truthout--2020-07-03--As Markets Crashed, DeVos Sold Shares in Secretive Cayman Island Fund

On March 12 , Secretary of Education Bety DeVos sold shares worth as much as $ 5 million in BDT Capital Partners Oak Co-Invest , a secretive fund for wealthy investors that operates out of the Cayman Islands .
The sale was disclosed in a form put online by the Office of Government Ethics on April 6 , 2020 , but government watchdogs had no way of determining what assets comprised DeVos ’ sale as the coronavirus pandemic deepened and financial markets cratered .
The periodic transaction report does not list details of the specific securities sold through the investment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elites such as the billionaire DeVos family .
The value of the shares was reported as being worth between $ 1 million and $ 5 million .
Questions about financial transactions made by officials with access to non-public information became heightened in May when scandals engulfed the U.S. Senate concerning stock transactions made by Sen. Richard Burr ( R-N.C. ) and Sen. Kelly Loeffler ( R-Ga. ) weeks after all senators were briefed privately on the extent of the coronavirus crisis .
Sen. Burr was served a warrant by the FBI in an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sell-off on February 13 and stepped down as chair of the influential Senate Intelligence Committee .
Sen. Loeffler turned over documents to the Justice Department , the Securities and Exchange Commission ( SEC ) , and Senate Ethics Committee , before being informed in late May that she was no longer under investigation .
Loeffler also stepped down from an Agriculture subcommittee and agreed to divest from individual stocks .
In Nov. 2017 , Sen. Patty Murray ( D-Wash. ) , the ranking Democrat on the Senate Health , Education , Labor and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ DeVos and other Trump administration officials were using overseas investment funds as tax shelters .
“ While use of these vehicles is not illegal or necessarily in violation of specific ethics rules and pledges , I am deeply concerned by the challenge they pose to the Federal Government ’ s broader ethics program , ” Sen. Murray ’ s letter stated .
As part of her Jan. 19 , 2017 ethics agreement , DeVos had agreed to divest within 90 days from another BDT Capital Partners fund , “ BDT Capital Partners Fund @ @ @ @ @ @ @ firm maintained many funds in the Cayman Islands and DeVos held on to the “ Oak Co-Invest ” asset .
There had been a clue as to what securities were included in DeVos ’ March sale , because DeVos ’ previous June 2019 sale of between $ 250,000 and $ 500,000 in BDT Capital Partners Oak Co-Invest had disclosed it as “ a Cayman Islands-incorporated entity that provides specialty coffee beverages and accessories.
” But the opaque structure of BDT Capital Partners meant that the makeup of March ’ s sales remained undisclosed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” the Chicago-based private equity firm BDT Capital Partners was founded in 2009 by former Goldman Sachs banker Byron Trott , who according to Bloomberg had previously worked with high-net-worth investors such as Warren Buffett and the Pritzker , Walton and Koch families .
In 2018 , Business Insider wrote , “ Trott runs one of the most secretive investment banks in the world , BDT Capital Partners , which caters to the world ’ s wealthy elite who value privacy and discretion.
” The firm has no public website and makes almost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ extremely wealthy investors with its privacy .
BDT Capital Partners and its multiple Cayman Island funds appear a number of times in the Paradise Papers , a leak of 13.4 million financial documents relating to offshore investments analyzed by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists ( ICIJ ) since late 2017 .
The documents detail how companies and individuals avoid taxes using shell companies in “ secrecy jurisdictions ” like the Cayman Islands .
BDT Capital appears in the Paradise Papers for doing business with Appleby , an offshore law firm in Hamilton @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regulators for not having robust money-laundering safeguards .
Australian tax officials told The Guardian that the leaks reveal a global industry of tax avoidance offered to wealthy individuals .
Two and a half months after the March transaction was disclosed , DeVos ’ annual financial disclosure report was posted online on June 19 .
It lists an investment in BDT Capital Partners worth between $ 5 million and $ 25 million , with a distributive income for DeVos that year of $ 291,460 .
The asset was described in an endnote as , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accessories , ” which could refer to the Keurig Green Mountain coffee company , which has been partially owned by BDT Capital Partners since 2016 .
Sludge inquired with the Department of Education ’ s press office for confirmation of what assets were included in Secretary DeVos ’ March sale and if she would disclose the contents of overseas funds in future periodic transaction reports , but did not receive a response .
“ DeVos ’ use of a secret fund completely negates the disclosure system , warranting further scrutiny and investigation , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ American Bridge 21st Century , a super PAC that supports Democratic candidates .
The opaque March sell-off was not the first time that DeVos ’ financial disclosure reports have caused headaches for government ethics watchdogs .
In December 2018 , the nonpartisan Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington ( CREW ) flagged that DeVos ’ 2018 disclosure report failed to document how she had divested from 24 assets included in her Jan. 2017 ethics agreement .
DeVos ’ Senate confirmation hearing was held on Jan. 17 , 2017 , but her first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ posted until Jan. 19 , 2017—so senators at her hearing , which had already been postponed by a week , had not had time to review the hundreds of financial assets she reported .
The week before the hearing took place on Jan. 17 , Sen. Murray called for the hearing to be postponed again until DeVos had completed her financial disclosure and it was approved by the Office of Government Ethics .
In reviewing DeVos ’ multifarious financial holdings , Virginia Canter , the chief ethics counsel at CREW , told Sludge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had ample time to prepare her initial nominee report and a more-accurate 2018 annual report .
“ There ’ s no reason why it should take this long , there are plenty of opportunities to work with ethics officials , ” Canter said .
Another cabinet official who was slow to meet divestment commitments was Transportation Secretary Elaine Chao , who signed an ethics agreement on Jan. 5 , 2017 to receive a cash payout of stock from construction-materials company Vulcan by April 2018 .
Chao held on to the stock for over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 13 % in value , raising ethics objections .
Chao ’ s annual financial disclosure report for last year , put online on June 13 , 2019 , reports that the Vulcan Materials stock was finally divested on June 3 .
Secretary Chao ’ s 2020 annual report has not yet been released , possibly due to the coronavirus pandemic , though other cabinet members filed .
Canter said that many of the wealthy individuals who make up Trump ’ s cabinet “ presented their own types of ethics issues that were not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Secretary Chao seems to have a lot of funding for transportation going to Kentucky , where her husband is a senator .
Carson had trouble at the outset having his wife decorate and paying for furniture that seemed to be very costly .
DeVos should have been required to divest stock in Neurocore , where her husband is an investment manager with a large stake in the company.
” U.S. Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross twice submitted erroneous disclosure reports — in May 2017 and again in August 2018—representing that he had divested from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ held .

This article was produced by Sludge, an independent, ad-free investigative news site covering money in politics. Click here to support Sludge.
On March 12, Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos sold shares worth as much as $5 million in BDT Capital Partners Oak Co-Invest, a secretive fund for wealthy investors that operates out of the Cayman Islands.
The sale was disclosed in a form put online by the Office of Government Ethics on April 6, 2020, but government watchdogs had no way of determining what assets comprised DeVos’ sale as the coronavirus pandemic deepened and financial markets cratered. The periodic transaction report does not list details of the specific securities sold through the investment fund, which is used by wealthy elites such as the billionaire DeVos family. The value of the shares was reported as being worth between $1 million and $5 million.
Questions about financial transactions made by officials with access to non-public information became heightened in May when scandals engulfed the U.S. Senate concerning stock transactions made by Sen. Richard Burr (R-N.C.) and Sen. Kelly Loeffler (R-Ga.) weeks after all senators were briefed privately on the extent of the coronavirus crisis. Sen. Burr was served a warrant by the FBI in an investigation into the timing of his stock sell-off on February 13 and stepped down as chair of the influential Senate Intelligence Committee.
Sen. Loeffler turned over documents to the Justice Department, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), and Senate Ethics Committee, before being informed in late May that she was no longer under investigation. Loeffler also stepped down from an Agriculture subcommittee and agreed to divest from individual stocks.
In Nov. 2017, Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.), the ranking Democrat on the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, raised concerns that Secretary DeVos and other Trump administration officials were using overseas investment funds as tax shelters. “While use of these vehicles is not illegal or necessarily in violation of specific ethics rules and pledges, I am deeply concerned by the challenge they pose to the Federal Government’s broader ethics program,” Sen. Murray’s letter stated. As part of her Jan. 19, 2017 ethics agreement, DeVos had agreed to divest within 90 days from another BDT Capital Partners fund, “BDT Capital Partners Fund II, L.P.,” but the firm maintained many funds in the Cayman Islands and DeVos held on to the “Oak Co-Invest” asset.
There had been a clue as to what securities were included in DeVos’ March sale, because DeVos’ previous June 2019 sale of between $250,000 and $500,000 in BDT Capital Partners Oak Co-Invest had disclosed it as “a Cayman Islands-incorporated entity that provides specialty coffee beverages and accessories.”
But the opaque structure of BDT Capital Partners meant that the makeup of March’s sales remained undisclosed. Described as “notoriously private,” the Chicago-based private equity firm BDT Capital Partners was founded in 2009 by former Goldman Sachs banker Byron Trott, who according to Bloomberg had previously worked with high-net-worth investors such as Warren Buffett and the Pritzker, Walton and Koch families. In 2018, Business Insider wrote, “Trott runs one of the most secretive investment banks in the world, BDT Capital Partners, which caters to the world’s wealthy elite who value privacy and discretion.” The firm has no public website and makes almost no media appearances, courting billionaires and extremely wealthy investors with its privacy.
BDT Capital Partners and its multiple Cayman Island funds appear a number of times in the Paradise Papers, a leak of 13.4 million financial documents relating to offshore investments analyzed by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) since late 2017. The documents detail how companies and individuals avoid taxes using shell companies in “secrecy jurisdictions” like the Cayman Islands.
BDT Capital appears in the Paradise Papers for doing business with Appleby, an offshore law firm in Hamilton, Bermuda that has been fined by regulators for not having robust money-laundering safeguards. Australian tax officials told The Guardian that the leaks reveal a global industry of tax avoidance offered to wealthy individuals.
Two and a half months after the March transaction was disclosed, DeVos’ annual financial disclosure report was posted online on June 19. It lists an investment in BDT Capital Partners worth between $5 million and $25 million, with a distributive income for DeVos that year of $291,460. The asset was described in an endnote as, “Provider of specialty coffee beverages and accessories,” which could refer to the Keurig Green Mountain coffee company, which has been partially owned by BDT Capital Partners since 2016.
Sludge inquired with the Department of Education’s press office for confirmation of what assets were included in Secretary DeVos’ March sale and if she would disclose the contents of overseas funds in future periodic transaction reports, but did not receive a response.
“DeVos’ use of a secret fund completely negates the disclosure system, warranting further scrutiny and investigation,” said Jeb Fain, spokesperson for American Bridge 21st Century, a super PAC that supports Democratic candidates.
The opaque March sell-off was not the first time that DeVos’ financial disclosure reports have caused headaches for government ethics watchdogs. In December 2018, the nonpartisan Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) flagged that DeVos’ 2018 disclosure report failed to document how she had divested from 24 assets included in her Jan. 2017 ethics agreement.
DeVos’ Senate confirmation hearing was held on Jan. 17, 2017, but her first Nominee Report of financial disclosures was not posted until Jan. 19, 2017—so senators at her hearing, which had already been postponed by a week, had not had time to review the hundreds of financial assets she reported. The week before the hearing took place on Jan. 17, Sen. Murray called for the hearing to be postponed again until DeVos had completed her financial disclosure and it was approved by the Office of Government Ethics.
In reviewing DeVos’ multifarious financial holdings, Virginia Canter, the chief ethics counsel at CREW, told Sludge that a wealthy investor like Secretary DeVos had ample time to prepare her initial nominee report and a more-accurate 2018 annual report. “There’s no reason why it should take this long, there are plenty of opportunities to work with ethics officials,” Canter said.
Another cabinet official who was slow to meet divestment commitments was Transportation Secretary Elaine Chao, who signed an ethics agreement on Jan. 5, 2017 to receive a cash payout of stock from construction-materials company Vulcan by April 2018. Chao held on to the stock for over another year as the stock rose nearly 13% in value, raising ethics objections. Chao’s annual financial disclosure report for last year, put online on June 13, 2019, reports that the Vulcan Materials stock was finally divested on June 3. Secretary Chao’s 2020 annual report has not yet been released, possibly due to the coronavirus pandemic, though other cabinet members filed.
Canter said that many of the wealthy individuals who make up Trump’s cabinet “presented their own types of ethics issues that were not necessarily evident from the paperwork.
“Secretary Chao seems to have a lot of funding for transportation going to Kentucky, where her husband is a senator. Carson had trouble at the outset having his wife decorate and paying for furniture that seemed to be very costly. DeVos should have been required to divest stock in Neurocore, where her husband is an investment manager with a large stake in the company.”
U.S. Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross twice submitted erroneous disclosure reports — in May 2017 and again in August 2018—representing that he had divested from BankUnited, Inc. stock that he still held.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-07-03--Trump’s Mount Rushmore Event Denounced as Racist, Dangerous and Disrespectful

President Donald Trump ’ s planned July 3 fireworks ceremony at Mount Rushmore is facing sustained criticism over its risks to public health and the environment and is being rebuked as “ an attack on Indigenous people.
” A crowd of 7,500 people is estimated for the gathering at the South Dakota mountain carving , where public health guidelines to contain the coronavirus won ’ t be enforced .
“ We told those folks that have concerns that they can stay home , but those who want to come and join us , we ’ ll be giving out free @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one , ” Republican South Dakota Gov .
Kristi Noem told Fox News Monday .
“ But we won ’ t be social distancing.
” Costs for the pyrotechnics will be footed by state taxpayers .
Among the voices in the chorus of criticism over the event comes from the Firefighters United for Safety , Ethics , and Ecology ( FUSEE ) , with the group citing the risk of wildfires and spread of Covid-19 .
“ Trump is dead set on having his fireworks show in the midst of high fire danger @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country , ” Michael Beasley of FUSEE said in a Thursday statement .
“ This is just another example of how frontline workers and first responders — in this case wildland firefighters — are treated like expendable props for the amusement of Donald Trump and his fans.
” “ While communities across the country have rightly and responsibly cancelled their local fireworks shows in order to reduce the spread of Covid-19 and to prevent wildfire ignitions , Trump arrogantly forges ahead with his phony display of patriotism that will needlessly put firefighters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ added Beasley .
“ The best thing we can hope for is that it rains on Trump ’ s charade.
” Phil Francis , chair of the Coalition to Protect America ’ s National Parks , expressed similar concern , calling the event “ ill-advised and unsafe , particularly as we continue to grapple with the ongoing impacts of Covid-19.
” “ The National Park Service decided years ago to end this program for very good reasons , ” said Francis , pointing to “ enormous and detrimental impacts on employees and routine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ visits prior to , during , and after the event.
” “ There was measurable pollution of groundwater which has gradually been improving since the cessation of the event in 2009 , ” he added .
“ Abnormally dry conditions in the Black Hills means that the risk of a devastating and expensive wildfire is even higher than usual.
” Yet the National Park Service appears to have downplayed the risks .
As Adam Federman reported last week for Sierra Magazine and Type Investigations , the effects on the pandemic were left out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drafts of the NPS environmental analysis of the event .
From Federman ’ s reporting : Among the draft recommendations were that the crowd size be limited to 2,000 .
“ None of these concerns or recommendations are included in the final environmental assessment.
” Further , Federman wrote , Tribal leaders , who ’ ve long denounced the monument in and of itself as an homage to racist federal policies — including theft of the land Mt .
Rushmore sits on — also voiced sharp concern over Trump ’ s visit to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ River Sioux Nation Harold Frazier said he ’ d happily remove the monument on his own , as “ Lakota see the faces of the men who lied , cheated , and murdered innocent people whose only crime was living on the land they wanted to steal.
” And Oglala Sioux president Julian Bear Runner said Trump “ doesn ’ t have permission from its original sovereign owners to enter the territory at this time , ” and warned that the event is “ going to cause an uproar.
” The Indigenous Environmental @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with tribal leaders calling for removal of the monument and expressing outrage over the presidential event .
“ President Trump ’ s Fourth of July visit to Mt .
Rushmore is a continuation of Indigenous resilience and history being erased from national dialogues .
This spectacle is nothing more than a reminder that settler colonialism is alive and well , ” said the network .
“ Make no mistake , this visit is an attack on Indigenous people , ” wrote Nick Tilsen , president of NDN Collective and a citizen of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ op-ed at NBC News , Tilsen described Mt .
Rushmore as “ a monument to white colonizers carved by a Ku Klux Klan sympathizer into land stolen from us by the U.S. government in 1877.
” Referring to the president ’ s ultimately rescheduled Juneteenth rally in Tulsa , Oklahoma , Tilsen said Trump “ is taking his campaign from the site of one of the United States ’ most horrific acts of racism to another place with long histories of oppression and state-sanctioned violence.
” “ In the midst of a national @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mount Rushmore must be interrogated and denounced , ” Tilsen said , adding , “ If you truly care about fighting our country ’ s racist history , now is not a day to be silent .
”

President Donald Trump’s planned July 3 fireworks ceremony at Mount Rushmore is facing sustained criticism over its risks to public health and the environment and is being rebuked as “an attack on Indigenous people.”
A crowd of 7,500 people is estimated for the gathering at the South Dakota mountain carving, where public health guidelines to contain the coronavirus won’t be enforced.
“We told those folks that have concerns that they can stay home, but those who want to come and join us, we’ll be giving out free face masks if they choose to wear one,” Republican South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem told Fox News Monday. “But we won’t be social distancing.”
Costs for the pyrotechnics will be footed by state taxpayers.
Among the voices in the chorus of criticism over the event comes from the Firefighters United for Safety, Ethics, and Ecology (FUSEE), with the group citing the risk of wildfires and spread of Covid-19.
“Trump is dead set on having his fireworks show in the midst of high fire danger and the pandemic that is surging across the country,” Michael Beasley of FUSEE said in a Thursday statement. “This is just another example of how frontline workers and first responders — in this case wildland firefighters — are treated like expendable props for the amusement of Donald Trump and his fans.”
“While communities across the country have rightly and responsibly cancelled their local fireworks shows in order to reduce the spread of Covid-19 and to prevent wildfire ignitions, Trump arrogantly forges ahead with his phony display of patriotism that will needlessly put firefighters and citizens at extra risk,” added Beasley. “The best thing we can hope for is that it rains on Trump’s charade.”
Phil Francis, chair of the Coalition to Protect America’s National Parks, expressed similar concern, calling the event “ill-advised and unsafe, particularly as we continue to grapple with the ongoing impacts of Covid-19.”
“The National Park Service decided years ago to end this program for very good reasons,” said Francis, pointing to “enormous and detrimental impacts on employees and routine operations that affected the overall quality of visits prior to, during, and after the event.”
“There was measurable pollution of groundwater which has gradually been improving since the cessation of the event in 2009,” he added. “Abnormally dry conditions in the Black Hills means that the risk of a devastating and expensive wildfire is even higher than usual.”
Yet the National Park Service appears to have downplayed the risks.
As Adam Federman reported last week for Sierra Magazine and Type Investigations, the effects on the pandemic were left out entirely and safety risks removed from final drafts of the NPS environmental analysis of the event. From Federman’s reporting:
According to documents obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request, two earlier drafts of the environmental analysis for the event, from December 2019 and January 2020, included a four-page section on “human health and safety.” But in the final version, which was released in February and approved in April, that section had been removed from the document—a potential violation of federal law that could leave the department legally vulnerable.
Among the draft recommendations were that the crowd size be limited to 2,000. “None of these concerns or recommendations are included in the final environmental assessment.” Further, Federman wrote,
The drafts noted that “conditions have steadily deteriorated” across the Black Hills National Forest and that a major fire would “severely impact” the ecology of the region, including surface vegetation and old-growth trees. That text does not appear in the final version of the assessment. Instead, the assessment concludes that a fireworks display “would contribute minimally to wildfire risk” in the area, if mitigation measures, such as prescribed burns and tree thinning, are followed.
Tribal leaders, who’ve long denounced the monument in and of itself as an homage to racist federal policies — including theft of the land Mt. Rushmore sits on — also voiced sharp concern over Trump’s visit to the site.
Chairman of the Cheyenne River Sioux Nation Harold Frazier said he’d happily remove the monument on his own, as “Lakota see the faces of the men who lied, cheated, and murdered innocent people whose only crime was living on the land they wanted to steal.” And Oglala Sioux president Julian Bear Runner said Trump “doesn’t have permission from its original sovereign owners to enter the territory at this time,” and warned that the event is “going to cause an uproar.”
The Indigenous Environmental Network released a statement Friday in solidarity with tribal leaders calling for removal of the monument and expressing outrage over the presidential event.
“President Trump’s Fourth of July visit to Mt. Rushmore is a continuation of Indigenous resilience and history being erased from national dialogues. This spectacle is nothing more than a reminder that settler colonialism is alive and well,” said the network.
“Make no mistake, this visit is an attack on Indigenous people,” wrote Nick Tilsen, president of NDN Collective and a citizen of the Oglala Lakota Nation.
In his Friday op-ed at NBC News, Tilsen described Mt. Rushmore as “a monument to white colonizers carved by a Ku Klux Klan sympathizer into land stolen from us by the U.S. government in 1877.”
Referring to the president’s ultimately rescheduled Juneteenth rally in Tulsa, Oklahoma, Tilsen said Trump “is taking his campaign from the site of one of the United States’ most horrific acts of racism to another place with long histories of oppression and state-sanctioned violence.”
“In the midst of a national reckoning on race, the hypocrisy of Mount Rushmore must be interrogated and denounced,” Tilsen said, adding, “If you truly care about fighting our country’s racist history, now is not a day to be silent.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-07-03--Despite Job Gains in June, Recovery Will Slow Without Congressional Action

The June employment report showed the economy adding back 4.8 million jobs , following a gain of 2.7 million ( revised up by 200,000 ) in May .
This two-month gain leaves the economy down by just under 14.7 million jobs from its pre-pandemic level in February .
The unemployment rate fell 2.2 percentage points to 11.1 percent .
However , this understates the actual drop since the number of people misclassified as employed rather than unemployed fell from roughly 3.0 percent of the labor force in May to 1.0 percent in June .
It is important to remember that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ labor market in the second week of June before the coronavirus infection rate began to soar again .
The job gains were primarily in the sectors that had been hardest hit in the shutdown .
Restaurants added 1,483,000 jobs in June , accounting for more than one-quarter of the total gain .
However , employment in the sector is still down by more than 3.1 million from its February level .
Retail added 739,800 jobs , with more than a quarter of these ( 201,600 jobs ) being in clothing .
Retail employment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than 1.3 million jobs from February .
Employment in health care jumped by 358,000 in June , with the 190,400 gain in dentists ’ offices accounting for more than one-half of the rise .
Health care employment is still down by more than 900,000 since February .
Manufacturing added 356,000 jobs and construction added 158,000 in June .
They are now down 757,000 and 472,000 jobs , respectively , from pre-pandemic levels .
One sector that has not recovered is motion pictures .
While it added 2,600 jobs in June , its current @ @ @ @ @ @ @ half of its February level .
Mining also continues to be hard hit , losing another 9,800 jobs in June .
The hardest-hit sector within mining is support activities , which are mostly jobs associated with opening new sites .
These are down by 71,600 , more than 20 percent , since February .
The local government sector added 57,000 jobs in June , while the state sector shed 25,000 jobs .
The two sectors together are down 1,487,000 jobs since February .
This figure will grow sharply as governments enter their new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appropriates a large amount of assistance .
On the household side , the picture is supportive of a strong but very uneven bounce back .
First and foremost , it seems that people who reported being on temporary layoffs are getting their jobs back .
This number stood at 18,630,000 in April , but is now down to 10,565,000 , accounting for 59.5 percent of the unemployed .
The number of unemployed who are reentrants also has risen sharply from 1,477,000 in April to 2,356,000 in June .
This reflects greater confidence in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ side , more than 4.6 million people have dropped out of the labor force since February .
Just under 1 million of these workers have been prime-age ( between 25 and 54 ) women .
Workers over age 65 account for more than 900,000 of those leaving the labor force .
More than 1.9 million young workers ( under age 25 ) left the labor market .
While the overall employment-to-population ratio ( EPOP ) is down by 6.5 percentage points since February , it is down by 8.6 percentage points for Blacks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The EPOP is down 9.1 percentage points for Hispanics and 10.3 percentage points for Hispanic men .
For Asians , the EPOP is down by 9.9 percentage points .
These differences show up clearly in looking at employment by education level .
The EPOP for college grads is down 4.0 percentage points since February , compared to a drop of 7.6 percentage points for those with just a high school degree and 9.4 percentage points for those without a high school degree .
This also shows up in the loss of part-time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than doubled , from 4.3 million to 9.1 million , voluntary part-time employment has fallen by more than 20 percent , from 22.2 million to 17.1 million .
This reflects the loss of jobs in restaurants and hotels , many of which are part-time .
This is a mostly positive report , indicating that the economy was bouncing back , although it still has very far to go , with pretty much all the numbers looking worse in June than at their very worst point in the Great Recession .
However , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slow , especially if Congress does not come through with additional funding for the unemployed and for state and local governments .
With the pandemic spreading out of control , there will certainly be more shutdowns , and people will be reluctant to use services even in areas without shutdowns .
In short , we are very far from a situation that is anything close to normal .

We are still very far from a situation that is anything close to normal.
The June employment report showed the economy adding back 4.8 million jobs, following a gain of 2.7 million (revised up by 200,000) in May. This two-month gain leaves the economy down by just under 14.7 million jobs from its pre-pandemic level in February.
The unemployment rate fell 2.2 percentage points to 11.1 percent. However, this understates the actual drop since the number of people misclassified as employed rather than unemployed fell from roughly 3.0 percent of the labor force in May to 1.0 percent in June. It is important to remember that these data reflect the state of the labor market in the second week of June before the coronavirus infection rate began to soar again.
The job gains were primarily in the sectors that had been hardest hit in the shutdown. Restaurants added 1,483,000 jobs in June, accounting for more than one-quarter of the total gain. However, employment in the sector is still down by more than 3.1 million from its February level. Retail added 739,800 jobs, with more than a quarter of these (201,600 jobs) being in clothing. Retail employment is now down by a bit less than 1.3 million jobs from February.
Employment in health care jumped by 358,000 in June, with the 190,400 gain in dentists’ offices accounting for more than one-half of the rise. Health care employment is still down by more than 900,000 since February. Manufacturing added 356,000 jobs and construction added 158,000 in June. They are now down 757,000 and 472,000 jobs, respectively, from pre-pandemic levels.
One sector that has not recovered is motion pictures. While it added 2,600 jobs in June, its current employment level of 212,600 is less than half of its February level. Mining also continues to be hard hit, losing another 9,800 jobs in June. The hardest-hit sector within mining is support activities, which are mostly jobs associated with opening new sites. These are down by 71,600, more than 20 percent, since February.
The local government sector added 57,000 jobs in June, while the state sector shed 25,000 jobs. The two sectors together are down 1,487,000 jobs since February. This figure will grow sharply as governments enter their new fiscal year with massive shortfalls unless Congress appropriates a large amount of assistance.
On the household side, the picture is supportive of a strong but very uneven bounce back. First and foremost, it seems that people who reported being on temporary layoffs are getting their jobs back. This number stood at 18,630,000 in April, but is now down to 10,565,000, accounting for 59.5 percent of the unemployed. The number of unemployed who are reentrants also has risen sharply from 1,477,000 in April to 2,356,000 in June. This reflects greater confidence in the labor market.
On the other side, more than 4.6 million people have dropped out of the labor force since February. Just under 1 million of these workers have been prime-age (between 25 and 54) women. Workers over age 65 account for more than 900,000 of those leaving the labor force. More than 1.9 million young workers (under age 25) left the labor market.
While the overall employment-to-population ratio (EPOP) is down by 6.5 percentage points since February, it is down by 8.6 percentage points for Blacks and 9.4 percentage points for Black men. The EPOP is down 9.1 percentage points for Hispanics and 10.3 percentage points for Hispanic men. For Asians, the EPOP is down by 9.9 percentage points.
These differences show up clearly in looking at employment by education level. The EPOP for college grads is down 4.0 percentage points since February, compared to a drop of 7.6 percentage points for those with just a high school degree and 9.4 percentage points for those without a high school degree. This also shows up in the loss of part-time jobs. While involuntary part-time employment has more than doubled, from 4.3 million to 9.1 million, voluntary part-time employment has fallen by more than 20 percent, from 22.2 million to 17.1 million. This reflects the loss of jobs in restaurants and hotels, many of which are part-time.
This is a mostly positive report, indicating that the economy was bouncing back, although it still has very far to go, with pretty much all the numbers looking worse in June than at their very worst point in the Great Recession. However, this bounce back is virtually certain to slow, especially if Congress does not come through with additional funding for the unemployed and for state and local governments. With the pandemic spreading out of control, there will certainly be more shutdowns, and people will be reluctant to use services even in areas without shutdowns. In short, we are very far from a situation that is anything close to normal.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-07-03--July Fourth Never Meant Anything to a Disabled Black Woman Like Me

The Fourth of July has never meant much to me or my family .
It was just a day that started at 7 a.m. with my mother at my door , blasting gospel music and telling me to get to work cleaning my room , “ now that I had the time.
” At best , it meant I got barbecue and went outside to watch my neighbors set off fireworks , just in case they accidentally set our house on fire .
As Independence Day approaches — during a pandemic that could have been avoided , one in which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people of color are dying in droves and being denied care ; in the middle of a police brutality crisis that disproportionately affects the Black community , particularly those with disabilities — the request for celebration feels like a ridiculous proposition .
Are we supposed to launch fireworks over a country that has , yet again , become a mass grave due to racism , neglect , and indifference ?
The education system has reinforced how little my survival , and that of others like me , means to “ my country.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school , as a disabled kid living in New York City during the 9/11 era .
When my school had a fire drill and other children were ushered out by teachers , I was led to a room and the door was closed on me .
In the event of a fire , I was to stay in the building and wait for someone to come get me .
That was apparently the school “ policy ” then , though after that incident my dad went to the school and fought to have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I am more adept at going down a flight of stairs than up .
The year before I entered high school , I was locked in a church where I and other kids — Black and white — spent our Martin Luther King Jr. Day preparing care packages for incarcerated people .
The kids from my Black church were visiting a predominantly white church ; this was the customary show of togetherness for the day .
White members of that church were standing guard behind the locked doors and peering out the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ march in town , past the church , and we weren ’ t to leave before it was over .
Some of the younger kids weren ’ t told about this .
I was made aware because , like with drills for school mass shootings and fires , there was a different plan to ( maybe ) get me out of the building as a disabled person in the event of an emergency .
In high school , I was the only Black person in many of my classes at a predominantly white @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of four black people out of 400 at graduation .
It ’ s during these years that I learned more about whitewashed history lessons .
In the lead-up to Fourth of July , lessons were centered on the country ’ s origin story , like the signing of the Declaration of Independence and the drafting of the U.S. Constitution — but they somehow missed the three-fifths compromise .
Lessons around colonialism were whitewashed and spoke of “ good slaves ” and gentle slave owners , while completely neglecting the slaughter of natives .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ around the Fourth , but only if we wore red , white and blue .
( Blue jeans and a white tee works , right ? )
While many of my peers excitedly made plans to go to parades , participate in service days , and celebrate with family and church members , I marveled at the privilege .
They were celebrating an America I had never seen exist .
Because of the situations I encountered and things I did to survive through my school years , I never wanted to celebrate a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hide me away so I wouldn ’ t be killed for the color of my skin , or to leave me as the last to be saved because of my disability .
The closest I have come to chanting “ USA ” is murmuring along to “ Sweet Caroline ” at football games during my freshman year at Pitt .
I remain suspicious and cautious around any American who is overtly patriotic .
As a Black disabled woman , to be asked to celebrate this holiday at all is an insult .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who battled to exist freely in this country , and whose offspring are still waiting .
And it ’ s an insult to all my experiences in a country that has systematically disenfranchised Black people and has written off disabled people as burdens .
Don ’ t you dare ask me to celebrate America .
Every day I celebrate those organizing for a better future — one in which black kids in a church won ’ t have to hide , and disabled kids aren ’ t left inside during school shootings .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the system from the inside and those ready to tear it down and build a new one .
I celebrate the parts of this country that America pretends to be every day .
So , no , I don ’ t need the Fourth of July .

The Fourth of July has never meant much to me or my family. It was just a day that started at 7 a.m. with my mother at my door, blasting gospel music and telling me to get to work cleaning my room, “now that I had the time.” At best, it meant I got barbecue and went outside to watch my neighbors set off fireworks, just in case they accidentally set our house on fire.
As Independence Day approaches — during a pandemic that could have been avoided, one in which disabled, Black, Indigenous, and people of color are dying in droves and being denied care; in the middle of a police brutality crisis that disproportionately affects the Black community, particularly those with disabilities — the request for celebration feels like a ridiculous proposition.
Are we supposed to launch fireworks over a country that has, yet again, become a mass grave due to racism, neglect, and indifference?
The education system has reinforced how little my survival, and that of others like me, means to “my country.” I experienced it as early as elementary school, as a disabled kid living in New York City during the 9/11 era. When my school had a fire drill and other children were ushered out by teachers, I was led to a room and the door was closed on me. In the event of a fire, I was to stay in the building and wait for someone to come get me. That was apparently the school “policy” then, though after that incident my dad went to the school and fought to have the rule changed. To this day, I am more adept at going down a flight of stairs than up.
The year before I entered high school, I was locked in a church where I and other kids — Black and white — spent our Martin Luther King Jr. Day preparing care packages for incarcerated people. The kids from my Black church were visiting a predominantly white church; this was the customary show of togetherness for the day. White members of that church were standing guard behind the locked doors and peering out the window; the Klan had threatened to march in town, past the church, and we weren’t to leave before it was over. Some of the younger kids weren’t told about this. I was made aware because, like with drills for school mass shootings and fires, there was a different plan to (maybe) get me out of the building as a disabled person in the event of an emergency.
In high school, I was the only Black person in many of my classes at a predominantly white conservative Catholic high school, and one of four black people out of 400 at graduation. It’s during these years that I learned more about whitewashed history lessons.
In the lead-up to Fourth of July, lessons were centered on the country’s origin story, like the signing of the Declaration of Independence and the drafting of the U.S. Constitution — but they somehow missed the three-fifths compromise. Lessons around colonialism were whitewashed and spoke of “good slaves” and gentle slave owners, while completely neglecting the slaughter of natives. We were allowed “dress-down days” around the Fourth, but only if we wore red, white and blue. (Blue jeans and a white tee works, right?)
While many of my peers excitedly made plans to go to parades, participate in service days, and celebrate with family and church members, I marveled at the privilege. They were celebrating an America I had never seen exist.
Because of the situations I encountered and things I did to survive through my school years, I never wanted to celebrate a country in which it was necessary to hide me away so I wouldn’t be killed for the color of my skin, or to leave me as the last to be saved because of my disability. The closest I have come to chanting “USA” is murmuring along to “Sweet Caroline” at football games during my freshman year at Pitt. I remain suspicious and cautious around any American who is overtly patriotic.
As a Black disabled woman, to be asked to celebrate this holiday at all is an insult. It is an insult to all my ancestors who battled to exist freely in this country, and whose offspring are still waiting. And it’s an insult to all my experiences in a country that has systematically disenfranchised Black people and has written off disabled people as burdens.
Don’t you dare ask me to celebrate America.
Every day I celebrate those organizing for a better future — one in which black kids in a church won’t have to hide, and disabled kids aren’t left inside during school shootings. I celebrate both those willing to change the system from the inside and those ready to tear it down and build a new one. I celebrate the parts of this country that America pretends to be every day. So, no, I don’t need the Fourth of July.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-07-03--How to Protect Yourself From Retaliation When Filming Police Brutality

As protesters continue to occupy the streets around the U.S. , many are filming police brutality .
If you are in a situation with the cops or witnessing one that has the potential to turn violent , whether at a protest or simply while out in your community , you should be prepared to take video and document events with your smartphone .
While taking a video isn ’ t that difficult — we do it every day — recording police brutality or other atrocities comes with a whole set of concerns that many of us don ’ t have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Over the years , unfortunately , many have suffered retaliation for filming the police and releasing the footage .
Taisha Allen was assaulted by police and arrested after recording Eric Garner ’ s death .
Ramsey Orta , who also filmed Garner ’ s death , and his family members were allegedly harassed for years ; eventually police got revenge on Orta with his imprisonment .
Kevin Moore was harassed , doxxed and falsely arrested by the Baltimore Police Department after filming the arrest of his friend Freddie Gray .
Witnesses have even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in their cars and recording .
More recently , a security guard was shot at by police while filming the beating of a protester from inside a building from afar .
The individual who recorded the fallout of a 7-year-old being pepper-sprayed in Seattle was arrested .
All of these instances taken together should make it very clear : If you film the police and your identity is known , it is highly probable that you will be retaliated against in some form .
You need to be careful , not only in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also in what you do with it afterward .
Special consideration should be given to distancing yourself from use of the video .
To make sure the police or someone else can ’ t take your phone and delete your documentation , make sure you are using at least a six-digit password , instead of face unlock or your phone ’ s fingerprint scanner .
In the U.S. , you can ’ t be legally compelled to give out your password without a warrant , whereas someone could always physically put your finger @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up to the phone to unlock it .
Be sure to set your phone to auto-lock relatively quickly as well , so it can ’ t easily be accessed once the display goes to sleep .
Make sure you ’ ve enabled automatic backup to the cloud of videos and photos on your phone , ideally via your cellphone ’ s data connection .
This way , if your device is confiscated or destroyed , you ’ ll still have a copy you can access later on .
Automatic backups were invaluable for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ luckily had a cloud backup of a video that appeared to be deleted from her phone after she was arrested .
Some popular options for this are iCloud , Google Photos and Dropbox .
Now comes the hard part — what to do with the video you ’ ve recorded .
You ’ re likely to be angry and scared after witnessing a scenario like the ones mentioned above , but doing your best to slow down for a few hours to decide what to do can help you stay safe .
There @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but you need to consider what will have the most impact and be the most ethical while protecting yourself from retaliation .
First and foremost , don ’ t just put it up on your social-media account .
Work with someone who has experience to get the documentation out safely .
Keep in mind , the most ethical choice is to get in contact with the victim or the victim ’ s family and let them decide how the video is used .
The video could play a role as evidence in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to have a mutual connection or a lawyer reach out to the family or their lawyer , so you can safely contact them without disclosing your identity .
There are also ethical questions about who was recorded and whether they want their identities shared .
By reaching out to those in the video , you can let them decide what is shared and how it is shared , rather than deciding for them .
Should faces of bystanders or potentially identifying clothing or tattoos be blurred out before sharing ?
Your ethical choices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some cases , the family might want to wait until after the police have released their version of events , then use the video as evidence to discredit the police ’ s account .
This is exactly what happened when Feidin Santana filmed Walter Scott ’ s killing .
With his own lawyer , Santana worked with the family to release the video he had recorded of Scott ’ s murder , which discredited the police narrative that Scott had grabbed the officer ’ s Taser , something that never happened .
By @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the release of the video , Santana made sure that the police were caught in their lie .
Santana ’ s choice to work with a lawyer was key .
This is almost always a good idea for someone who has such strong evidence against law enforcement .
A lawyer can help you weigh the pros and cons of pathways you might take to releasing information .
They can also act as a go-between for you , using attorney-client privilege to protect your identity and help release and distribute the video on your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ family isn ’ t available , or a video needs to be released quickly , approaching a trusted journalist or an advocacy organization in your area focusing on police brutality might be a good way to make an impact .
Consider contacting them anonymously through a lawyer or through a secure messenger app such as Signal or Wire , or by setting up a new anonymous email account with a provider such as ProtonMail .
Approach journalists or advocacy organizations that have a history of covering police brutality , ones that offer a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in particular , organizations or individuals that you believe you can trust to consider your best interests .
Try to keep your identity hidden .
There is no reason to make the story about you if you can help it .
Keep the story focused on the atrocities you are trying to expose , rather than your story .
This can protect you and help you avoid retaliation .
Again , this means avoiding posting the video on your own social media accounts if at all possible .
Your own social media account @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you see no other option than to release a video or photos on social media , uploading your materials to a new anonymous Twitter or Facebook account is better than doing it from your own account .
Better yet , work with a community group that posts documentation of police brutality .
During the latest wave of protests in the U.S. , a few projects have tried to compile video documentation shared on social media , most notably the Google Sheet titled “ GeorgeFloyd Protest – police brutality videos on Twitter.
” The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ documentation .
By working with one of these new community projects or an advocacy organization such as Justice Committee or WeCopwatch , you can remove identifying info from your distribution and also hopefully reach a wider audience that can amplify the impact of the video .
There is perhaps one reason to release what you have in your own name and identify yourself .
In some very special circumstances , going public can offer protection .
Edward Snowden was famously public about releasing the NSA documents he had taken with him .
By @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the world saw him , offering him a type of protection against extreme retaliation and any governmental attempts at a cover-up .
Consider carefully whether and how to reveal your own identity when releasing sensitive information .
Though it may not be best to protect your identity , especially when you ’ re at a protest , saving location metadata with any video when it ’ s taken can be important evidence in court .
The longer the video and the more embedded information it has — such as time , date , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it will be in court .
You can always remove metadata from a copy of the video before you share it , leaving the metadata stored in your backup .
Be safe out there , and watch out for each other .
The community must first protect itself .
Two caveats to this article : 1 .
This advice is directed towards those in the U.S. filming the police ; this advice is not appropriate for everyone in the world who might film such actions .
So many different factors and risks are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ towards specific circumstances .
For example , threats and risks faced by someone at a protest in Lebanon will necessarily differ from those faced by someone in Minneapolis .
2 .
Because of systemic racism in the U.S. , white allies are less likely to be harassed or retaliated against by the police .
As an ally , you should step up and document injustices when you see them .
Definitely consult the many great resources out there , particularly tools and resources from WITNESS .
To be prepared , read more , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ others .
Unfortunately , under the current circumstances , you never know when it might come in handy .

As protesters continue to occupy the streets around the U.S., many are filming police brutality. If you are in a situation with the cops or witnessing one that has the potential to turn violent, whether at a protest or simply while out in your community, you should be prepared to take video and document events with your smartphone. While taking a video isn’t that difficult — we do it every day — recording police brutality or other atrocities comes with a whole set of concerns that many of us don’t have to face on a daily basis.
Over the years, unfortunately, many have suffered retaliation for filming the police and releasing the footage. Taisha Allen was assaulted by police and arrested after recording Eric Garner’s death. Ramsey Orta, who also filmed Garner’s death, and his family members were allegedly harassed for years; eventually police got revenge on Orta with his imprisonment. Kevin Moore was harassed, doxxed and falsely arrested by the Baltimore Police Department after filming the arrest of his friend Freddie Gray. Witnesses have even been ticketed and arrested for merely sitting in their cars and recording. More recently, a security guard was shot at by police while filming the beating of a protester from inside a building from afar. The individual who recorded the fallout of a 7-year-old being pepper-sprayed in Seattle was arrested.
All of these instances taken together should make it very clear: If you film the police and your identity is known, it is highly probable that you will be retaliated against in some form. You need to be careful, not only in how you record a video, but also in what you do with it afterward. Special consideration should be given to distancing yourself from use of the video.
(Some great guides are already out there on how to safely record the police, particularly this guide by the senior U.S. program coordinator at the human rights organization WITNESS and this one from the Electronic Frontier Foundation on your rights to film the police. So we’ll keep this section short.)
To make sure the police or someone else can’t take your phone and delete your documentation, make sure you are using at least a six-digit password, instead of face unlock or your phone’s fingerprint scanner. In the U.S., you can’t be legally compelled to give out your password without a warrant, whereas someone could always physically put your finger on your phone or force your face up to the phone to unlock it. Be sure to set your phone to auto-lock relatively quickly as well, so it can’t easily be accessed once the display goes to sleep.
Make sure you’ve enabled automatic backup to the cloud of videos and photos on your phone, ideally via your cellphone’s data connection. This way, if your device is confiscated or destroyed, you’ll still have a copy you can access later on. Automatic backups were invaluable for Kianga Mwamba, for instance, who luckily had a cloud backup of a video that appeared to be deleted from her phone after she was arrested. Some popular options for this are iCloud, Google Photos and Dropbox.
Now comes the hard part — what to do with the video you’ve recorded. You’re likely to be angry and scared after witnessing a scenario like the ones mentioned above, but doing your best to slow down for a few hours to decide what to do can help you stay safe. There are many ways to distribute videos, but you need to consider what will have the most impact and be the most ethical while protecting yourself from retaliation. First and foremost, don’t just put it up on your social-media account. Work with someone who has experience to get the documentation out safely.
If you film the police and your identity is known, it is highly probable that you will be retaliated against in some form.
Keep in mind, the most ethical choice is to get in contact with the victim or the victim’s family and let them decide how the video is used. The video could play a role as evidence in a legal case. It might be possible to have a mutual connection or a lawyer reach out to the family or their lawyer, so you can safely contact them without disclosing your identity. There are also ethical questions about who was recorded and whether they want their identities shared. By reaching out to those in the video, you can let them decide what is shared and how it is shared, rather than deciding for them. Should faces of bystanders or potentially identifying clothing or tattoos be blurred out before sharing? Your ethical choices in this moment are crucial.
In some cases, the family might want to wait until after the police have released their version of events, then use the video as evidence to discredit the police’s account. This is exactly what happened when Feidin Santana filmed Walter Scott’s killing. With his own lawyer, Santana worked with the family to release the video he had recorded of Scott’s murder, which discredited the police narrative that Scott had grabbed the officer’s Taser, something that never happened. By biding their time and being methodical with the release of the video, Santana made sure that the police were caught in their lie.
Santana’s choice to work with a lawyer was key. This is almost always a good idea for someone who has such strong evidence against law enforcement. A lawyer can help you weigh the pros and cons of pathways you might take to releasing information. They can also act as a go-between for you, using attorney-client privilege to protect your identity and help release and distribute the video on your behalf.
If the victim or their family isn’t available, or a video needs to be released quickly, approaching a trusted journalist or an advocacy organization in your area focusing on police brutality might be a good way to make an impact. Consider contacting them anonymously through a lawyer or through a secure messenger app such as Signal or Wire, or by setting up a new anonymous email account with a provider such as ProtonMail. Approach journalists or advocacy organizations that have a history of covering police brutality, ones that offer a secure means of contacting them, and in particular, organizations or individuals that you believe you can trust to consider your best interests.
Try to keep your identity hidden. There is no reason to make the story about you if you can help it. Keep the story focused on the atrocities you are trying to expose, rather than your story. This can protect you and help you avoid retaliation. Again, this means avoiding posting the video on your own social media accounts if at all possible.
Your own social media account should be a last resort. If you see no other option than to release a video or photos on social media, uploading your materials to a new anonymous Twitter or Facebook account is better than doing it from your own account. Better yet, work with a community group that posts documentation of police brutality. During the latest wave of protests in the U.S., a few projects have tried to compile video documentation shared on social media, most notably the Google Sheet titled “GeorgeFloyd Protest – police brutality videos on Twitter.” The spreadsheet has become a clearinghouse for video documentation. By working with one of these new community projects or an advocacy organization such as Justice Committee or WeCopwatch, you can remove identifying info from your distribution and also hopefully reach a wider audience that can amplify the impact of the video.
The most ethical choice is to get in contact with the victim or the victim’s family and let them decide how the video is used.
There is perhaps one reason to release what you have in your own name and identify yourself. In some very special circumstances, going public can offer protection. Edward Snowden was famously public about releasing the NSA documents he had taken with him. By going public, he made it so the world saw him, offering him a type of protection against extreme retaliation and any governmental attempts at a cover-up. Consider carefully whether and how to reveal your own identity when releasing sensitive information.
Though it may not be best to protect your identity, especially when you’re at a protest, saving location metadata with any video when it’s taken can be important evidence in court. The longer the video and the more embedded information it has — such as time, date, location and names — the more powerful it will be in court. You can always remove metadata from a copy of the video before you share it, leaving the metadata stored in your backup.
Be safe out there, and watch out for each other. The community must first protect itself.
Two caveats to this article: 1. This advice is directed towards those in the U.S. filming the police; this advice is not appropriate for everyone in the world who might film such actions. So many different factors and risks are at play that advice must be targeted towards specific circumstances. For example, threats and risks faced by someone at a protest in Lebanon will necessarily differ from those faced by someone in Minneapolis. 2. Because of systemic racism in the U.S., white allies are less likely to be harassed or retaliated against by the police. As an ally, you should step up and document injustices when you see them.
Definitely consult the many great resources out there, particularly tools and resources from WITNESS. To be prepared, read more, get involved and share this knowledge with others. Unfortunately, under the current circumstances, you never know when it might come in handy.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-07-04--The NYPD Isn’t Giving Bodycam Footage to Officials Investigating Alleged Abuse

Like many cities , New York City began equipping its police officers with body-worn cameras a few years ago .
The footage is often invaluable evidence for the civilian agency charged with investigating complaints about NYPD abuses .
But first , the agency ’ s investigators need to get the footage .
And increasingly , the NYPD is not turning it over .
In May , New York City ’ s Civilian Complaint Review Board requested body-worn camera footage for 212 cases involving possible misconduct but received only 33 responses , according to a recent internal memo .
The NYPD @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worse , ” stated the memo , which was obtained by ProPublica .
The memo warned that “ the situation is untenable.
” The memo ’ s authors wrote that lack of access to body-worn camera footage reflects a broader issue .
“ The struggle for BWC , ” or body-worn camera footage , they wrote , “ is the struggle for the future of civilian oversight.
” ( Here is the memo . )
If investigators get bodycam footage , CCRB data shows , they are far more likely to get to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it , they usually can ’ t , and often end up closing cases without finding out what really happened .
A spokesperson for the NYPD said the coronavirus pandemic and other “ unprecedented events ” have caused the police to deploy “ many officers into the field and away from administrative assignments.
” The NYPD noted that it has recently shared 703 videos related to complaints stemming from the police protests .
( Here is the NYPD ’ s full statement . )
While the pandemic has exacerbated the issue , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ problematic much earlier .
In early 2019 , the percentage of alleged abuse cases waiting for NYPD footage spiked more than fourfold , to 37 % .
A CCRB report noted “ mounting delays in the receipt of key evidence , especially BWC footage.
” The delays in turning over footage can have a significant effect on whether police officers are held accountable when people come forward with accusations of misconduct , such as racially profiling or pistol-whipping a person .
There ’ s an 18-month statute of limitations on bringing any discipline @ @ @ @ @ @ @ charges are initiated by the CCRB or by the department itself .
Multiple entities have responsibility for investigating abuse and corruption by NYPD officers .
The NYPD has its own internal investigators , and local and federal prosecutors , of course , can also bring criminal charges .
But it ’ s the CCRB that ’ s supposed to provide an independent venue for complaints against police .
The agency has the authority to investigate everything from officers being discourteous to police violence against civilians .
It was the CCRB ’ s investigation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after an officer used a chokehold that ultimately led the NYPD to fire the officer .
As ProPublica recently detailed , the NYPD has nearly complete discretion over how much it cooperates with CCRB investigations .
While the CCRB can recommend punishment , the police commissioner can and often does decide to do otherwise .
That discretion extends to footage from body-worn cameras .
CCRB investigators have to submit individual requests .
The NYPD has often responded to the requests by saying the footage doesn ’ t exist — only for the CCRB @ @ @ @ @ @ @ CCRB and NYPD worked out an agreement last year to allow civilian investigators to be in the room while officers search for footage .
Implementation of the deal has been delayed by the pandemic .
When it does start , CCRB investigators still won ’ t have direct access to the files .
Other cities , such as Washington , San Francisco and New Orleans , have created a much simpler process .
They let civilian oversight investigators go right into the systems that store footage .
“ I can go and check @ @ @ @ @ @ @ oversight official told WNYC last year .
“ I can search by officer , I can search by location , I can search by date and time.
” The CCRB staffers who sent the memo wrote that their agency should have the same setup .
They urged the agency ’ s leadership to “ seize the moment and do everything possible in its power to obtain unmediated direct access to BWC footage.
” Asked for comment , the chair of the CCRB , the Rev .
Frederick Davie , said in a statement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ direct access .
“ The Board and staff have long believed there should be unfettered access to body-worn camera footage , and I share their concern about the backlog , ” said Davie , who was appointed as chair in 2018 by Mayor Bill de Blasio .
“ As we have seen in recent weeks with the influx of police misconduct allegations , direct access is a necessary tool for the CCRB to fairly and impartially investigate these matters as efficiently as possible.
” New York ’ s CCRB has long sought more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the NYPD and police unions .
When the agency was created nearly 70 years ago , it was led by NYPD officials .
The CCRB now has a 15-member board , appointed by the mayor , the City Council and the police commissioner .
It has about 200 investigators and other staff , who field about 7,000 complaints per year .
Concerns about the NYPD ’ s handling of body-worn camera footage not only predate the pandemic , they go beyond the backlog .
A CCRB report from February that focused on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policies last year “ led to an increase in the number of cases where BWC footage was either redacted or withheld in its entirety.
” The report also said that the CCRB had found instances “ where officers have used signals to prevent or halt the recording of police misconduct.
” In other instances , the report said , officers warned colleagues that the cameras were on : “ Officers were frequently heard using phrases such as , ‘ I went Hollywood , ’ ‘ Green , ’ ‘ I ’ m/We ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ m hot.
’ ” Bodycam footage can be quite valuable for officers facing allegations of abuse .
The rate that the CCRB substantiates abuse more than doubles if it has footage — from 14 % to 32 % .
But the rate of investigators concluding that complaints are unfounded also jumps : It triples , from 4 % to 15 % .
One of the authors of the recent CCRB warning on the backlog , Olas Carayannis , also circulated an internal memo last year about the very same issue .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the backlog of CCRB requests for video evidence will continue to increase and will impair the CCRB ’ s ability to complete investigations within the 18-month statute of limitations , ” Carayannis wrote .
“ The CCRB is currently in a position where it is missing necessary evidence in hundreds of cases , and is in jeopardy of exceeding the statute of limitations in those cases , ” he added .
( Carayannis did not return messages from ProPublica . )
The backlog has gotten worse since then .
As of last week @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were about 1,100 unfilled requests for footage .

Of 212 requests for camera footage made by NY’s Civilian Complaint Review Board in May, the NYPD sent only 33 responses.
Like many cities, New York City began equipping its police officers with body-worn cameras a few years ago. The footage is often invaluable evidence for the civilian agency charged with investigating complaints about NYPD abuses.
But first, the agency’s investigators need to get the footage. And increasingly, the NYPD is not turning it over.
In May, New York City’s Civilian Complaint Review Board requested body-worn camera footage for 212 cases involving possible misconduct but received only 33 responses, according to a recent internal memo.
The NYPD’s responsiveness has “steadily gotten worse,” stated the memo, which was obtained by ProPublica. The memo warned that “the situation is untenable.”
The memo’s authors wrote that lack of access to body-worn camera footage reflects a broader issue. “The struggle for BWC,” or body-worn camera footage, they wrote, “is the struggle for the future of civilian oversight.” (Here is the memo.)
If investigators get bodycam footage, CCRB data shows, they are far more likely to get to the bottom of a case. Without it, they usually can’t, and often end up closing cases without finding out what really happened.
A spokesperson for the NYPD said the coronavirus pandemic and other “unprecedented events” have caused the police to deploy “many officers into the field and away from administrative assignments.” The NYPD noted that it has recently shared 703 videos related to complaints stemming from the police protests. (Here is the NYPD’s full statement.)
While the pandemic has exacerbated the issue, the NYPD’s responsiveness began to be problematic much earlier. In early 2019, the percentage of alleged abuse cases waiting for NYPD footage spiked more than fourfold, to 37%. A CCRB report noted “mounting delays in the receipt of key evidence, especially BWC footage.”
The delays in turning over footage can have a significant effect on whether police officers are held accountable when people come forward with accusations of misconduct, such as racially profiling or pistol-whipping a person. There’s an 18-month statute of limitations on bringing any discipline charges against NYPD officers, whether the charges are initiated by the CCRB or by the department itself.
Multiple entities have responsibility for investigating abuse and corruption by NYPD officers. The NYPD has its own internal investigators, and local and federal prosecutors, of course, can also bring criminal charges.
But it’s the CCRB that’s supposed to provide an independent venue for complaints against police. The agency has the authority to investigate everything from officers being discourteous to police violence against civilians. It was the CCRB’s investigation of the 2014 death of Eric Garner after an officer used a chokehold that ultimately led the NYPD to fire the officer.
As ProPublica recently detailed, the NYPD has nearly complete discretion over how much it cooperates with CCRB investigations. While the CCRB can recommend punishment, the police commissioner can and often does decide to do otherwise.
That discretion extends to footage from body-worn cameras. CCRB investigators have to submit individual requests. The NYPD has often responded to the requests by saying the footage doesn’t exist — only for the CCRB to later discover it does.
The CCRB and NYPD worked out an agreement last year to allow civilian investigators to be in the room while officers search for footage. Implementation of the deal has been delayed by the pandemic. When it does start, CCRB investigators still won’t have direct access to the files.
Other cities, such as Washington, San Francisco and New Orleans, have created a much simpler process. They let civilian oversight investigators go right into the systems that store footage. “I can go and check myself,” a New Orleans civilian oversight official told WNYC last year. “I can search by officer, I can search by location, I can search by date and time.”
The CCRB staffers who sent the memo wrote that their agency should have the same setup. They urged the agency’s leadership to “seize the moment and do everything possible in its power to obtain unmediated direct access to BWC footage.”
Asked for comment, the chair of the CCRB, the Rev. Frederick Davie, said in a statement that he agrees that investigators should have direct access. “The Board and staff have long believed there should be unfettered access to body-worn camera footage, and I share their concern about the backlog,” said Davie, who was appointed as chair in 2018 by Mayor Bill de Blasio. “As we have seen in recent weeks with the influx of police misconduct allegations, direct access is a necessary tool for the CCRB to fairly and impartially investigate these matters as efficiently as possible.”
New York’s CCRB has long sought more authority and independence but has faced opposition from the NYPD and police unions. When the agency was created nearly 70 years ago, it was led by NYPD officials. The CCRB now has a 15-member board, appointed by the mayor, the City Council and the police commissioner. It has about 200 investigators and other staff, who field about 7,000 complaints per year.
Concerns about the NYPD’s handling of body-worn camera footage not only predate the pandemic, they go beyond the backlog. A CCRB report from February that focused on bodycams said that a change in NYPD policies last year “led to an increase in the number of cases where BWC footage was either redacted or withheld in its entirety.”
The report also said that the CCRB had found instances “where officers have used signals to prevent or halt the recording of police misconduct.” In other instances, the report said, officers warned colleagues that the cameras were on: “Officers were frequently heard using phrases such as, ‘I went Hollywood,’ ‘Green,’ ‘I’m/We’re live,’ and ‘I’m hot.’”
Bodycam footage can be quite valuable for officers facing allegations of abuse. The rate that the CCRB substantiates abuse more than doubles if it has footage — from 14% to 32%. But the rate of investigators concluding that complaints are unfounded also jumps: It triples, from 4% to 15%.
One of the authors of the recent CCRB warning on the backlog, Olas Carayannis, also circulated an internal memo last year about the very same issue. “Unless there is a significant change, the backlog of CCRB requests for video evidence will continue to increase and will impair the CCRB’s ability to complete investigations within the 18-month statute of limitations,” Carayannis wrote.
“The CCRB is currently in a position where it is missing necessary evidence in hundreds of cases, and is in jeopardy of exceeding the statute of limitations in those cases,” he added. (Carayannis did not return messages from ProPublica.)
The backlog has gotten worse since then. As of last week, the new memo says, there were about 1,100 unfilled requests for footage.
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truthout--2020-07-04--Treaty Defenders Arrested for Blocking Road to Trump’s Mount Rushmore Event

More than 100 treaty defenders and other protesters gathered on a highway leading to Mount Rushmore on Friday ahead of President Donald Trump ’ s speech at the monument .
The group blocked the road , holding banners and chanting slogans such as “ We can ’ t breathe ” and proclaiming treaty rights .
They carried signs with messages such as , “ End 500 years of Genocide , ” and “ It ’ s a good day to do the right thing.
” At one point , Native women in ribbon skirts created a line across the highway @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a nonprofit Native advocacy organization , parked white vans across the road and deflated the tires .
Protesters later removed the wheels and climbed on top of the vans , shouting “ Land back !
” The gathering took place near a checkpoint at Highways 16/244 where ticket holders for Trump ’ s South Dakota event were being screened .
Some treaty defenders got into heated exchanges with people driving to Mount Rushmore .
Around 5 p.m. local time , law enforcement started telling defenders to vacate the area or face arrest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an unlawful assembly .
They directed them to head to a designated “ free speech zone.
” Law enforcement officers dressed in riot gear held shields and formed a line across the road , pushing up against a group of protesters .
“ We don ’ t need them to give us permission to do this on our land ; we intend to stay here indefinitely throughout the night , ” said Nick Tilsen , Oglala Lakota , of NDN Collective .
“ Mount Rushmore is a symbol of white supremacy .
When @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conducted genocide against Native people in this sacred place , it is fundamentally wrong.
” Some people began to disperse but later returned , as the vans continued blocking the road .
Law enforcement then brought in tow trucks to haul them away .
Trump supporters standing behind and near the police line shouted at treaty defenders .
A man claiming to be a veteran repeatedly offered his help to police .
After the vans were towed , a small group of treaty defenders continued blocking the highway , holding a large “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ p.m. , police arrested them , using zipties to secure their hands behind their backs and leading them off the road .
Trump supporters shouted accusations that the defenders were funded by George Soros , founder and chairman of Open Society Foundations and frequent target of right-wing conspiracy theorists .
About 15 people were arrested , The Associated Press reported .
Tilsen was among them .
Several groups of Natives had planned to travel to the monument to voice their opposition to Trump ’ s visit , his policies that are seen as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ presence of Mount Rushmore , which features faces of American presidents carved into a mountain held sacred by many tribes in the region .
Among those gathered at the highway Friday was Krystal Two Bulls , an Army veteran and founder of Voices of the Sacred , an organization aimed at empowering Native youth .
“ We need to be bringing out the roots of what we ’ re talking about , ” she said in a livestreamed video of the protest .
“ This country was founded on white supremecy , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ labor of Black people .
“ This is a major convergence that we ’ re seeing today , ” said Two Bulls , Oglala Lakota and Northern Cheyenne .
“ All these people standing together across the country.
” The Black Hills are part of the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868 , and the country ’ s highest court ordered compensation in the millions of dollars to the Lakota for their illegal seizure , an offer the Lakota have refused for decades .
They instead want the Black Hills returned to tribal authority @ @ @ @ @ @ @ memorial by the National Park Service and is the state ’ s prized tourist destination , attracting nearly 3 million visitors each year .
The South Dakota Department of Tourism created a lottery system allowing 7,500 people to attend Friday night ’ s program , in which fireworks were scheduled to be set off at the monument for the first time since 2009 .
The 6 p.m. deadline for entry to the event passed with many cars still waiting to enter the memorial , though they eventually got through .
Earlier in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the National Park Service on the removal of treaty defenders and the vans parked in the middle of the road .
“ We ain ’ t going nowhere , ” he said .
“ This is our land .
This has been our land for thousands of years .
”

More than 100 treaty defenders and other protesters gathered on a highway leading to Mount Rushmore on Friday ahead of President Donald Trump’s speech at the monument.
The group blocked the road, holding banners and chanting slogans such as “We can’t breathe” and proclaiming treaty rights. They carried signs with messages such as, “End 500 years of Genocide,” and “It’s a good day to do the right thing.”
At one point, Native women in ribbon skirts created a line across the highway, behind them members of NDN Collective, a nonprofit Native advocacy organization, parked white vans across the road and deflated the tires. Protesters later removed the wheels and climbed on top of the vans, shouting “Land back!”
The gathering took place near a checkpoint at Highways 16/244 where ticket holders for Trump’s South Dakota event were being screened. Some treaty defenders got into heated exchanges with people driving to Mount Rushmore.
Around 5 p.m. local time, law enforcement started telling defenders to vacate the area or face arrest, saying the blocking of traffic was an unlawful assembly. They directed them to head to a designated “free speech zone.”
Law enforcement officers dressed in riot gear held shields and formed a line across the road, pushing up against a group of protesters.
“We don’t need them to give us permission to do this on our land; we intend to stay here indefinitely throughout the night,” said Nick Tilsen, Oglala Lakota, of NDN Collective. “Mount Rushmore is a symbol of white supremacy. When you carve out four white men who conducted genocide against Native people in this sacred place, it is fundamentally wrong.”
Some people began to disperse but later returned, as the vans continued blocking the road. Law enforcement then brought in tow trucks to haul them away.
Trump supporters standing behind and near the police line shouted at treaty defenders. A man claiming to be a veteran repeatedly offered his help to police.
After the vans were towed, a small group of treaty defenders continued blocking the highway, holding a large “#LandBack” banner.
At 7 p.m., police arrested them, using zipties to secure their hands behind their backs and leading them off the road. Trump supporters shouted accusations that the defenders were funded by George Soros, founder and chairman of Open Society Foundations and frequent target of right-wing conspiracy theorists.
About 15 people were arrested, The Associated Press reported. Tilsen was among them.
NDNCollective's Nick Tilsen just arrested defending the Paha Sapa, standing against white supremacy and for collective liberation in these empowering times. Please contribute to NDN's legal fund to bail out all of our arrested relatives who stood strong today. Link in comments. pic.twitter.com/wwtf9ZN05U — Sarah Sunshine Manning (@SarahSunshineM) July 4, 2020
Several groups of Natives had planned to travel to the monument to voice their opposition to Trump’s visit, his policies that are seen as challenges to tribal sovereignty and the very presence of Mount Rushmore, which features faces of American presidents carved into a mountain held sacred by many tribes in the region.
Among those gathered at the highway Friday was Krystal Two Bulls, an Army veteran and founder of Voices of the Sacred, an organization aimed at empowering Native youth.
“We need to be bringing out the roots of what we’re talking about,” she said in a livestreamed video of the protest. “This country was founded on white supremecy,” including the genocide of Natives and slave labor of Black people.
“This is a major convergence that we’re seeing today,” said Two Bulls, Oglala Lakota and Northern Cheyenne. “All these people standing together across the country.”
The Black Hills are part of the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1868, and the country’s highest court ordered compensation in the millions of dollars to the Lakota for their illegal seizure, an offer the Lakota have refused for decades. They instead want the Black Hills returned to tribal authority.
Mount Rushmore is considered a national memorial by the National Park Service and is the state’s prized tourist destination, attracting nearly 3 million visitors each year.
The South Dakota Department of Tourism created a lottery system allowing 7,500 people to attend Friday night’s program, in which fireworks were scheduled to be set off at the monument for the first time since 2009.
The 6 p.m. deadline for entry to the event passed with many cars still waiting to enter the memorial, though they eventually got through.
Earlier in the evening, Tilsen tried to negotiate with the National Park Service on the removal of treaty defenders and the vans parked in the middle of the road.
“We ain’t going nowhere,” he said. “This is our land. This has been our land for thousands of years.”