truthout--2020-12-03--Under CARES Act, These Moms Should Be Home. They Remain in COVID-Filled Prisons.

When COVID entered the federal medical prison in Carswell , Texas , it ballooned within weeks — of the 1,288 people tested , 504 were positive .
In one housing unit of 300 women , only 26 women tested negative , including 56-year-old Sandra Shoulders .
Shoulders has severe diabetes , respiratory problems , and , since entering prison in 2015 , chronic kidney disease , leaving her at only 30 percent kidney function .
All of these make her more vulnerable to becoming debilitated , if not dying , from COVID .
Meanwhile , the prison ’ s practices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Even when inmates feel ill now , they are so scared of those conditions to speak up , ” Shoulders explained .
She described how those who tested positive were treated : “ You are held in a room , and expected to wear the same set of clothes for 21+ days , without laundry facilities .
Food is dropped by the door and physically kicked into the room by the guards.
” COVID policies have also curtailed access to medical care for other problems .
Shoulders is supposed to see @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only seen him once this year .
Now , she says her diabetes and kidney disease have caused swollen feet ; a slipped disc causes persistent backaches .
She lives in constant pain .
After Congress passed the Coronavirus Aid , Relief and Economic Security ( CARES ) Act , Attorney General William Barr issued a memo to the Bureau of Prisons ( BOP ) , the agency responsible for federal prisons , expanding the criteria under which to release people to home confinement to stem the spread of COVID .
The expanded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ makes them vulnerable to COVID , as well as those in low- and medium-security prisons , people whose reentry plans show that they are less likely to contract COVID if not incarcerated , and people with low risk-assessment ( or PATTERN ) scores .
In August , a prison case manager said that Shoulders qualified for home confinement on September 25 .
Elated , she began making plans to join her godsister in Chicago .
She also planned to reconnect with her three children and her 16 grandchildren , some of whom she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Three weeks later , prison administrators told Shoulders that the BOP ’ s Central Office had denied her release .
She was not told why .
“ I had to call my family and give them this heartbreaking news , ” Shoulders told Truthout .
The news not only left her reeling , but sent Shoulders — who has bipolar disorder , an anxiety disorder and obsessive-compulsive disorder — into what she calls a “ serious mental health crisis and meltdown.
” “ To have been so close to being home , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taken away — not just from me , but from my family and church community — was too much for me , ” she wrote .
“ I am emotionally and spiritually broken at times.
” On the heels of that devastating news comes the skyrocketing COVID rate in Texas .
The week before Thanksgiving , Texas had an average of 11,725 cases per day .
Tarrant County , where the prison is located , had an average of 1,437 cases per day or 68 of every 100,000 residents .
According to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of 10 people in that county poses a 26 percent chance that at least one person has COVID .
Authorities reported 3,356 new cases from the Thanksgiving weekend .
Chicago ’ s COVID rate is even higher , at 6,033 cases per day ( or 65 of every 100,000 residents ) for the city alone , but if she returned home , Shoulders would be able to abide by social-distancing guidance ; she would no longer be involuntarily exposed daily to 299 other women and staff members who enter and leave the prison @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out in federal prisons across the country .
Though the Bureau of Prisons has 8,034 people on home confinement as of December 2 , many in federal prisons report experiencing a similar runaround as Shoulders .
At the same time , COVID has been surging in prisons across the country .
As of November 20 , there were 197,659 confirmed cases in prisons , a figure not including jails , juvenile detention or military prisons .
The federal prison system has the second-highest COVID rate with 22,203 cases and 152 COVID-related deaths .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the nation ’ s highest COVID rate . )
In July , 41-year-old Jessica Antunez requested to be transferred from the Federal Correctional Institution ( FCI ) Dublin in California to a federal prison camp ( or minimum-security prison ) .
She served nearly 14 years of a 20-year mandatory minimum sentence and was eager to go to a minimum-security prison , where she has a better chance at early release .
That was when prison staff told her that she was eligible for early home confinement under the CARES Act .
Antunez @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both of which increase her risk of severe illness if she were to contract COVID-19 .
She was elated , but also wary .
She began the paperwork and was approved to be released to her 19-year-old daughter ’ s home .
She dreamed of cooking for her three children , listening to them without the seven-minute time limits of prison phone calls , and building new memories , especially with her youngest daughter , who was three when Antunez was arrested and has no memories of her outside of prison .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Antunez that her release had been denied .
Like Shoulders , she was not given a reason .
“ I have done every day of this sentence with hopes that I am going home sooner than later , ” Antunez told Truthout .
“ I have always kept my family in high spirits about a new law maybe cutting my time short or the chances of clemency or whatever is going on in the system that may bring me home sooner , and when the door slams shut , it affects them just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me .
But what hurts my heart most and absolutely breaks my interior is that I can ’ t even soften the blows with a hug or a phone call because I don ’ t have the privilege of using the phone when I need or want to.
” “ No One Is Getting Released Anymore ” In April , Jessica Brown was one of several women at FCI Tallahassee who were told that they qualified for early release to home confinement .
Brown , age 44 , has asthma and hypertension and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to finish the remaining three years of her nine-year sentence under home confinement .
In May , she signed paperwork to be released to Benevolence Farm , a reentry farm program near the homes of her parents and sister .
From there , she could work on rebuilding her life and regaining custody of her four children , now living with their paternal uncle .
In September , however , prison administrators said Brown ’ s release had been denied .
The decision was not because , shortly after being sentenced to five @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off her electronic monitor and fled to Canada with her four children , whom , she says , she hoped to leave with her fiancé rather than relinquish to foster care in the U.S. ( She was given an additional four-year sentence for her escape . )
Instead , the denial was because a halfway house clinical director had said that Brown lacked risk factors for COVID-19 .
She was not even being released to a halfway house — she was being released to the reentry farm — and yet , according to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resulted in the cancellation of her release .
She received no information on which halfway house had supposedly denied her .
She was told to contact the prison ’ s temporary medical director .
She sent him four messages but received no response .
On October 1 , her housing unit was placed on lockdown after 11 women tested positive .
Overall , 123 of 674 people have tested positive at FCI Tallahassee since the pandemic began .
Meanwhile , Brown waits for a response and hopes she doesn ’ t get sick @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been told that they qualified for early release only to be told later that they were “ too healthy ” to qualify .
“ No one is getting released anymore , ” Brown told Truthout .
“ That is true , no one is getting released , ” agrees Cydra Alexander , also at FCI Tallahassee , with 16 months left to serve .
When the CARES Act passed , the 35-year-old asked about home confinement .
Alexander is , in her words , overweight , a condition that increases her risk of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Her housing pod consists of nearly 100 women .
“ We don ’ t even sleep six feet apart , ” she told Truthout .
Alexander is not a biological parent , but until her incarceration , was raising her niece .
She is eager to reunite with her niece as well as help her parents , now in their sixties .
She hoped to be able to help them around the house and , if the terms of home confinement permitted , grocery shop and run errands .
And she would be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her older brother ’ s 2015 death rolled around in January .
“ It ’ s a hard time for the family around this time of year , ” she said .
However , prison officials told her that she did not qualify until she had served over 50 percent of her 70-month sentence ; by April , Alexander had served 33 months .
Alexander applied again in September , having served over half her sentence .
In October , her request was denied .
“ I am very worried [ about COVID @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Several units have been closed down due to having positive cases.
” On two separate occasions , her unit was locked down after two women tested positive .
Alexander now has 16 months left to serve .
“ I could lose more family before I get home , ” she worries .
“ I could even catch COVID and not make it to my family.
” In April , 57-year-old Kim Earlycutt began feeling feverish and , even after bundling up in two pairs of pants , two pairs of socks , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ warm .
She couldn ’ t hold any food or liquids down .
After four days , she sought medical care .
The nurse took her temperature ; it was 103 degrees .
“ I was put in SHU [ solitary confinement ] for 14 days , ” she told Truthout .
On her second day in isolation , she was given Tylenol .
On the third day , after her fever subsided , she was placed in a quarantine area with 26 other people , some of whom were quarantining before release @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for being sick .
Only then was she was tested for COVID ; her test came back negative .
In May , her prison case worker said that she qualified for early release under the CARES Act .
Earlycutt , who has chronic obstructive pulmonary disease , heart problems , severe asthma and latent tuberculosis , was thrilled to hear she would be rejoining her family earlier than expected .
In October , however , she received a denial .
Unlike the other women , Earlycutt ’ s denial came not from Central @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s warden and case management coordinator , who said that she needed a minimum rather than low PATTERN ( risk assessment ) score for recidivism .
( Barr ’ s March memo instructs BOP officials not to prioritize those with a score above minimum . )
Now , instead of spending the holidays with her children and grandchildren , she must wait until 2025 to rejoin them .
Lazara Ordaz will turn 62 on December 17 .
She has spent 22 years in federal prison on a 35-year sentence for conspiracy to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ FCI Coleman in Florida , where 265 of 1,146 women have tested positive .
She was told that she qualified for home confinement because of her age , thyroid condition and high blood pressure .
Her case manager began processing her paperwork , but then stopped because Ordaz , who came to the U.S. from Cuba in 1980 , has an immigration detainer from Immigration and Customs Enforcement ( ICE ) that goes into effect upon her release date .
In 2017 , Cuba agreed to start accepting people deported from the U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Cuba in 2018 and another 1,179 people in 2019 .
But not every person convicted of a felony is automatically deported ; when Ordaz ’ s brother ( and co-defendant ) was released from prison in 2019 , he spent two months in an immigration detention facility and was then released to rejoin his family in the U.S. Ordaz is hoping for a similar outcome .
Ordaz ’ s immigration status landed her in a catch-22 .
Prison administrators told Ordaz that they could continue the process if she could obtain a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ She had previously received one in 2017 while at the federal prison in Alabama .
However , ICE officials in Florida have refused to issue a no-action letter while she was in BOP custody .
Ordaz questions the point of her continued imprisonment .
“ I know the harm I caused to a lot of people , ” she wrote .
“ I know I need to pay for what I did , but if you don ’ t learn [ after ] five to ten years , you never going to learn.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ she continued , “ is the first time I tasted freedom and it was taken from me because of this detainer.
” These mothers — and many others behind bars — had pinned their hopes on the CARES Act , which would have allowed them to rejoin their families for the holidays and begin rebuilding their lives .
Instead , they remain behind bars , hoping not to contract COVID .
“ I want so desperately for the world — and U.S. lawmakers , including our new president , to understand that remaining @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Shoulders wrote from Carswell .
“ We are not immune to this disease forever , and we are packed in here like sardines , locked up inside seven days a week , with NO rehabilitative programming and scant religious services , just waiting to get sick .
”

Many prisoners pinned their hopes on the CARES Act, which should have allowed them to begin rebuilding their lives.
Part of the Series Despair and Disparity: The Uneven Burdens of COVID-19
When COVID entered the federal medical prison in Carswell, Texas, it ballooned within weeks — of the 1,288 people tested, 504 were positive. In one housing unit of 300 women, only 26 women tested negative, including 56-year-old Sandra Shoulders.
Shoulders has severe diabetes, respiratory problems, and, since entering prison in 2015, chronic kidney disease, leaving her at only 30 percent kidney function. All of these make her more vulnerable to becoming debilitated, if not dying, from COVID.
Meanwhile, the prison’s practices discourage people from getting tested for COVID. “Even when inmates feel ill now, they are so scared of those conditions to speak up,” Shoulders explained. She described how those who tested positive were treated: “You are held in a room, and expected to wear the same set of clothes for 21+ days, without laundry facilities. Food is dropped by the door and physically kicked into the room by the guards.”
COVID policies have also curtailed access to medical care for other problems. Shoulders is supposed to see a kidney specialist quarterly; she has only seen him once this year. Now, she says her diabetes and kidney disease have caused swollen feet; a slipped disc causes persistent backaches. She lives in constant pain.
After Congress passed the Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security (CARES) Act, Attorney General William Barr issued a memo to the Bureau of Prisons (BOP), the agency responsible for federal prisons, expanding the criteria under which to release people to home confinement to stem the spread of COVID. The expanded criteria prioritize people whose age or health makes them vulnerable to COVID, as well as those in low- and medium-security prisons, people whose reentry plans show that they are less likely to contract COVID if not incarcerated, and people with low risk-assessment (or PATTERN) scores.
In August, a prison case manager said that Shoulders qualified for home confinement on September 25. Elated, she began making plans to join her godsister in Chicago. She also planned to reconnect with her three children and her 16 grandchildren, some of whom she only knew through photos and video calls.
Three weeks later, prison administrators told Shoulders that the BOP’s Central Office had denied her release. She was not told why. “I had to call my family and give them this heartbreaking news,” Shoulders told Truthout. The news not only left her reeling, but sent Shoulders — who has bipolar disorder, an anxiety disorder and obsessive-compulsive disorder — into what she calls a “serious mental health crisis and meltdown.”
“To have been so close to being home, and safe, and to have that taken away — not just from me, but from my family and church community — was too much for me,” she wrote. “I am emotionally and spiritually broken at times.”
On the heels of that devastating news comes the skyrocketing COVID rate in Texas. The week before Thanksgiving, Texas had an average of 11,725 cases per day. Tarrant County, where the prison is located, had an average of 1,437 cases per day or 68 of every 100,000 residents. According to the Georgia Institute of Technology, a gathering of 10 people in that county poses a 26 percent chance that at least one person has COVID. Authorities reported 3,356 new cases from the Thanksgiving weekend.
Chicago’s COVID rate is even higher, at 6,033 cases per day (or 65 of every 100,000 residents) for the city alone, but if she returned home, Shoulders would be able to abide by social-distancing guidance; she would no longer be involuntarily exposed daily to 299 other women and staff members who enter and leave the prison.
The same pattern has been playing out in federal prisons across the country. Though the Bureau of Prisons has 8,034 people on home confinement as of December 2, many in federal prisons report experiencing a similar runaround as Shoulders. At the same time, COVID has been surging in prisons across the country. As of November 20, there were 197,659 confirmed cases in prisons, a figure not including jails, juvenile detention or military prisons. The federal prison system has the second-highest COVID rate with 22,203 cases and 152 COVID-related deaths. (The Texas state prison system has the nation’s highest COVID rate.)
Release Denied With No Explanation
Photo courtesy of Antunez’s daughters.
In July, 41-year-old Jessica Antunez requested to be transferred from the Federal Correctional Institution (FCI) Dublin in California to a federal prison camp (or minimum-security prison). She served nearly 14 years of a 20-year mandatory minimum sentence and was eager to go to a minimum-security prison, where she has a better chance at early release.
That was when prison staff told her that she was eligible for early home confinement under the CARES Act. Antunez is diagnosed with asthma and obesity, both of which increase her risk of severe illness if she were to contract COVID-19. She was elated, but also wary.
“To have been so close to being home, and safe, and to have that taken away — not just from me, but from my family and church community — was too much for me.”
She began the paperwork and was approved to be released to her 19-year-old daughter’s home. She dreamed of cooking for her three children, listening to them without the seven-minute time limits of prison phone calls, and building new memories, especially with her youngest daughter, who was three when Antunez was arrested and has no memories of her outside of prison.
In September, however, prison staff told Antunez that her release had been denied. Like Shoulders, she was not given a reason.
“I have done every day of this sentence with hopes that I am going home sooner than later,” Antunez told Truthout. “I have always kept my family in high spirits about a new law maybe cutting my time short or the chances of clemency or whatever is going on in the system that may bring me home sooner, and when the door slams shut, it affects them just as hard or maybe even harder than me. But what hurts my heart most and absolutely breaks my interior is that I can’t even soften the blows with a hug or a phone call because I don’t have the privilege of using the phone when I need or want to.”
“No One Is Getting Released Anymore”
In April, Jessica Brown was one of several women at FCI Tallahassee who were told that they qualified for early release to home confinement. Brown, age 44, has asthma and hypertension and is clinically obese, thus qualifying her to finish the remaining three years of her nine-year sentence under home confinement.
In May, she signed paperwork to be released to Benevolence Farm, a reentry farm program near the homes of her parents and sister. From there, she could work on rebuilding her life and regaining custody of her four children, now living with their paternal uncle.
Photo courtesy of Brown’s fiance.
In September, however, prison administrators said Brown’s release had been denied. The decision was not because, shortly after being sentenced to five years in prison, Brown had cut off her electronic monitor and fled to Canada with her four children, whom, she says, she hoped to leave with her fiancé rather than relinquish to foster care in the U.S. (She was given an additional four-year sentence for her escape.) Instead, the denial was because a halfway house clinical director had said that Brown lacked risk factors for COVID-19. She was not even being released to a halfway house — she was being released to the reentry farm — and yet, according to Brown, the director’s determination resulted in the cancellation of her release. She received no information on which halfway house had supposedly denied her. She was told to contact the prison’s temporary medical director. She sent him four messages but received no response.
On October 1, her housing unit was placed on lockdown after 11 women tested positive. Overall, 123 of 674 people have tested positive at FCI Tallahassee since the pandemic began. Meanwhile, Brown waits for a response and hopes she doesn’t get sick.
Others at FCI Tallahassee have also been told that they qualified for early release only to be told later that they were “too healthy” to qualify. “No one is getting released anymore,” Brown told Truthout.
Will 16 Months Become a Death Sentence?
“That is true, no one is getting released,” agrees Cydra Alexander, also at FCI Tallahassee, with 16 months left to serve.
When the CARES Act passed, the 35-year-old asked about home confinement. Alexander is, in her words, overweight, a condition that increases her risk of severe illness if she contracts COVID-19. Her housing pod consists of nearly 100 women. “We don’t even sleep six feet apart,” she told Truthout.
“I could lose more family before I get home…. I could even catch COVID and not make it to my family.”
Alexander is not a biological parent, but until her incarceration, was raising her niece. She is eager to reunite with her niece as well as help her parents, now in their sixties. She hoped to be able to help them around the house and, if the terms of home confinement permitted, grocery shop and run errands. And she would be there in person when the anniversary of her older brother’s 2015 death rolled around in January. “It’s a hard time for the family around this time of year,” she said.
However, prison officials told her that she did not qualify until she had served over 50 percent of her 70-month sentence; by April, Alexander had served 33 months.
Alexander applied again in September, having served over half her sentence. In October, her request was denied. “I am very worried [about COVID],” she wrote. “Several units have been closed down due to having positive cases.” On two separate occasions, her unit was locked down after two women tested positive.
Alexander now has 16 months left to serve. “I could lose more family before I get home,” she worries. “I could even catch COVID and not make it to my family.”
Ill, in Isolation and Denied Release
In April, 57-year-old Kim Earlycutt began feeling feverish and, even after bundling up in two pairs of pants, two pairs of socks, a sweatshirt and coat, could not get warm. She couldn’t hold any food or liquids down. After four days, she sought medical care. The nurse took her temperature; it was 103 degrees.
“I was put in SHU [solitary confinement] for 14 days,” she told Truthout. On her second day in isolation, she was given Tylenol. On the third day, after her fever subsided, she was placed in a quarantine area with 26 other people, some of whom were quarantining before release and some of whom were beginning quarantine for being sick. Only then was she was tested for COVID; her test came back negative.
In May, her prison case worker said that she qualified for early release under the CARES Act. Earlycutt, who has chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, heart problems, severe asthma and latent tuberculosis, was thrilled to hear she would be rejoining her family earlier than expected. In October, however, she received a denial.
Unlike the other women, Earlycutt’s denial came not from Central BOP headquarters, but from the prison’s warden and case management coordinator, who said that she needed a minimum rather than low PATTERN (risk assessment) score for recidivism. (Barr’s March memo instructs BOP officials not to prioritize those with a score above minimum.) Now, instead of spending the holidays with her children and grandchildren, she must wait until 2025 to rejoin them.
A Catch-22
Lazara Ordaz will turn 62 on December 17. She has spent 22 years in federal prison on a 35-year sentence for conspiracy to distribute cocaine.
Ordaz is incarcerated at FCI Coleman in Florida, where 265 of 1,146 women have tested positive. She was told that she qualified for home confinement because of her age, thyroid condition and high blood pressure. Her case manager began processing her paperwork, but then stopped because Ordaz, who came to the U.S. from Cuba in 1980, has an immigration detainer from Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) that goes into effect upon her release date.
In 2017, Cuba agreed to start accepting people deported from the U.S. Sixty-four people were deported from the U.S. to Cuba in 2018 and another 1,179 people in 2019. But not every person convicted of a felony is automatically deported; when Ordaz’s brother (and co-defendant) was released from prison in 2019, he spent two months in an immigration detention facility and was then released to rejoin his family in the U.S. Ordaz is hoping for a similar outcome.
“We are not immune to this disease forever, and we are packed in here like sardines … just waiting to get sick.”
Ordaz’s immigration status landed her in a catch-22. Prison administrators told Ordaz that they could continue the process if she could obtain a “no-action” letter from ICE. She had previously received one in 2017 while at the federal prison in Alabama. However, ICE officials in Florida have refused to issue a no-action letter while she was in BOP custody.
Ordaz questions the point of her continued imprisonment. “I know the harm I caused to a lot of people,” she wrote. “I know I need to pay for what I did, but if you don’t learn [after] five to ten years, you never going to learn.” The offer of home confinement, she continued, “is the first time I tasted freedom and it was taken from me because of this detainer.”
Photo courtesy of CAN-Do Clemency
These mothers — and many others behind bars — had pinned their hopes on the CARES Act, which would have allowed them to rejoin their families for the holidays and begin rebuilding their lives. Instead, they remain behind bars, hoping not to contract COVID.
“I want so desperately for the world — and U.S. lawmakers, including our new president, to understand that remaining in these prisons is a DEATH sentence,” Shoulders wrote from Carswell. “We are not immune to this disease forever, and we are packed in here like sardines, locked up inside seven days a week, with NO rehabilitative programming and scant religious services, just waiting to get sick.”
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truthout--2020-12-03--As COVID Spikes, the GOP Pushes Bans on Suing Negligent Businesses

Officials estimate that 1 million people in Florida are infected with COVID-19 in the wake of the 2020 Thanksgiving holiday weekend .
Meanwhile , state legislators are meeting with business lobbyists at a conference , which includes a golf tournament at the Orlando Ritz-Carlton , to discuss legislation that could prohibit consumers from suing businesses that negligently exposed them to COVID-19 .
One of the sponsors of the event is Publix .
The Florida-based , employee-owned chain of grocery stores throughout the Southeast is facing a lawsuit filed by the family of Gerardo Gutierrez , who worked behind a deli @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Beach store .
The lawsuit alleges that Gutierrez , who was 70 years old , asked to wear a mask at work when the pandemic began , but the company wouldn ’ t let him .
He contracted COVID-19 from a coworker and died in April .
Publix then changed its policy to allow masks and gloves .
A report in April by the Tampa Bay Times described the company ’ s slow response to the pandemic compared to other grocery store chains .
A spokesperson told the paper that Publix has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protective measures in all our stores.
” The Gutierrez family ’ s lawsuit said the company “ chose to protect sales over the health and well-being of its employees and customers.
” With the lawsuit pending , Publix is co-sponsoring this week ’ s Associated Industries of Florida conference with lobbyists and legislators , all Republicans except for newly-elected Democratic Rep. Christine Hunschofsky , former mayor of Parkland .
Lawmakers will discuss their priorities for the 2021 legislative session .
Republican legislative leaders have discussed plans to introduce a bill next year to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Wilton Simpson , for example , suggested that legislators consider legal immunity for companies that follow CDC guidelines .
House Speaker Chris Sprowls said their intent is to ensure people “ don ’ t get blindsided by a frivolous lawsuit , while making sure that if somebody is doing the wrong thing , that they ’ re still held accountable.
” Simpson said the bill shouldn ’ t include “ a blanket statement that no one would have any liability associated with COVID.
” He also rejected a proposal from the RESET @ @ @ @ @ @ @ groups , to grant blanket immunity from COVID-19 lawsuits for “ essential businesses ” like grocery stores , which stayed open when others shut down in the early months of the pandemic .
The head of Florida ’ s Chamber of Commerce argued legal immunity is necessary because Florida has the “ fifth worst legal climate in the United States.
” He was presumably referring to a biannual survey of corporate lawyers and executives conducted by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce Institute for Legal Reform , which spends millions of dollars lobbying for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and consumers .
In an editorial opposing immunity , the South Florida Sun-Sentinel argued that “ campaign contributions and high-power lobbying leave [ the legislature ] perpetually predisposed to make life easier for employers and harder for workers.
” Although Simpson said he “ can not imagine that we are going to let people off the hook for negligence , ” the immunity laws passed by Southern states all prohibit COVID-19 lawsuits based on negligence , the normal legal standard , while allowing lawsuits for gross negligence , intentional harm , or another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ temporary , with the expiration tied to the governor ’ s declaration of a public health emergency .
But the emergency shows no signs of abating in Southern states , where many hospitals are overflowing with COVID-19 patients .
Thousands of meatpacking workers in the rural South have also contracted the virus .
If Florida passes an immunity bill , it would join states around the country that have passed bills that keep people who get COVID-19 from suing their health care providers , “ essential businesses , ” or government entities .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ signed on to bills that prohibit lawsuits against negligent businesses or health care providers .
As Facing South reported , the Republican-led North Carolina legislature unanimously passed a COVID-19 relief bill in May that included legal immunity for essential businesses .
The legislature , with just 13 Democrats voting no , then broadened immunity from COVID-19 suits to cover any individual , corporation , or other “ legal entity.
” Democratic Gov .
Roy Cooper signed both bills into law .
And in Louisiana , Democratic governor John Bel Edwards signed a bill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lawsuits .
Republican governors in Alabama , Arkansas , and other Southern states have issued executive orders giving certain businesses immunity .
And many of them have called on Congress to pass a federal immunity bill .
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky and other Republicans have been insisting that any further COVID-19 stimulus bill , which could include more stimulus checks and aid for desperate state and local governments , also include legal immunity .
McConnell ’ s proposal would override every state ’ s laws for holding businesses accountable for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nearly every personal injury lawsuit in the U.S. , even many cases filed in federal court , are now governed by state law .
That ’ s how it has worked since America ’ s founding .
But the Republican-led U.S. Senate wants to change that to keep businesses from getting sued when people contract COVID-19 .
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and other Democrats have generally opposed immunity .
Pelosi recently said that she doesn ’ t support McConnell ’ s proposal but thinks “ there is a balance that can be struck.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ York Democrat , said legal immunity would allow corporations to “ expose their workers to COVID without repercussions .
”

Many in the GOP have been insisting that any further COVID-19 stimulus bill also include legal immunity.
Officials estimate that 1 million people in Florida are infected with COVID-19 in the wake of the 2020 Thanksgiving holiday weekend. Meanwhile, state legislators are meeting with business lobbyists at a conference, which includes a golf tournament at the Orlando Ritz-Carlton, to discuss legislation that could prohibit consumers from suing businesses that negligently exposed them to COVID-19.
One of the sponsors of the event is Publix. The Florida-based, employee-owned chain of grocery stores throughout the Southeast is facing a lawsuit filed by the family of Gerardo Gutierrez, who worked behind a deli counter at the company’s Miami Beach store. The lawsuit alleges that Gutierrez, who was 70 years old, asked to wear a mask at work when the pandemic began, but the company wouldn’t let him. He contracted COVID-19 from a coworker and died in April.
Publix then changed its policy to allow masks and gloves. A report in April by the Tampa Bay Times described the company’s slow response to the pandemic compared to other grocery store chains. A spokesperson told the paper that Publix has been “keenly focused on intensive, ongoing protective measures in all our stores.” The Gutierrez family’s lawsuit said the company “chose to protect sales over the health and well-being of its employees and customers.”
With the lawsuit pending, Publix is co-sponsoring this week’s Associated Industries of Florida conference with lobbyists and legislators, all Republicans except for newly-elected Democratic Rep. Christine Hunschofsky, former mayor of Parkland. Lawmakers will discuss their priorities for the 2021 legislative session.
Republican legislative leaders have discussed plans to introduce a bill next year to limit lawsuits over COVID-19 exposure. Senate President Wilton Simpson, for example, suggested that legislators consider legal immunity for companies that follow CDC guidelines. House Speaker Chris Sprowls said their intent is to ensure people “don’t get blindsided by a frivolous lawsuit, while making sure that if somebody is doing the wrong thing, that they’re still held accountable.”
Simpson said the bill shouldn’t include “a blanket statement that no one would have any liability associated with COVID.” He also rejected a proposal from the RESET Task Force, an alliance of industry groups, to grant blanket immunity from COVID-19 lawsuits for “essential businesses” like grocery stores, which stayed open when others shut down in the early months of the pandemic.
The head of Florida’s Chamber of Commerce argued legal immunity is necessary because Florida has the “fifth worst legal climate in the United States.” He was presumably referring to a biannual survey of corporate lawyers and executives conducted by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce Institute for Legal Reform, which spends millions of dollars lobbying for legislation to limit lawsuits by injured workers and consumers.
In an editorial opposing immunity, the South Florida Sun-Sentinel argued that “campaign contributions and high-power lobbying leave [the legislature] perpetually predisposed to make life easier for employers and harder for workers.”
Although Simpson said he “cannot imagine that we are going to let people off the hook for negligence,” the immunity laws passed by Southern states all prohibit COVID-19 lawsuits based on negligence, the normal legal standard, while allowing lawsuits for gross negligence, intentional harm, or another higher standard.
The enacted bills are temporary, with the expiration tied to the governor’s declaration of a public health emergency. But the emergency shows no signs of abating in Southern states, where many hospitals are overflowing with COVID-19 patients. Thousands of meatpacking workers in the rural South have also contracted the virus.
If Florida passes an immunity bill, it would join states around the country that have passed bills that keep people who get COVID-19 from suing their health care providers, “essential businesses,” or government entities.
Governors and legislators from both parties have signed on to bills that prohibit lawsuits against negligent businesses or health care providers. As Facing South reported, the Republican-led North Carolina legislature unanimously passed a COVID-19 relief bill in May that included legal immunity for essential businesses. The legislature, with just 13 Democrats voting no, then broadened immunity from COVID-19 suits to cover any individual, corporation, or other “legal entity.”
Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper signed both bills into law. And in Louisiana, Democratic governor John Bel Edwards signed a bill that immunized restaurants and other businesses from lawsuits. Republican governors in Alabama, Arkansas, and other Southern states have issued executive orders giving certain businesses immunity. And many of them have called on Congress to pass a federal immunity bill.
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky and other Republicans have been insisting that any further COVID-19 stimulus bill, which could include more stimulus checks and aid for desperate state and local governments, also include legal immunity.
McConnell’s proposal would override every state’s laws for holding businesses accountable for injuries to their workers or customers. Nearly every personal injury lawsuit in the U.S., even many cases filed in federal court, are now governed by state law. That’s how it has worked since America’s founding. But the Republican-led U.S. Senate wants to change that to keep businesses from getting sued when people contract COVID-19.
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and other Democrats have generally opposed immunity. Pelosi recently said that she doesn’t support McConnell’s proposal but thinks “there is a balance that can be struck.” Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, a New York Democrat, said legal immunity would allow corporations to “expose their workers to COVID without repercussions.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
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truthout--2020-12-04--Unemployment Falls to 6.7 Percent, But It Comes With a Longer Work Week

The rebound slowed sharply in November , with the economy adding just 245,000 jobs .
This would ordinarily be a very respectable gain , but with the economy still down almost 10 million jobs from the pre-pandemic level , it is not a pace that gets us back to full employment any time soon .
If we need 100,000 jobs a month to keep pace with the growth of the labor market , it would take us more than five and half years to get back to full employment at this rate of job growth .
The unemployment rate fell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ November , however this was entirely due to people leaving the labor force , as employment dropped slightly .
The employment-to-population ratio ( EPOP ) fell by 0.1 percentage points to 57.3 percent .
The decline was entirely among men , who had a drop in labor force participation rates of 0.4 percentage points .
Employment rates for men have actually fallen somewhat more over the course of the downturn than for women , with the EPOP for prime age men down by 4.8 percentage points from their year-ago level , compared to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The unemployment rate for Black workers fell by 0.5 percentage points to 10.3 percent , while the EPOP rose by 0.4 percentage points to 54.1 percent .
The unemployment rate is 4.7 percentage points higher and the EPOP is 4.7 percentage points lower than the year-ago level .
The unemployment rate for Asian Americans fell by 0.9 percentage points , but at 6.7 percent , it is still 0.8 percentage points above the rate for whites , reversing the normal pattern .
Voluntary part-time employment fell by 786,000 in November .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This reflects in large part the sharp hit to restaurants and hotels , sectors that employ large numbers of part-time workers .
However , we are also seeing the length of the average workweek increase across sectors .
For example , in retail trade the average workweek is 2.0 percent longer than it was a year ago ; in education and health services it is 1.2 percent longer .
This reverses the normal pattern in recessions as employers typically cut hours as a way to adjust to reduced labor demand rather than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the length of the average workweek was 1.5 percent shorter ( 0.5 hours ) than it had been in 2007 .
Consistent with this pattern of rising hours , we again saw a large increase in the number of long-term unemployed ( more than 26 weeks ) to 3,941,000 , the highest level since November of 2013 .
This indicates that many of the people who lost their jobs during the spring shutdown still have not gotten them back .
The share of unemployment due to voluntary quits dropped by 0.3 percentage points @ @ @ @ @ @ @ above the lows hit in the shutdown months , the worst figure in the Great Recession was 5.5 percent .
By contrast , 25.9 percent of the unemployed report being on temporary layoffs , a higher level than any pre-pandemic figure .
The job growth figures in the establishment survey were somewhat skewed by the loss of 93,000 jobs for Census workers .
However , state and local governments still shed 13,000 jobs , all due to a drop in employment in local government education of 20,700 .
On the other side , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ jobs in the courier and messenger sector .
This increase , together with a 36,800 job gain in warehousing and storage , accounted for just under half of the job growth reported for the month .
Construction and manufacturing both added 27,000 jobs in the month .
Employment in these sectors , which are usually hardest hit in a downturn , is now down 3.7 percent and 4.7 percent , respectively , from their pre-pandemic level .
Coal mining lost 300 jobs , falling to 44,200 , the lowest level on record except @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 34,700 jobs , with most of the drop due to a loss of 20,800 jobs in general merchandise stores .
There was a jump of 32,200 jobs in the temp sector , following a gain of 123,000 in October .
Health care added 46,000 jobs , with more than half the gain coming from doctors and dentists ’ offices .
The arts and entertainment sector added 43,100 jobs , although we may see some reversal as the pandemic ’ s spread forces more closures .
The spread has already hit restaurants , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ average hourly wage increased at just a 1.8 percent annual rate over just the last three months , compared to a growth rate of more than 3.0 percent pre-pandemic .
With slower growth over this period , this now reflects actual wage growth rather than composition effects .
This is a very mixed report .
Job growth has slowed sharply by any measure , and with the pandemic spreading rapidly , it seems virtually certain that December will look much worse .
With the drop in the labor force participation rate and sharp @ @ @ @ @ @ @ getting into a situation where we are likely to see a lasting impact on workers .

The rebound slowed sharply in November, with the economy adding just 245,000 jobs. This would ordinarily be a very respectable gain, but with the economy still down almost 10 million jobs from the pre-pandemic level, it is not a pace that gets us back to full employment any time soon. If we need 100,000 jobs a month to keep pace with the growth of the labor market, it would take us more than five and half years to get back to full employment at this rate of job growth.
The unemployment rate fell 0.2 percentage points to 6.7 percent in November, however this was entirely due to people leaving the labor force, as employment dropped slightly. The employment-to-population ratio (EPOP) fell by 0.1 percentage points to 57.3 percent.
The decline was entirely among men, who had a drop in labor force participation rates of 0.4 percentage points. Employment rates for men have actually fallen somewhat more over the course of the downturn than for women, with the EPOP for prime age men down by 4.8 percentage points from their year-ago level, compared to a 3.9 percentage points drop among women.
The unemployment rate for Black workers fell by 0.5 percentage points to 10.3 percent, while the EPOP rose by 0.4 percentage points to 54.1 percent. The unemployment rate is 4.7 percentage points higher and the EPOP is 4.7 percentage points lower than the year-ago level. The unemployment rate for Asian Americans fell by 0.9 percentage points, but at 6.7 percent, it is still 0.8 percentage points above the rate for whites, reversing the normal pattern.
Voluntary part-time employment fell by 786,000 in November. It is now 13.5 percent below year-ago levels. This reflects in large part the sharp hit to restaurants and hotels, sectors that employ large numbers of part-time workers.
However, we are also seeing the length of the average workweek increase across sectors. For example, in retail trade the average workweek is 2.0 percent longer than it was a year ago; in education and health services it is 1.2 percent longer. This reverses the normal pattern in recessions as employers typically cut hours as a way to adjust to reduced labor demand rather than laying off workers. In 2009, the length of the average workweek was 1.5 percent shorter (0.5 hours) than it had been in 2007.
Consistent with this pattern of rising hours, we again saw a large increase in the number of long-term unemployed (more than 26 weeks) to 3,941,000, the highest level since November of 2013. This indicates that many of the people who lost their jobs during the spring shutdown still have not gotten them back.
The share of unemployment due to voluntary quits dropped by 0.3 percentage points to 6.7 percent, while this is above the lows hit in the shutdown months, the worst figure in the Great Recession was 5.5 percent. By contrast, 25.9 percent of the unemployed report being on temporary layoffs, a higher level than any pre-pandemic figure.
The job growth figures in the establishment survey were somewhat skewed by the loss of 93,000 jobs for Census workers. However, state and local governments still shed 13,000 jobs, all due to a drop in employment in local government education of 20,700.
On the other side, there was an extraordinary jump of 81,900 jobs in the courier and messenger sector. This increase, together with a 36,800 job gain in warehousing and storage, accounted for just under half of the job growth reported for the month.
Construction and manufacturing both added 27,000 jobs in the month. Employment in these sectors, which are usually hardest hit in a downturn, is now down 3.7 percent and 4.7 percent, respectively, from their pre-pandemic level. Coal mining lost 300 jobs, falling to 44,200, the lowest level on record except for the shutdown months.
Retail lost 34,700 jobs, with most of the drop due to a loss of 20,800 jobs in general merchandise stores. There was a jump of 32,200 jobs in the temp sector, following a gain of 123,000 in October. Health care added 46,000 jobs, with more than half the gain coming from doctors and dentists’ offices. The arts and entertainment sector added 43,100 jobs, although we may see some reversal as the pandemic’s spread forces more closures. The spread has already hit restaurants, which lost 17,400 jobs in November.
The average hourly wage increased at just a 1.8 percent annual rate over just the last three months, compared to a growth rate of more than 3.0 percent pre-pandemic. With slower growth over this period, this now reflects actual wage growth rather than composition effects.
This is a very mixed report. Job growth has slowed sharply by any measure, and with the pandemic spreading rapidly, it seems virtually certain that December will look much worse. With the drop in the labor force participation rate and sharp rise in long-term unemployment, we are getting into a situation where we are likely to see a lasting impact on workers.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-12-04--In Historic First, House Votes to Decriminalize Marijuana

In a historic vote , House Democrats passed legislation that would decriminalize marijuana on the federal level and begin to address the harms caused by drug policing in lower-income neighborhoods and communities of color .
The House voted 228-164 on Friday to pass the Marijuana Opportunity Reinvestment and Expungement ( MORE ) Act , which would remove cannabis from the federal list of illegal drugs , create a process for expunging “ non-violent ” federal marijuana convictions , and funnel tax revenue from legal cannabis sales to communities that are disproportionately targeted by police in the war on drugs .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ history that a chamber of Congress has voted to end federal cannabis prohibition .
The vote closely follows the passage of a state ballot initiative in Oregon that decriminalized possession of small amounts of all illegal drugs and created a system for funding addiction treatment with tax revenue from legal cannabis sales .
Experts have predicted that racial disparities in drug arrests will plummet in Oregon as a result .
However , racial disparities in cannabis arrests remain high nationwide and persist even in states that have decriminalized cannabis or legalized retail sales @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Union ( ACLU ) .
That ’ s one reason why marijuana justice activists say drug legalization and decriminalization initiatives must include strong racial justice provisions .
While last-minute changes weakened some of the MORE Act ’ s racial justice language by excluding people with certain marijuana trafficking convictions from expungement and job opportunities , supporters say the bill provides an early model for the nation .
“ With this vote , Congress is recognizing the disproportionate impact enforcement has had on our communities and calling for the unjust status quo to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the national affairs director at the Drug Policy Alliance , a group that helped introduce the MORE Act in Congress .
The MORE Act is expected to face opposition in the Republican-controlled Senate , where it ’ s unlikely to pass before the end of the year .
However , Sen. Kamala Harris introduced companion legislation in the Senate that is backed by other leading Democrats , including former presidential candidates Sen. Elizabeth Warren and Sen. Cory Booker .
Harris is now vice president-elect and could use her powerful position within the incoming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the next Congress and help end federal marijuana prohibition once and for all .
Democrats already postponed a vote on the bill in October after Republicans attacked them for taking up cannabis decriminalization during heated pandemic relief negotiations ahead of the election .
Several GOP lawmakers were at it again this week , claiming that Democrats are prioritizing weed while year-end deadlines loom for passing government spending bills and a second COVID-19 relief package .
House Democrats already passed a second COVID-19 relief bill months ago , though the Republican-controlled Senate refused @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Act would effectively decriminalize marijuana flower and cannabis products such as edibles at the federal level , eliminating the conflict between the federal law and a number of states that have legalized cannabis for medical and recreational use .
States would be left to decide how to regulate marijuana within their borders .
In order to end prohibition nationally , laws would need to be passed in the 14 states where cannabis remains illegal for both medical and recreational use .
Drug prohibition has undergirded some of the massive racial disparities in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black people are up to 3.6 times more likely to be arrested for marijuana possession than whites , despite using marijuana at similar rates , according to the ACLU .
Congress has considered a number of marijuana reform bills in recent years as legalization continues to sweep the country , but activists say the MORE Act ’ s racial and reparative justice components make it the most progressive path toward ending prohibition .
For example , the MORE Act would prohibit federal agencies from denying public benefits to people with marijuana convictions , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from being deported .
The MORE Act would also place a 5 percent tax on retail marijuana sales where they are legal and funnel the revenue toward jobs programs and community services in areas of the country hard-hit by policing and mass incarceration .
The legislation also has measures aimed at helping entrepreneurs of color enter the legal cannabis industry , which is dominated by white people .
“ Make no mistake , this is a major racial justice bill , ” said Rep. Barbara Lee ( D-California ) , one of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legislation with racial justice provisions , on the House floor .
With 68 percent of Americans opposed to marijuana prohibition , and with legalization spreading on the state level , Congress is under mounting pressure to reconcile state and federal cannabis regulation .
While some Republicans support allowing states to set their own cannabis laws , conservative lawmakers oppose the MORE Act ’ s new taxes and racial justice provisions .
Only five Republicans voted for the MORE Act in the House .
Runoffs for Georgia ’ s two Senate seats this weekend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the next Congress — allowing Harris to cast tie-breaking votes .
This story has been updated .

In a historic vote, House Democrats passed legislation that would decriminalize marijuana on the federal level and begin to address the harms caused by drug policing in lower-income neighborhoods and communities of color.
The House voted 228-164 on Friday to pass the Marijuana Opportunity Reinvestment and Expungement (MORE) Act, which would remove cannabis from the federal list of illegal drugs, create a process for expunging “non-violent” federal marijuana convictions, and funnel tax revenue from legal cannabis sales to communities that are disproportionately targeted by police in the war on drugs. It’s the first time in history that a chamber of Congress has voted to end federal cannabis prohibition.
The vote closely follows the passage of a state ballot initiative in Oregon that decriminalized possession of small amounts of all illegal drugs and created a system for funding addiction treatment with tax revenue from legal cannabis sales. Experts have predicted that racial disparities in drug arrests will plummet in Oregon as a result.
However, racial disparities in cannabis arrests remain high nationwide and persist even in states that have decriminalized cannabis or legalized retail sales, according to the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). That’s one reason why marijuana justice activists say drug legalization and decriminalization initiatives must include strong racial justice provisions. While last-minute changes weakened some of the MORE Act’s racial justice language by excluding people with certain marijuana trafficking convictions from expungement and job opportunities, supporters say the bill provides an early model for the nation.
“With this vote, Congress is recognizing the disproportionate impact enforcement has had on our communities and calling for the unjust status quo to be disrupted,” said Maritza Perez, the national affairs director at the Drug Policy Alliance, a group that helped introduce the MORE Act in Congress.
The MORE Act is expected to face opposition in the Republican-controlled Senate, where it’s unlikely to pass before the end of the year. However, Sen. Kamala Harris introduced companion legislation in the Senate that is backed by other leading Democrats, including former presidential candidates Sen. Elizabeth Warren and Sen. Cory Booker. Harris is now vice president-elect and could use her powerful position within the incoming Biden administration to champion the MORE Act in the next Congress and help end federal marijuana prohibition once and for all.
Democrats already postponed a vote on the bill in October after Republicans attacked them for taking up cannabis decriminalization during heated pandemic relief negotiations ahead of the election. Several GOP lawmakers were at it again this week, claiming that Democrats are prioritizing weed while year-end deadlines loom for passing government spending bills and a second COVID-19 relief package. House Democrats already passed a second COVID-19 relief bill months ago, though the Republican-controlled Senate refused to take it up.
The MORE Act would effectively decriminalize marijuana flower and cannabis products such as edibles at the federal level, eliminating the conflict between the federal law and a number of states that have legalized cannabis for medical and recreational use. States would be left to decide how to regulate marijuana within their borders. In order to end prohibition nationally, laws would need to be passed in the 14 states where cannabis remains illegal for both medical and recreational use.
Drug prohibition has undergirded some of the massive racial disparities in the criminal legal system for decades, and Black people are up to 3.6 times more likely to be arrested for marijuana possession than whites, despite using marijuana at similar rates, according to the ACLU. Congress has considered a number of marijuana reform bills in recent years as legalization continues to sweep the country, but activists say the MORE Act’s racial and reparative justice components make it the most progressive path toward ending prohibition.
For example, the MORE Act would prohibit federal agencies from denying public benefits to people with marijuana convictions, and help prevent immigrants who use marijuana from being deported. The MORE Act would also place a 5 percent tax on retail marijuana sales where they are legal and funnel the revenue toward jobs programs and community services in areas of the country hard-hit by policing and mass incarceration. The legislation also has measures aimed at helping entrepreneurs of color enter the legal cannabis industry, which is dominated by white people.
“Make no mistake, this is a major racial justice bill,” said Rep. Barbara Lee (D-California), one of the first members of Congress to push cannabis legislation with racial justice provisions, on the House floor.
With 68 percent of Americans opposed to marijuana prohibition, and with legalization spreading on the state level, Congress is under mounting pressure to reconcile state and federal cannabis regulation. While some Republicans support allowing states to set their own cannabis laws, conservative lawmakers oppose the MORE Act’s new taxes and racial justice provisions. Only five Republicans voted for the MORE Act in the House.
Runoffs for Georgia’s two Senate seats next month give Democrats a chance at 50 seats in the next Congress — allowing Harris to cast tie-breaking votes.
This story has been updated.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-12-04--Centuries of Inequality in the US Laid the Groundwork for COVID-19 Devastation

As the United States sets new records for COVID-19 deaths and hospitalizations , we speak with one of the world ’ s leading experts on infectious diseases , Dr. Paul Farmer , who says the devastating death toll in the U.S. reflects decades of underinvestment in public health and centuries of social inequality .
“ All the social pathologies of our nation come to the fore during epidemics , ” says Dr. Farmer , a professor of medicine at Harvard University , chair of global health and social medicine at Harvard Medical School , and co-founder and chief strategist of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rush transcript .
Copy may not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : This is Democracy Now !
, democracynow.org , The Quarantine Report .
I ’ m Amy Goodman .
We turn right now to a remarkable book .
It ’ s called Fevers , Feuds , and Diamonds .
The United States has set yet another world record for daily coronavirus cases and hospitalizations with over 216,000 infections confirmed Thursday and more than 2,800 deaths .
Nearly 101,000 people are hospitalized with COVID-19 across the United States .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sweeping remain-at-home orders .
The Navajo Nation has requested a major disaster declaration from the federal government , facing medical supply shortages and surging case numbers .
Here in New York City , the positive test rate is the highest it ’ s been since May , with officials warning of a second wave .
On Thursday , President-elect Joe Biden told CNN he would ask Americans to wear masks for his first 100 days in office .
AMY GOODMAN : President-elect Biden also announced Dr. Anthony Fauci , the director of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , will play a key role in his administration ’ s response to coronavirus .
This comes as the race towards vaccination continues .
Earlier this week , the United Kingdom became the first country to approve the use of the Pfizer-BioNTech coronavirus vaccine .
Authorities said the first 800,000 doses will become available across the U.K. starting next week .
As the U.S. also prepares to begin issuing vaccinations , starting with healthcare workers and nursing homes , concerns are growing about equitable distribution of the vaccine , especially to the Global @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the COVID-19 crisis , we go to Miami , Florida , where we ’ re joined by the world-renowned infectious diseases doctor and medical anthropologist , Paul Farmer .
He ’ s chair of global health and social medicine at Harvard Medical School and co-founder of Partners in Health , an international nonprofit organization that provides direct healthcare services to those who are sick and living in poverty .
Dr. Farmer co-founded the group in 1987 to deliver healthcare to people in Haiti .
In 2014 , he traveled to West Africa to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ 16 , Ebola killed more than 11,000 people , most in Sierra Leone , Guinea and Liberia .
In his new book , just published , about the Ebola epidemic , Farmer looks not only at the modern-day crisis , but at the decades of colonialism and extraction that fueled it .
The book is titled Fevers , Feuds , and Diamonds : Ebola and the Ravages of History .
Dr. Paul Farmer , welcome back to Democracy Now !
It ’ s great to have you with us .
DR. PAUL @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s great to be back .
AMY GOODMAN : Well , this is a true magnum opus .
It is an epic work .
And before we go deeply into what we can learn from based on how Ebola was dealt with , I wanted actually to go to the epilogue of your book , which is what we are living in today , in this country and around the world , this unprecedented pandemic .
And as we speak today , Paul , all records have been shattered — not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but right here in the wealthiest country in the world .
Over 2,800 people have died .
We have less than 5 % of the world ’ s population but nearly 20 % of the world ’ s infections and deaths .
How is this possible ?
DR. PAUL FARMER : Well , I mean , we are facing the consequences of decades and decades of underinvestment in public health and of centuries of misallocation of funds away from those who need that help most .
And , you know , all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the fore during epidemics .
And during a pandemic like this one , we ’ re going to be showing the rest of the world , warts and all , how — we have shown the rest of the world how badly we can do .
And now we have to rally , use new tools that are coming online , but address some of the older pathologies of our care delivery system and of our country .
I think that ’ s where we are right now .
AMY GOODMAN : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ saying , “ ’ The only means of fighting a plague , ’ observes Dr. Rieux , the protagonist of Albert Camus ’ s novel , set in a fictional Algerian city , is ‘ common decency.
’ ” And I thought about that in relation to national policy .
You have President-elect Joe Biden and Vice President-elect Kamala Harris yesterday talking about what they will do .
Now , he has long known Dr. Fauci , who will play a key role .
Vivek Murthy was just being named the surgeon general @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the first 100 days , they will ask the entire U.S. population to wear masks .
And yet this flies directly counter to what President Trump is doing right now , who will hold scores of holiday parties inside the White House .
The secretary of state , Mike Pompeo , has invited nearly a thousand people to the State Department for holiday parties .
Of course , this is inside .
It ’ s winter .
We are not just talking about what the future will look like .
President Trump is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
When you have nearly 3,000 people dying a day , we ’ re talking about tens of thousands of more needless deaths .
What needs to happen right now in the United States ?
DR. PAUL FARMER : Well , first of all , you know , I think that it ’ s a great tragedy that such matters as masking or social distancing or even shutting down parts of the economy , that contribute to risk but are — it ’ s just a shame that that ’ s been politicized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actions .
They are public health strategies .
Right now they ’ re all we ’ ve got .
But even when the vaccine is online or begins to come online , we have no history of seeing a vaccine taken up so rapidly that it would alter the fundamental dynamics of a respiratory illness like this .
So , we ’ re facing , as President-elect Biden said , a long , dark winter .
And if we can make a difference that could spare tens of thousands and perhaps more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that .
And whether or not these are called mask mandates or pleading from the president , we need state and local authorities to come together and underline the nonpartisan and life-saving nature of some of these basic protective measures .
We need to invest very heavily in making sure the vaccine goes to those who need it most and those who have been shut out of previous developments like this or shut out for too long .
So we have a lot of work ahead of us this winter , but no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rely on individual families and communities to take up some of these measures rapidly to make sure that the dark winter does not lead to a blighted spring .
AMY GOODMAN : Dr. Farmer , can you comment quickly on these vaccines , for people to understand , the first what ’ s called mRNA , messenger RNA , vaccines , what they actually do in the human body ?
Do they make you immune , or you can get sick and be a carrier , but you , yourself — I mean @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a carrier , but you , yourself , will not get very sick ?
Explain the choice of who gets the vaccine , also the fact that this has not been studied in children , people under 14 , and so what this means for kids .
DR. PAUL FARMER : Well , in general terms , let me just say that in the 30-plus years I ’ ve been involved in this work , I ’ ve never seen such a rapid development of a novel preventive for a novel vaccine .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ celebrate in terms of the global effort to come together to develop new vaccines .
Again in general terms , the idea is that instead of having a natural infection — in this case , breathing in the novel coronavirus and getting sick , which leads to the outcomes that we know : death or recovery with sequelae — it also leads probably to immunity .
That ’ s what it ’ s like with other viral infections in humans , or almost all of them .
So , what the vaccine does @ @ @ @ @ @ @ body into believing that it ’ s being invaded by the virus — in this case , it ’ s focused on a particular protein on the outer surface of the virus — and generate that immune response , which is often robust and enduring , at least with other viruses .
Now , in the case of any novel pathogen , we don ’ t know for sure how long that immunity lasts , right ?
I mean , how could you ?
It hasn ’ t been studied for long .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ can take some lessons from those .
And in the case of this new vaccine or this new type of vaccines , the mRNA vaccine , we ’ re also dealing with that unknown .
This is a new kind of vaccination .
This is a new approach .
It ’ s very exciting , in part because it seems to confer that immunity without significant adverse effects .
So , I think , again , on the side of development of a novel technology , these vaccines , whether mRNA vaccines or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
And maybe they will influence a new generation of vaccines for other pathogens , particularly viral pathogens , which tend to be the worst ones among humans .
So , that ’ s where we are with the development of new technology .
Unfortunately , as I said and as you ’ ve underlined many times , Amy , the old pathologies of our society make it unlikely that the rollout will be smooth and evenly taken up across various communities , some of them with well-founded fears and mistrust of any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we ’ re in a bit of a pickle .
I ’ m optimistic about what will happen in this country , but as you pointed out in opening up the hour , a lot of us are concerned with what ’ s going to happen in the Global South and among those who might as well be considered living in the Global South in wealthy and egalitarian countries like the United States and parts of Europe .
So , it ’ s going to be a rocky winter , with some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there are more highs than lows .
I hope there ’ s more reason for celebration than for grief .
But I think it ’ s going to be a very , very difficult winter .
AMY GOODMAN : On Thursday , the United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres criticized countries that rejected COVID-19 facts and the World Health Organization ’ s recommendations .
AMY GOODMAN : So , that ’ s the U.N. secretary-general .
I mean , it ’ s very interesting that the United States , the most horrific record in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then Trump ’ s allies in the world — Brazil , Jair Bolsonaro ; you have Narendra Modi in India ; you have Boris Johnson , who was in intensive care himself and then switched his kind of herd immunity approach , one that President Trump is taking in this country , not through vaccines , but through , essentially , just leaving the population and letting COVID-19 rip through our country .
You have the science-denying leaders , a number of them authoritarian , and the effects in those countries , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States buying up the vaccines in the world .
If you , Dr. Farmer , can talk about Trump pulling out of the World Health Organization and also what that means when the wealthiest countries then buy up the available vaccines ?
DR. PAUL FARMER : Well , first of all , wealthy countries buying up the available vaccines is nothing new .
And that ’ s why there have been a number of efforts to make sure that doesn ’ t happen with these new crop of vaccines to prevent COVID-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be among the tasks that I mentioned for the coming months .
And again , it will happen within countries in addition to between countries .
Another thing that I would say as a sort of pushback is that vaccines do not require cognitive change to be effective , right ?
So , whether you attribute COVID or polio or measles to , let ’ s say , even sorcery , or whether — sorry that sounds like a stretch , Amy , but it ’ s something I ’ ve heard again @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in you , it seems to work the same within those who understand the nature of the disease and its origins and those who don ’ t .
And that basic point , I think , is important , because we do have to address vaccine hesitancy , but we don ’ t have to convince people that , for example , this is an RNA virus that comes in through the respiratory route and that you can develop immunity .
Those are parallel activities , if you ask me , to an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an equity platform , a global equity platform , for distributing the virus — sorry , distributing the vaccine .
And then , back to the point that you made , which is about science deniers who are in leadership positions , that makes not only vaccine distribution difficult .
It makes research difficult .
It makes common and shared understandings of how diseases work difficult .
So it ’ s something that we should deplore and try to get rid of in our public discourse .
But we still have to proceed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that it will not engender a lot of culture and cognitive changes in the short term .
And that ’ s something , you know , I saw , Amy , in West Africa during the Ebola crisis , where very often — as you read in that book , very often people did attribute their illness or their family member ’ s illness to events and processes that had nothing to do with an infectious pathogen .
I ’ ve seen that all over the world .
But when there were rules @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , around how burials were to be conducted , when those rules were applied and when there was better care provided for those afflicted , that ’ s when we started to see some decline in the incidence of Ebola in West Africa .
And I just want to underline that we don ’ t have to make everybody who gets this vaccine an expert in virology or vaccinology .
We need to get them protected .
AMY GOODMAN : And just before we go to this remarkable book about dealing with Ebola @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to ask you about property rights , about patents and about countries like South Africa and India pushing for a temporary suspension of intellectual property rights and patents so that COVID-19 vaccines and medications become more accessible , particularly in the Global South .
DR. PAUL FARMER : Well , I ’ d just like to say something we ’ ve had a chance to discuss before in previous years .
You know , when you look at what happened around HIV , which by 1995 , ’ 96 , those of us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this would be a life-saving suppressive therapy — like as with diabetes requiring insulin , you ’ d have to keep taking it , but this would save millions of lives , and maybe even more , and prevent transmission of mother to child — the same debates about intellectual property of course came up then .
The average wholesale price for a three-drug regimen in the years immediately after the discovery of these new agents was $ 15,000 , sometimes $ 20,000 , per person per year .
So , if you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , as I had and do , you would imagine , if you couldn ’ t have an imagination beyond conventional property rights discussion , that the majority of the world would be shut out of access to this therapy .
And , of course , that made the most difference , on a continent level , in Africa , where the majority of people living with HIV and dying with HIV were at the time .
And what happened later was the production of generic versions of these drugs , often in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — right ?
— so that a much lower cost could be tied to the same agents .
And when I say “ much lower , ” I mean a reduction , really even within those early years , from $ 15,000 to $ 20,000 , to about $ 300 per person per year .
And with groups like the Clinton Foundation getting involved , those prices dropped even further .
And right now you can get a really good three-drug regimen , even with some pediatric formulations for children , for about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ So , you could say that took a long time , but it didn ’ t take a long time in terms of the impact that it could have .
Millions and millions of lives , maybe even 16 to 20 million lives , are being saved by these drugs .
But in some places , like Rwanda , where I ’ ve spent 10 years , you saw the virtual eradication of AIDS among children , because if mom is on therapy , the transmission to babies in utero , or through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And this is not a hypothetical development .
This has already happened in Rwanda , which is a very poor country with a very robust public health and care delivery system .
AMY GOODMAN : We ’ re going to go to break , and when we come back , we ’ re going to talk about Fevers , Feuds , and Diamonds : Ebola and the Ravages of History .
Our guest for the hour , Dr. Paul Farmer .
Stay with us .
AMY GOODMAN : “ Lying on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just died in October .

As the United States sets new records for COVID-19 deaths and hospitalizations, we speak with one of the world’s leading experts on infectious diseases, Dr. Paul Farmer, who says the devastating death toll in the U.S. reflects decades of underinvestment in public health and centuries of social inequality. “All the social pathologies of our nation come to the fore during epidemics,” says Dr. Farmer, a professor of medicine at Harvard University, chair of global health and social medicine at Harvard Medical School, and co-founder and chief strategist of Partners in Health.
TRANSCRIPT
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The Quarantine Report. I’m Amy Goodman.
We turn right now to a remarkable book. It’s called Fevers, Feuds, and Diamonds. The United States has set yet another world record for daily coronavirus cases and hospitalizations with over 216,000 infections confirmed Thursday and more than 2,800 deaths. Nearly 101,000 people are hospitalized with COVID-19 across the United States. In California, Governor Gavin Newsom has issued sweeping remain-at-home orders. The Navajo Nation has requested a major disaster declaration from the federal government, facing medical supply shortages and surging case numbers. Here in New York City, the positive test rate is the highest it’s been since May, with officials warning of a second wave.
On Thursday, President-elect Joe Biden told CNN he would ask Americans to wear masks for his first 100 days in office.
PRESIDENT–ELECT JOE BIDEN: My first day I’m inaugurated to say I’m going to ask the public for 100 days to mask. Just 100 days to mask, not forever. One hundred days. And I think we’ll see a significant reduction if we occur that — if that occurs, with vaccinations and masking, to drive down the numbers considerably.
AMY GOODMAN: President-elect Biden also announced Dr. Anthony Fauci, the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, will play a key role in his administration’s response to coronavirus.
This comes as the race towards vaccination continues. Earlier this week, the United Kingdom became the first country to approve the use of the Pfizer-BioNTech coronavirus vaccine. Authorities said the first 800,000 doses will become available across the U.K. starting next week. As the U.S. also prepares to begin issuing vaccinations, starting with healthcare workers and nursing homes, concerns are growing about equitable distribution of the vaccine, especially to the Global South.
Well, for more on the COVID-19 crisis, we go to Miami, Florida, where we’re joined by the world-renowned infectious diseases doctor and medical anthropologist, Paul Farmer. He’s chair of global health and social medicine at Harvard Medical School and co-founder of Partners in Health, an international nonprofit organization that provides direct healthcare services to those who are sick and living in poverty. Dr. Farmer co-founded the group in 1987 to deliver healthcare to people in Haiti. In 2014, he traveled to West Africa to treat Ebola patients. Between 2014 and ’16, Ebola killed more than 11,000 people, most in Sierra Leone, Guinea and Liberia. In his new book, just published, about the Ebola epidemic, Farmer looks not only at the modern-day crisis, but at the decades of colonialism and extraction that fueled it. The book is titled Fevers, Feuds, and Diamonds: Ebola and the Ravages of History.
Dr. Paul Farmer, welcome back to Democracy Now! It’s great to have you with us.
DR. PAUL FARMER: Thank you, Amy. It’s great to be back.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, this is a true magnum opus. It is an epic work. And before we go deeply into what we can learn from based on how Ebola was dealt with, I wanted actually to go to the epilogue of your book, which is what we are living in today, in this country and around the world, this unprecedented pandemic. And as we speak today, Paul, all records have been shattered — not in the poorest countries in the world, but right here in the wealthiest country in the world. Over 2,800 people have died. We have less than 5% of the world’s population but nearly 20% of the world’s infections and deaths. How is this possible?
DR. PAUL FARMER: Well, I mean, we are facing the consequences of decades and decades of underinvestment in public health and of centuries of misallocation of funds away from those who need that help most. And, you know, all the social pathologies of our nation come to the fore during epidemics. And during a pandemic like this one, we’re going to be showing the rest of the world, warts and all, how — we have shown the rest of the world how badly we can do. And now we have to rally, use new tools that are coming online, but address some of the older pathologies of our care delivery system and of our country. I think that’s where we are right now.
AMY GOODMAN: In your epilogue, you begin by saying, “’The only means of fighting a plague,’ observes Dr. Rieux, the protagonist of Albert Camus’s novel, set in a fictional Algerian city, is ‘common decency.’” And I thought about that in relation to national policy. You have President-elect Joe Biden and Vice President-elect Kamala Harris yesterday talking about what they will do. Now, he has long known Dr. Fauci, who will play a key role. Vivek Murthy was just being named the surgeon general. He’s saying that for the first 100 days, they will ask the entire U.S. population to wear masks. And yet this flies directly counter to what President Trump is doing right now, who will hold scores of holiday parties inside the White House. The secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, has invited nearly a thousand people to the State Department for holiday parties. Of course, this is inside. It’s winter. We are not just talking about what the future will look like. President Trump is in office for another almost two months. When you have nearly 3,000 people dying a day, we’re talking about tens of thousands of more needless deaths. What needs to happen right now in the United States?
DR. PAUL FARMER: Well, first of all, you know, I think that it’s a great tragedy that such matters as masking or social distancing or even shutting down parts of the economy, that contribute to risk but are — it’s just a shame that that’s been politicized. These are not political or partisan actions. They are public health strategies. Right now they’re all we’ve got.
But even when the vaccine is online or begins to come online, we have no history of seeing a vaccine taken up so rapidly that it would alter the fundamental dynamics of a respiratory illness like this. So, we’re facing, as President-elect Biden said, a long, dark winter. And if we can make a difference that could spare tens of thousands and perhaps more than 150,000 lives, then we should do that.
And whether or not these are called mask mandates or pleading from the president, we need state and local authorities to come together and underline the nonpartisan and life-saving nature of some of these basic protective measures. We need to invest very heavily in making sure the vaccine goes to those who need it most and those who have been shut out of previous developments like this or shut out for too long.
So we have a lot of work ahead of us this winter, but no small amount of it is going to rely on individual families and communities to take up some of these measures rapidly to make sure that the dark winter does not lead to a blighted spring.
AMY GOODMAN: Dr. Farmer, can you comment quickly on these vaccines, for people to understand, the first what’s called mRNA, messenger RNA, vaccines, what they actually do in the human body? Do they make you immune, or you can get sick and be a carrier, but you, yourself — I mean, you can be infected and be a carrier, but you, yourself, will not get very sick? Explain the choice of who gets the vaccine, also the fact that this has not been studied in children, people under 14, and so what this means for kids.
DR. PAUL FARMER: Well, in general terms, let me just say that in the 30-plus years I’ve been involved in this work, I’ve never seen such a rapid development of a novel preventive for a novel vaccine. So there’s a lot to celebrate in terms of the global effort to come together to develop new vaccines.
Again in general terms, the idea is that instead of having a natural infection — in this case, breathing in the novel coronavirus and getting sick, which leads to the outcomes that we know: death or recovery with sequelae — it also leads probably to immunity. That’s what it’s like with other viral infections in humans, or almost all of them. So, what the vaccine does is introduce something that will trick the body into believing that it’s being invaded by the virus — in this case, it’s focused on a particular protein on the outer surface of the virus — and generate that immune response, which is often robust and enduring, at least with other viruses. Now, in the case of any novel pathogen, we don’t know for sure how long that immunity lasts, right? I mean, how could you? It hasn’t been studied for long. But we know about other viruses and can take some lessons from those.
And in the case of this new vaccine or this new type of vaccines, the mRNA vaccine, we’re also dealing with that unknown. This is a new kind of vaccination. This is a new approach. It’s very exciting, in part because it seems to confer that immunity without significant adverse effects. So, I think, again, on the side of development of a novel technology, these vaccines, whether mRNA vaccines or others, are great news, right? And maybe they will influence a new generation of vaccines for other pathogens, particularly viral pathogens, which tend to be the worst ones among humans. So, that’s where we are with the development of new technology.
Unfortunately, as I said and as you’ve underlined many times, Amy, the old pathologies of our society make it unlikely that the rollout will be smooth and evenly taken up across various communities, some of them with well-founded fears and mistrust of any kind of public health campaign. So, we’re in a bit of a pickle. I’m optimistic about what will happen in this country, but as you pointed out in opening up the hour, a lot of us are concerned with what’s going to happen in the Global South and among those who might as well be considered living in the Global South in wealthy and egalitarian countries like the United States and parts of Europe.
So, it’s going to be a rocky winter, with some highs and lows. And I hope there are more highs than lows. I hope there’s more reason for celebration than for grief. But I think it’s going to be a very, very difficult winter.
AMY GOODMAN: On Thursday, the United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres criticized countries that rejected COVID-19 facts and the World Health Organization’s recommendations.
SECRETARY–GENERAL ANTÓNIO GUTERRES: From the start, the World Health Organization provided factual information and scientific guidance that should have been the basis for a coordinated global response. Unfortunately, many of these recommendations were not followed. And in some situations, there was a rejection of facts and an ignorance of the guidance. And when countries go in their own direction, the virus goes in every direction. The social and economic impact of the pandemic is enormous and growing.
AMY GOODMAN: So, that’s the U.N. secretary-general. I mean, it’s very interesting that the United States, the most horrific record in the world now on COVID-19, and then Trump’s allies in the world — Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro; you have Narendra Modi in India; you have Boris Johnson, who was in intensive care himself and then switched his kind of herd immunity approach, one that President Trump is taking in this country, not through vaccines, but through, essentially, just leaving the population and letting COVID-19 rip through our country. You have the science-denying leaders, a number of them authoritarian, and the effects in those countries, and also, though, places like the United States buying up the vaccines in the world. If you, Dr. Farmer, can talk about Trump pulling out of the World Health Organization and also what that means when the wealthiest countries then buy up the available vaccines?
DR. PAUL FARMER: Well, first of all, wealthy countries buying up the available vaccines is nothing new. And that’s why there have been a number of efforts to make sure that doesn’t happen with these new crop of vaccines to prevent COVID-19. And that’s going to be among the tasks that I mentioned for the coming months. And again, it will happen within countries in addition to between countries.
Another thing that I would say as a sort of pushback is that vaccines do not require cognitive change to be effective, right? So, whether you attribute COVID or polio or measles to, let’s say, even sorcery, or whether — sorry that sounds like a stretch, Amy, but it’s something I’ve heard again and again — once the vaccine is in you, it seems to work the same within those who understand the nature of the disease and its origins and those who don’t. And that basic point, I think, is important, because we do have to address vaccine hesitancy, but we don’t have to convince people that, for example, this is an RNA virus that comes in through the respiratory route and that you can develop immunity. Those are parallel activities, if you ask me, to an effort to make sure that we have an equity platform, a global equity platform, for distributing the virus — sorry, distributing the vaccine.
And then, back to the point that you made, which is about science deniers who are in leadership positions, that makes not only vaccine distribution difficult. It makes research difficult. It makes common and shared understandings of how diseases work difficult. So it’s something that we should deplore and try to get rid of in our public discourse. But we still have to proceed with the vaccine distribution, and knowing that it will not engender a lot of culture and cognitive changes in the short term.
And that’s something, you know, I saw, Amy, in West Africa during the Ebola crisis, where very often — as you read in that book, very often people did attribute their illness or their family member’s illness to events and processes that had nothing to do with an infectious pathogen. I’ve seen that all over the world. But when there were rules applied around social distancing, around PPE, around how burials were to be conducted, when those rules were applied and when there was better care provided for those afflicted, that’s when we started to see some decline in the incidence of Ebola in West Africa.
And I just want to underline that we don’t have to make everybody who gets this vaccine an expert in virology or vaccinology. We need to get them protected.
AMY GOODMAN: And just before we go to this remarkable book about dealing with Ebola and what it meant, I wanted to ask you about property rights, about patents and about countries like South Africa and India pushing for a temporary suspension of intellectual property rights and patents so that COVID-19 vaccines and medications become more accessible, particularly in the Global South.
DR. PAUL FARMER: Well, I’d just like to say something we’ve had a chance to discuss before in previous years. You know, when you look at what happened around HIV, which by 1995, ’96, those of us in the infectious disease world understood that this would be a life-saving suppressive therapy — like as with diabetes requiring insulin, you’d have to keep taking it, but this would save millions of lives, and maybe even more, and prevent transmission of mother to child — the same debates about intellectual property of course came up then.
The average wholesale price for a three-drug regimen in the years immediately after the discovery of these new agents was $15,000, sometimes $20,000, per person per year. So, if you split your time between Harvard and Haiti, as I had and do, you would imagine, if you couldn’t have an imagination beyond conventional property rights discussion, that the majority of the world would be shut out of access to this therapy. And, of course, that made the most difference, on a continent level, in Africa, where the majority of people living with HIV and dying with HIV were at the time.
And what happened later was the production of generic versions of these drugs, often in India or China or even South Africa — right? — so that a much lower cost could be tied to the same agents. And when I say “much lower,” I mean a reduction, really even within those early years, from $15,000 to $20,000, to about $300 per person per year. And with groups like the Clinton Foundation getting involved, those prices dropped even further. And right now you can get a really good three-drug regimen, even with some pediatric formulations for children, for about $60 per patient per year.
So, you could say that took a long time, but it didn’t take a long time in terms of the impact that it could have. Millions and millions of lives, maybe even 16 to 20 million lives, are being saved by these drugs. But in some places, like Rwanda, where I’ve spent 10 years, you saw the virtual eradication of AIDS among children, because if mom is on therapy, the transmission to babies in utero, or through breastfeeding probably, really does not occur. And this is not a hypothetical development. This has already happened in Rwanda, which is a very poor country with a very robust public health and care delivery system.
AMY GOODMAN: We’re going to go to break, and when we come back, we’re going to talk about Fevers, Feuds, and Diamonds: Ebola and the Ravages of History. Our guest for the hour, Dr. Paul Farmer. Stay with us.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: “Lying on the Truth” by Rance Allen. He just died in October.
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