensaver was a sleeping infant. We glanced at each other, and although we were strangers, a whole intimate confession passed between us. Love like this. Love that is this immense, overwhelms the ideas that separate us, and can connect those who felt it. Here in our children were all our tomorrows.
“Your baby is beautiful,” I said. We hugged, briefly, intensely and then got back to marching.
How Can I Protect Him?
“Wuh-wuh-wuh.” The fetal heartbeat came through the speaker. I leaned in close.
Long before my son was born, I held a space inside for him. Each new sign of his impending arrival I tucked away like a letter from a faraway friend. I studied the black-and-white ultrasound photos of him in the womb. I held my partner’s belly, and felt his foot brush my cheek. Slowly, he changed me. When we left the doctor’s office, I looked at people on the street: the deli cook smoking outside, the wealthy older lady, the homeless person. Years ago, each one of them grew from something just as small. I imagined them as tiny heartbeats bobbing inside a womb.
In a flash, the contrast between raw new life entering the world and the pre-existing channels of history that it is forced into became very real. No one is born a race, or a nationality, or religion, or class, but each one of us is molded like clay by those systems. How would America shape my son? How would it teach him to see himself? How would my son learn to protect himself against the ambient threat against people of color that drenched the air like gasoline and could ignite in an unpredictable way?
I held my partner’s hand harder. She asked me what was wrong. I didn’t say at the time, but a loud question rang in my head. How can I protect him?
Living Every Day With the Threat of Violence
“Is he Black or white?” the 911 dispatcher asked. The woman on the phone answered, “Black.” The grainy 2014 video shows a police car rush in and stop. Two cops get out and shoot 12-year-old Tamir Rice. He died the next day.
When I first saw that video, I palmed my chest where a sharp pain hit. The photos and videos of Black people killed by cops magnified into view how racism can transform an ordinary day into deadly tragedy. Trayvon Martin was walking home from getting tea and Skittles. Eric Garner had just broken up a fight. Sandra Bland was driving to a job interview. The racism that killed them was blatant. But racism also operates every day in smaller, more subtle ways, even among communities of color.
After my son was born, neighbors gushed over his light skin and “good” hair. I know they meant well, but if he believes them, he will internalize their racism. People of color reinforce colorism. In the summer, he is toasted brown by the sun, so as a man, will he be profiled? Or will he learn self-sabotage at the racially segregated public schools in New York City? Or will he get sick from the dirty air, itself an effect of environmental racism?
Driving my son to Freeport, I saw homes wrecked and for sale after Hurricane Sandy flooded the neighborhood. A U.N. report warned that by 2030, our gas-guzzling economies will lock in global warming that dries the land, brings floods and deepens poverty. How will he face this?
Taking my son to the corner bodega, I see customers speak through masks and know that COVID-19 will not be the last pandemic. The poor, again, will suffer as a viral underclass because they live in the most tightly packed neighborhoods, and disproportionately do front-line work that exposes their bodies to disease.
How will my son face all of this?
Making Our Own Hope
The day before the protest, I lifted my son, fed him, changed his diaper and held him until he slept. Even though they can’t answer, parents just prattle to their kids. I know I do.
“You see everyone protesting,” I said as I kissed his forehead. “They are saying your life matters.”
I took him to his mother, and the next day I joined the Black Lives Matter march at Police Plaza. It thundered up Lafayette Street. Along the way, activists shared water, snacks, masks and uplifting chants. They carried each other’s heavy bags. They stopped to offer support when the sun and shouting made someone dizzy. They cared deeply for each other.
It was like how I cared for my son. And that is what gives me hope in this new movement. More than the ideas. More than the slogans and signs. The truth that we need to turn history around, and give our lives a chance is being practiced in every move and expression. We are already family.
And that’s when the text came. I saw my son’s face and held it up.
A marcher asked, “What do we want?” I yelled for the child I loved, “Justice!”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-06-22--White House Defies Public Health Orders and Ends COVID Screening for Visitors

Even though half a dozen of President Donald Trump ’ s campaign staffers tested positive for coronavirus while setting up for his campaign rally in Tulsa , Oklahoma , last weekend , the White House began ending its mandatory screening process for every visitor who entered the grounds .
Tents , where staffers were running temperature checks and asking visitors questions over possible symptoms , were seen being brought down on Monday , NBC News reported .
Though not every visitor will need to go through such checks any longer , those who will be in close proximity to Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have their temperatures taken and be asked a number of questions about symptoms .
Other measures , such as wearing masks , will remain a voluntary option , left up to the visitors to decide for themselves .
Such screenings were initially set up after two White House staffers close to the president — one of his valets as well as a close aide to Pence — tested positive for coronavirus earlier in May .
The lack of any action to protect the president or White House staff in response to the six @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , at first glance , to be inconsistent with the administration ’ s moves in the past .
It may also indicate a change in attitude toward COVID-19 on Trump ’ s part .
Hosting the campaign event in Tulsa itself was risky behavior when it came to COVID-19 , as the county in which it was located had seen dramatic rises in cases over the past several weeks .
Trump also quipped at the campaign rally that he had been frustrated with testing results consistently showing high numbers of coronavirus in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that extent , you ’ re going to find more people , you ’ re going to find more cases .
So I said to my people , ‘ Slow the testing down , please , ' ” Trump said .
According to Peter Navarro , Trump ’ s trade adviser , that statement was meant to be a joke , a “ tongue-in-cheek ” remark that shouldn ’ t be taken seriously .
But when asked on Monday to explain the remark , the president would not deny that he meant what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ done too good a job , because every time we go up — with 25 million tests , you ’ re going to find more people , ” Trump explained to Scripps ’ Joe St. George .
“ So then they say , ‘ oh we have more cases in the United States.
’ The reason we have more cases is because we do more testing than any other country by far.
” Experts , evaluating similar comments from Trump weeks ago , have demonstrated more testing isn ’ t the problem .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic , rigorous testing in other countries ( such as Iceland , for example ) helped to curtail spread of COVID-19 , allowing businesses to reopen without high fears of people getting sick .
Instead , the higher numbers Trump complains about are more likely due to infections spreading after a number of states reopened in the U.S. without sufficient testing or preventative measures being put in place prior to reopening .
As St. George noted on his Twitter account , the president didn ’ t directly answer the question on whether he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ After Trump stated that he had done so , two Democratic senators slammed the administration after they discovered that $ 14 billion dedicated toward increasing testing rates had not been spent .
Trump ’ s comments on slowing testing down , as well as the White House ’ s moves to reduce screening , come as the World Health Organization ( WHO ) announced the highest single-day record of new cases of coronavirus being identified across the world over the weekend .
The United States contributed more than 36,000 of those new cases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Brazil in terms of countries with highest reported numbers .

Those who work close to the president and vice president will continue to be asked to answer screening questions.
Even though half a dozen of President Donald Trump’s campaign staffers tested positive for coronavirus while setting up for his campaign rally in Tulsa, Oklahoma, last weekend, the White House began ending its mandatory screening process for every visitor who entered the grounds.
Tents, where staffers were running temperature checks and asking visitors questions over possible symptoms, were seen being brought down on Monday, NBC News reported.
Though not every visitor will need to go through such checks any longer, those who will be in close proximity to Trump and Vice President Mike Pence will still have their temperatures taken and be asked a number of questions about symptoms. Other measures, such as wearing masks, will remain a voluntary option, left up to the visitors to decide for themselves.
Such screenings were initially set up after two White House staffers close to the president — one of his valets as well as a close aide to Pence — tested positive for coronavirus earlier in May.
The lack of any action to protect the president or White House staff in response to the six staffers testing positive for coronavirus may seem, at first glance, to be inconsistent with the administration’s moves in the past. It may also indicate a change in attitude toward COVID-19 on Trump’s part.
Hosting the campaign event in Tulsa itself was risky behavior when it came to COVID-19, as the county in which it was located had seen dramatic rises in cases over the past several weeks.
Trump also quipped at the campaign rally that he had been frustrated with testing results consistently showing high numbers of coronavirus in the U.S. “When you do testing to that extent, you’re going to find more people, you’re going to find more cases. So I said to my people, ‘Slow the testing down, please,'” Trump said.
According to Peter Navarro, Trump’s trade adviser, that statement was meant to be a joke, a “tongue-in-cheek” remark that shouldn’t be taken seriously. But when asked on Monday to explain the remark, the president would not deny that he meant what he said.
“We’ve done too good a job, because every time we go up — with 25 million tests, you’re going to find more people,” Trump explained to Scripps’ Joe St. George. “So then they say, ‘oh we have more cases in the United States.’ The reason we have more cases is because we do more testing than any other country by far.”
Experts, evaluating similar comments from Trump weeks ago, have demonstrated more testing isn’t the problem. In fact, early on during the pandemic, rigorous testing in other countries (such as Iceland, for example) helped to curtail spread of COVID-19, allowing businesses to reopen without high fears of people getting sick. Instead, the higher numbers Trump complains about are more likely due to infections spreading after a number of states reopened in the U.S. without sufficient testing or preventative measures being put in place prior to reopening.
As St. George noted on his Twitter account, the president didn’t directly answer the question on whether he ordered slowing down testing or not. After Trump stated that he had done so, two Democratic senators slammed the administration after they discovered that $14 billion dedicated toward increasing testing rates had not been spent.
Trump’s comments on slowing testing down, as well as the White House’s moves to reduce screening, come as the World Health Organization (WHO) announced the highest single-day record of new cases of coronavirus being identified across the world over the weekend. The United States contributed more than 36,000 of those new cases, WHO said, second only to Brazil in terms of countries with highest reported numbers.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
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truthout--2020-06-22--Trump Got a Humiliating Comeuppance in Tulsa. Expect New Lows From His Campaign.

We have endured five long years of bombast , bullying and unreconstructed bullshit — from a Trump campaign that knew no shame to a Trump administration that knows no truth .
Now , however , following the president ’ s broad-spectrum rally calamity in Tulsa on Saturday night , there is finally the sense of a reckoning in the air .
The man who would be king was finally brought low , not by his own eternally despicable behavior , but by his inability to put butts in the seats , to get the “ ratings ” and “ great @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first and last concern upon waking and in his sleep .
Donald Trump ’ s campaign spoke boastfully of a million worshipful fans wishing they could join him in Tulsa , and got 6,200 of them instead .
As The Washington Post reported , the band Nickelback — “ This is how you remind me / Of what I really am ” — did better when they came to town .
Trump hadn ’ t even gotten through the door of Air Force One on Saturday before learning not only that several members @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some Secret Service agents — had been infected with COVID , but also that this had been reported widely in the press .
The latter reportedly infuriated him far more than the former .
It was an appropriately grim preview of coming attractions .
Those 6,200 did their level best to recharge the ego batteries of The Boss , but an ocean of empty blue seats confronting Trump that night was the visual equivalent of a pie in the face and the “ You Lose ” horns from “ The Price Is Right.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of those long old-timey hooks to jerk Trump off the stage after he finished puling about protesters , Democrats and the menace of leather-soled shoes .
When he freely admitted that he told his people to slow down COVID testing to keep the numbers low , his campaign staff must have sounded like John Candy in “ Uncle Buck.
” “ President Trump and several staff members stood backstage and gazed at the empty Bank of Oklahoma Center in horror , ” The New York Times reported on Sunday .
“ The president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Force One that the crowds at the arena were smaller than expected , was stunned , and he yelled at aides backstage while looking at the endless rows of empty blue seats in the upper bowl of the stadium.
” I could read that paragraph over and over until the stars burned out , and after they burned out , I would read it one last time by candlelight before dying happily in the endless dark .
This is more than simply the public comeuppance Trump has had coming since his slumlord father @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years old for $ 200,000 a year in what was yet another familial tax dodge .
“ Stunned ” is the word The Times used to describe his reaction to the small beer arrayed before him in Tulsa , and stunned is what he was , for a very specific reason .
Back in late May , before the police murder of George Floyd motivated a national uprising against police violence and systemic racism , Trump ’ s re-election numbers began to look increasingly dire due to his bungled COVID-19 response .
Campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Trump son-in-law Jared Kushner was installed to right the ship ( insert “ LOL ” here ) .
As it is Kushner ’ s long practice to pour honeyed falsehoods into Trump ’ s ear , the main effort of the campaign from that point on was to convince the candidate that he is actually doing better than the “ fake news ” says he is .
The problem , of course , is that such a grift would only last for as long as Trump could be shielded from the unfriendly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ After his catastrophically ill-conceived and hyper-violent photo op in front of St. John ’ s Church in Washington , D.C. , Trump appeared to believe he had regained control of the national conversation .
His fawning campaign team eagerly fed his delusions , until Tulsa .
That grift exploded with a hollow half-a-room boom on Saturday night .
As he stared out at that vastly empty place , Trump was thumpingly confronted — perhaps for the first time in his entire political existence — with the fact that he is not nearly as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and is told he is .
Further , he found out that despite all his protestations to the contrary , a significant portion of his most devoted followers are taking COVID seriously enough to stay away from such a recklessly irresponsible event , where most did not wear masks and efforts to screen people were entirely substandard .
Even with lower turnout than expected , the Tulsa debacle will almost certainly increase infections and deaths .
King Canute failed to command the tide deliberately as a lesson to his followers .
Trump tried @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own people , and may be washed out to sea .
The lesson to Trump ’ s followers was not missed ; all of a sudden , there are some sizeable cracks in the veneer of the mighty leader ’ s image , and his people don ’ t truck much with perceived weakness .
The reasons behind Trump ’ s abject humiliation this weekend are myriad , but my favorite has to be the glorious prank pulled by TikTokkers and K-pop fans ( read : very social-media-astute teenagers and 20-somethings , mostly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to make it seem as if more people were coming than had actually signed up .
In doing so , the TikTok/K-poppers sprained the brain of probably-doomed Brad Parscale .
“ Leftists and online trolls doing a victory lap , thinking they somehow impacted rally attendance , don ’ t know what they ’ re talking about or how our rallies work , ” Parscale said in response to the revelations .
Ol ’ Braddo missed the point here by a few thousand nautical miles .
The prank did not affect turnout for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump base did that all by themselves — but the prank did inspire Trump , Parscale and virtually every breathing pro-Trump Republican to run their estimations of the size of the Tulsa rally across the sky in bright lights .
First 500,000 and then 800,000 and then 1 million people signed up , they crowed .
HYOOGE !
We need an overflow stage !
Look at this !
Trump is back !
Saturday ’ s debacle in Tulsa exposed what was supposed to be a Trump campaign juggernaut as actually being a hell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than people were aware of .
How they let this happen to a sitting president will be grist for the political professional mill for generations to come .
Further , the two-thirds-empty room showed that for all of Trump ’ s labors to diminish and downplay the severity of the COVID risk , a good portion of his most stalwart voters are apparently not buying it enough to risk their lives and the lives of their families for a night of yelling in a coronavirus petri dish .
Best of all , though @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was clowned by his own campaign staff , and by himself , before the whole wide wonderful world .
Upon his return to the capital , Trump slowly walked from Marine One back to the White House like a man headed for the gallows , and The Washington Post captured a photo of the moment that speaks a thousand words a thousand times over .
Here is the essential post-Tulsa Trump .
He will call Saturday night a triumph , as he will call a turd caviar … but LOOK at that face @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That frown , the MAGA hat crushed in fury , the whole pouty didn ’ t-get-my-pony demeanor , could crack granite .
This was Ed Muskie in the New Hampshire snow , if the snow was piss .
Because Donald Trump reacts to setbacks the way tornadoes react to barns and trailer parks , his already-dirty campaign strategy will probably seek lows heretofore unplumbed in the annals of American politics .
It is going to be a long 134 days until the election , friends .

We have endured five long years of bombast, bullying and unreconstructed bullshit — from a Trump campaign that knew no shame to a Trump administration that knows no truth. Now, however, following the president’s broad-spectrum rally calamity in Tulsa on Saturday night, there is finally the sense of a reckoning in the air.
The man who would be king was finally brought low, not by his own eternally despicable behavior, but by his inability to put butts in the seats, to get the “ratings” and “great reviews” that appear to be his first and last concern upon waking and in his sleep. Donald Trump’s campaign spoke boastfully of a million worshipful fans wishing they could join him in Tulsa, and got 6,200 of them instead. As The Washington Post reported, the band Nickelback — “This is how you remind me / Of what I really am” — did better when they came to town.
Trump hadn’t even gotten through the door of Air Force One on Saturday before learning not only that several members of his Tulsa advance team — including some Secret Service agents — had been infected with COVID, but also that this had been reported widely in the press. The latter reportedly infuriated him far more than the former. It was an appropriately grim preview of coming attractions.
Those 6,200 did their level best to recharge the ego batteries of The Boss, but an ocean of empty blue seats confronting Trump that night was the visual equivalent of a pie in the face and the “You Lose” horns from “The Price Is Right.”
All that was missing was one of those long old-timey hooks to jerk Trump off the stage after he finished puling about protesters, Democrats and the menace of leather-soled shoes. When he freely admitted that he told his people to slow down COVID testing to keep the numbers low, his campaign staff must have sounded like John Candy in “Uncle Buck.”
“President Trump and several staff members stood backstage and gazed at the empty Bank of Oklahoma Center in horror,” The New York Times reported on Sunday. “The president, who had been warned aboard Air Force One that the crowds at the arena were smaller than expected, was stunned, and he yelled at aides backstage while looking at the endless rows of empty blue seats in the upper bowl of the stadium.”
I could read that paragraph over and over until the stars burned out, and after they burned out, I would read it one last time by candlelight before dying happily in the endless dark.
This is more than simply the public comeuppance Trump has had coming since his slumlord father put him on the payroll at three years old for $200,000 a year in what was yet another familial tax dodge. “Stunned” is the word The Times used to describe his reaction to the small beer arrayed before him in Tulsa, and stunned is what he was, for a very specific reason.
He spoke boastfully of a million worshipful fans wishing they could join him in Tulsa, and got 6,200 of them instead.
Back in late May, before the police murder of George Floyd motivated a national uprising against police violence and systemic racism, Trump’s re-election numbers began to look increasingly dire due to his bungled COVID-19 response. Campaign manager Brad Parscale was unofficially demoted, and Trump son-in-law Jared Kushner was installed to right the ship (insert “LOL” here).
As it is Kushner’s long practice to pour honeyed falsehoods into Trump’s ear, the main effort of the campaign from that point on was to convince the candidate that he is actually doing better than the “fake news” says he is.
The problem, of course, is that such a grift would only last for as long as Trump could be shielded from the unfriendly political reality beyond his armored bunker. After his catastrophically ill-conceived and hyper-violent photo op in front of St. John’s Church in Washington, D.C., Trump appeared to believe he had regained control of the national conversation. His fawning campaign team eagerly fed his delusions, until Tulsa.
That grift exploded with a hollow half-a-room boom on Saturday night. As he stared out at that vastly empty place, Trump was thumpingly confronted — perhaps for the first time in his entire political existence — with the fact that he is not nearly as beloved as he believes he is, and is told he is.
Further, he found out that despite all his protestations to the contrary, a significant portion of his most devoted followers are taking COVID seriously enough to stay away from such a recklessly irresponsible event, where most did not wear masks and efforts to screen people were entirely substandard. Even with lower turnout than expected, the Tulsa debacle will almost certainly increase infections and deaths.
King Canute failed to command the tide deliberately as a lesson to his followers. Trump tried to command the pandemic, and his own people, and may be washed out to sea. The lesson to Trump’s followers was not missed; all of a sudden, there are some sizeable cracks in the veneer of the mighty leader’s image, and his people don’t truck much with perceived weakness.
The reasons behind Trump’s abject humiliation this weekend are myriad, but my favorite has to be the glorious prank pulled by TikTokkers and K-pop fans (read: very social-media-astute teenagers and 20-somethings, mostly), who spoofed the ticket process to make it seem as if more people were coming than had actually signed up.
In doing so, the TikTok/K-poppers sprained the brain of probably-doomed Brad Parscale. “Leftists and online trolls doing a victory lap, thinking they somehow impacted rally attendance, don’t know what they’re talking about or how our rallies work,” Parscale said in response to the revelations.
Ol’ Braddo missed the point here by a few thousand nautical miles. The prank did not affect turnout for the event — COVID and an underenthused Trump base did that all by themselves — but the prank did inspire Trump, Parscale and virtually every breathing pro-Trump Republican to run their estimations of the size of the Tulsa rally across the sky in bright lights.
First 500,000 and then 800,000 and then 1 million people signed up, they crowed. HYOOGE! We need an overflow stage! Look at this! Trump is back!
“You Lose” horns, take two.
Saturday’s debacle in Tulsa exposed what was supposed to be a Trump campaign juggernaut as actually being a hell of a lot more rickety and amateur than people were aware of. How they let this happen to a sitting president will be grist for the political professional mill for generations to come.
Upon his return to the capital, Trump slowly walked from Marine One back to the White House like a man headed for the gallows.
Further, the two-thirds-empty room showed that for all of Trump’s labors to diminish and downplay the severity of the COVID risk, a good portion of his most stalwart voters are apparently not buying it enough to risk their lives and the lives of their families for a night of yelling in a coronavirus petri dish.
Best of all, though, is the simple fact that Trump was clowned by his own campaign staff, and by himself, before the whole wide wonderful world.
Upon his return to the capital, Trump slowly walked from Marine One back to the White House like a man headed for the gallows, and The Washington Post captured a photo of the moment that speaks a thousand words a thousand times over.
Here is the essential post-Tulsa Trump. He will call Saturday night a triumph, as he will call a turd caviar … but LOOK at that face. Zoom in if you can. That frown, the MAGA hat crushed in fury, the whole pouty didn’t-get-my-pony demeanor, could crack granite. This was Ed Muskie in the New Hampshire snow, if the snow was piss.
Because Donald Trump reacts to setbacks the way tornadoes react to barns and trailer parks, his already-dirty campaign strategy will probably seek lows heretofore unplumbed in the annals of American politics. It is going to be a long 134 days until the election, friends.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-06-22--WHO Reports Largest Single-Day Increase in Confirmed Coronavirus Cases

The World Health Organization ( WHO ) announced this week that Sunday saw the highest number of new cases of coronavirus across the globe since the pandemic began .
More than 183,000 new cases were reported within a 24-hour time period around the world , WHO said , with Brazil tracking the highest amount during that time , counting 54,771 new cases .
The United States had the second-highest single-day increase , according to WHO statistics , with 36,617 new cases during that period .
Since the pandemic started , more than 8.7 million individuals around the world have reportedly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people succumbing to the disease so far .
The overall numbers and the high rates of new infections underscore the importance of taking the disease more seriously .
Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus , director general of WHO , issued a strong warning to world leaders against “ politicizing ” the disease , and said what ’ s needed more than anything else at this juncture is a united front among nations to combat its spread .
“ The greatest threat we face now is not the virus itself , it ’ s the lack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We can not defeat this pandemic with a divided world , ” Tedros said .
Unfortunately , some leaders around the world , including President Donald Trump , may not be heeding that advice .
On Saturday during his campaign rally in Tulsa , Oklahoma , the president suggested that he had asked White House officials to slow down testing for coronavirus because he was upset over seeing increases in rates of the disease .
“ When you do testing to that extent , you ’ re going to find more people , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases .
So I said to my people , ‘ Slow the testing down , please , ' ” Trump said .
Trump ’ s trade adviser Peter Navarro later claimed the comments were meant to be a joke , describing them as “ tongue-in-cheek , ” not to be taken seriously .
Campaign aides for Joe Biden , Trump ’ s Democratic rival in the 2020 presidential race , decried what the president had said over the weekend , with Biden ’ s deputy campaign manager Kate Bedingfield arguing that Trump demonstrated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ahead of the safety and economic well-being of the American people.
” The United States has more cases of coronavirus than any other country .
As of Monday morning , around 2.3 million Americans had contracted the disease , with more than 122,000 having died from COVID-19 since the pandemic reached the U.S.
It ’ s widely believed that those numbers are conservative estimates , as testing hasn ’ t been as widespread in the U.S. as it has been in other countries , and it ’ s likely that many people are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ According to the former head of the Food and Drug Administration , Scott Gottlieb , initial infection rates in the U.S. might have been 10 or 20 times higher than what we had documented .
“ There ’ s certainly under-diagnosis going on , ” Gottlieb said in April .

WHO Director Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus also warned leaders across the globe against “politicizing” the disease.
The World Health Organization (WHO) announced this week that Sunday saw the highest number of new cases of coronavirus across the globe since the pandemic began.
More than 183,000 new cases were reported within a 24-hour time period around the world, WHO said, with Brazil tracking the highest amount during that time, counting 54,771 new cases. The United States had the second-highest single-day increase, according to WHO statistics, with 36,617 new cases during that period.
Since the pandemic started, more than 8.7 million individuals around the world have reportedly contracted COVID-19, with more than 461,000 people succumbing to the disease so far.
The overall numbers and the high rates of new infections underscore the importance of taking the disease more seriously. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, director general of WHO, issued a strong warning to world leaders against “politicizing” the disease, and said what’s needed more than anything else at this juncture is a united front among nations to combat its spread.
“The greatest threat we face now is not the virus itself, it’s the lack of global solidarity and global leadership. We cannot defeat this pandemic with a divided world,” Tedros said.
Unfortunately, some leaders around the world, including President Donald Trump, may not be heeding that advice.
On Saturday during his campaign rally in Tulsa, Oklahoma, the president suggested that he had asked White House officials to slow down testing for coronavirus because he was upset over seeing increases in rates of the disease.
“When you do testing to that extent, you’re going to find more people, you’re going to find more cases. So I said to my people, ‘Slow the testing down, please,'” Trump said.
Trump’s trade adviser Peter Navarro later claimed the comments were meant to be a joke, describing them as “tongue-in-cheek,” not to be taken seriously.
Campaign aides for Joe Biden, Trump’s Democratic rival in the 2020 presidential race, decried what the president had said over the weekend, with Biden’s deputy campaign manager Kate Bedingfield arguing that Trump demonstrated “that he’s putting politics ahead of the safety and economic well-being of the American people.”
The United States has more cases of coronavirus than any other country. As of Monday morning, around 2.3 million Americans had contracted the disease, with more than 122,000 having died from COVID-19 since the pandemic reached the U.S.
It’s widely believed that those numbers are conservative estimates, as testing hasn’t been as widespread in the U.S. as it has been in other countries, and it’s likely that many people are unaware of whether they are infected. According to the former head of the Food and Drug Administration, Scott Gottlieb, initial infection rates in the U.S. might have been 10 or 20 times higher than what we had documented.
“There’s certainly under-diagnosis going on,” Gottlieb said in April.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-06-22--Firing of Top US Prosecutor Fuels Barr’s Move to Expand “Imperial Presidency”

After a dramatic weekend showdown , the Trump administration has ousted Geoffrey Berman , the U.S. attorney in Manhattan who led multiple prosecutions and investigations into allies of the president .
We look at the extraordinary measures U.S. Attorney General William Barr took to protect Trump , with New York Times Magazine writer Emily Bazelon , who has profiled Barr .
“ He believes in a very strong executive presidency , a kind of imperial presidency in which a huge amount of power resides in the president , ” she says of the attorney general .
This is a rush @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : The House Judiciary Committee is launching an investigation into President Trump ’ s firing of U.S. Attorney Geoffrey Berman , who ’ s overseen the investigations of several associates of President Trump , as well as President Trump ’ s inaugural finances .
Last Friday night , Attorney General William Barr issued a press release claiming Berman was , quote , “ stepping down ” as head of the Southern District of New York .
But then Berman announced he was not resigning and had no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a dramatic showdown that resulted in Barr sending Berman a letter on Saturday saying President Trump had fired him .
But then Trump distanced himself from the move , saying , quote , “ I ’ m not involved.
” Attorney General Barr initially tried to install his own pick to head the SDNY , but by Saturday it was announced Berman ’ s deputy , Audrey Strauss , would temporarily take over .
As U.S. attorney , Berman had led the investigations of Trump ’ s former personal attorney Michael Cohen and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Berman also led the prosecution of a Turkish bank which had ties to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan .
Republican Senator Lindsey Graham called the late-night shake-up a , quote , “ inartfully handled personnel decision.
” Graham chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee , which would have to approve Trump ’ s intended replacement for Berman , Securities and Exchange Commission Chair Jay Clayton , who has no experience as a prosecutor .
For now , Graham has said he will defer to New York Democratic senators .
Senate Minority Leader Chuck @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Clayton to withdraw from the nomination .
More than a hundred former Manhattan prosecutors have also condemned the Berman firing .
For more , we ’ re joined by Emily Bazelon , staff writer at The New York Times Magazine , where she ’ s profiled Attorney General William Barr .
She ’ s also a lecturer and senior research fellow at Yale Law School .
Welcome back to Democracy Now !
, Professor Bazelon .
Can you explain what happened , what eclipsed the rally until President Trump had so few @ @ @ @ @ @ @ news , but this , what Schumer called , on Friday night and Saturday , the “ Friday night massacre ” ?
Take us step-by-step through this , and what Barr has done , and who Barr is .
EMILY BAZELON : So , Geoffrey Berman , who was the U.S. attorney in the Southern District of New York , was a powerful figure who was bringing investigations , pursuing investigations , that seemed like they were the kinds of investigations that President Trump has objected to .
Berman was investigating Rudy Giuliani @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for his involvement in the Ukraine affair , asking whether Giuliani violated the laws that require you to register if you ’ re lobbying for a foreign agent , because of what Giuliani was doing there .
And there was also an investigation — AMY GOODMAN : And he ’ s Giuliani ’ s former — isn ’ t he Giuliani ’ s former law partner ?
EMILY BAZELON : Yes .
So we have this — right , exactly .
That ’ s part of the spectacle .
And you also had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Turkey that President Trump has expressed interest in protecting .
So , Berman ’ s out there doing this work as an independent prosecutor .
And then , Friday night , we have this explosive news that Barr has very suddenly — that he ’ s going to resign .
And then Berman , amazingly , says , “ No , I ’ m not stepping down .
I have no intention to do so.
” And it becomes clear that Barr actually does not have the power to fire Berman , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He was actually appointed by a three-judge panel in New York , not confirmed by the Senate .
And so , it seems like the route to getting rid of him is actually that Trump has to fire Berman himself .
So , while they ’ re working that out on Saturday , Berman is getting something important that he wants .
Berman wants to be succeeded by his second in command , presumably to make sure that these investigations continue and that there ’ s some independence preserved in the Southern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ able to pull that off .
Then , Trump supposedly is involved in this firing , as is legally necessary , but then claims that he was not involved .
And so , you just have a real sort of fumbling going on in the administration .
And the underlying issue here , this is one of many sudden personnel moves , and they ’ re the kind of moves that really do threaten the independence of the Justice Department and the kind of wall that we have that separates investigations from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I mean , what ’ s amazing here is , you know , first , you had the Trump administration firing Preet Bharara , and they put in a total Trump ally .
I mean , you have Geoffrey Berman , who was Giuliani , Trump ’ s lawyer ’ s law partner .
He raised money for Trump , not only gave his own money , but raised other money for Trump .
And then he moves in and starts seriously investigating even Trump ’ s inaugural finances — is that right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also investigated Jeffrey Epstein before he died , and investigated now the guards who were responsible for Jeffrey Epstein in jail before his apparent suicide .
So , there is a lot going on here with Berman , who was a Trump ally .
EMILY BAZELON : That ’ s right .
And Berman is also the person who charged Michael Cohen in that whole affair that exposed the cover-up , the hush money for women who President Trump allegedly had affairs with .
So you have a really independent prosecutor who was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ So , let ’ s talk about how , in the end , Berman agreed to leave , after being fired by the president , though the president said he had nothing to do with it .
Explain who ’ s replacing him and why that mattered to Berman .
EMILY BAZELON : Berman is being replaced by his second in command , Audrey Strauss , and she has a reputation for being a strong figure in the office .
She was actually running some of these sensitive investigations .
So , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he was protecting the office , at least in the immediate time period , from an outside takeover .
He did not want Barr ’ s preferred person to be installed .
That ’ s the U.S. attorney in New Jersey .
He wanted his own deputy to continue .
And then there ’ s this big question mark about whether the administration ’ s preferred permanent replacement , the head of the SEC , is going to be confirmed .
He ’ s someone , as you said at the top @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no experience as a prosecutor .
That ’ s quite a surprising pick for leading this important and very large office in New York .
So , it ’ s really unclear what will happen beyond this interim appointment .
AMY GOODMAN : So , talk about William Barr , the man you profiled for The New York Times .
Talk about his power at this point .
I mean , you see this , even for Trump , sort of catastrophe unfold , unless they just wanted to get rid of him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this isn ’ t a catastrophe .
And this just comes after , a few weeks after , apparently Barr took responsibility for the attack on the peaceful protesters outside the White House that led to that calamitous walk of Trump and Barr and Ivanka Trump and the head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the defense secretary , walking through Lafayette Park and then Trump holding up this upside-down Bible in front of a church .
That , Barr took responsibility for and then said , “ We didn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said pepper balls weren ’ t chemical irritants .
What is Barr ’ s role here in protecting the president ?
EMILY BAZELON : So , there are two things about William Barr that have made him a really excellent match for President Trump and this administration , and they ’ ve been true about Barr since the beginning of his career .
The first is that he believes in a very strong executive and presidency , a kind of what people call an imperial presidency , in which a huge amount of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in 2018 , Barr , unsolicited , sent a memo to the Justice Department saying of the president , he alone is the executive branch , and criticizing the Mueller investigation .
That was before Barr got his current job , and it sort of read , in this weird way , like an audition memo .
The second thing about William Barr is that he is a devout Catholic who ’ s very conservative and sees religious people as being at war with secular people .
He talked about that in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He reprised really the same language in the Justice Department in speeches last year .
And so , you see this sense that there ’ s this pitting of values between the religious and the secular , and it turns Barr into a kind of warrior for religious , devout people .
And that , one can imagine , is part of why he ’ s so eager to be in this position and to be wielding this power .
AMY GOODMAN : Talk about Barr ’ s worldview , what else he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and why you think he is so significant and perhaps dangerous .
EMILY BAZELON : Well , I think we have this attorney general who really does not respect or does not see the same boundaries and limits around the president ’ s power when it comes to these investigations .
So , Barr was the attorney general when the Mueller report came out .
We saw him not present all of that report , talk about it in a way that a federal judge later said had been misleading .
And that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
That protected Trump from the kind of full implications of this report .
And Barr has also been involved in some of the very conservative judicial picks that come through this administration .
You know , one of the chief justifications for supporting President Trump that Republicans continue to give is this really efficient assembly line of judges .
They really are confirming hundreds of judges .
And Barr is close with Leonard Leo , the head of the Federalist Society , who ’ s also had a really key role in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a completely legal and above-board part of his role , but it ’ s clearly something he really supports , to change the ideological portrait of the federal judiciary so that President Trump is able to leave in office many judges who are deep conservatives .
AMY GOODMAN : And his past history , very quickly , who he served in his role in the Reagan administration ?
EMILY BAZELON : In the Reagan administration , he had a kind of deputy role , and he started talking about this idea of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ became the attorney general under George H.W .
Bush , and he was in favor of pardoning Caspar Weinberger , the former defense secretary , and five other people involved in the Iran-Contra affair .
And so , you see then , as well , this willingness and interest in kind of shielding — EMILY BAZELON : Yes .
So you see this role that Barr was playing then in pardons .
Now we have a backing away from the Michael Flynn investigation , which has been really shocking to a lot of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has pled guilty , to say that the Justice Department has no interest in pursuing these charges against him , and a decision to intervene to make Roger Stone ’ s sentence more lenient .
Both Stone and Flynn , obviously , were close with President Trump .
And by taking these actions , Barr , he made it so that Trump would not have to directly pardon either Stone or Flynn , right ?
So it ’ s using the power of the Justice Department to go easy on them , rather @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politically divisive step of intervening himself .
AMY GOODMAN : Emily Bazelon , I want to thank you for being with us on this issue , but stay with us .
We ’ re going to go to a quick break , and then I want to get your take on the Trump rally in Tulsa .
Emily Bazelon is staff writer for The New York Times Magazine , where she has profiled Attorney General William Barr .
We ’ ll link to that profile .
She also teaches at Yale Law School @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New Movement to Transform American Prosecution and End Mass Incarceration .
She ’ s co-host of the Slate podcast Political Gabfest .
Stay with us .
AMY GOODMAN : “ Stay Gold ” by the South Korean K-pop group BTS , who , along with their fans , recently donated more than $ 2 million to Black Lives Matter .
Part of the reason for the low turnout of Trump ’ s Tulsa speech on Saturday , it ’ s believed , may be attributable to K-pop fans , who said they flooded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the event , with no plans of attending .
But there was no cap on the number of people who could get tickets , so they didn ’ t prevent supporters of Trump from also getting tickets .

After a dramatic weekend showdown, the Trump administration has ousted Geoffrey Berman, the U.S. attorney in Manhattan who led multiple prosecutions and investigations into allies of the president. We look at the extraordinary measures U.S. Attorney General William Barr took to protect Trump, with New York Times Magazine writer Emily Bazelon, who has profiled Barr. “He believes in a very strong executive presidency, a kind of imperial presidency in which a huge amount of power resides in the president,” she says of the attorney general.
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: The House Judiciary Committee is launching an investigation into President Trump’s firing of U.S. Attorney Geoffrey Berman, who’s overseen the investigations of several associates of President Trump, as well as President Trump’s inaugural finances.
Last Friday night, Attorney General William Barr issued a press release claiming Berman was, quote, “stepping down” as head of the Southern District of New York. But then Berman announced he was not resigning and had no intention of resigning. This led to a dramatic showdown that resulted in Barr sending Berman a letter on Saturday saying President Trump had fired him. But then Trump distanced himself from the move, saying, quote, “I’m not involved.” Attorney General Barr initially tried to install his own pick to head the SDNY, but by Saturday it was announced Berman’s deputy, Audrey Strauss, would temporarily take over.
As U.S. attorney, Berman had led the investigations of Trump’s former personal attorney Michael Cohen and Trump’s current attorney Rudy Giuliani. Berman also led the prosecution of a Turkish bank which had ties to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
Republican Senator Lindsey Graham called the late-night shake-up a, quote, “inartfully handled personnel decision.” Graham chairs the Senate Judiciary Committee, which would have to approve Trump’s intended replacement for Berman, Securities and Exchange Commission Chair Jay Clayton, who has no experience as a prosecutor. For now, Graham has said he will defer to New York Democratic senators. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York has already called on Clayton to withdraw from the nomination. More than a hundred former Manhattan prosecutors have also condemned the Berman firing.
For more, we’re joined by Emily Bazelon, staff writer at The New York Times Magazine, where she’s profiled Attorney General William Barr. She’s also a lecturer and senior research fellow at Yale Law School.
Welcome back to Democracy Now!, Professor Bazelon. Can you explain what happened, what eclipsed the rally until President Trump had so few people there that even that dominated the news, but this, what Schumer called, on Friday night and Saturday, the “Friday night massacre”? Take us step-by-step through this, and what Barr has done, and who Barr is.
EMILY BAZELON: So, Geoffrey Berman, who was the U.S. attorney in the Southern District of New York, was a powerful figure who was bringing investigations, pursuing investigations, that seemed like they were the kinds of investigations that President Trump has objected to. Berman was investigating Rudy Giuliani, Trump’s close associate, for his involvement in the Ukraine affair, asking whether Giuliani violated the laws that require you to register if you’re lobbying for a foreign agent, because of what Giuliani was doing there. And there was also an investigation —
AMY GOODMAN: And he’s Giuliani’s former — isn’t he Giuliani’s former law partner?
EMILY BAZELON: Yes. So we have this — right, exactly. That’s part of the spectacle. And you also had Berman’s office investigating a bank in Turkey that President Trump has expressed interest in protecting.
So, Berman’s out there doing this work as an independent prosecutor. And then, Friday night, we have this explosive news that Barr has very suddenly — that he’s going to resign. And then Berman, amazingly, says, “No, I’m not stepping down. I have no intention to do so.” And it becomes clear that Barr actually does not have the power to fire Berman, because of the way he was appointed. He was actually appointed by a three-judge panel in New York, not confirmed by the Senate. And so, it seems like the route to getting rid of him is actually that Trump has to fire Berman himself.
So, while they’re working that out on Saturday, Berman is getting something important that he wants. Berman wants to be succeeded by his second in command, presumably to make sure that these investigations continue and that there’s some independence preserved in the Southern District of New York. Berman was able to pull that off.
Then, Trump supposedly is involved in this firing, as is legally necessary, but then claims that he was not involved. And so, you just have a real sort of fumbling going on in the administration. And the underlying issue here, this is one of many sudden personnel moves, and they’re the kind of moves that really do threaten the independence of the Justice Department and the kind of wall that we have that separates investigations from the president.
AMY GOODMAN: Now, I mean, what’s amazing here is, you know, first, you had the Trump administration firing Preet Bharara, and they put in a total Trump ally. I mean, you have Geoffrey Berman, who was Giuliani, Trump’s lawyer’s law partner. He raised money for Trump, not only gave his own money, but raised other money for Trump. And then he moves in and starts seriously investigating even Trump’s inaugural finances — is that right? — the inauguration committee. He also investigated Jeffrey Epstein before he died, and investigated now the guards who were responsible for Jeffrey Epstein in jail before his apparent suicide. So, there is a lot going on here with Berman, who was a Trump ally.
EMILY BAZELON: That’s right. And Berman is also the person who charged Michael Cohen in that whole affair that exposed the cover-up, the hush money for women who President Trump allegedly had affairs with. So you have a really independent prosecutor who was doing his job.
AMY GOODMAN: So, let’s talk about how, in the end, Berman agreed to leave, after being fired by the president, though the president said he had nothing to do with it. Explain who’s replacing him and why that mattered to Berman.
EMILY BAZELON: Berman is being replaced by his second in command, Audrey Strauss, and she has a reputation for being a strong figure in the office. She was actually running some of these sensitive investigations. So, I think, from his point of view, he was protecting the office, at least in the immediate time period, from an outside takeover. He did not want Barr’s preferred person to be installed. That’s the U.S. attorney in New Jersey. He wanted his own deputy to continue.
And then there’s this big question mark about whether the administration’s preferred permanent replacement, the head of the SEC, is going to be confirmed. He’s someone, as you said at the top of the hour, who really has no experience as a prosecutor. That’s quite a surprising pick for leading this important and very large office in New York. So, it’s really unclear what will happen beyond this interim appointment.
AMY GOODMAN: So, talk about William Barr, the man you profiled for The New York Times. Talk about his power at this point. I mean, you see this, even for Trump, sort of catastrophe unfold, unless they just wanted to get rid of him so much that, for them, this isn’t a catastrophe. And this just comes after, a few weeks after, apparently Barr took responsibility for the attack on the peaceful protesters outside the White House that led to that calamitous walk of Trump and Barr and Ivanka Trump and the head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the defense secretary, walking through Lafayette Park and then Trump holding up this upside-down Bible in front of a church. That, Barr took responsibility for and then said, “We didn’t use chemical irritants,” and then said pepper balls weren’t chemical irritants. What is Barr’s role here in protecting the president?
EMILY BAZELON: So, there are two things about William Barr that have made him a really excellent match for President Trump and this administration, and they’ve been true about Barr since the beginning of his career. The first is that he believes in a very strong executive and presidency, a kind of what people call an imperial presidency, in which a huge amount of power resides in the president. So, in 2018, Barr, unsolicited, sent a memo to the Justice Department saying of the president, he alone is the executive branch, and criticizing the Mueller investigation. That was before Barr got his current job, and it sort of read, in this weird way, like an audition memo.
The second thing about William Barr is that he is a devout Catholic who’s very conservative and sees religious people as being at war with secular people. He talked about that in a speech back in the 1990s. He reprised really the same language in the Justice Department in speeches last year. And so, you see this sense that there’s this pitting of values between the religious and the secular, and it turns Barr into a kind of warrior for religious, devout people. And that, one can imagine, is part of why he’s so eager to be in this position and to be wielding this power.
AMY GOODMAN: Talk about Barr’s worldview, what else he wants to accomplish as attorney general, and why you think he is so significant and perhaps dangerous.
EMILY BAZELON: Well, I think we have this attorney general who really does not respect or does not see the same boundaries and limits around the president’s power when it comes to these investigations. So, Barr was the attorney general when the Mueller report came out. We saw him not present all of that report, talk about it in a way that a federal judge later said had been misleading. And that was all to Trump’s benefit. That protected Trump from the kind of full implications of this report.
And Barr has also been involved in some of the very conservative judicial picks that come through this administration. You know, one of the chief justifications for supporting President Trump that Republicans continue to give is this really efficient assembly line of judges. They really are confirming hundreds of judges. And Barr is close with Leonard Leo, the head of the Federalist Society, who’s also had a really key role in selecting these judicial candidates. And this is a completely legal and above-board part of his role, but it’s clearly something he really supports, to change the ideological portrait of the federal judiciary so that President Trump is able to leave in office many judges who are deep conservatives.
AMY GOODMAN: And his past history, very quickly, who he served in his role in the Reagan administration?
EMILY BAZELON: In the Reagan administration, he had a kind of deputy role, and he started talking about this idea of a very strong presidency. Then he became the attorney general under George H.W. Bush, and he was in favor of pardoning Caspar Weinberger, the former defense secretary, and five other people involved in the Iran-Contra affair. And so, you see then, as well, this willingness and interest in kind of shielding —
AMY GOODMAN: Including Elliott Abrams.
EMILY BAZELON: Yes. So you see this role that Barr was playing then in pardons. Now we have a backing away from the Michael Flynn investigation, which has been really shocking to a lot of lawyers, this decision, after Flynn has pled guilty, to say that the Justice Department has no interest in pursuing these charges against him, and a decision to intervene to make Roger Stone’s sentence more lenient. Both Stone and Flynn, obviously, were close with President Trump. And by taking these actions, Barr, he made it so that Trump would not have to directly pardon either Stone or Flynn, right? So it’s using the power of the Justice Department to go easy on them, rather than asking Trump to take a more politically divisive step of intervening himself.
AMY GOODMAN: Emily Bazelon, I want to thank you for being with us on this issue, but stay with us. We’re going to go to a quick break, and then I want to get your take on the Trump rally in Tulsa. Emily Bazelon is staff writer for The New York Times Magazine, where she has profiled Attorney General William Barr. We’ll link to that profile. She also teaches at Yale Law School and is author of Charged: The New Movement to Transform American Prosecution and End Mass Incarceration. She’s co-host of the Slate podcast Political Gabfest. Stay with us.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: “Stay Gold” by the South Korean K-pop group BTS, who, along with their fans, recently donated more than $2 million to Black Lives Matter. Part of the reason for the low turnout of Trump’s Tulsa speech on Saturday, it’s believed, may be attributable to K-pop fans, who said they flooded the Trump campaign with ticket reservations prior to the event, with no plans of attending. But there was no cap on the number of people who could get tickets, so they didn’t prevent supporters of Trump from also getting tickets.


truthout--2020-06-22--Arctic Hits Hottest Temperature on Record at 100.4 Degrees Fahrenheit

A small Siberian town north of the Arctic Circle reached 100.4 degrees Fahrenheit on Saturday , a figure that — if verified — would be the highest temperature reading in the region since record-keeping began in 1885 .
“ This scares me , I have to say , ” environmentalist and 350.org co-founder Bill McKibben tweeted in response to news of the record-breaking reading in Verkhoyansk , where the average high temperature in June is 68°F .
Washington Post climate reporter Andrew Freedman noted Sunday that if the reading is confirmed , it “ would be the northernmost 100-degree reading @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on record in the Arctic , a region that is warming at more than twice the rate of the rest of the globe.
” “ On Sunday , the same location recorded a high temperature of 95.3 degrees ( 35.2 Celsius ) , showing the Saturday reading was not an anomaly , ” the newspaper reported .
“ While some questions remain about the accuracy of the Verkhoyansk temperature measurement , data from a Saturday weather balloon launch at that location supports the 100-degree reading .
Temperatures in the lower atmosphere , at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ warm at 70 degrees ( 21 Celsius ) , a sign of extreme heat at the surface.
” The World Meteorological Organization said Sunday that is “ preliminarily accepting the observation as a new extreme ” as it conducts a more thorough review of the Verkhoyansk reading .
“ 100°F about 70 miles north of the Arctic Circle today in Siberia .
That ’ s a first in all of recorded history , ” tweeted meteorologist Eric Holthaus .
“ We are in a climate emergency.
” The reading comes as Siberia is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that has alarmed climate scientists and activists .
“ Been watching the Siberian heatwave for months and it ’ s beyond terrifying — already suffering what was expected in 2100 in a worst case scenario , ” said climate activist and conservationist Charlie Gardner .
As the Guardian reported last week , “ the freak temperatures [ in Siberia ] have been linked to wildfires , a huge oil spill , and a plague of tree-eating moths.
” “ Russian towns in the Arctic Circle have recorded extraordinary temperatures , with Nizhnyaya Pesha @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which usually has daytime temperatures of around 0°C at this time of year , hitting 25°C on 22 May .
The previous record was 12°C .
”

A small Siberian town north of the Arctic Circle reached 100.4 degrees Fahrenheit on Saturday, a figure that — if verified — would be the highest temperature reading in the region since record-keeping began in 1885.
“This scares me, I have to say,” environmentalist and 350.org co-founder Bill McKibben tweeted in response to news of the record-breaking reading in Verkhoyansk, where the average high temperature in June is 68°F.
Washington Post climate reporter Andrew Freedman noted Sunday that if the reading is confirmed, it “would be the northernmost 100-degree reading ever observed, and the highest temperature on record in the Arctic, a region that is warming at more than twice the rate of the rest of the globe.”
“On Sunday, the same location recorded a high temperature of 95.3 degrees (35.2 Celsius), showing the Saturday reading was not an anomaly,” the newspaper reported. “While some questions remain about the accuracy of the Verkhoyansk temperature measurement, data from a Saturday weather balloon launch at that location supports the 100-degree reading. Temperatures in the lower atmosphere, at about 5,000 feet, also were unusually warm at 70 degrees (21 Celsius), a sign of extreme heat at the surface.”
The World Meteorological Organization said Sunday that is “preliminarily accepting the observation as a new extreme” as it conducts a more thorough review of the Verkhoyansk reading.
Siberian town tops 100 degrees F, the hottest temperature ever recorded north of the Arctic Circle.
This scares me, I have to say. https://t.co/NatjQhuLGn — Bill McKibben (@billmckibben) June 21, 2020
“100°F about 70 miles north of the Arctic Circle today in Siberia. That’s a first in all of recorded history,” tweeted meteorologist Eric Holthaus. “We are in a climate emergency.”
The reading comes as Siberia is in the midst of a prolonged heatwave that has alarmed climate scientists and activists.
“Been watching the Siberian heatwave for months and it’s beyond terrifying — already suffering what was expected in 2100 in a worst case scenario,” said climate activist and conservationist Charlie Gardner.
As the Guardian reported last week, “the freak temperatures [in Siberia] have been linked to wildfires, a huge oil spill, and a plague of tree-eating moths.”
Temperatures reached +38°C within the Arctic Circle on Saturday, 17°C hotter than normal for 20 June. #GlobalHeating is accelerating, and some parts of the world are heating a lot faster than others. The #RaceToZero emissions is a race for survival. Dataviz via @ScottDuncanWX pic.twitter.com/NIKeAYdiJd — UN Climate Change (@UNFCCC) June 22, 2020
“Russian towns in the Arctic Circle have recorded extraordinary temperatures, with Nizhnyaya Pesha hitting 30°C on 9 June and Khatanga, which usually has daytime temperatures of around 0°C at this time of year, hitting 25°C on 22 May. The previous record was 12°C.”
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