truthout--2020-08-14--Are Outdoor Classrooms a Solution to the Disaster of School Reopenings?

With some districts already in the trenches of the back-to-school season — opening only to quickly close again to contain outbursts of COVID-19 — education officials across the United States continue to offer three major options for the fall semester : in-person instruction in brick-and-mortar classrooms , remote learning , and a hybrid model .
But these plans leave educators , parents and students alike stuck between a semester that is unsafe or one that results in unequal access to instruction .
Meanwhile , teachers — who took to the streets across the country on August 3 — overwhelmingly do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have put forth in response to pressure from the White House to reopen schools .
And some educators say there ’ s a fourth option officials are sidelining : supplementing remote learning with outdoor education .
They say this model could mitigate educational disparities both short and long term , and provide an opportunity for the reimagining of schools and city streets .
Much like the uneven impact of summer break on learning loss across race and socioeconomic status , the COVID-19 crisis has furthered educational disparities in education .
And learning disparities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year , fueled in part by the ongoing digital divide .
This dynamic will only be heightened as private primary schools like the Khan Lab School and private universities like Tulane University ensure access to in-person instruction by capitalizing on new outdoor spaces .
The high-resource solutions are striking : A private school in Hamden , Connecticut , recently bought a castle to keep kids safe and physically distant while in class , and families across New York City are forming pods and pooling money to hire credentialed teachers for $ 30 to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instruction and supervise outdoor play , snack and lunchtime .
“ They ’ re going to do outdoor learning whether the Department of Education says they should or not , ” New York City public school science teacher Liat Olenick tells Truthout .
Meanwhile , the New York City Department of Education ( DOE ) has failed to consider outdoor learning options , let alone recess , in its reopening plans .
“ The question , ” Olenick says , “ is whether or not [ outdoor learning ] is going to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get to do , or is it going to be something that lots of kids have access to ?
” Olenick points to the Forest School Movement around the world , an educational model that operates fully outdoors and focuses on experiential and relational learning .
While she acknowledges that pivoting to an outdoor learning model may be out of reach for full school systems , Olenick envisions a scenario in which students in grades 4 to 12 stick with remote learning 90 percent of the time , but meet up outside weekly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to check in with friends .
Early childhood education , on the other hand , might turn to a half-day schedule that is entirely outside except for on days with serious inclement weather .
Schools would need to channel funding into measures like providing outdoor hand washing and bathroom access , as well as setting up tents and purchasing outdoor attire , Olenick says .
Harvard epidemiologist William Hanage recently told WGBH that a hybrid model was among the worst options because of the increased number of contacts between school and possible additional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a press call that the outdoor model for younger children was “ intriguing , ” especially given that in working toward providing children with the best possible learning experiences , “ we need to think about age groups differently.
” Hanage pointed to evidence that reopening schools for the youngest age groups in countries like Finland has been possible with minimal evidence of transmission .
Dean of the Yale School of Public Health , Sten Vermund , tells Truthout that there are many parts of the U.S. where outdoor learning could work for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in combination with vigorous mask use , hand washing , physical distancing and educating students to take on mask-wearing with pride and social responsibility .
Whereas indoor meetings provide the conditions for precipitous spreading of COVID-19 and other respiratory viruses like tuberculosis , respiratory syncytial virus and measles , there is “ a tremendous dilutional effect outdoors , ” he says .
While Vermund calls it a “ fool ’ s errand ” to open in-person school at all in areas with a raging transmission dynamic , he thinks outdoor instruction in districts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ percent is a promising option .
At the state level , positivity rates are far from meeting that threshold .
Vermont and Maine are the closest , at 0.4 percent and 0.8 percent , respectively .
So the outdoor framework might serve as a kind of medium-term goal for education officials to work toward as communities lower infection rates , much like New Haven has done in recent weeks , Vermund points out .
As The New York Times has reported , outdoor classrooms were a staple during the tuberculosis epidemic in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ England winters , in places like Providence and New York City .
More recently , educators have begun teaching outside , from Denmark to Kashmir .
In addition to Olenick and her colleagues in New York City , over 3,000 people have signed a petition organized by education nonprofit EmpowerEd DC , urging Washington , D.C. , public school officials to strategically close city streets and set up outdoor classrooms , and to allow educators to rely on public parks and parking lots .
A group of principals in Philadelphia has similarly expressed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in-person instruction is allowed , which may happen in November .
One Philadelphia school had already charted the concrete benefits of outdoor learning spaces pre-COVID .
When Patterson Elementary School transformed an asphalt surface to an outdoor learning and recreation space in 2018 , in-school suspensions dropped from 50 percent to zero , WHYY reports .
As the CEO of Green Schoolyards America , a Berkeley , California , education nonprofit , told Education Week , “ Even in smaller numbers , [ outdoor classrooms ] will help students ’ mental health and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If schools make that investment , it will be a cost-effective way to accommodate more kids , and it could serve them well into the future.
” But as some parents have noted on Twitter , the outdoor model doesn ’ t account for dangers unique to the U.S. , including the risk of gun violence at school and the ongoing resistance to simple and effective public health measures like mask mandates .
Others have pointed out that in regions with inclement weather , wealthier schools with budgets to provide outdoor gear could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ inner city kids will freeze.
” But at least in New York City , which was recently reclassified as “ subtropical , ” winters are growing warmer .
Last year was one of the least snowy on record .
“ I think that people have this conception of winter that ’ s pre-climate catastrophe , ” Olenick says .
In colder or wetter places , instead of channeling limited school budgets to upgrading HVAC filters and attempting to redirect airflow by fixing windows and installing fans , state and federal dollars might @ @ @ @ @ @ @ warm and dry while learning outside .
Heather Price , a chemistry professor at North Seattle College in Washington State , says her children will not physically return to school given the current state of the pandemic in Seattle .
While her willingness to consider outdoor school would depend on how masking and distancing practices are carried out , Price says outdoor education “ is a more viable option during this pandemic.
” President of Long Island ’ s Farmingdale Federation of Teachers and high school science teacher Cordelia Anthony told Truthout she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ possible.
” But her school only has one designated outdoor classroom — and it was already overbooked before COVID .
New York City parent Josh Bell suggests officials authorize street closure during the week , much like they do for restaurants during the weekend .
“ What ’ s more important — space for cars or space for kids ?
” he wrote in the New York Daily News .
Giving full groups of students the opportunity to be outside would provide a reorientation around learning about neighborhood and city history in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would also enable low-income and BIPOC [ Black , Indigenous and People of Color ] students , who tend to experience unequal access to nature , with more opportunities to spend time outdoors , she says .
However , American Federation of Teachers President Randi Weingarten told Truthout over email that while using outdoor space to keep students safe and physically distant might be one option , “ it ’ s a Band-Aid solution to a much larger , long-term problem of how to safely and equitably get kids the education they need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the DOE has shrugged off outdoor options and failed to meaningfully consult teachers , who have plenty of ideas .
“ I think people are totally unable to think outside the box , ” she says .
“ There ’ s all these acres of parks , community gardens , libraries , churches , mosques , synagogues , private outdoor spaces that could be used for schools , ” in addition to city streets and rooftops .
The DOE did not respond to Truthout ’ s request for comment .
“ Instead of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we do this better ?
” says Olenick .

Part of the Series Despair and Disparity: The Uneven Burdens of COVID-19
With some districts already in the trenches of the back-to-school season — opening only to quickly close again to contain outbursts of COVID-19 — education officials across the United States continue to offer three major options for the fall semester: in-person instruction in brick-and-mortar classrooms, remote learning, and a hybrid model. But these plans leave educators, parents and students alike stuck between a semester that is unsafe or one that results in unequal access to instruction.
Meanwhile, teachers — who took to the streets across the country on August 3 — overwhelmingly do not feel safe with the plans officials have put forth in response to pressure from the White House to reopen schools. And some educators say there’s a fourth option officials are sidelining: supplementing remote learning with outdoor education. They say this model could mitigate educational disparities both short and long term, and provide an opportunity for the reimagining of schools and city streets.
Much like the uneven impact of summer break on learning loss across race and socioeconomic status, the COVID-19 crisis has furthered educational disparities in education. And learning disparities stand to worsen over the 2020-2021 school year, fueled in part by the ongoing digital divide. This dynamic will only be heightened as private primary schools like the Khan Lab School and private universities like Tulane University ensure access to in-person instruction by capitalizing on new outdoor spaces. The high-resource solutions are striking: A private school in Hamden, Connecticut, recently bought a castle to keep kids safe and physically distant while in class, and families across New York City are forming pods and pooling money to hire credentialed teachers for $30 to $40 an hour to provide full-time instruction and supervise outdoor play, snack and lunchtime. “They’re going to do outdoor learning whether the Department of Education says they should or not,” New York City public school science teacher Liat Olenick tells Truthout.
Meanwhile, the New York City Department of Education (DOE) has failed to consider outdoor learning options, let alone recess, in its reopening plans. “The question,” Olenick says, “is whether or not [outdoor learning] is going to be something that just white wealthy school districts get to do, or is it going to be something that lots of kids have access to?” Olenick points to the Forest School Movement around the world, an educational model that operates fully outdoors and focuses on experiential and relational learning. While she acknowledges that pivoting to an outdoor learning model may be out of reach for full school systems, Olenick envisions a scenario in which students in grades 4 to 12 stick with remote learning 90 percent of the time, but meet up outside weekly for advisory, mental health support and to check in with friends. Early childhood education, on the other hand, might turn to a half-day schedule that is entirely outside except for on days with serious inclement weather. Schools would need to channel funding into measures like providing outdoor hand washing and bathroom access, as well as setting up tents and purchasing outdoor attire, Olenick says.
Harvard epidemiologist William Hanage recently told WGBH that a hybrid model was among the worst options because of the increased number of contacts between school and possible additional child care providers, but noted on a press call that the outdoor model for younger children was “intriguing,” especially given that in working toward providing children with the best possible learning experiences, “we need to think about age groups differently.” Hanage pointed to evidence that reopening schools for the youngest age groups in countries like Finland has been possible with minimal evidence of transmission.
Dean of the Yale School of Public Health, Sten Vermund, tells Truthout that there are many parts of the U.S. where outdoor learning could work for much of the year, when used in combination with vigorous mask use, hand washing, physical distancing and educating students to take on mask-wearing with pride and social responsibility. Whereas indoor meetings provide the conditions for precipitous spreading of COVID-19 and other respiratory viruses like tuberculosis, respiratory syncytial virus and measles, there is “a tremendous dilutional effect outdoors,” he says.
While Vermund calls it a “fool’s errand” to open in-person school at all in areas with a raging transmission dynamic, he thinks outdoor instruction in districts where the positivity rate is around 0.2 percent is a promising option. At the state level, positivity rates are far from meeting that threshold. Vermont and Maine are the closest, at 0.4 percent and 0.8 percent, respectively. So the outdoor framework might serve as a kind of medium-term goal for education officials to work toward as communities lower infection rates, much like New Haven has done in recent weeks, Vermund points out.
As The New York Times has reported, outdoor classrooms were a staple during the tuberculosis epidemic in the early 1900s, even during chilly New England winters, in places like Providence and New York City. More recently, educators have begun teaching outside, from Denmark to Kashmir. In addition to Olenick and her colleagues in New York City, over 3,000 people have signed a petition organized by education nonprofit EmpowerEd DC, urging Washington, D.C., public school officials to strategically close city streets and set up outdoor classrooms, and to allow educators to rely on public parks and parking lots. A group of principals in Philadelphia has similarly expressed a desire to use outdoor classrooms when in-person instruction is allowed, which may happen in November. One Philadelphia school had already charted the concrete benefits of outdoor learning spaces pre-COVID. When Patterson Elementary School transformed an asphalt surface to an outdoor learning and recreation space in 2018, in-school suspensions dropped from 50 percent to zero, WHYY reports.
Giving full groups of students the opportunity to be outside would enable low-income and BIPOC students, who tend to experience unequal access to nature, with more opportunities to spend time outdoors.
As the CEO of Green Schoolyards America, a Berkeley, California, education nonprofit, told Education Week, “Even in smaller numbers, [outdoor classrooms] will help students’ mental health and reduce the time they spend at home.… If schools make that investment, it will be a cost-effective way to accommodate more kids, and it could serve them well into the future.”
But as some parents have noted on Twitter, the outdoor model doesn’t account for dangers unique to the U.S., including the risk of gun violence at school and the ongoing resistance to simple and effective public health measures like mask mandates. Others have pointed out that in regions with inclement weather, wealthier schools with budgets to provide outdoor gear could thrive in the outdoor model, while “inner city kids will freeze.” But at least in New York City, which was recently reclassified as “subtropical,” winters are growing warmer. Last year was one of the least snowy on record. “I think that people have this conception of winter that’s pre-climate catastrophe,” Olenick says. In colder or wetter places, instead of channeling limited school budgets to upgrading HVAC filters and attempting to redirect airflow by fixing windows and installing fans, state and federal dollars might pay for gear that would keep students warm and dry while learning outside.
Heather Price, a chemistry professor at North Seattle College in Washington State, says her children will not physically return to school given the current state of the pandemic in Seattle. While her willingness to consider outdoor school would depend on how masking and distancing practices are carried out, Price says outdoor education “is a more viable option during this pandemic.”
President of Long Island’s Farmingdale Federation of Teachers and high school science teacher Cordelia Anthony told Truthout she is “all for outdoor learning if possible.” But her school only has one designated outdoor classroom — and it was already overbooked before COVID.
New York City parent Josh Bell suggests officials authorize street closure during the week, much like they do for restaurants during the weekend. “What’s more important — space for cars or space for kids?” he wrote in the New York Daily News.
Giving full groups of students the opportunity to be outside would provide a reorientation around learning about neighborhood and city history in a tangible way, Olenick says. It would also enable low-income and BIPOC [Black, Indigenous and People of Color] students, who tend to experience unequal access to nature, with more opportunities to spend time outdoors, she says.
However, American Federation of Teachers President Randi Weingarten told Truthout over email that while using outdoor space to keep students safe and physically distant might be one option, “it’s a Band-Aid solution to a much larger, long-term problem of how to safely and equitably get kids the education they need amidst a global pandemic.”
Olenick says the DOE has shrugged off outdoor options and failed to meaningfully consult teachers, who have plenty of ideas. “I think people are totally unable to think outside the box,” she says. “There’s all these acres of parks, community gardens, libraries, churches, mosques, synagogues, private outdoor spaces that could be used for schools,” in addition to city streets and rooftops.
The DOE did not respond to Truthout’s request for comment.
“Instead of reactionary planning, why don’t we do this better?” says Olenick.
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truthout--2020-08-14--How to Survive Anti-Police Protests

How to Survive Anti-Police Protests

At about 9:45 pm on August 1 , protesters in Portland , Oregon , heard a familiar warning : “ This event has been declared an unlawful assembly , ” police said over their loudspeaker system .
“ Failure to comply with this lawful order may subject you to arrest and the use of force , to include crowd control munitions.
” This was the 65th night of continuous protests in Portland , which began after the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis .
The police response in Portland has been notably aggressive , particularly against journalists , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after night .
When federal officers entered the city under orders from Trump , ostensibly to protect the federal buildings , the protest crowds only swelled as a shocking level of police violence mirrored the problems activists were trying to highlight .
A couple of days before , the federal officers had been withdrawn , prompting people to wonder if this meant the violence against protesters would recede .
But without apparent provocation on August 1 , riot police lined up across from the crowd at the Multnomah County Sheriff ’ s office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pepper spray .
Zippy Lomax , an independent journalist who has been documenting the protests for the past two months , attempted to follow the dispersal order by leaving in her car , but was stopped by the police .
“ Then they slashed my tires and smashed my window .
After I had already stopped moving .
I was clearly in compliance , ” she said .
Video confirms this , and police argue that she was refusing to disperse and blocking the area .
Over the next couple of hours , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ streets , tackled to the ground , and shoved from behind for not running fast enough .
Injuries due to police violence have become a regular part of a protest that is drawing tens of thousands into the streets of Portland .
While this West Coast city has earned a lot of media attention , solidarity protests and Black Lives Matter events are happening around the country with similar reaction from law enforcement .
Trump ’ s approach to federal enforcement has made these situations even more volatile .
Now , journalists and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to stay safe as they head into the streets for one of the most contentious political issues of their lifetimes .
“ Press always have to be up front to the action , [ photographers ] have to often be literally in between the ‘ battle lines ’ — and so we have to be looking for things coming from both sides , ” says Zach Roberts , a photojournalist covering the protests in Minneapolis , Washington , D.C. , and Richmond , Virginia .
“ Which is why no matter what head @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have protection that covers the back of your head well.
” On July 12 , Donavan LaBella was nonviolently protesting across from Portland ’ s Justice Center when federal officers fired a munition at his head , shattering his skull and sending him to the hospital with a traumatic brain injury .
The shocking videos of LaBella falling to the ground with blood pouring from his head reflected the general pattern of extreme police violence .
Many protesters are protecting themselves with bike or sports helmets , but these may not be enough @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are often used during rock climbing , can take some shrapnel and hits from blunt objects like batons .
While these are relatively inexpensive ( often under $ 100 ) , they may not provide enough protection for a direct hit from a police munition .
Instead , some protesters choose to spend more money to get a level “ IIIA ” helmet , a designation which means the helmet can block bullets from smaller caliber guns .
IIIA helmets must be “ NIJ certified , ” which means that the National Institute @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like helmets and body armor , has signed off on its efficacy .
Many online sellers do not keep these helmets in stock and it can take a couple of months to backorder from the manufacturer , so check shipping times .
Military surplus stores often provide refurbished army or police tactical helmets at lower prices .
Bulletproof vests won ’ t stop physical assaults , but the Kevlar and plating can help shield vital organs from bullets .
“ Soft armor ” is commonly used , which can protect against some bullets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ physical assaults , and these are the Kevlar “ bullet proof vests ” people are most familiar with .
“ Hard armor ” is bulky , heavy and expensive , but may protect against punches , blunt objects and hand-to-hand assaults .
Goggles that seal over the eyes are one of the most important pieces of protection from tear gas .
However , these are usually not rated for ballistics , so they are not effective for blocking police munitions .
On the other hand , some ballistic goggles ( the “ Z87 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s still a civilian standard rather than a military one ) are not always able to block tear gas , but those used by forest firefighters are designed for protecting against smoke and explosions .
The most important thing is to avoid breathing in tear gas , which is why a majority of protesters are using some type of breathing equipment .
A gas mask is the most comprehensive ( and expensive ) option , though most people have used respirators .
These range from partial to full-face coverings with comprehensive filters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ organic vapor/acid gas , ” usually from construction projects involving toxic fumes or dust .
Respirators are easy to purchase , filters and all , for under $ 75 ( though many are sold out due to higher demand during the coronavirus pandemic ) .
Military surplus masks should be avoided because they often have glass eyepieces , and could explode into your eye if struck by police munition .
This is exactly what happened to freelance photographer Trip Jennings when he was photographing a Portland protest .
If you have glasses , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ good option , and some respirators have full face coverings as well .
It is best to shave facial hair before using these devices , particularly respirators , so they can form a seal on the wearer ’ s face .
( Vaseline can help . )
“ Here ’ s the issue : if you choose to stand and fight , there ’ s an inherent acceptance of risk , ” says Louis Deutsch , a reporter covering the protests in Hong Kong , who is using a pseudonym to avoid state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sleeves , pads that go under the clothes , boots instead of shoes , and notes that many of the defensive shields that protesters are using are reframed by police as “ offensive ” weapons and used as a pretext to assault protesters .
“ [ Defensive ] gear is being treated as offensive intent .
Any shield strong enough to really protect you will be stiff and heavy enough that you could clock someone with it and get a charge.
” The fear is that a protester who is using a shield @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could be arrested and charged with some type of violent intent , which is why it is hard to make the case that a shield is always going to be interpreted by authorities as defensive and , therefore , acceptable .
Injuries from police behavior have become common , especially with regards to tear gas .
In advance of the protest , avoid wearing contact lenses because pepper spray can get behind the lens .
When tear gassed or pepper sprayed , leave the space quickly and flush out your eyes .
Some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Maalox to wash out their eyes , but it is important to ensure there are no flavorings such as mint or dyes .
Never use milk , as it can get unwanted bacteria into your eyes .
“ The most important thing is to try and get the chemicals out of your eyes and mouth , and to keep breathing .
Slow deep breaths as best as you ’ re able , trying to keep in mind that the effects will slowly wear off , ” says Nate Cohen , a Portland-based protest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ injuries .
Cohen was himself hit directly in the chest , just above his heart , with a tear gas canister and was treated for severe chest wall contusion and laceration .
“ Wipe your face off with a clean towel or rag if you can .
When you get home , take off the clothes you ’ re wearing before you go into your house , ” says Cohen .
“ Take a shower , with the water as cold as you can stand for several minutes , and wash with soap @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Basic bar soap that doesn ’ t have perfume or other chemicals is best .
Put your clothes in a garbage bag and take them to the washer , and wash them.
” Another big issue is the physical impact from police attacks themselves , particularly blunt-force trauma to the head , even if the victim is wearing a helmet , as police have been attacking protesters and reporters heavily with metal batons .
Recently , a video showed a Navy veteran trying to reason with the police before they struck him in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and leaving him in need of surgery .
“ If someone gets hit in the head , the first thing they need to do is focus on staying calm and taking nice , slow , deep breaths .
Have someone assess the injury .
Head wounds bleed excessively , so the presence of blood does not necessarily indicate a serious injury , ” says Alli Sayre , an EMT [ Emergency Medical Technician ] who has been attending the Portland protests and has witnessed police dispersals .
“ If there is serious bleeding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If they are feeling dizzy , like they are going to pass out , nauseated or are vomiting , the best thing to do is get them evaluated by EMS [ Emergency Medical Services ] .
Stay with them and have a few people help you walk them to a safe location where you can meet with EMS.
” Locating street medics in advance , who often wear red crosses to identify themselves , can help to speed up reaction times if an emergency does happen .
Police usually do not attend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trained people inside of the protest crowd may be the fastest way to get an injury attended to and transport the injured person to a hospital for further treatment .
Reporters should wear identification such as “ PRESS ” on their helmets and clothes .
Press passes — laminates that hang around your neck with your photo — are critical .
Staff reporters can get these from their employer , but independent journalists have to improvise .
Professional organizations and unions , like the National Writers Union or the Industrial Workers of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ passes for members .
This can prove your credentials , show police that you are a journalist , and act as a protective indicator if you are arrested .
“ Journalists need the story , but you only ever get one skull .
Retreat when necessary .
Give the cops their space , and if you have to be close , keep your hands open and in plain sight , ” says Deutsch .
Press also have to be concerned about the treatment by the police during dispersals , staying aware of what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ comply with directives from police when they demand the crowd moves .
I may not do what they wish as quickly as they would like , but I do not protest or resist , since that is not my role , ” says Gabby Albano , a journalist who noted that it is good for reporters to have some distance between themselves and dense protest action .
“ A lot of it comes down to acceptance of risk … there ’ s no circumstance where you are completely safe from governmental investigation or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chavez , Northwest regional vice president of the National Lawyers Guild , a progressive legal organization that often supports the rights of protesters to demonstrate .
“ There are rules that police need to follow , but they don ’ t .
There are three magic phrases that all people going [ to a protest ] should know : I assert my right to silence , I want a lawyer , and I do not consent to a search.
” People have the right to not speak without a lawyer , leave unless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to a search without a warrant .
Many protesters have been seen being snatched by authorities without a clear indication of the assumed crimes .
The best solution is to keep access to an attorney handy , such as their phone number written on your arm .
You can then refuse to answer questions without the presence of an attorney .
If an officer is stopping you or patting you down , which they technically have a right to do for their own safety , they need to be able to articulate a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these contentions are arbitrable only after the fact , so retaining your silence and asserting your rights can help you later if you are charged with a crime or file suit against the police .
All people should be compliant during an arrest , Chavez says , stating that they are “ not resisting , ” and address any injustices therein afterwards .
“ There is no fool-proof protection from police violence at a protest .
The police indiscriminately fire explosives and projectiles into crowds , often injuring bystanders who are neither press @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be prepared to be attacked with lethal force at all times at a protest , ” says Daniel Vincent , a local photojournalist documenting the Portland protests .
“ Sadly , I believe the only way to avoid police violence is to stay home , which is not going to be a choice people fighting against racism and those documenting their efforts are going to make.
” All protesters and supporters interviewed discussed the importance of staying with groups , keeping in clear communication and avoiding going alone where you can be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reality is that these demonstrations are dangerous , and as much as people prepare , there is still a level of risk .
The ongoing Portland demonstrations are being struck with a shocking amount of force from police , despite the motivations for those protests being that same police violence .
The contradiction in terms is striking , and as police continue this approach , this highlights the underlying issues that the anti-brutality protesters are raising : Police can be a source of harm rather than a force for public safety .
While @ @ @ @ @ @ @ take measures to stay as safe as possible , the police are showing that much of the underlying danger is in their approach to the community .

At about 9:45 pm on August 1, protesters in Portland, Oregon, heard a familiar warning: “This event has been declared an unlawful assembly,” police said over their loudspeaker system. “Failure to comply with this lawful order may subject you to arrest and the use of force, to include crowd control munitions.”
This was the 65th night of continuous protests in Portland, which began after the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis. The police response in Portland has been notably aggressive, particularly against journalists, who have routinely been attacked by police night after night. When federal officers entered the city under orders from Trump, ostensibly to protect the federal buildings, the protest crowds only swelled as a shocking level of police violence mirrored the problems activists were trying to highlight.
A couple of days before, the federal officers had been withdrawn, prompting people to wonder if this meant the violence against protesters would recede. But without apparent provocation on August 1, riot police lined up across from the crowd at the Multnomah County Sheriff’s office and charged, beating demonstrators and spraying pepper spray.
Zippy Lomax, an independent journalist who has been documenting the protests for the past two months, attempted to follow the dispersal order by leaving in her car, but was stopped by the police.
“Then they slashed my tires and smashed my window. After I had already stopped moving. I was clearly in compliance,” she said. Video confirms this, and police argue that she was refusing to disperse and blocking the area. Over the next couple of hours, protesters and reporters were chased through the streets, tackled to the ground, and shoved from behind for not running fast enough.
Injuries due to police violence have become a regular part of a protest that is drawing tens of thousands into the streets of Portland. While this West Coast city has earned a lot of media attention, solidarity protests and Black Lives Matter events are happening around the country with similar reaction from law enforcement. Trump’s approach to federal enforcement has made these situations even more volatile.
“No matter what head protection you get it [must] have protection that covers the back of your head well.”
Now, journalists and protesters are asking what they can do to stay safe as they head into the streets for one of the most contentious political issues of their lifetimes.
Gearing Up
“Press always have to be up front to the action, [photographers] have to often be literally in between the ‘battle lines’ — and so we have to be looking for things coming from both sides,” says Zach Roberts, a photojournalist covering the protests in Minneapolis, Washington, D.C., and Richmond, Virginia. “Which is why no matter what head protection you get it [must] have protection that covers the back of your head well.”
On July 12, Donavan LaBella was nonviolently protesting across from Portland’s Justice Center when federal officers fired a munition at his head, shattering his skull and sending him to the hospital with a traumatic brain injury. The shocking videos of LaBella falling to the ground with blood pouring from his head reflected the general pattern of extreme police violence.
Many protesters are protecting themselves with bike or sports helmets, but these may not be enough. “Bump” helmets, which are often used during rock climbing, can take some shrapnel and hits from blunt objects like batons. While these are relatively inexpensive (often under $100), they may not provide enough protection for a direct hit from a police munition. Instead, some protesters choose to spend more money to get a level “IIIA” helmet, a designation which means the helmet can block bullets from smaller caliber guns.
IIIA helmets must be “NIJ certified,” which means that the National Institute of Justice, which tests ballistic objects like helmets and body armor, has signed off on its efficacy. Many online sellers do not keep these helmets in stock and it can take a couple of months to backorder from the manufacturer, so check shipping times. Military surplus stores often provide refurbished army or police tactical helmets at lower prices.
Bulletproof vests won’t stop physical assaults, but the Kevlar and plating can help shield vital organs from bullets. “Soft armor” is commonly used, which can protect against some bullets but is not a full-scale protection against physical assaults, and these are the Kevlar “bullet proof vests” people are most familiar with. “Hard armor” is bulky, heavy and expensive, but may protect against punches, blunt objects and hand-to-hand assaults.
Many of the defensive shields that protesters are using are reframed by police as “offensive” weapons and used as a pretext to assault protesters.
Goggles that seal over the eyes are one of the most important pieces of protection from tear gas. However, these are usually not rated for ballistics, so they are not effective for blocking police munitions. On the other hand, some ballistic goggles (the “Z87” rating is good, though it’s still a civilian standard rather than a military one) are not always able to block tear gas, but those used by forest firefighters are designed for protecting against smoke and explosions.
The most important thing is to avoid breathing in tear gas, which is why a majority of protesters are using some type of breathing equipment. A gas mask is the most comprehensive (and expensive) option, though most people have used respirators. These range from partial to full-face coverings with comprehensive filters that are designed to block out “organic vapor/acid gas,” usually from construction projects involving toxic fumes or dust. Respirators are easy to purchase, filters and all, for under $75 (though many are sold out due to higher demand during the coronavirus pandemic). Military surplus masks should be avoided because they often have glass eyepieces, and could explode into your eye if struck by police munition. This is exactly what happened to freelance photographer Trip Jennings when he was photographing a Portland protest. If you have glasses, a full gas mask may be a good option, and some respirators have full face coverings as well. It is best to shave facial hair before using these devices, particularly respirators, so they can form a seal on the wearer’s face. (Vaseline can help.)
“Here’s the issue: if you choose to stand and fight, there’s an inherent acceptance of risk,” says Louis Deutsch, a reporter covering the protests in Hong Kong, who is using a pseudonym to avoid state retaliation. He recommends long pants and sleeves, pads that go under the clothes, boots instead of shoes, and notes that many of the defensive shields that protesters are using are reframed by police as “offensive” weapons and used as a pretext to assault protesters. “[Defensive] gear is being treated as offensive intent. Any shield strong enough to really protect you will be stiff and heavy enough that you could clock someone with it and get a charge.”
The fear is that a protester who is using a shield entirely to protect themself from police assaults could be arrested and charged with some type of violent intent, which is why it is hard to make the case that a shield is always going to be interpreted by authorities as defensive and, therefore, acceptable.
Medic!
Injuries from police behavior have become common, especially with regards to tear gas. In advance of the protest, avoid wearing contact lenses because pepper spray can get behind the lens. When tear gassed or pepper sprayed, leave the space quickly and flush out your eyes. Some people use a cocktail including the antacid Maalox to wash out their eyes, but it is important to ensure there are no flavorings such as mint or dyes. Never use milk, as it can get unwanted bacteria into your eyes.
Locating street medics in advance, who often wear red crosses to identify themselves, can help to speed up reaction times if an emergency does happen.
“The most important thing is to try and get the chemicals out of your eyes and mouth, and to keep breathing. Slow deep breaths as best as you’re able, trying to keep in mind that the effects will slowly wear off,” says Nate Cohen, a Portland-based protest medic who has specialized training in treating injuries. Cohen was himself hit directly in the chest, just above his heart, with a tear gas canister and was treated for severe chest wall contusion and laceration.
“Wipe your face off with a clean towel or rag if you can. When you get home, take off the clothes you’re wearing before you go into your house,” says Cohen. “Take a shower, with the water as cold as you can stand for several minutes, and wash with soap, ideally as simple as possible. Basic bar soap that doesn’t have perfume or other chemicals is best. Put your clothes in a garbage bag and take them to the washer, and wash them.”
Another big issue is the physical impact from police attacks themselves, particularly blunt-force trauma to the head, even if the victim is wearing a helmet, as police have been attacking protesters and reporters heavily with metal batons. Recently, a video showed a Navy veteran trying to reason with the police before they struck him in the chest and arm, shattering bone and leaving him in need of surgery.
“If someone gets hit in the head, the first thing they need to do is focus on staying calm and taking nice, slow, deep breaths. Have someone assess the injury. Head wounds bleed excessively, so the presence of blood does not necessarily indicate a serious injury,” says Alli Sayre, an EMT [Emergency Medical Technician] who has been attending the Portland protests and has witnessed police dispersals. “If there is serious bleeding, apply continuous pressure to the wound. If they are feeling dizzy, like they are going to pass out, nauseated or are vomiting, the best thing to do is get them evaluated by EMS [Emergency Medical Services]. Stay with them and have a few people help you walk them to a safe location where you can meet with EMS.”
Locating street medics in advance, who often wear red crosses to identify themselves, can help to speed up reaction times if an emergency does happen. Police usually do not attend to injured protesters directly, so identifying trained people inside of the protest crowd may be the fastest way to get an injury attended to and transport the injured person to a hospital for further treatment.
Press Pass
Reporters should wear identification such as “PRESS” on their helmets and clothes. Press passes — laminates that hang around your neck with your photo — are critical. Staff reporters can get these from their employer, but independent journalists have to improvise. Professional organizations and unions, like the National Writers Union or the Industrial Workers of the World Freelance Journalists Union, prepare press passes for members. This can prove your credentials, show police that you are a journalist, and act as a protective indicator if you are arrested.
“Journalists need the story, but you only ever get one skull. Retreat when necessary.”
“Journalists need the story, but you only ever get one skull. Retreat when necessary. Give the cops their space, and if you have to be close, keep your hands open and in plain sight,” says Deutsch.
Press also have to be concerned about the treatment by the police during dispersals, staying aware of what is happening around them. “I comply with directives from police when they demand the crowd moves. I may not do what they wish as quickly as they would like, but I do not protest or resist, since that is not my role,” says Gabby Albano, a journalist who noted that it is good for reporters to have some distance between themselves and dense protest action.
Legal Protections
“A lot of it comes down to acceptance of risk … there’s no circumstance where you are completely safe from governmental investigation or use of force,” says Juan Chavez, Northwest regional vice president of the National Lawyers Guild, a progressive legal organization that often supports the rights of protesters to demonstrate. “There are rules that police need to follow, but they don’t. There are three magic phrases that all people going [to a protest] should know: I assert my right to silence, I want a lawyer, and I do not consent to a search.”
People have the right to not speak without a lawyer, leave unless they are being detained and not consent to a search without a warrant. Many protesters have been seen being snatched by authorities without a clear indication of the assumed crimes. The best solution is to keep access to an attorney handy, such as their phone number written on your arm. You can then refuse to answer questions without the presence of an attorney. If an officer is stopping you or patting you down, which they technically have a right to do for their own safety, they need to be able to articulate a reasonable suspicion.
While protesters, reporters and legal observers should take measures to stay as safe as possible, the police are showing that much of the underlying danger is in their approach to the community.
Unfortunately, most of these contentions are arbitrable only after the fact, so retaining your silence and asserting your rights can help you later if you are charged with a crime or file suit against the police. All people should be compliant during an arrest, Chavez says, stating that they are “not resisting,” and address any injustices therein afterwards.
Acceptable Risk
“There is no fool-proof protection from police violence at a protest. The police indiscriminately fire explosives and projectiles into crowds, often injuring bystanders who are neither press [nor] protester. You have to be prepared to be attacked with lethal force at all times at a protest,” says Daniel Vincent, a local photojournalist documenting the Portland protests. “Sadly, I believe the only way to avoid police violence is to stay home, which is not going to be a choice people fighting against racism and those documenting their efforts are going to make.”
All protesters and supporters interviewed discussed the importance of staying with groups, keeping in clear communication and avoiding going alone where you can be singled out by police officers.
The reality is that these demonstrations are dangerous, and as much as people prepare, there is still a level of risk. The ongoing Portland demonstrations are being struck with a shocking amount of force from police, despite the motivations for those protests being that same police violence. The contradiction in terms is striking, and as police continue this approach, this highlights the underlying issues that the anti-brutality protesters are raising: Police can be a source of harm rather than a force for public safety. While protesters, reporters and legal observers should take measures to stay as safe as possible, the police are showing that much of the underlying danger is in their approach to the community.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-08-14--Pence Says Trump Outperformed Obama on Jobs, Forgetting 20 Million Lost in April

Vice President Mike Pence , appearing on Fox News on Wednesday evening , made an outlandish claim about job growth under his and President Donald Trump ’ s tenure .
While discussing with host Sean Hannity their supposed accomplishments , Pence also suggested that the Trump administration had done a better job than former President Barack Obama ’ s administration ( and by extension , former Vice President Joe Biden , who is running for president against Trump ) had done when it came to job creation .
“ We ’ ve already created more jobs in the last three @ @ @ @ @ @ @ created in their eight years in office , ” Pence said matter-of-factly on the program .
However , upon closer inspection , Pence ’ s claim doesn ’ t hold up .
The past three months of job data include May , June and July , and indeed millions of jobs were created during that time .
Yet Pence left out the month of April , when 20.8 million jobs disappeared due to firings and layoffs as a result of much of the economy shutting down amid the coronavirus pandemic .
Fewer than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and to phrase things as Pence has done is grossly misleading .
“ Alternatively phrased , we ’ ve lost more jobs in the last four months than we ’ ve lost over the entirety of any previous recession , ” University of Michigan Professor of Economics Justin Wolfers tweeted in response to Pence ’ s claim .
Pence ’ s claim is wrong for another reason : It ’ s mathematically inaccurate .
In the three months that Pence cited , the economy grew by 9 million jobs .
Over the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Obama administration , total jobs grew by 11.6 million .
In other words , the net number of jobs lost in the past four months — about 11.5 million — is nearly the same amount as were created under the Obama administration .
It ’ s also worth noting that Obama and Biden came into office during the Great Recession , when economic factors arguably made recovery .
Trump and Pence , meanwhile , took office as the economic recovery that began under Obama ’ s and Biden ’ s tenure was still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during the State of the Union this year that “ years of economic decay ” had occurred before he became president , several fact-checking websites corrected his statement , noting that things weren ’ t nearly as bad as he was making them out to be , and that growth in income , jobs , and overall economic output had remained comparably steady from the time before he was sworn in to that point .
The jobs that were lost this year were due to the pandemic , and though a fast recovery @ @ @ @ @ @ @ believed the economy would bounce back as soon as the virus was contained .
Trump , however , has done very little to help efforts to contain coronavirus in the U.S. , including failing to promote social distancing standards across the board and discouraging mask-wearing for several weeks .
At one point , he even viewed some moves to prevent the spread of COVID-19 to be resentful actions taken against him for political reasons , saying in an interview in June , for example , that people wore masks to spite him .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ their economies prematurely , a demand he made , according to those with knowledge of his thinking , with hopes that it would help his reelection chances in the presidential race this year , as he views a strong economy as his best shot at winning in November .

More than half of the number of jobs that were lost in April have not yet been recovered.
Vice President Mike Pence, appearing on Fox News on Wednesday evening, made an outlandish claim about job growth under his and President Donald Trump’s tenure.
While discussing with host Sean Hannity their supposed accomplishments, Pence also suggested that the Trump administration had done a better job than former President Barack Obama’s administration (and by extension, former Vice President Joe Biden, who is running for president against Trump) had done when it came to job creation.
“We’ve already created more jobs in the last three months than Joe Biden and Barack Obama created in their eight years in office,” Pence said matter-of-factly on the program.
However, upon closer inspection, Pence’s claim doesn’t hold up.
The past three months of job data include May, June and July, and indeed millions of jobs were created during that time. Yet Pence left out the month of April, when 20.8 million jobs disappeared due to firings and layoffs as a result of much of the economy shutting down amid the coronavirus pandemic. Fewer than half of those jobs have been recovered, and to phrase things as Pence has done is grossly misleading.
“Alternatively phrased, we’ve lost more jobs in the last four months than we’ve lost over the entirety of any previous recession,” University of Michigan Professor of Economics Justin Wolfers tweeted in response to Pence’s claim.
Pence’s claim is wrong for another reason: It’s mathematically inaccurate. In the three months that Pence cited, the economy grew by 9 million jobs. Over the course of the eight years of the Obama administration, total jobs grew by 11.6 million.
In other words, the net number of jobs lost in the past four months — about 11.5 million — is nearly the same amount as were created under the Obama administration.
It’s also worth noting that Obama and Biden came into office during the Great Recession, when economic factors arguably made recovery.
Trump and Pence, meanwhile, took office as the economic recovery that began under Obama’s and Biden’s tenure was still continuing. Indeed, after Trump claimed during the State of the Union this year that “years of economic decay” had occurred before he became president, several fact-checking websites corrected his statement, noting that things weren’t nearly as bad as he was making them out to be, and that growth in income, jobs, and overall economic output had remained comparably steady from the time before he was sworn in to that point.
The jobs that were lost this year were due to the pandemic, and though a fast recovery wasn’t expected, some experts believed the economy would bounce back as soon as the virus was contained.
Trump, however, has done very little to help efforts to contain coronavirus in the U.S., including failing to promote social distancing standards across the board and discouraging mask-wearing for several weeks. At one point, he even viewed some moves to prevent the spread of COVID-19 to be resentful actions taken against him for political reasons, saying in an interview in June, for example, that people wore masks to spite him.
Trump also called on states to reopen their economies prematurely, a demand he made, according to those with knowledge of his thinking, with hopes that it would help his reelection chances in the presidential race this year, as he views a strong economy as his best shot at winning in November.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-08-14--Trump Rolls Back Methane Rule as Bankrupt Permian Drillers Ignore Venting Flares

On Thursday , the Trump administration rolled back Obama-era rules designed to rein in fugitive methane emissions , a powerful greenhouse gas routinely emitted from leaking oil and gas infrastructure — commonly from unlit flares that , when ignited , are designed to burn off methane as carbon .
Methane emissions , which have 80 times the heat-trapping power of carbon dioxide over 20 years , are so damaging to the planet that even though there is 225 times less methane in the atmosphere than carbon , methane disproportionately contributes about a quarter of all the human-caused planetary warming .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ EPA ) new rules rescind 2016 Obama administration limits on industry emissions of methane and prevent future regulation at sites built before 2015 .
They also weaken remaining requirements for oil and gas companies to locate and fix venting flares and wells .
The rollback is the latest move in a larger effort to exploit the pandemic to weaken environmental safeguards .
That effort has targeted a number of other critical environmental rules , including relaxing controls on releases of pollution from coal-fired plants , tailpipes and industrial soot .
Last month , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ landmark conservation law , the National Environmental Policy Act , to expedite permitting processes for federal infrastructure projects like pipelines and power plants .
The new methane rules worsen an already grim situation in one of the world ’ s largest regional climate emissions bombs in West Texas and southeast New Mexico ’ s sprawling Permian Shale Basin .
After dipping below negative for the first time in April , oil prices have rebounded to around $ 40 a barrel — still below what most drillers need to break even .
As oil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drag , emissions in the Permian are still amassing critical levels as cash-strapped and bankrupt drillers take advantage of unprecedented bailouts , bond buyback schemes , subsidies , tax breaks and regulatory “ relief ” to enrich executives and cut even more corners , abandoning unprofitable wells altogether or refusing to fix venting tanks or broken flares .
According to the data from the Railroad Commission of Texas , which regulates oil and gas , extraction in the state dropped 13 percent in May 2020 compared to June 2019 , while the total @ @ @ @ @ @ @ percent during the same timeframe .
The problem , though , isn ’ t the region ’ s reduced overall extraction and flaring ; it ’ s unignited flares left to blast methane into the atmosphere .
In June , environmental watchdog Environmental Defense Fund ( EDF ) flew specially equipped helicopters above hundreds of Permian drilling sites as part of its Permian Methane Analysis Project , or PermianMAP .
Researchers found that more than one in 10 flares in the Permian Basin could be unlit or malfunctioning , accounting for a majority @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the region every year .
The amount of vented methane is three times the annual total the EPA reports .
Claus Zehner of the European Space Agency told The New York Times that Permian methane concentrations measured in March and April suggest a substantial overall increase , despite the region ’ s decreasing rates of extraction .
Now , the Trump administration ’ s lifting of methane rules is set to amplify those emissions even more — by 370,000 tons through 2025 , according to the federal government ’ s own calculations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ losses since February , the industry was already enjoying the suspension of some federal and state inspections .
Even before the lifting of federal methane rules , the Permian Basin had long been a Wild West for down-and-out drillers , whose incentive to spend money on hunting down and fixing gushing flares was laughable before the crash and has now been all but abandoned .
Sharon Wilson , a senior field advocate for the Oil and Gas Accountability Project at the environmental watchdog Earthworks has seen just how much methane is spewing into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic and subsequent oil crash .
Wilson is a certified optical gas imaging thermographer and has extensively documented such pollution over the years by using specialized cameras to record methane pollution normally invisible to the naked eye .
The Oil and Gas Accountability Project has conducted more than 1,000 field investigations revealing the industry and state regulators ’ negligence and malfeasance in facilitating massive levels of methane emissions .
Additional research published this year confirms what both EDF and Earthworks have found , suggesting methane pollution in the Permian is about 60 percent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nation .
Wilson visited the region in early March and described the situation as dire .
“ Picture the worst thing you can think of , and that ’ s how the Permian was before the crash .
Then multiply that by 10 , ” Wilson told Truthout .
“ It ’ s hard to comprehend in the face of rapidly accelerating climate change , that this could be going on anywhere .
The amount of methane coming out of most of these unlit flares is unimaginable.
” Wilson noticed an uptick in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and compressor vent pipes even before the crash .
EDF ’ s surveys have shown , respectively , that 11 and 12 percent of at least 312 active flares measured in the region had issues that could cause abnormally high methane emissions .
“ It looks like what [ producers ] started doing when the price of gas plummeted — it cost them more to transport it in a pipeline to market than what they can get for it , so it looks like they just started dumping it into the air , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve got just a horrible mess out there.
” Wilson says she has made hundreds of complaints to the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality ( TCEQ ) over the years documenting venting with thermal imaging , and several since the onset of the price collapse .
Even if a driller manages to fix a malfunctioning flare , she says , it doesn ’ t always stay fixed .
“ A month later , [ the flare ] can be just how it was .
So the TCEQ is turning their head .
They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” she says .
Leasing laws also complicate matters : Many companies may be unable to shut off flaring rigs or stop extracting even when its uneconomical to do so because they are bound by leases .
Wilson has made several complaints to TCEQ regarding oil and gas firm MDC Energy ’ s venting at a particular site she says has been blasting methane since November , when the company first filed for bankruptcy .
TCEQ ’ s website shows it has issued six violations against MDC related to harmful emissions at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Truthout that the agency ’ s Midland Region has received 14 complaints related to sites operated by MDC .
The agency has completed three investigations addressing seven of the complaints and is in the process of investigating the other seven .
The agency doesn ’ t directly regulate methane as an air pollutant in any case , he says , except as required through specific federal programs , such as the Prevention of Significant Deterioration program .
Trump ’ s rollback does not affect that program .
Still , the administration ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way flaring was monitored in the first place : State and federal regulators often rely on drillers themselves to monitor and report on their own flares .
Now , under federal law , broke and bankrupt drillers won ’ t even have to .
Worse , without TCEQ flagging a violation , there ’ s no way to ensure companies spend a portion of their court-appointed budget on fixing problems .
More than 50 oil and gas companies have filed for bankruptcy since oil prices crashed in March .
Smaller drillers were already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crash .
Raul Rodriguez , who is superintendent for MDC Texas Energy , told Truthout in May that a bankruptcy judge establishes the company ’ s budget every 13 weeks .
“ Some work has been postponed or pushed back , depending on our budget , ” Rodriguez said at the time .
When asked how the company ’ s budget constraints impact its ability to tamp down methane emissions , Rodriguez simply said , “ I can ’ t talk about that.
” Still , he insisted , the company is trying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ It ’ s a work in progress .
With the coronavirus and the drop in oil prices , it ’ s a double-edged sword for us.
” The company ’ s top lender , French investment bank Natixis , later alleged in bankruptcy court that in the months before the MDC filed for bankruptcy , it paid its chief executive $ 8.5 million in consulting fees .
Other Permian drillers have acted similarly , asking bankruptcy judges to authorize millions in bonuses to executives .
Many that have lost billions for shareholders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ packages .
With billions in CARES Act tax breaks and loans in hand , large oil and gas companies are gambling on a recovery fueled by automation and increased consolidation as large producers engulf cheap assets .
The industry is looking to technological fixes not only to address methane emissions but also to speed extraction , hoping new innovations will make for leaner operations .
In May , the Railroad Commission convened a task force of industry insiders wielding new innovations to provide recommendations for combating flaring .
During a meeting on August @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the task force ’ s recommended changes to state rule that oversees flaring , including providing incentives for companies to deploy new technologies to reduce the practice .
Environmental groups say the commission must do more than simply rely on companies voluntarily reduce their own flaring , especially now that federal requirements for companies to install equipment and technologies to detect methane leaks has been shredded .
A Democratic sweep in November may be the only way to undo Trump ’ s methane regulatory rollbacks .
If Democrats control the Senate , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first 60 legislative days under a Senate procedure known as the Congressional Review Act .
While Biden has refused to endorse a Green New Deal , he has championed several far-reaching Sanders-Biden unity task force recommendations on climate .
His $ 2 trillion climate plan includes putting people to work plugging thousands of abandoned oil and gas wells but does not include a national fracking ban .
Climate activists , who are working to pressure Biden to more aggressively target the industry are increasingly hopeful given this week ’ s announcement that Sen. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ticket .
Harris endorsed both a Green New Deal and a fracking ban , and has said she would seek to end the Senate ’ s filibuster rules to pass a Green New Deal .
“ The next president and states individually will need to double down with drastic measures to protect the public and climate , ” Wilson says .
“ We need strong federal rules to protect the rest of the world from Texas.
” Beyond simply reversing the rollbacks and strengthening regulations , calls are growing to nationalize an industry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of cards for more than a decade , as has happened in the U.S. during other national crises .
In fact , despite the technological improvements the sector has heralded over the last decade , few drillers have ever been able to turn a profit — even when prices were above $ 50 a barrel .
Now , nationalization and a managed decline of extraction along a science-based timeline is not only the best way to keep the shale bubble from bursting any further ; it ’ s the best way to keep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
At the state level , the crash provides an opportunity to expand the state ’ s renewable energy sector — something a majority of Texas Republicans have supported in the past .
Their passage of Senate Bill 20 in 2005 vastly transformed the state ’ s wind energy sector into a force that now provides nearly a fifth of the state ’ s power .
According to the U.S. Department of Energy , Texas could produce more electricity from wind than any other state in the country .
Combined with its growing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Texas could make the state a national leader while providing a just transition to thousands of oil and gas workers facing layoffs now or in the future as the industry automates .
“ I think the oil and gas industry is in its death throes and this would be a perfect time for renewables to take over , ” Wilson says .
“ But everything is chaotic , and we need it to be more managed .
”

Part of the Series Covering Climate Now
On Thursday, the Trump administration rolled back Obama-era rules designed to rein in fugitive methane emissions, a powerful greenhouse gas routinely vented from leaking oil and gas infrastructure — commonly from unlit flares that, when ignited, are designed to burn off methane as carbon.
Methane emissions, which have 80 times the heat-trapping power of carbon dioxide over 20 years, are so damaging to the planet that even though there is 225 times less methane in the atmosphere than carbon, methane disproportionately contributes about a quarter of all the human-caused planetary warming.
The Environmental Protection Agency’s (EPA) new rules rescind 2016 Obama administration limits on industry emissions of methane and prevent future regulation at sites built before 2015. They also weaken remaining requirements for oil and gas companies to locate and fix venting flares and wells.
The rollback is the latest move in a larger effort to exploit the pandemic to weaken environmental safeguards. That effort has targeted a number of other critical environmental rules, including relaxing controls on releases of pollution from coal-fired plants, tailpipes and industrial soot. Last month, the administration gutted the nation’s landmark conservation law, the National Environmental Policy Act, to expedite permitting processes for federal infrastructure projects like pipelines and power plants.
The new methane rules worsen an already grim situation in one of the world’s largest regional climate emissions bombs in West Texas and southeast New Mexico’s sprawling Permian Shale Basin. After dipping below negative for the first time in April, oil prices have rebounded to around $40 a barrel — still below what most drillers need to break even.
As oil and gas extraction and demand continue to drag, emissions in the Permian are still amassing critical levels as cash-strapped and bankrupt drillers take advantage of unprecedented bailouts, bond buyback schemes, subsidies, tax breaks and regulatory “relief” to enrich executives and cut even more corners, abandoning unprofitable wells altogether or refusing to fix venting tanks or broken flares.
According to the data from the Railroad Commission of Texas, which regulates oil and gas, extraction in the state dropped 13 percent in May 2020 compared to June 2019, while the total volume of gas flared fell about 82 percent during the same timeframe. The problem, though, isn’t the region’s reduced overall extraction and flaring; it’s unignited flares left to blast methane into the atmosphere.
“Picture the worst thing you can think of, and that’s how the Permian was before the crash. Then multiply that by 10.”
In June, environmental watchdog Environmental Defense Fund (EDF) flew specially equipped helicopters above hundreds of Permian drilling sites as part of its Permian Methane Analysis Project, or PermianMAP. Researchers found that more than one in 10 flares in the Permian Basin could be unlit or malfunctioning, accounting for a majority of the 300,000 tons of methane vented from the region every year. The amount of vented methane is three times the annual total the EPA reports.
Claus Zehner of the European Space Agency told The New York Times that Permian methane concentrations measured in March and April suggest a substantial overall increase, despite the region’s decreasing rates of extraction. Now, the Trump administration’s lifting of methane rules is set to amplify those emissions even more — by 370,000 tons through 2025, according to the federal government’s own calculations.
Reeling after more than 100,000 job losses since February, the industry was already enjoying the suspension of some federal and state inspections. Even before the lifting of federal methane rules, the Permian Basin had long been a Wild West for down-and-out drillers, whose incentive to spend money on hunting down and fixing gushing flares was laughable before the crash and has now been all but abandoned.
Wild West Texas
Sharon Wilson, a senior field advocate for the Oil and Gas Accountability Project at the environmental watchdog Earthworks has seen just how much methane is spewing into the air since the onset of the pandemic and subsequent oil crash. Wilson is a certified optical gas imaging thermographer and has extensively documented such pollution over the years by using specialized cameras to record methane pollution normally invisible to the naked eye.
The Oil and Gas Accountability Project has conducted more than 1,000 field investigations revealing the industry and state regulators’ negligence and malfeasance in facilitating massive levels of methane emissions. Additional research published this year confirms what both EDF and Earthworks have found, suggesting methane pollution in the Permian is about 60 percent higher than other shale plays in the nation.
Wilson visited the region in early March and described the situation as dire. “Picture the worst thing you can think of, and that’s how the Permian was before the crash. Then multiply that by 10,” Wilson told Truthout. “It’s hard to comprehend in the face of rapidly accelerating climate change, that this could be going on anywhere. The amount of methane coming out of most of these unlit flares is unimaginable.”
“It’s hard to comprehend in the face of rapidly accelerating climate change, that this could be going on anywhere.”
Wilson noticed an uptick in venting from unlit flares, storage tanks and compressor vent pipes even before the crash. EDF’s surveys have shown, respectively, that 11 and 12 percent of at least 312 active flares measured in the region had issues that could cause abnormally high methane emissions.
“It looks like what [producers] started doing when the price of gas plummeted — it cost them more to transport it in a pipeline to market than what they can get for it, so it looks like they just started dumping it into the air,” Wilson said. “We’ve got just a horrible mess out there.”
Wilson says she has made hundreds of complaints to the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality (TCEQ) over the years documenting venting with thermal imaging, and several since the onset of the price collapse. Even if a driller manages to fix a malfunctioning flare, she says, it doesn’t always stay fixed.
“A month later, [the flare] can be just how it was. So the TCEQ is turning their head. They’re looking the other way,” she says. Leasing laws also complicate matters: Many companies may be unable to shut off flaring rigs or stop extracting even when its uneconomical to do so because they are bound by leases.
Wilson has made several complaints to TCEQ regarding oil and gas firm MDC Energy’s venting at a particular site she says has been blasting methane since November, when the company first filed for bankruptcy. TCEQ’s website shows it has issued six violations against MDC related to harmful emissions at the site.
TCEQ spokesperson Brian McGovern told Truthout that the agency’s Midland Region has received 14 complaints related to sites operated by MDC. The agency has completed three investigations addressing seven of the complaints and is in the process of investigating the other seven.
The agency doesn’t directly regulate methane as an air pollutant in any case, he says, except as required through specific federal programs, such as the Prevention of Significant Deterioration program. Trump’s rollback does not affect that program.
“We’ve got just a horrible mess out there.”
Still, the administration’s rollback highlights a serious flaw in the way flaring was monitored in the first place: State and federal regulators often rely on drillers themselves to monitor and report on their own flares. Now, under federal law, broke and bankrupt drillers won’t even have to. Worse, without TCEQ flagging a violation, there’s no way to ensure companies spend a portion of their court-appointed budget on fixing problems.
More than 50 oil and gas companies have filed for bankruptcy since oil prices crashed in March. Smaller drillers were already filing for Chapter 11 even before the crash. Raul Rodriguez, who is superintendent for MDC Texas Energy, told Truthout that a bankruptcy judge establishes the company’s budget every 13 weeks. “Some work has been postponed or pushed back, depending on our budget,” Rodriguez said.
When asked how the company’s budget constraints impact its ability to tamp down methane emissions, Rodriguez simply said, “I can’t talk about that.” Still, he insisted, the company is trying to do everything by the book. “It’s a work in progress. With the coronavirus and the drop in oil prices, it’s a double-edged sword for us.”
The company’s top lender, French investment bank Natixis, later alleged in bankruptcy court that in the months before the MDC filed for bankruptcy, it paid its chief executive $8.5 million in consulting fees. Other Permian drillers have acted similarly, asking bankruptcy judges to authorize millions in bonuses to executives. Many that have lost billions for shareholders are still rewarding CEOs with lavish pay packages.
“With the coronavirus and the drop in oil prices, it’s a double-edged sword for us.”
With billions in CARES Act tax breaks and loans in hand, large oil and gas companies are gambling on a recovery fueled by automation and increased consolidation as large producers engulf cheap assets. The industry is looking to technological fixes not only to address methane emissions but also to speed extraction, hoping new innovations will make for leaner operations.
In May, the Railroad Commission convened a task force of industry insiders wielding new innovations to provide recommendations for combating flaring. During a meeting on August 4, commissioners approved a number of the task force’s recommended changes to state rule that oversees flaring, including providing incentives for companies to deploy new technologies to reduce the practice.
Environmental groups say the commission must do more than simply rely on companies voluntarily reduce their own flaring, especially now that federal requirements for companies to install equipment and technologies to detect methane leaks has been shredded.
Plugging the Permian
A Democratic sweep in November may be the only way to undo Trump’s methane regulatory rollbacks. If Democrats control the Senate, they could reverse the rule changes in the first 60 legislative days under a Senate procedure known as the Congressional Review Act.
While Biden has refused to endorse a Green New Deal, he has championed several far-reaching Sanders-Biden unity task force recommendations on climate. His $2 trillion climate plan includes putting people to work plugging thousands of abandoned oil and gas wells but does not include a national fracking ban.
“We need strong federal rules to protect the rest of the world from Texas.”
Climate activists, who are working to pressure Biden to more aggressively target the industry are increasingly hopeful given this week’s announcement that Sen. Kamala Harris will be joining the presidential ticket. Harris endorsed both a Green New Deal and a fracking ban, and has said she would seek to end the Senate’s filibuster rules to pass a Green New Deal.
“The next president and states individually will need to double down with drastic measures to protect the public and climate,” Wilson says. “We need strong federal rules to protect the rest of the world from Texas.”
Beyond simply reversing the rollbacks and strengthening regulations, calls are growing to nationalize an industry that has been a debt-ridden financial house of cards for more than a decade, as has happened in the U.S. during other national crises. In fact, despite the technological improvements the sector has heralded over the last decade, few drillers have ever been able to turn a profit — even when prices were above $50 a barrel.
Now, nationalization and a managed decline of extraction along a science-based timeline is not only the best way to keep the shale bubble from bursting any further; it’s the best way to keep the methane bubble from bursting the climate.
“The oil and gas industry is in its death throes and this would be a perfect time for renewables to take over.”
At the state level, the crash provides an opportunity to expand the state’s renewable energy sector — something a majority of Texas Republicans have supported in the past. Their passage of Senate Bill 20 in 2005 vastly transformed the state’s wind energy sector into a force that now provides nearly a fifth of the state’s power.
According to the U.S. Department of Energy, Texas could produce more electricity from wind than any other state in the country. Combined with its growing solar industry, a Green New Deal in Texas could make the state a national leader while providing a just transition to thousands of oil and gas workers facing layoffs now or in the future as the industry automates.
“I think the oil and gas industry is in its death throes and this would be a perfect time for renewables to take over,” Wilson says. “But everything is chaotic, and we need it to be more managed.”
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