truthout--2020-11-01--Early Voting Is at Unprecedented Levels. It Could Define the 2020 Election.

In 2016 , the total vote out of Harris County , Texas , home to Houston , was 1.3 million .
In Dallas County , it was 770,000 .
In Travis County , home of the city of Austin , over 477,000 .
Four years later , 485,000 people had voted in the county by October 28th , six days before Election Day , more than the total vote in 2016 .
In every other major metropolitan area in Texas , including the counties in the west of the state that almost catapulted Beto O ’ Rourke into the Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had voted by Wednesday evening as had voted in total in 2016 , and more than had voted in the mid-terms in 2018 .
By Friday morning , the last day of early voting in the Lone Star state , the entire state had exceeded its 2016 vote totals .
By Saturday morning , it was at 107 percent of its 2016 vote total , with virtually every large metro area exceeding the totals from four years ago .
This is utterly unprecedented , suggesting that by Tuesday night Texas ’ electorate will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ votes ; and it makes it extremely difficult to predict the outcome in that crucial state , since polling models assume a far lower percentage of registered voters actually voting than is likely to be the case .
What we do know , however , is that for the past month , Texas has been seen by pollsters as a competitive swing state .
And we also know that the GOP has taken the Lone Star state largely for granted , not building up a large voter registration or voter mobilization operation there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may come to rue .
Massive early voting numbers in Georgia — where early voting ended Friday evening ( as it did in Texas ) — especially among Black voters , suggest a similar surge in participation to that in Texas is possible .
The same story holds in North Carolina .
In both of these states , early voting totals by Saturday evening were well north of 90 percent of the 2016 election vote tallies , and in urban counties that vote heavily Democratic , turnout was closer to 100 percent of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The same story holds out in the key swing state of Arizona , where huge numbers have voted early statewide , including in Maricopa County ( Phoenix ) and in Pima County ( Tucson ) .
Perhaps most significantly , throughout the state , many more young people had voted by October 28th , with two days left of early voting , and Election Day itself still ahead — than voted in the entire election cycle in 2016 .
That surge in the youth vote has also been seen in Texas , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the LA Times , as well as in many parts of the mid-west .
This could well be critically important , since Biden has a roughly two-to-one lead among voters in the 18-29 age group nationally .
In Pennsylvania , far more Democrats have returned requested mail ballots than have Republicans .
But , there is a caveat here : The rate of early voting in Pennsylvania is lower than in most states — more in keeping with much of the northeast , and parts of the deep south , both regions of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voting , than with the rest of the country .
In-person early voting ended one week before Election Day in Pennsylvania , and upwards of 60 percent of voters seem to have decided to wait until election day to cast their votes .
Most states have a gap of at least a couple of days between the end of early voting and Election Day itself .
A handful of states , however , including the mega-state of California , as well as the swing states of Iowa and Michigan , barrel right through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Monday evening .
As a result , by Monday night , it ’ s likely that nearly 100 million people will have already cast their votes , defying every effort — from sabotaging the U.S .
Postal Service to restricting Texas counties to one drop-off site per county for early ballots — to suppress voter turnout .
For the past several months , Trump has talked up the prospect of sending armed “ poll watchers , ” law enforcement personnel and raucous gangs of supporters to polling stations on Election Day .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is sending them out on a fool ’ s errand , to intimidate voters who , in the main , in many key states have already cast their votes during the past month of early voting .

In 2016, the total vote out of Harris County, Texas, home to Houston, was 1.3 million. In Dallas County, it was 770,000. In Travis County, home of the city of Austin, over 477,000. Four years later, 485,000 people had voted in the county by October 28th, six days before Election Day, more than the total vote in 2016. In every other major metropolitan area in Texas, including the counties in the west of the state that almost catapulted Beto O’Rourke into the Senate in 2018, nearly as many people had voted by Wednesday evening as had voted in total in 2016, and more than had voted in the mid-terms in 2018. By Friday morning, the last day of early voting in the Lone Star state, the entire state had exceeded its 2016 vote totals. By Saturday morning, it was at 107 percent of its 2016 vote total, with virtually every large metro area exceeding the totals from four years ago.
This is utterly unprecedented, suggesting that by Tuesday night Texas’ electorate will have expanded by perhaps a couple million votes; and it makes it extremely difficult to predict the outcome in that crucial state, since polling models assume a far lower percentage of registered voters actually voting than is likely to be the case. What we do know, however, is that for the past month, Texas has been seen by pollsters as a competitive swing state. And we also know that the GOP has taken the Lone Star state largely for granted, not building up a large voter registration or voter mobilization operation there. It’s a decision they may come to rue.
Massive early voting numbers in Georgia — where early voting ended Friday evening (as it did in Texas) — especially among Black voters, suggest a similar surge in participation to that in Texas is possible. The same story holds in North Carolina. In both of these states, early voting totals by Saturday evening were well north of 90 percent of the 2016 election vote tallies, and in urban counties that vote heavily Democratic, turnout was closer to 100 percent of the 2016 totals by Saturday night.
The same story holds out in the key swing state of Arizona, where huge numbers have voted early statewide, including in Maricopa County (Phoenix) and in Pima County (Tucson). Perhaps most significantly, throughout the state, many more young people had voted by October 28th, with two days left of early voting, and Election Day itself still ahead — than voted in the entire election cycle in 2016. That surge in the youth vote has also been seen in Texas, in Georgia and in Florida, according to the LA Times, as well as in many parts of the mid-west. This could well be critically important, since Biden has a roughly two-to-one lead among voters in the 18-29 age group nationally.
In Pennsylvania, far more Democrats have returned requested mail ballots than have Republicans. But, there is a caveat here: The rate of early voting in Pennsylvania is lower than in most states — more in keeping with much of the northeast, and parts of the deep south, both regions of which have traditionally shied away from early voting, than with the rest of the country. In-person early voting ended one week before Election Day in Pennsylvania, and upwards of 60 percent of voters seem to have decided to wait until election day to cast their votes.
Most states have a gap of at least a couple of days between the end of early voting and Election Day itself. A handful of states, however, including the mega-state of California, as well as the swing states of Iowa and Michigan, barrel right through with early voting all the way till Monday evening. As a result, by Monday night, it’s likely that nearly 100 million people will have already cast their votes, defying every effort — from sabotaging the U.S. Postal Service to restricting Texas counties to one drop-off site per county for early ballots — to suppress voter turnout.
For the past several months, Trump has talked up the prospect of sending armed “poll watchers,” law enforcement personnel and raucous gangs of supporters to polling stations on Election Day. He may find, however, that he is sending them out on a fool’s errand, to intimidate voters who, in the main, in many key states have already cast their votes during the past month of early voting.
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truthout--2020-11-01--The Winner of the 2020 Election Won’t Be Inheriting a Genuine Democracy

With just a few days until what is widely regarded as the most important national election in recent U.S. history , voters remain divided and polarized over what should be essentially the future of the country .
Issues over racism , immigration , guns , women ’ s rights , police brutality and climate change are what essentially divide Republican voters from Democrats .
The former , galvanized by the extreme and divisive rhetoric of a racist and reactionary president , wish to preserve the values of “ traditional America ” ( white supremacy and patriarchy , militarism , rugged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worry that another four years of Donald Trump in office will spell the end of democracy .
Is destroying or saving U.S. democracy what the upcoming election is all about ?
In this interview , political scientist C.J .
Polychroniou says it is high time that we did away with the political rhetoric when it comes to U.S. democracy and look at the facts : The U.S. has a highly flawed system of democratic governance and doesn ’ t even rank among the top 20 democracies in the Western world , and thus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In fact , Polychroniou argues , it is far more accurate to describe the United States as an oligarchy , a regime where an economic elite and powerful organized interests are in virtual control of the policy agenda on most issues of critical importance to public interest while average people are mainly political bystanders .
Alexandra Boutri : The general consensus among a significant percentage of voters opposed to Donald Trump is that the upcoming election represents a pivotal moment in U.S. politics , for what is at stake is nothing else @ @ @ @ @ @ @ True , or an exaggeration ?
C.J .
Polychroniou : Trump ’ s presidency has been marked from the beginning by lies , strong authoritarian impulses , contempt for the media and disdain for science , big gifts for the rich and big cuts for the poor , and complete disregard for the environment .
His political posturing is outright neo-fascist , and , as such , this president surely has little concern about the subtleties of democratic governance .
Of course , U.S. democracy was in a crisis long before Trump came @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could easily make the argument that the U.S. is not a true democracy at all ( it qualifies as a mere procedural democracy ) , and was never meant to be when you get to understand the architecture of the Constitution , who the framers were , and why they opted to ditch , in the manner of a coup , the Articles of Confederation , during the Constitutional Convention of 1787 .
In fact , the drafting of the Constitution itself was not a democratic process : The delegates were sent there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ revise the Articles of Confederation , but , instead , they worked in total secrecy in producing an entirely new legal document for the future government of the United States .
The Constitution that the framers produced , with its system of checks and balances , was as a legal document way ahead of its time , since back then , monarchy was the prevailing form of political rule throughout the world .
But in addition to designing a system of governance that would prevent the rise of an absolute ruler , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the masses themselves would not be in a position to determine political outcomes .
Indeed , the framers were seeking a form of government that would keep the elites safe both from the caprice of absolute rulers and from the whims of the rabble .
They were indeed in complete agreement with the view of John Jay , one of the so-called Founding Fathers and the first Chief Justice , when he said , “ Those who own the country ought to govern it.
” Hence the purpose behind the introduction of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very basic principle of democracy , i.e.
, one person , one vote ; hence also the anti-democratic nature of the Senate , where states with very small populations get the same number of senators as states with huge populations .
The U.S. is also the only democracy in the world where politicians are actively involved in manipulating the boundaries of electoral districts .
Political gerrymandering has a long history in the U.S. , but as Common Cause National Redistricting Director Kathay Feng pointedly put it , “ In a democracy , voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other way around.
” In addition , federal election campaigns funded entirely by private money makes a mockery of the democratic process for electing public officials , while the “ winner-take-all ” system , which is not in the Constitution and therefore can be changed without a constitutional amendment , can easily be regarded as undemocratic under modern election law jurisprudence , as has correctly been pointed out by former Republican governor of Massachusetts , William Weld , and law professor Sanford Levinson .
In sum , there is no other democracy in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ undemocratic ” features of the system of democracy found in the U.S. , including its two-party system which severely limits public dialogue and debate among competing political views .
Little surprise , therefore , why even the conservative weekly magazine The Economist has labeled the U.S. a “ flawed democracy.
” As a matter of fact , U.S. democracy does not even rank among the top 20 democracies in the Western world , according to the Democracy Index compiled by the Economist Intelligence Unit .
The U.S. form of governance fits far more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ although in the last four years , the country also had a leader who behaved more in tune with the traits of the tyrannical man outlined in Plato ’ s Republic .
Why then is the U.S. Constitution treated as some sort of a sacred document ?
Why aren ’ t there calls for a constitutional amendment , or even for an entirely new constitution ?
It ’ s amazing what propaganda and lack of knowledge can do to a citizenry and therefore to the prospects of a democratic polity .
All sorts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so-called Founding Fathers , while the idea of the United States as the “ world ’ s greatest democracy ” is echoed by every politician either running for or while in office .
Only a handful of political analysts and legal scholars are raising the question of the undemocratic nature of the U.S. Constitution .
I suppose it ’ s the similar mentality behind the pathetic habit of U.S. politicians ending every speech with “ God Bless America.
” Here , the hypocrisy is quite striking since the framers of the Constitution were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and church .
The word “ God ” does not even appear in the Constitution .
But no one seems to be raising these issues in today ’ s U.S. political culture .
For the unfortunate fact is that it has always been something of a taboo in the U.S. to point out the flaws of the political system and its political culture .
This is why the use of the term of “ anti-Americanism ” was invented in the first place : to frighten open-minded citizens from exposing the flaws in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ criticizing U.S. policies .
The U.S. Constitution is extremely difficult to amend : It requires a two-thirds vote in both chambers , then ratification by three-quarters of the states .
Of course , scores of constitutional amendments have been introduced over the years , but not one has become part of the Constitution .
But here is an interesting fact about what the man who drafted the Declaration of Independence thought of constitutions : Thomas Jefferson was of the view that any constitution has to lapse after every generation .
The laws and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Jefferson , in a letter written to James Madison from Paris , should not be binding on future generations .
Yet , the U.S. is stuck with the same Constitution for the last 231 years , with a Constitution drafted by men whose language and mode of thinking bear no resemblance whatsoever to the mindset of most 21st century Americans and to the dictates of contemporary democracy .
On the other hand , an overwhelming majority of Chileans just voted to rewrite the country ’ s constitution , which dates to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is how democracies ought to work .
How comparable are capitalism and democracy ?
Capitalism can function under different forms of government , including brutal dictatorships .
There is nothing inherent in the dynamics of a capitalist economy that allows democracy to flourish .
Calls for the recognition of social rights and demands for freedom , political participation and democratic governance have always come in fact from those who were exposed to the cruelties and injustices which are naturally built into a capitalist system of economic and social life .
Democratic rights were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , almost everywhere in the world , through prolonged social and political struggles from below .
They were not granted to the masses by the masters of capital themselves .
The right of workers to unionize , for instance , has a long and bloody history behind it .
The U.S. , in fact , has had the bloodiest and most violent labor history of any industrialized capitalist country in the world .
By the same token , there are limits to how far democracy can advance under capitalism .
Direct participatory democracy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ capitalist organization of socio-economic life .
And under neoliberal capitalism — which is essentially a politico-economic project that aims to return society to the age of predatory capitalism when labor power was completely “ free ” — nature is totally at the mercy of unrestrained capital exploitation , and state policies cater exclusively to the interests and needs of the plutocrats , and thus democracy is a sham .
Competition is seen as the defining characteristic of what it means to be human , citizens are turned into consumers , and society is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about proving that the U.S. is actually an oligarchy ?
This is not very hard to prove if you approach the question with a critical eye instead of engaging in breast-beating about how great U.S. democracy is by virtue of the simple fact that we enjoy basic civil liberties and civil rights , which are the very basic elements of even the most rudimentary form of democracy .
You can start by looking at the distribution of economic and political power .
That is the most direct and obvious way to figure out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ controlled by a power elite .
The U.S. is one of the richest countries in the world , but also one with extreme levels of inequality .
The richest 1 percent own 40 percent of the country ’ s wealth , according to a study produced a few years ago by economist Edward N. Wolff .
By the same token , the top 1 percent incomes have grown in recent years to be five times as much as the bottom 90 percent incomes .
Economic power , of course , translates almost automatically @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mean that the capitalist state is by extension a mere tool in the hands of the capitalist class , as crude Marxism used to contend back in the era of the Comintern , but the government agenda is heavily influenced , if not outright shaped , by economic elite domination .
A few years ago , two mainstream political scientists , Martin Gilens and Benjamin Page , tested the different theories of U.S. politics ( majoritarian democracy , pluralism and elite theory ) by looking at a huge set of policy cases for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( from 1981-2002 ) .
What they found is shocking even to those of us who are fully cognizant of the undemocratic nature of the U.S. political system : Economic elites and business interests had overwhelming impact on U.S. government policies , while average citizens had little or no independent influence .
Another mainstream political scientist , Larry Bartels , also published recently a book , mainly an empirical study , titled Unequal Democracy , exposing the myths of U.S. democracy by showing how the political system favors overwhelmingly the wealthy .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it : What drives U.S. politics and the framing of government policy is economic-elite domination .
Moreover , average people seem somehow to be cognizant of this realization , which probably explains why such an overwhelming percentage of U.S. citizens do not bother to vote : “ democracy ” isn ’ t working for them .
If U.S. democracy is so highly flawed , what then is really at stake in the November elections ?
There can be no denying that even procedural democracy has been facing a historic crisis under the reign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to transparency and accountability , Trump has broken new grounds with his disregard for such democratic niceties .
He has blatantly challenged the authority and independence of agency watchdogs overseeing his administration and has retaliated against officials who have exposed wrongdoings of his administration .
He has encouraged actions to silence certain broadcast news outlets and individuals and even threatened to shut down social media industries .
He has dispatched federal agents to cities to crush protests , and has even refused to accept that there would be a peaceful transition to power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2020 election .
As I noted before , he has been acting as Plato ’ s tyrannical man in the Republic , which probably explains why he fancies so much dictators like North Korea ’ s Kim Jong-un and strongmen like Turkey ’ s Erdoğan and Russia ’ s Putin .
No doubt , he is jealous of their authoritarian powers .
But it should be pointed out that the Republican Party as a whole has moved so far to the right that it has become part of the illiberal political universe , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Swedish university confirms .
Be that as it may , much more is at stake in the upcoming election than democratic formalities .
Aside from his catastrophic handling of the coronavirus pandemic — which has resulted in the death of more than 225,000 Americans , the highest total in the world — and the death figures continue to rise on an almost daily basis , Trump ’ s white supremacy vision will tear completely apart U.S. society , his economic policies will exacerbate even further the huge inequalities present in U.S. society @ @ @ @ @ @ @ closer to Armageddon .
Finally , and far more important , there are his anti-environmental policies and refusal to even acknowledge humanity ’ s greatest existential crisis , namely global warming .
During his reign in power , he has initiated an unprecedented number of regulatory rollbacks , with complete indifference to their impact on the environment and people ’ s lives .
In that sense , he doesn ’ t pose just a threat to democracy .
As Noam Chomsky never tires of repeating , Trump is a real menace to civilization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no other leader has ever been in recent history anywhere in the world .
This interview has been lightly edited for clarity .

With just a few days until what is widely regarded as the most important national election in recent U.S. history, voters remain divided and polarized over what should be essentially the future of the country. Issues over racism, immigration, guns, women’s rights, police brutality and climate change are what essentially divide Republican voters from Democrats. The former, galvanized by the extreme and divisive rhetoric of a racist and reactionary president, wish to preserve the values of “traditional America” (white supremacy and patriarchy, militarism, rugged individualism and religiosity), while Democrats worry that another four years of Donald Trump in office will spell the end of democracy.
Is destroying or saving U.S. democracy what the upcoming election is all about? In this interview, political scientist C.J. Polychroniou says it is high time that we did away with the political rhetoric when it comes to U.S. democracy and look at the facts: The U.S. has a highly flawed system of democratic governance and doesn’t even rank among the top 20 democracies in the Western world, and thus is in dire need of major repair. In fact, Polychroniou argues, it is far more accurate to describe the United States as an oligarchy, a regime where an economic elite and powerful organized interests are in virtual control of the policy agenda on most issues of critical importance to public interest while average people are mainly political bystanders.
Alexandra Boutri: The general consensus among a significant percentage of voters opposed to Donald Trump is that the upcoming election represents a pivotal moment in U.S. politics, for what is at stake is nothing else than the future of democracy itself. True, or an exaggeration?
C.J. Polychroniou: Trump’s presidency has been marked from the beginning by lies, strong authoritarian impulses, contempt for the media and disdain for science, big gifts for the rich and big cuts for the poor, and complete disregard for the environment. His political posturing is outright neo-fascist, and, as such, this president surely has little concern about the subtleties of democratic governance. Of course, U.S. democracy was in a crisis long before Trump came to power. In fact, one could easily make the argument that the U.S. is not a true democracy at all (it qualifies as a mere procedural democracy), and was never meant to be when you get to understand the architecture of the Constitution, who the framers were, and why they opted to ditch, in the manner of a coup, the Articles of Confederation, during the Constitutional Convention of 1787. In fact, the drafting of the Constitution itself was not a democratic process: The delegates were sent there by state legislatures with a mandate to revise the Articles of Confederation, but, instead, they worked in total secrecy in producing an entirely new legal document for the future government of the United States.
The Constitution that the framers produced, with its system of checks and balances, was as a legal document way ahead of its time, since back then, monarchy was the prevailing form of political rule throughout the world. But in addition to designing a system of governance that would prevent the rise of an absolute ruler, the framers also wanted to make sure that the masses themselves would not be in a position to determine political outcomes. Indeed, the framers were seeking a form of government that would keep the elites safe both from the caprice of absolute rulers and from the whims of the rabble. They were indeed in complete agreement with the view of John Jay, one of the so-called Founding Fathers and the first Chief Justice, when he said, “Those who own the country ought to govern it.” Hence the purpose behind the introduction of the Electoral College, which blatantly violates the very basic principle of democracy, i.e., one person, one vote; hence also the anti-democratic nature of the Senate, where states with very small populations get the same number of senators as states with huge populations.
The U.S. is also the only democracy in the world where politicians are actively involved in manipulating the boundaries of electoral districts. Political gerrymandering has a long history in the U.S., but as Common Cause National Redistricting Director Kathay Feng pointedly put it, “In a democracy, voters should choose their politicians, not the other way around.”
In addition, federal election campaigns funded entirely by private money makes a mockery of the democratic process for electing public officials, while the “winner-take-all” system, which is not in the Constitution and therefore can be changed without a constitutional amendment, can easily be regarded as undemocratic under modern election law jurisprudence, as has correctly been pointed out by former Republican governor of Massachusetts, William Weld, and law professor Sanford Levinson.
In sum, there is no other democracy in the advanced industrialized world with the “undemocratic” features of the system of democracy found in the U.S., including its two-party system which severely limits public dialogue and debate among competing political views. Little surprise, therefore, why even the conservative weekly magazine The Economist has labeled the U.S. a “flawed democracy.” As a matter of fact, U.S. democracy does not even rank among the top 20 democracies in the Western world, according to the Democracy Index compiled by the Economist Intelligence Unit. The U.S. form of governance fits far more perfectly with that of classical oligarchy, although in the last four years, the country also had a leader who behaved more in tune with the traits of the tyrannical man outlined in Plato’s Republic.
Why then is the U.S. Constitution treated as some sort of a sacred document? Why aren’t there calls for a constitutional amendment, or even for an entirely new constitution?
It’s amazing what propaganda and lack of knowledge can do to a citizenry and therefore to the prospects of a democratic polity. All sorts of myths have been built around the so-called Founding Fathers, while the idea of the United States as the “world’s greatest democracy” is echoed by every politician either running for or while in office. Only a handful of political analysts and legal scholars are raising the question of the undemocratic nature of the U.S. Constitution. I suppose it’s the similar mentality behind the pathetic habit of U.S. politicians ending every speech with “God Bless America.” Here, the hypocrisy is quite striking since the framers of the Constitution were very specific about the separation of state and church. The word “God” does not even appear in the Constitution. But no one seems to be raising these issues in today’s U.S. political culture. For the unfortunate fact is that it has always been something of a taboo in the U.S. to point out the flaws of the political system and its political culture. This is why the use of the term of “anti-Americanism” was invented in the first place: to frighten open-minded citizens from exposing the flaws in the workings of the U.S. political system and criticizing U.S. policies.
The U.S. Constitution is extremely difficult to amend: It requires a two-thirds vote in both chambers, then ratification by three-quarters of the states. Of course, scores of constitutional amendments have been introduced over the years, but not one has become part of the Constitution. But here is an interesting fact about what the man who drafted the Declaration of Independence thought of constitutions: Thomas Jefferson was of the view that any constitution has to lapse after every generation. The laws and constitutions drawn by previous generations, according to Jefferson, in a letter written to James Madison from Paris, should not be binding on future generations. Yet, the U.S. is stuck with the same Constitution for the last 231 years, with a Constitution drafted by men whose language and mode of thinking bear no resemblance whatsoever to the mindset of most 21st century Americans and to the dictates of contemporary democracy. On the other hand, an overwhelming majority of Chileans just voted to rewrite the country’s constitution, which dates to the era of General Augusto Pinochet. This is how democracies ought to work.
How comparable are capitalism and democracy?
Capitalism can function under different forms of government, including brutal dictatorships. There is nothing inherent in the dynamics of a capitalist economy that allows democracy to flourish. Calls for the recognition of social rights and demands for freedom, political participation and democratic governance have always come in fact from those who were exposed to the cruelties and injustices which are naturally built into a capitalist system of economic and social life. Democratic rights were gained, advanced and secured under capitalism, almost everywhere in the world, through prolonged social and political struggles from below. They were not granted to the masses by the masters of capital themselves. The right of workers to unionize, for instance, has a long and bloody history behind it. The U.S., in fact, has had the bloodiest and most violent labor history of any industrialized capitalist country in the world. By the same token, there are limits to how far democracy can advance under capitalism. Direct participatory democracy and economic democracy are anathema to a capitalist organization of socio-economic life. And under neoliberal capitalism — which is essentially a politico-economic project that aims to return society to the age of predatory capitalism when labor power was completely “free” — nature is totally at the mercy of unrestrained capital exploitation, and state policies cater exclusively to the interests and needs of the plutocrats, and thus democracy is a sham. Competition is seen as the defining characteristic of what it means to be human, citizens are turned into consumers, and society is dog-eat-dog.
How exactly would one go about proving that the U.S. is actually an oligarchy?
This is not very hard to prove if you approach the question with a critical eye instead of engaging in breast-beating about how great U.S. democracy is by virtue of the simple fact that we enjoy basic civil liberties and civil rights, which are the very basic elements of even the most rudimentary form of democracy. You can start by looking at the distribution of economic and political power. That is the most direct and obvious way to figure out whether a society functions democratically or is controlled by a power elite. The U.S. is one of the richest countries in the world, but also one with extreme levels of inequality. The richest 1 percent own 40 percent of the country’s wealth, according to a study produced a few years ago by economist Edward N. Wolff. By the same token, the top 1 percent incomes have grown in recent years to be five times as much as the bottom 90 percent incomes. Economic power, of course, translates almost automatically into political power. This does not mean that the capitalist state is by extension a mere tool in the hands of the capitalist class, as crude Marxism used to contend back in the era of the Comintern, but the government agenda is heavily influenced, if not outright shaped, by economic elite domination.
A few years ago, two mainstream political scientists, Martin Gilens and Benjamin Page, tested the different theories of U.S. politics (majoritarian democracy, pluralism and elite theory) by looking at a huge set of policy cases for a period covering more than 20 years (from 1981-2002). What they found is shocking even to those of us who are fully cognizant of the undemocratic nature of the U.S. political system: Economic elites and business interests had overwhelming impact on U.S. government policies, while average citizens had little or no independent influence. Another mainstream political scientist, Larry Bartels, also published recently a book, mainly an empirical study, titled Unequal Democracy, exposing the myths of U.S. democracy by showing how the political system favors overwhelmingly the wealthy.
In sum, there is no doubt about it: What drives U.S. politics and the framing of government policy is economic-elite domination. Moreover, average people seem somehow to be cognizant of this realization, which probably explains why such an overwhelming percentage of U.S. citizens do not bother to vote: “democracy” isn’t working for them.
If U.S. democracy is so highly flawed, what then is really at stake in the November elections?
There can be no denying that even procedural democracy has been facing a historic crisis under the reign of Donald Trump. When it comes to transparency and accountability, Trump has broken new grounds with his disregard for such democratic niceties. He has blatantly challenged the authority and independence of agency watchdogs overseeing his administration and has retaliated against officials who have exposed wrongdoings of his administration. He has encouraged actions to silence certain broadcast news outlets and individuals and even threatened to shut down social media industries. He has dispatched federal agents to cities to crush protests, and has even refused to accept that there would be a peaceful transition to power in the event he loses the November 2020 election. As I noted before, he has been acting as Plato’s tyrannical man in the Republic, which probably explains why he fancies so much dictators like North Korea’s Kim Jong-un and strongmen like Turkey’s Erdoğan and Russia’s Putin. No doubt, he is jealous of their authoritarian powers. But it should be pointed out that the Republican Party as a whole has moved so far to the right that it has become part of the illiberal political universe, as a major study just published by a Swedish university confirms.
Be that as it may, much more is at stake in the upcoming election than democratic formalities. Aside from his catastrophic handling of the coronavirus pandemic — which has resulted in the death of more than 225,000 Americans, the highest total in the world — and the death figures continue to rise on an almost daily basis, Trump’s white supremacy vision will tear completely apart U.S. society, his economic policies will exacerbate even further the huge inequalities present in U.S. society and his nuclear posture will move us closer to Armageddon. Finally, and far more important, there are his anti-environmental policies and refusal to even acknowledge humanity’s greatest existential crisis, namely global warming. During his reign in power, he has initiated an unprecedented number of regulatory rollbacks, with complete indifference to their impact on the environment and people’s lives. In that sense, he doesn’t pose just a threat to democracy. As Noam Chomsky never tires of repeating, Trump is a real menace to civilization, to organized human life, like no other leader has ever been in recent history anywhere in the world.
This interview has been lightly edited for clarity.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-11-01--Trump’s Lying About COVID Amounts to Treason

Our very democracy has been on the edge of catastrophe , not only because of a president who lies as a way of life , but because of many who have come to accept his lies as “ truth , ” or who have lost any concern with truth in the name of apotheosis and hubristic party line politics .
How does the language of treason function within this context , especially in terms of derelict “ leadership , ” disrespect for the Constitution , and the failure to be concerned for hundreds of thousands of Americans who have died @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Eduardo Mendieta , who is professor of philosophy at Penn State University , and editor , co-editor and author of many books , including The Adventures of Transcendental Philosophy and The Philosophical Animal : On Zoopoetics and Interspecies Cosmopolitanism , boldly and insightfully delineates what is at stake when morality , hope and truth are seriously under attack .
George Yancy : I would argue that truth-telling , transparency and critical intelligence are central to any thriving democracy .
Speak to how our fragile democratic experiment is being tested — perhaps even crushed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for lying .
Eduardo Mendieta : Let me begin by underscoring what you say about the relationship between truth and democracy by way of reflecting on our 1776 “ Declaration of Independence.
” Paragraph two begins : “ We hold these truths to be self-evident , that all men are created equal , that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights , that among these are Life , Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness… ” In the introduction to her recent and powerful history of the United State , These @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Thomas Jefferson had originally written , “ We hold these truths to be sacred and undeniable ” and that Benjamin Franklin crossed those words , and suggested instead “ self-evident.
” Lepore then notes that , “ Truths that are self-evident are laws of nature , empirical and observable , the stuff of science.
” I take it that our “ Declaration of Independence ” was also a declaration for a government based on truth and denunciation of the rule of untruth , lying and mendacity .
Democracy is the governance of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the people , as Abraham Lincoln put it , that lives “ in truth.
” Democracy , in other words , has an epistemic dimension .
This means that there is not only a politics of truth in democracy , but also the truth of democratic politics .
My colleague Nicolas de Warren and I have named this entanglement of truth and democracy “ democratic honesty.
” Honesty has two pillars : truthfulness and integrity .
Democratic honesty is not only an epistemic virtue of democratic citizens , it is just as importantly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” societies .
Now , turning to Trump ’ s assault on truth , I would have to say that it is not so much his relentless lying , mendacity , dishonesty , deception and hypocrisy that is worrying , but that Trump is a national phenomenon .
And that no matter how rapidly he is “ fact checked ” — and his lies are unmasked and called out as lies — that nonetheless there is a sizable group of citizens who believe him , who have remained loyal to him , notwithstanding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his brutality , his crassness , his belligerence and vulgarity .
What is just as worrying is that our government is in the grip of Republicans who not only tolerate all of this , but who enable it and weaponize it .
His lying is one thing .
More important , in my view , is how he has frontally and in plain view of everyone attacked all those institutions that hold up the integrity of our democratic commitment to truth .
He attacks science , the law , the media and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , judges and journalists , everyone and anyone who is labeled a “ never Trumper.
” In his very grotesque and Machiavellian way , he has undermined the integrity of all those institutions that hold up our democracy , make it honest , just , fair , accountable , transparent and trustworthy .
Trump initially downplayed ( and continues to misrepresent ) the dire seriousness of COVID-19 .
We now know , thanks to the interviews conducted by journalist Bob Woodward , that Trump has been lying .
As of this interview , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This catastrophe is beyond words .
Existential bad faith is one thing , but Trump ’ s behavior seems homicidal .
What do you make of this manner of “ leader ” ?
And must we not hold him accountable for the blood that is on his hands ?
The language I would use would be “ dereliction of duty ” and “ treason.
” The president of the U.S. swears to uphold the Constitution and protect the American people .
And he swears on a Bible .
Trump has depleted our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his malfeasance and utter contempt for the rule of law , and our American commitments to rights and equality before the law .
He has also eroded down the meaning of the word “ unprecedented.
” That he knew already so early in the pandemic about COVID-19 ’ s mortality and lethality and that he “ decided ” not to act accordingly is simply criminal , and should be to all of us , simply astonishing and unprecedented .
I would say that lying and downplaying the virus , when he knew its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , because he decided that his reelection was more important than the well-being of our fellow citizens .
He is not only criminal , but also treasonous .
On the other hand , let me also underscore that every life lost to the virus that could have been brought under control is a wasted life .
We must also note , and this a huge point to note , that the deathly effects of the virus have been more adversely and severely suffered and shouldered by African Americans and Latinos .
The APM @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 3.4 percent more likely to die of COVID-19 than a white American .
Viruses don ’ t discriminate , but our institutions do , and above all our health care system does , and of course , our labor market system does , and so a virus is not simply a thing of nature , but a political fact .
I read about the contrast between how many U.S. citizens died during Vietnam , or World War I , and so on , and how many have died because of COVID-19 .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way to think about it .
A pandemic is a sociopolitical fact , not death as “ it is what it is.
” Many of these deaths could have been prevented , but our “ protector ” -in-chief decided not to .
In this pandemic , who died , who will die , who will remain vulnerable and infectable is a political decision .
As we know , Trump is the symptom of a larger systemic problem of white racism .
Indeed , he is a product of a larger historical sedimented history @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a larger history inextricably linked to white male patriarchy .
Given this , I guess that the real issue has to do with the end of white supremacy .
I have no optimism .
What about you ?
You and I have been committed for most of our lives to this long-term struggle for the soul of our country , to rescue it from its long history of racism , sexism and its amnesia of the genocide of our Native American brother and sisters .
A pandemic is not genocide , but a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ French called a “ dispositif ” — an apparatus or device — for racial killing .
You know that I am an optimist and I have argued for skepticism of the mind and optimism of the heart .
These days , however , I am not feeling optimistic , of either the mind or the heart .
I feel that far too many Americans have decided that America is “ theirs , ” and not “ our ” America .
The America we all built over the last centuries , one that is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more available to all kinds of people — that in the recent past has cowered in the shadows of racial hate — that America is being rejected .
Some want the old America back .
Yet , I don ’ t know what to make of the sociological data coming out about how the post-George Floyd killing protests are the most racially integrated demonstrations we have seen in the U.S. — by far , more inclusive than those of the civil rights era .
It seems like “ racial justice ” is not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but an “ Us ” thing , an “ American ” thing .
However , the resurgence of white supremacy , and that some white supremacist groups have been working on “ igniting ” a civil war — a racial war — and that the president won ’ t condemn their acts of hate and violence , and in fact condones and encourages them , should make many of us be pessimistic .
Philosophy is concerned with truth , even as there are some philosophers who deny we can ever have access to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or access to some grand metaphysical reality .
Trump is not a philosopher who worries about the status of truth .
Rather , he is someone who doesn ’ t give a damn about truth .
Yet , philosophers should give a damn .
How do you understand the role of us philosophers under this Trumpian “ post-truth ” nightmare ?
Indeed , the question of truth is at the heart of philosophy .
Kant told us that there are three fundamental questions : What can I know ?
What ought I to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
Then , he said that these three questions boil down to one : What does it mean to be human ?
I always found Kant ’ s questions generative , especially that they are one question : What it means to be human .
What I take from Kant ’ s three questions is that morality , hope and truth are entangled , interdependent and mutually supportive .
I can ’ t know what I ought to do if I don ’ t know what the facts of the matter are , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if I don ’ t have access to truth ( or ways of verifying ) , and I can ’ t hope , if what I think I ought to do based on the facts will not have any relevance or efficacy , that what I will do will change things .
Holocaust deniers , for instance , make all this so evident .
And all those , too , who have challenged the efforts to think about enduring effects of centuries of slavery in the U.S… .
Those who deny facts , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the basis on which we can act and hope .
There is no democratic hope without democratic honesty , truthfulness and integrity .
Trump is , in his own way , ceaselessly shouting at us : We can ’ t know anything ( unless it confirms his worldview ) , we can ’ t know what the right thing to do is ( unless it is for his glory ) , and you can ’ t hope that what you do that is right will have any efficacy ( for that is up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is giving him too much credit , perhaps .
We philosophers know that to be human is to be a creature of responsibility , truth and hope .
We are human by the speech that holds us together .
Lying and untruth are an assault on what makes us the social beings of language that we are .
“ Post-truth ” is the fake news of Trumpites .
Truth is out there : It is a virus , it is climate change , it is gravitational waves , it is the truth that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emails , the tweets , the trail of deception and malfeasance , and obstruction of justice — there is the truth by which and on which we decide collectively to forge a collective future .
There is no democratic future without democratic truth .
Some look to the vigorous protests here and globally , following the tragic killing of George Floyd , as a sign of hope for something better .
What do you see as the necessary steps that will move not just the U.S. forward , but also the broader world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ become a global danger , a different kind of global pandemic ?
That the post-Floyd demonstrations went global is extremely significant .
First , because as manifestations across the world , they were global manifestations of solidarity with our struggles against police violence and for social justice .
Second , they are also significant because they are also an expression that state violence , racial violence and social injustice are intolerable anywhere and everywhere .
I think they are manifestations of a growing global racial justice consciousness and movement .
This can ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also taking place in the midst of a global health crisis and pandemic that have made it all too evident that we live in “ one world.
” There are no vaccines for the virus that can be developed by one country ; there is no way that we can inoculate just one country and expect the virus will be contained .
The economic effects have devastated communities across the world — although shock waves have impacted more the United States and poorer countries than Europe and Asian countries , where there is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that are zoonotic — born in animals that then infect humans — are going to become more frequent because of climate change .
Over the last century , since the end of World War II , we have become aware at a global level of how profoundly interdependent we are .
Trump ’ s nationalism , chauvinism , isolationism , his anti-internationalism , all his know-nothing-ism and adulation of white supremacy belong to a time that is long past .
We are past the time when the United States was the sole world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rejoin the global community .
This interview has been lightly edited for clarity .

Our very democracy has been on the edge of catastrophe, not only because of a president who lies as a way of life, but because of many who have come to accept his lies as “truth,” or who have lost any concern with truth in the name of apotheosis and hubristic party line politics. How does the language of treason function within this context, especially in terms of derelict “leadership,” disrespect for the Constitution, and the failure to be concerned for hundreds of thousands of Americans who have died from COVID-19? In this interview, Eduardo Mendieta, who is professor of philosophy at Penn State University, and editor, co-editor and author of many books, including The Adventures of Transcendental Philosophy and The Philosophical Animal: On Zoopoetics and Interspecies Cosmopolitanism, boldly and insightfully delineates what is at stake when morality, hope and truth are seriously under attack.
George Yancy: I would argue that truth-telling, transparency and critical intelligence are central to any thriving democracy. Speak to how our fragile democratic experiment is being tested — perhaps even crushed — under Trump’s dangerous penchant for lying.
Eduardo Mendieta: Let me begin by underscoring what you say about the relationship between truth and democracy by way of reflecting on our 1776 “Declaration of Independence.” Paragraph two begins: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness…” In the introduction to her recent and powerful history of the United State, These Truths, Jill Lepore informs us that Thomas Jefferson had originally written, “We hold these truths to be sacred and undeniable” and that Benjamin Franklin crossed those words, and suggested instead “self-evident.” Lepore then notes that, “Truths that are self-evident are laws of nature, empirical and observable, the stuff of science.” I take it that our “Declaration of Independence” was also a declaration for a government based on truth and denunciation of the rule of untruth, lying and mendacity. Democracy is the governance of the people, for the people, by the people, as Abraham Lincoln put it, that lives “in truth.” Democracy, in other words, has an epistemic dimension. This means that there is not only a politics of truth in democracy, but also the truth of democratic politics. My colleague Nicolas de Warren and I have named this entanglement of truth and democracy “democratic honesty.” Honesty has two pillars: truthfulness and integrity. Democratic honesty is not only an epistemic virtue of democratic citizens, it is just as importantly also an epistemic virtue of “democratic” societies.
Now, turning to Trump’s assault on truth, I would have to say that it is not so much his relentless lying, mendacity, dishonesty, deception and hypocrisy that is worrying, but that Trump is a national phenomenon. And that no matter how rapidly he is “fact checked” — and his lies are unmasked and called out as lies — that nonetheless there is a sizable group of citizens who believe him, who have remained loyal to him, notwithstanding the piles and piles of lies, his brutality, his crassness, his belligerence and vulgarity. What is just as worrying is that our government is in the grip of Republicans who not only tolerate all of this, but who enable it and weaponize it. His lying is one thing. More important, in my view, is how he has frontally and in plain view of everyone attacked all those institutions that hold up the integrity of our democratic commitment to truth. He attacks science, the law, the media and the ballot. He attacks experts, lawyers, judges and journalists, everyone and anyone who is labeled a “never Trumper.” In his very grotesque and Machiavellian way, he has undermined the integrity of all those institutions that hold up our democracy, make it honest, just, fair, accountable, transparent and trustworthy.
Trump initially downplayed (and continues to misrepresent) the dire seriousness of COVID-19. We now know, thanks to the interviews conducted by journalist Bob Woodward, that Trump has been lying. As of this interview, over 215,000 Americans have died of COVID-19. This catastrophe is beyond words. Existential bad faith is one thing, but Trump’s behavior seems homicidal. What do you make of this manner of “leader”? And must we not hold him accountable for the blood that is on his hands?
The language I would use would be “dereliction of duty” and “treason.” The president of the U.S. swears to uphold the Constitution and protect the American people. And he swears on a Bible. Trump has depleted our democratic lexicon of terms to use about his malfeasance and utter contempt for the rule of law, and our American commitments to rights and equality before the law. He has also eroded down the meaning of the word “unprecedented.” That he knew already so early in the pandemic about COVID-19’s mortality and lethality and that he “decided” not to act accordingly is simply criminal, and should be to all of us, simply astonishing and unprecedented. I would say that lying and downplaying the virus, when he knew its dangers, is a form of treason, because he decided that his reelection was more important than the well-being of our fellow citizens. He is not only criminal, but also treasonous.
In his very grotesque and Machiavellian way, he has undermined the integrity of all those institutions that hold up our democracy, make it honest, just, fair, accountable, transparent and trustworthy.
On the other hand, let me also underscore that every life lost to the virus that could have been brought under control is a wasted life. We must also note, and this a huge point to note, that the deathly effects of the virus have been more adversely and severely suffered and shouldered by African Americans and Latinos. The APM Research Lab reports that African Americans are 3.4 percent more likely to die of COVID-19 than a white American. Viruses don’t discriminate, but our institutions do, and above all our health care system does, and of course, our labor market system does, and so a virus is not simply a thing of nature, but a political fact. I read about the contrast between how many U.S. citizens died during Vietnam, or World War I, and so on, and how many have died because of COVID-19. I am not sure that is the right way to think about it. A pandemic is a sociopolitical fact, not death as “it is what it is.” Many of these deaths could have been prevented, but our “protector”-in-chief decided not to. In this pandemic, who died, who will die, who will remain vulnerable and infectable is a political decision.
As we know, Trump is the symptom of a larger systemic problem of white racism. Indeed, he is a product of a larger historical sedimented history of xenophobia, sexism and homophobia, a larger history inextricably linked to white male patriarchy. Given this, I guess that the real issue has to do with the end of white supremacy. I have no optimism. What about you?
You and I have been committed for most of our lives to this long-term struggle for the soul of our country, to rescue it from its long history of racism, sexism and its amnesia of the genocide of our Native American brother and sisters. A pandemic is not genocide, but a virus can be used as what the French called a “dispositif” — an apparatus or device — for racial killing. You know that I am an optimist and I have argued for skepticism of the mind and optimism of the heart. These days, however, I am not feeling optimistic, of either the mind or the heart. I feel that far too many Americans have decided that America is “theirs,” and not “our” America. The America we all built over the last centuries, one that is most inclusive, just, egalitarian, more available to all kinds of people — that in the recent past has cowered in the shadows of racial hate — that America is being rejected. Some want the old America back. Yet, I don’t know what to make of the sociological data coming out about how the post-George Floyd killing protests are the most racially integrated demonstrations we have seen in the U.S. — by far, more inclusive than those of the civil rights era. It seems like “racial justice” is not simply a “Black” thing, but an “Us” thing, an “American” thing. However, the resurgence of white supremacy, and that some white supremacist groups have been working on “igniting” a civil war — a racial war — and that the president won’t condemn their acts of hate and violence, and in fact condones and encourages them, should make many of us be pessimistic.
Philosophy is concerned with truth, even as there are some philosophers who deny we can ever have access to “things as they really are” or access to some grand metaphysical reality. Trump is not a philosopher who worries about the status of truth. Rather, he is someone who doesn’t give a damn about truth. Yet, philosophers should give a damn. How do you understand the role of us philosophers under this Trumpian “post-truth” nightmare?
Lying and downplaying the virus, when he knew its dangers, is a form of treason, because he decided that his reelection was more important than the well-being of our fellow citizens.
Indeed, the question of truth is at the heart of philosophy. Kant told us that there are three fundamental questions: What can I know? What ought I to do? What can I hope for? Then, he said that these three questions boil down to one: What does it mean to be human? I always found Kant’s questions generative, especially that they are one question: What it means to be human. What I take from Kant’s three questions is that morality, hope and truth are entangled, interdependent and mutually supportive. I can’t know what I ought to do if I don’t know what the facts of the matter are, and I can’t know that if I don’t have access to truth (or ways of verifying), and I can’t hope, if what I think I ought to do based on the facts will not have any relevance or efficacy, that what I will do will change things. Holocaust deniers, for instance, make all this so evident. And all those, too, who have challenged the efforts to think about enduring effects of centuries of slavery in the U.S…. Those who deny facts, history, what happened, are refusing the basis on which we can act and hope. There is no democratic hope without democratic honesty, truthfulness and integrity.
Trump is, in his own way, ceaselessly shouting at us: We can’t know anything (unless it confirms his worldview), we can’t know what the right thing to do is (unless it is for his glory), and you can’t hope that what you do that is right will have any efficacy (for that is up to him to decide). That is giving him too much credit, perhaps. We philosophers know that to be human is to be a creature of responsibility, truth and hope. We are human by the speech that holds us together. Lying and untruth are an assault on what makes us the social beings of language that we are.
“Post-truth” is the fake news of Trumpites. Truth is out there: It is a virus, it is climate change, it is gravitational waves, it is the truth that journalists discover — the documents, the emails, the tweets, the trail of deception and malfeasance, and obstruction of justice — there is the truth by which and on which we decide collectively to forge a collective future. There is no democratic future without democratic truth.
Some look to the vigorous protests here and globally, following the tragic killing of George Floyd, as a sign of hope for something better. What do you see as the necessary steps that will move not just the U.S. forward, but also the broader world — a world where white nationalism has become a global danger, a different kind of global pandemic?
In this pandemic, who died, who will die, who will remain vulnerable and infectable is a political decision.
That the post-Floyd demonstrations went global is extremely significant. First, because as manifestations across the world, they were global manifestations of solidarity with our struggles against police violence and for social justice. Second, they are also significant because they are also an expression that state violence, racial violence and social injustice are intolerable anywhere and everywhere. I think they are manifestations of a growing global racial justice consciousness and movement. This can’t be neglected. These protests are also taking place in the midst of a global health crisis and pandemic that have made it all too evident that we live in “one world.” There are no vaccines for the virus that can be developed by one country; there is no way that we can inoculate just one country and expect the virus will be contained. The economic effects have devastated communities across the world — although shock waves have impacted more the United States and poorer countries than Europe and Asian countries, where there is less systemic and enduring poverty. Viruses that are zoonotic — born in animals that then infect humans — are going to become more frequent because of climate change.
Over the last century, since the end of World War II, we have become aware at a global level of how profoundly interdependent we are. Trump’s nationalism, chauvinism, isolationism, his anti-internationalism, all his know-nothing-ism and adulation of white supremacy belong to a time that is long past. We are past the time when the United States was the sole world power. It is time that we rejoin the global community.
This interview has been lightly edited for clarity.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-11-02--Don Jr. Told Dad’s Supporters “Have Fun” With Biden Campaign Before Bus Incident

President Donald Trump criticized the FBI on Sunday for announcing an investigation into some of his supporters in Texas for harassing and endangering the lives of passengers on a Joe Biden campaign bus last week — an action that may have been inspired in part by the president ’ s own son just a couple of days prior .
Video on social media showed motorists , many with Trump 2020 flags or other insignia demonstrating their support for the president , surrounding a Biden for president campaign bus on a Texas interstate highway on Friday .
The drivers shouted profanities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slow the bus down to a complete stop .
The bus ended up slowing to 20 miles per hour at one point on the highway .
Other videos shared online revealed more violent behavior , including a Trump-aligned pickup truck appearing to ram itself into the side of a vehicle that was escorting the Biden bus .
After the video appeared on social media , the president tweeted out his support for his supporters who surrounded the bus , displaying an edited video that omitted their more violent acts .
“ I LOVE @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Saturday .
Later , the FBI announced that it was looking into the matter .
“ FBI San Antonio is aware of the incident and investigating , ” FBI spokesperson Michelle Lee said to CNN .
The announcement prompted the president to complain on Sunday about the fact that an inquiry into his violent supporters had been opened .
“ In my opinion , these patriots did nothing wrong , ” Trump said , suggesting that the FBI should look into antifa instead .
At several points during his presidency , Trump has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number of institutions , including political opponents and the media , in a manner that has oftentimes inspired his backers to act violently .
It ’ s possible , however , that this time around , Trump ’ s son , Donald Trump Jr. , inspired his father ’ s supporters to behave maliciously .
Days before the apparent attack on the Biden bus took place , Trump Jr. shared a video message to the president ’ s supporters in Texas , encouraging them to harass a planned event involving Biden ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ It ’ d be great if you guys would all get together , head down to McAllen and give Kamala Harris a nice Trump train welcome , ” Trump Jr. said in the message published on Wednesday .
“ Get out there , have some fun .
Get out there , guys , ” he added .
Neither Harris nor Biden were on board the bus during the apparent attack , but Democratic candidates running in local races were riding on it , including former state lawmaker Wendy Davis , who is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Texas .
After the dangerous provocation on the highway unfolded , Davis and others on the bus canceled their planned campaign event due to safety concerns .

The president’s son told supporters to create a “Trump train welcome” for Kamala Harris in a video last Wednesday.
President Donald Trump criticized the FBI on Sunday for announcing an investigation into some of his supporters in Texas for harassing and endangering the lives of passengers on a Joe Biden campaign bus last week — an action that may have been inspired in part by the president’s own son just a couple of days prior.
Video on social media showed motorists, many with Trump 2020 flags or other insignia demonstrating their support for the president, surrounding a Biden for president campaign bus on a Texas interstate highway on Friday. The drivers shouted profanities toward the bus riders and attempted to slow the bus down to a complete stop.
The bus ended up slowing to 20 miles per hour at one point on the highway. Other videos shared online revealed more violent behavior, including a Trump-aligned pickup truck appearing to ram itself into the side of a vehicle that was escorting the Biden bus.
After the video appeared on social media, the president tweeted out his support for his supporters who surrounded the bus, displaying an edited video that omitted their more violent acts. “I LOVE TEXAS!” Trump said on Twitter Saturday.
Later, the FBI announced that it was looking into the matter.
“FBI San Antonio is aware of the incident and investigating,” FBI spokesperson Michelle Lee said to CNN.
The announcement prompted the president to complain on Sunday about the fact that an inquiry into his violent supporters had been opened.
“In my opinion, these patriots did nothing wrong,” Trump said, suggesting that the FBI should look into antifa instead.
At several points during his presidency, Trump has used his bully pulpit to criticize a number of institutions, including political opponents and the media, in a manner that has oftentimes inspired his backers to act violently. It’s possible, however, that this time around, Trump’s son, Donald Trump Jr., inspired his father’s supporters to behave maliciously.
Days before the apparent attack on the Biden bus took place, Trump Jr. shared a video message to the president’s supporters in Texas, encouraging them to harass a planned event involving Biden’s vice presidential running-mate, Kamala Harris.
“It’d be great if you guys would all get together, head down to McAllen and give Kamala Harris a nice Trump train welcome,” Trump Jr. said in the message published on Wednesday.
Texas is Trump country so @DonaldJTrumpJr has a special message to Laredo, Texas. Head to McAllen, Texas on October 30th and help give Kamala Harris a big Trump Texas welcome. pic.twitter.com/qB4hukL6xz — Kambree (@KamVTV) October 28, 2020
“Get out there, have some fun. Get out there, guys,” he added.
Neither Harris nor Biden were on board the bus during the apparent attack, but Democratic candidates running in local races were riding on it, including former state lawmaker Wendy Davis, who is running for a U.S. House seat in Texas. After the dangerous provocation on the highway unfolded, Davis and others on the bus canceled their planned campaign event due to safety concerns.
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truthout--2020-11-02--Police Pepper-Spray Marchers Heading to the Polls in North Carolina

Police in Alamance County in North Carolina pepper-sprayed a peaceful get-out-the-vote march Saturday , descending on the crowd after they stopped near a Confederate monument to kneel in honor of George Floyd , who was killed by police in Minneapolis in May .
Viral videos of the violent police action show officers in riot gear attacking the marchers , including young children and elderly people , who had intended to walk to a polling place on the last day of early voting in North Carolina .
At least eight people were arrested , including march organizer Rev .
Greg Drumwright @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of hundreds only 14 seconds to clear out before attacking .
“ We never made it to the polls , ” says Drumwright .
“ We believe that this interaction , this interference from local authorities , has obstructed our marchers from not only lifting up our First Amendment rights to protest , to speak out , but also our rights to vote.
” This is a rush transcript .
Copy may not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : We begin today ’ s show in the battleground state of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Alamance County pepper-sprayed voters taking part in a peaceful get-out-the-vote rally .
The rally began at a local Black church and was scheduled to end at an early voting site in Graham , North Carolina , which is located between Durham and Greensboro .
During the rally , participants stopped near a Confederate monument and paused in the street for eight minutes and 46 seconds to remember George Floyd , who was killed by police in Minneapolis in May .
Floyd ’ s niece was scheduled to speak but didn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the police , some dressed in riot gear , began pepper-spraying the crowd , which included children as young as 3 years old .
One elderly woman in a wheelchair appeared to have had a seizure after being exposed to the pepper spray .
AMY GOODMAN : Democratic congressional candidate Scott Huffman was pepper-sprayed and recorded this video in his car moments later .
AMY GOODMAN : Saturday was the last day of early voting in North Carolina , but the march never made it to the polling site .
At least eight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ including the march organizer , the Reverend Greg Drumwright , who joins us now from Greensboro .
He ’ s lead organizer of Justice 4 the Next Generation coalition .
Reverend Greg Drumwright , welcome to Democracy Now !
Can you take us through Saturday ?
What happened ?
REV .
GREG DRUMWRIGHT : Good morning to all of your viewers and certainly to you .
And thank you for having us .
Saturday is , in some instances , still a blur .
We still have people recovering from those tear gas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the morning really knowing that there was going to be some form of a materialized effort to quell our success and to quiet our voices , even though we prayed intently and we met , several times over , with the local authorities there , asking them not to bring militia force to our march .
As you and I know now , that was not the case .
AMY GOODMAN : So , explain what the purpose of your rally was , where you went , and when the police moved in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ DRUMWRIGHT : We landed there , after marching for about three-quarters of a mile , on the north side of Main Street just before the court square , where we were allowed .
We were in full cooperation with our agreement with authorities .
Once we got to North Main Street in front of a Confederate monument , we kneeled eight minutes and 46 seconds , as you have uplifted , in honor of George Floyd ’ s family .
And I need to say that George Floyd ’ s family , four @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with us on the frontline .
After eight minutes and 46 seconds , we got up and began to prepare for our rally .
And just as the Graham Police Department uplifted in their press conference yesterday , at the nine-minute mark , they began to release pepper spray and tear gas upon our marchers , stating that we were not moving fast enough out of the roadways .
I don ’ t know if you know arithmetic well enough to discern that that ’ s only 14 seconds for hundreds of people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
AMY GOODMAN : So , tell us who the sheriff is , and then tell us what happened next , once the police tear-gassed and pepper-sprayed you .
Were they wearing riot gear ?
REV .
GREG DRUMWRIGHT : We seen all types of tactical force dressings and gear .
We petitioned Chief Kristi Cole , who was in charge of this .
Sheriff Terry Johnson ’ s department , his deputies were working in concert with Chief Kristi Cole and the Graham Police Department .
We begged them not to bring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ several letters , stating that when this type of police presence gets involved , Black and Brown people end up in jail .
And so , we started our riot with people already being injured , people already being hassled and detained by local police authorities , simply because they would not get onto the sidewalks , after they escorted us in the streets , fast enough .
Again , 14 seconds to make something like that happen with a crowd of hundreds of people .
AMY GOODMAN : The Graham Police Department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ questions about the pepper-spraying of the marchers at Saturday ’ s event .
This is Lt. Daniel Sisk .
AMY GOODMAN : So , that was Lt. Daniel Sisk .
And I ’ m looking at a flyer that was published and distributed by your organization , Justice 4 the Next Generation , that says , on Saturday , October 31st , in Graham , North Carolina , participants will be , quote , “ marching from Wayman ’ s Chapel AME to a Court square Rally at the Confederate Monument and on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , talk about that end point .
You had hundreds of people .
Many were going to vote ?
REV .
GREG DRUMWRIGHT : Yes .
We believe that many were going to vote .
We believe that others were waiting for us to get to the Elm Street poll to vote in concert with us .
The truth of the matter is , we really don ’ t know what those numbers would have looked like .
Because of this police brutality , we never made it to the polls .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , this interference from local authorities , has created — obstructed our marchers from not only lifting up our First Amendment rights to protest , to speak out , but also our rights to vote .
This interaction from the police most certainly kept people from voting in Alamance County .
AMY GOODMAN : You know , as people heard this story all over the country , the parallels were being made to Bull Connor , the head of so-called security in Birmingham , who would water-hose the people who were going to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ water-hose children .
Your thoughts , Reverend Drumwright ?
REV .
GREG DRUMWRIGHT : This is a sheriff that has been sued by the federal government in 2012 , has been sued by the government for actually disproportionately arresting Black and Brown people , even referring to Hispanics as “ taco eaters.
” Sheriff Terry Johnson and his department has long suppressed the citizens of Alamance County .
There are horror stories .
The fearmongering in Alamance County is very intense .
As a matter of fact , as we have organized there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who are in support of our movement but fear for their safety .
One of our marchers , one of the speakers of our march , uplifted the fact that she , as a business owner , has been targeted .
Other members of our march has had the KKK show up in their yard .
And all of them have information that lead back to Sheriff Terry Johnson ’ s administration .
AMY GOODMAN : And what happened to the woman in the wheelchair ?
REV .
GREG DRUMWRIGHT : We seen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
She is very sore , and she is very shaken .
And her spirit , as you might imagine , is broken .
But she ’ s not cast down , is what she told me .
We are hoping that she makes a full recovery .
We believe that she has lost the use of one of her mobile wheelchair units .
And therefore , we are still fighting for all of the people that are recovering from the incidences on Saturday .
And we ’ re going to return to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : Reverend , how did you get arrested ?
REV .
GREG DRUMWRIGHT : Did you say how did I get arrested ?
REV .
GREG DRUMWRIGHT : We were standing there , holding our ground , because we were permitted to be at the court square until 2:00 with our rally .
And the police , the law enforcement , the deputies formed a militia line .
And they impeded upon us .
They wrestled many of the folks that ended up in jail with me onto the ground .
Those were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this same police force .
I was grabbed by my clothing and roughed up and taken into custody right there in front of the Confederate monument .
AMY GOODMAN : Can you talk about who you met in jail ?
REV .
GREG DRUMWRIGHT : I met folks that I didn ’ t know yet .
I met people that were there to stand with us in solidarity .
I met Black folks and white folks in jail .
I also met a young man who did not come in with the crew @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was detained with , and I didn ’ t think that he knew who I was .
I certainly didn ’ t know who he was .
And I had a split second to ask him , as he was being released , just minutes before me , in passing and processing , “ Sir , are you going to vote ?
” He looked at me and said , “ Reverend Drumwright , I was going to vote with you today.
” AMY GOODMAN : Finally , I ’ m looking at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in September that said , “ Supporters of the president ’ s re-election bid yelled ‘ white power ’ from pickup trucks in ‘ Trump convoy ’ in Alamance County organized by neo-Confederate activist Gary Williamson.
” Can you talk about the climate in your county ?
REV .
GREG DRUMWRIGHT : Well , let me just say that it is a known fact that Sheriff Terry Johnson has a relationship with Gary Williamson .
From that July 11th event , we have footage of Sheriff Terry Johnson actually being sympathetic , putting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Williamson just to calm down , while his same sheriff deputies were being instructed to lock up our peaceful protesters .
That ’ s why we are advocating .
That ’ s why this was not just a march to the polls .
But we had to stop by that Confederate monument and uplift our peaceful message for change .
There needs to be police reform in Graham , North Carolina , just as it is being discussed in Minneapolis , Minnesota .
This scene from Saturday , and even the scene @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 200 Confederates and neo-Nazis were allowed access to our march to disparage our efforts , to disrupt our efforts , is all too common right now in Graham , North Carolina .
AMY GOODMAN : What are your plans for Election Day , for Tuesday ?
REV .
GREG DRUMWRIGHT : You know , I am banned from Graham until Tuesday .
And so , we are having to do this under so many different dynamics .
We thought that Saturday would end our George Floyd summer and that we would have a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ imagined that we would be planning voter efforts on Tuesday on the streets .
And so , as soon as our interview wraps and in between other interview opportunities today , we are in very intense meetings to figure out , with our very meager resources , how we are still going to get people now into their various districts to vote .
We also are concerned about the people who can ’ t register to vote now , because Saturday was the last day of registration and voting in one stop .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ fact that there are people who will not be able to vote simply because of the police brutality that we incurred on Saturday .
We do know that our efforts will start at 9:00 , and we ’ re asking everyone to stay attuned to our social media for the official announcement of our plans after noon today .
AMY GOODMAN : Reverend Greg Drumwright , I want to thank you for being with us , lead organizer and activist with Justice 4 the Next Generation .
Next up , we go to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supporters tried to run a Biden campaign bus off the road .
One truck swerved into a car full of Biden campaign workers .
And a QAnon supporter has sued Harris County , home to Houston , to throw out nearly 127,000 early votes from 10 drive-thru polling locations .
It goes to court today .
Stay with us .
AMY GOODMAN : “ Beautiful Morning ” by Little Brother , from Durham , North Carolina .

Police in Alamance County in North Carolina pepper-sprayed a peaceful get-out-the-vote march Saturday, descending on the crowd after they stopped near a Confederate monument to kneel in honor of George Floyd, who was killed by police in Minneapolis in May. Viral videos of the violent police action show officers in riot gear attacking the marchers, including young children and elderly people, who had intended to walk to a polling place on the last day of early voting in North Carolina. At least eight people were arrested, including march organizer Rev. Greg Drumwright, who says police gave the crowd of hundreds only 14 seconds to clear out before attacking. “We never made it to the polls,” says Drumwright. “We believe that this interaction, this interference from local authorities, has obstructed our marchers from not only lifting up our First Amendment rights to protest, to speak out, but also our rights to vote.”
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: We begin today’s show in the battleground state of North Carolina. On Saturday, police in Alamance County pepper-sprayed voters taking part in a peaceful get-out-the-vote rally. The rally began at a local Black church and was scheduled to end at an early voting site in Graham, North Carolina, which is located between Durham and Greensboro. During the rally, participants stopped near a Confederate monument and paused in the street for eight minutes and 46 seconds to remember George Floyd, who was killed by police in Minneapolis in May. Floyd’s niece was scheduled to speak but didn’t get a chance. Moments later, the police, some dressed in riot gear, began pepper-spraying the crowd, which included children as young as 3 years old. One elderly woman in a wheelchair appeared to have had a seizure after being exposed to the pepper spray.
MARCHER: Medic! Medic!
AMY GOODMAN: Democratic congressional candidate Scott Huffman was pepper-sprayed and recorded this video in his car moments later.
SCOTT HUFFMAN: Hey, everybody. It’s Scott Huffman. I’m running for Congress here in District 13. And my eyes are full of pepper spray because, you know, we were peacefully demonstrating. We were exercising our First Amendment rights with Black Lives Matter. And what I’ve witnessed is what is happening all over America. This is wrong. People should be allowed to — to show up, to exercise their rights, to vote. We’re all taxpayers. The police work for us. Yet today I witnessed pepper spray, chemical weapons being sprayed on my fellow Americans.
AMY GOODMAN: Saturday was the last day of early voting in North Carolina, but the march never made it to the polling site. At least eight people were arrested during the rally, including the march organizer, the Reverend Greg Drumwright, who joins us now from Greensboro. He’s lead organizer of Justice 4 the Next Generation coalition.
Reverend Greg Drumwright, welcome to Democracy Now! Can you take us through Saturday? What happened?
REV. GREG DRUMWRIGHT: Good morning to all of your viewers and certainly to you. And thank you for having us.
Saturday is, in some instances, still a blur. We still have people recovering from those tear gas and pepper spray attacks. We started the morning really knowing that there was going to be some form of a materialized effort to quell our success and to quiet our voices, even though we prayed intently and we met, several times over, with the local authorities there, asking them not to bring militia force to our march. As you and I know now, that was not the case.
AMY GOODMAN: So, explain what the purpose of your rally was, where you went, and when the police moved in and attacked you.
REV. GREG DRUMWRIGHT: We landed there, after marching for about three-quarters of a mile, on the north side of Main Street just before the court square, where we were allowed. We were in full cooperation with our agreement with authorities.
Once we got to North Main Street in front of a Confederate monument, we kneeled eight minutes and 46 seconds, as you have uplifted, in honor of George Floyd’s family. And I need to say that George Floyd’s family, four members of the family, was there with us on the frontline. After eight minutes and 46 seconds, we got up and began to prepare for our rally.
And just as the Graham Police Department uplifted in their press conference yesterday, at the nine-minute mark, they began to release pepper spray and tear gas upon our marchers, stating that we were not moving fast enough out of the roadways. I don’t know if you know arithmetic well enough to discern that that’s only 14 seconds for hundreds of people to remove themselves peacefully onto the sidewalks.
AMY GOODMAN: So, tell us who the sheriff is, and then tell us what happened next, once the police tear-gassed and pepper-sprayed you. Were they wearing riot gear?
REV. GREG DRUMWRIGHT: We seen all types of tactical force dressings and gear. We petitioned Chief Kristi Cole, who was in charge of this. Sheriff Terry Johnson’s department, his deputies were working in concert with Chief Kristi Cole and the Graham Police Department. We begged them not to bring militia force. We begged them across several letters, stating that when this type of police presence gets involved, Black and Brown people end up in jail.
And so, we started our riot with people already being injured, people already being hassled and detained by local police authorities, simply because they would not get onto the sidewalks, after they escorted us in the streets, fast enough. Again, 14 seconds to make something like that happen with a crowd of hundreds of people.
AMY GOODMAN: The Graham Police Department held a news conference Sunday to answer questions about the pepper-spraying of the marchers at Saturday’s event. This is Lt. Daniel Sisk.
LT. DANIEL SISK: We wanted them to have a successful event. They were under the same understanding we were, that we thought, when the event started, that they were not authorized to keep the road closed for an extended period of time, that the road closure was temporary just to accommodate the march, which we led from the chapel, had road closures up to the courthouse. And when we gave the order to clear the road, and when it was clear to our officers that the people had no intent on clearing the road, that’s when we deployed the pepper fogger measure just to get them out of the roadway.
AMY GOODMAN: So, that was Lt. Daniel Sisk. And I’m looking at a flyer that was published and distributed by your organization, Justice 4 the Next Generation, that says, on Saturday, October 31st, in Graham, North Carolina, participants will be, quote, “marching from Wayman’s Chapel AME to a Court square Rally at the Confederate Monument and on to Elm Street Poll!” So, talk about that end point. You had hundreds of people. Many were going to vote?
REV. GREG DRUMWRIGHT: Yes. We believe that many were going to vote. We believe that others were waiting for us to get to the Elm Street poll to vote in concert with us. The truth of the matter is, we really don’t know what those numbers would have looked like. Because of this police brutality, we never made it to the polls. And therefore, we believe that this interaction, this interference from local authorities, has created — obstructed our marchers from not only lifting up our First Amendment rights to protest, to speak out, but also our rights to vote. This interaction from the police most certainly kept people from voting in Alamance County.
AMY GOODMAN: You know, as people heard this story all over the country, the parallels were being made to Bull Connor, the head of so-called security in Birmingham, who would water-hose the people who were going to register to vote, beat people, water-hose children. Your thoughts, Reverend Drumwright?
REV. GREG DRUMWRIGHT: This is a sheriff that has been sued by the federal government in 2012, has been sued by the government for actually disproportionately arresting Black and Brown people, even referring to Hispanics as “taco eaters.” Sheriff Terry Johnson and his department has long suppressed the citizens of Alamance County. There are horror stories. The fearmongering in Alamance County is very intense.
As a matter of fact, as we have organized there all summer long, there are people who are in support of our movement but fear for their safety. One of our marchers, one of the speakers of our march, uplifted the fact that she, as a business owner, has been targeted. Other members of our march has had the KKK show up in their yard. And all of them have information that lead back to Sheriff Terry Johnson’s administration.
AMY GOODMAN: And what happened to the woman in the wheelchair?
REV. GREG DRUMWRIGHT: We seen her yesterday. She is still recovering. She is very sore, and she is very shaken. And her spirit, as you might imagine, is broken. But she’s not cast down, is what she told me. We are hoping that she makes a full recovery. We believe that she has lost the use of one of her mobile wheelchair units. And therefore, we are still fighting for all of the people that are recovering from the incidences on Saturday. And we’re going to return to the streets on Tuesday.
AMY GOODMAN: Reverend, how did you get arrested?
REV. GREG DRUMWRIGHT: Did you say how did I get arrested?
AMY GOODMAN: Yeah.
REV. GREG DRUMWRIGHT: We were standing there, holding our ground, because we were permitted to be at the court square until 2:00 with our rally. And the police, the law enforcement, the deputies formed a militia line. And they impeded upon us. They wrestled many of the folks that ended up in jail with me onto the ground. Those were people who had already been pepper-sprayed by this same police force. I was grabbed by my clothing and roughed up and taken into custody right there in front of the Confederate monument.
AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk about who you met in jail?
REV. GREG DRUMWRIGHT: I met folks that I didn’t know yet. I met people that were there to stand with us in solidarity. I met Black folks and white folks in jail.
I also met a young man who did not come in with the crew, the particular crew, that I was detained with, and I didn’t think that he knew who I was. I certainly didn’t know who he was. And I had a split second to ask him, as he was being released, just minutes before me, in passing and processing, “Sir, are you going to vote?” He looked at me and said, “Reverend Drumwright, I was going to vote with you today.”
AMY GOODMAN: Finally, I’m looking at a piece from the Triad City Beat in September that said, “Supporters of the president’s re-election bid yelled ‘white power’ from pickup trucks in ‘Trump convoy’ in Alamance County organized by neo-Confederate activist Gary Williamson.” Can you talk about the climate in your county?
REV. GREG DRUMWRIGHT: Well, let me just say that it is a known fact that Sheriff Terry Johnson has a relationship with Gary Williamson. From that July 11th event, we have footage of Sheriff Terry Johnson actually being sympathetic, putting his arm around Mr. Williamson and telling Mr. Williamson just to calm down, while his same sheriff deputies were being instructed to lock up our peaceful protesters.
That’s why we are advocating. That’s why this was not just a march to the polls. But we had to stop by that Confederate monument and uplift our peaceful message for change. There needs to be police reform in Graham, North Carolina, just as it is being discussed in Minneapolis, Minnesota. This scene from Saturday, and even the scene from July the 11th, where over 200 Confederates and neo-Nazis were allowed access to our march to disparage our efforts, to disrupt our efforts, is all too common right now in Graham, North Carolina.
AMY GOODMAN: What are your plans for Election Day, for Tuesday?
REV. GREG DRUMWRIGHT: You know, I am banned from Graham until Tuesday. And so, we are having to do this under so many different dynamics. We thought that Saturday would end our George Floyd summer and that we would have a little time to rest. We never imagined that we would be planning voter efforts on Tuesday on the streets.
And so, as soon as our interview wraps and in between other interview opportunities today, we are in very intense meetings to figure out, with our very meager resources, how we are still going to get people now into their various districts to vote. We also are concerned about the people who can’t register to vote now, because Saturday was the last day of registration and voting in one stop. And so, we know for a fact that there are people who will not be able to vote simply because of the police brutality that we incurred on Saturday. We do know that our efforts will start at 9:00, and we’re asking everyone to stay attuned to our social media for the official announcement of our plans after noon today.
AMY GOODMAN: Reverend Greg Drumwright, I want to thank you for being with us, lead organizer and activist with Justice 4 the Next Generation.
Next up, we go to Texas, where a caravan of Trump supporters tried to run a Biden campaign bus off the road. One truck swerved into a car full of Biden campaign workers. And a QAnon supporter has sued Harris County, home to Houston, to throw out nearly 127,000 early votes from 10 drive-thru polling locations. It goes to court today. Stay with us.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: “Beautiful Morning” by Little Brother, from Durham, North Carolina.