truthout--2020-05-28--Civil Rights Attorney: Minneapolis Police Have a Long Pattern of Racist Violence

Parts of Minneapolis erupted into flames Wednesday night as residents again took to the streets to protest the death of George Floyd , a Black man killed by white police officer Derek Chauvin on Monday .
A viral video shows Chauvin kneeling on George Floyd ’ s neck for a number of minutes as Floyd repeatedly says “ I can not breathe.
” Three other officers stood by as George Floyd suffocated .
They have been identified as Tou Thao , Thomas Lane and J. Alexander Kueng .
All four officers were fired on Tuesday .
Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey @ @ @ @ @ @ @ charges against Derek Chauvin .
We speak with civil rights attorney Nekima Levy Armstrong , founder of the Racial Justice Network and former president of the Minneapolis chapter of the NAACP .
“ What needs to happen is that charges need to be brought immediately against the four officers who killed George Floyd , ” she says .
“ There is simply no justification for what they did or why they did it.
” This is a rush transcript .
Copy may not be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , where parts of the city erupted into flames Wednesday night as residents again took to the streets to protest the death of George Floyd , a Black man killed by white police officer Derek Chauvin Monday .
A viral video shows Chauvin kneeling on George Floyd ’ s neck for a number of minutes as Floyd repeatedly says , “ I can not breathe.
” Three other officers stood by as George Floyd suffocated .
They ’ ve been identified as Tou Thao , Thomas Lane and J. Alexander Kueng .
All @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wednesday night , the city requested help from the National Guard as a number of buildings were set ablaze .
The protest followed a day-long demonstration outside the city ’ s 3rd Precinct police headquarters , where police fired tear gas and projectiles at the protesters .
Demonstrators also rallied outside the home of former officer Derek Chauvin .
Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey called on prosecutors to file criminal charges against Derek Chauvin Wednesday .
AMY GOODMAN : The Star Tribune reports Derek Chauvin has been involved in multiple police shootings in his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and was the subject of a dozen police conduct complaints .
In 2008 , he shot and injured a man while making a domestic assault call .
In 2006 , he was one of six officers who killed a man after responding to a stabbing .
NBC News reports it ’ s unclear from the police report which officers fired their weapons .
The other police officer identified in the video of George Floyd ’ s murder is Tou Thao .
He was sued for use of excessive force in 2017 .
According @ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ Ferguson ] was walking home with a woman who was eight months pregnant , when Thao and another officer stopped them and searched them without cause .
The officers handcuffed Ferguson , and Thao threw him to the ground and punched him repeatedly , according to the lawsuit .
The case settled for $ 25,000 .
This is Minnesota Attorney General Keith Ellison , the former congressman , speaking on Wednesday .
He announced both state and federal officials have opened investigations into the killing of George Floyd .
AMY GOODMAN : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Keith Ellison also was the first Muslim elected to Congress .
We go now to Minneapolis , where we ’ re joined by Nekima Levy Armstrong civil rights attorney , activist , founder of the Racial Justice Network , former president of the Minneapolis chapter of the NAACP .
Welcome back to Democracy Now !
Your city is in flames .
Can you talk about what ’ s happened this week and what you ’ re demanding ?
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG : Yes .
So , we know that George Floyd was unjustly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ video has gone viral .
People are outraged .
This is yet another reminder that the Minneapolis Police Department has a culture of violence , specifically when it comes to their interactions with the African American community .
And so , as a result of what happened to George Floyd , we took to the streets in a two-and-a-half-mile march , from the site of where he was killed to the 3rd Precinct police station , where thousands of people stood in solidarity , standing up for justice for George Floyd .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there have been skirmishes between law enforcement officials and protesters .
I just actually left the site a little while ago , and some of the buildings were burning that were in close proximity to the 3rd Precinct police station .
And although some people are surprised by this , I ’ m not surprised , because we ’ ve been warning city officials for many years that Minneapolis was going to become the next Ferguson if they did not clean up the Minneapolis Police Department and address the other racial inequities that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ GOODMAN : So , can you respond to the family calling for the police officers to be brought up on murder charges , not just Chauvin , who was the one who kneeled on the neck of George Floyd as he pleaded for his life , saying “ I can not breathe ” ; the mayor calling for criminal charges ; the attorney general , what he is calling for in Minnesota ; and also President Trump saying he ’ s looking at the case ?
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG : Well , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just Chauvin who was responsible for the death of George Floyd .
There were actually three officers that were pressing upon his body , that were holding him down so that he could not move .
And there was a fourth officer who was standing guard , preventing community members from intervening in the situation .
I mean , the community members did the best that they could to ask the officers to please allow Mr. George Floyd to be able to get up .
And their cries and George Floyd ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the flagrant attitudes of the officers and the nonchalant way that they responded to a man just simply asking to be able to breathe is absolutely unconscionable .
And I agree with the family , I agree with the community , that those officers should be immediately charged for the murder of George Floyd .
They should have already been arrested by now .
It just is — it ’ s a no-brainer .
Any of us who had engaged in that level of conduct would already be in jail .
Just because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they should get away with this type of behavior .
Firing them is a first step , but it is not enough on the road towards justice for people to feel satisfied by that outcome .
AMY GOODMAN : Let ’ s go to the Minneapolis Police Chief Arradondo speaking Wednesday .
AMY GOODMAN : Arradondo was speaking with a mask on .
We did not see the police officers who were involved with the killing of George Floyd with a mask .
But what are you demanding of Police Chief Arradondo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we are demanding that the body camera footage be released .
As I mentioned earlier , of course , we want the officers charged immediately , although that decision is not in the hands of Chief Arradondo .
We had requested that those officers be fired , and he agreed that they needed to be fired .
And that was an unprecedented move to have officers who are white officers be fired for killing a Black person .
That has not happened .
Normally , officers are allowed to remain on the force @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in addition to the charges and the body camera footage , we want to see systemic changes within the Minneapolis Police Department .
We want to see a cultural shift .
We are also asking for the appointment of a special prosecutor .
We simply do not trust the Hennepin County Attorney Mike Freeman to make a fair and objective decision , because typically he sides with law enforcement officers .
He has not held a single officer accountable for shooting a civilian , for killing a civilian , except in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a white , affluent woman who was shot and killed by a Black Muslim Somali man .
And we saw , after a period of time , where Mike Freeman actually did bring charges , and ultimately Mohamed Noor was convicted , and he is spending time in prison .
Most of the officers who kill people in Minneapolis and in the state of Minnesota are white men , but not one has been charged and convicted for killing a Black person in the state of Minnesota .
And we believe that that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change now .
And they need to be held accountable for George Floyd ’ s murder .
AMY GOODMAN : I wanted to turn to the eyewitness — one of the eyewitnesses .
We see people from the cellphone footage who are filming .
He was right there .
He went on CNN ’ s Chris Cuomo ’ s show last night and described what he saw .
CHRIS CUOMO : The part that makes the least sense , did any of the cops — did you hear them talking to each other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ move him and get him out of the situation ?
DONALD WILLIAMS : Bro , they wanted to kill that man , bro .
I ’ m going to be 100 , bro .
They didn ’ t speak .
They didn ’ t say nothing .
The view was in his eyes , bro .
The man had his knee on his chest , bro .
He knew what he was doing .
He shimmies on my man ’ s neck , bro .
He knew what he was doing .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ choke .
If I ’ m here , and I ’ m shimmying , I ’ m shimmying , I ’ m shimmying , I ’ m shimmying .
Boom !
My choke ’ s on there .
I told him it was a blood choke .
He knew it was a blood choke .
He looked at me when I said it .
He put his head down .
He did not make any more gestures , did not say any other thing .
And the two other cowards that was on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I didn ’ t know nothing about .
I didn ’ t know about it ’ til I got videos in my social media and things like that .
So , there was the intent to smother my man and kill my man .
And I seen it .
I seen it in his eyes , I seen it in his demeanor , and I seen it in their movement .
And Officer Thao didn ’ t — he didn ’ t partake in it , but he had control of what was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that car , for me not to see what was going on .
Because if he would have known me personally , know how I am .
And I ’ m very — I ’ m a controlled athlete .
I ’ m a controlled person .
You know , I have different levels to who I am .
And I showed my control , and it ’ s out there in front of the world .
I got letters , notes , for months , from people that know me from growing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I was the most controlled they ever seen in my life , as I ’ m seeing another man , that looked like me , that feels like me , that ’ s got the same complexion as me , lose his life to another man that had no senseless .
He had no feeling .
He had no remorse .
He had [ bleep ] in him .
He had no feeling .
I don ’ t even think he had a heart at that moment .
And he ’ s going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his life , just like I ’ m going to hear my man say this : “ I can ’ t breathe .
I want my mama.
” And I ’ m coming to find out that this man who died two years on the day that his mom died .
I ’ m a mama ’ s boy , bro .
Like , that [ bleep ] hurts me deep down inside , bro .
And , like , something needs to be done , or something needs to be done .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Williams describing the killing of George Floyd .
Nekima Levy Armstrong , as you hear this , and the family is demanding murder charges be brought against all four officers , right now parts of Minneapolis , southern Minneapolis , are in flames .
Your final thoughts on what needs to happen at this point ?
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG : What needs to happen is that charges need to be brought immediately against the four officers who killed George Floyd .
There is simply no justification for what they did or why they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wake up and understand that , as Black people , we do not feel safe in the city of Minneapolis , we do not feel safe in the state of Minnesota , we do not feel safe around this country , when it comes to our interactions with law enforcement .
And like he said , that needs to change , and it needs to change now .
AMY GOODMAN : And the other video footage , that we have seen and that we haven ’ t seen , one from Dragon Wok @ @ @ @ @ @ @ footage , the police officers claim that he was resisting arrest , but we see him coming out of the car .
We see the police officers holding him .
They handcuff him .
They walk him across the street .
And that ’ s when they take him down .
Can you explain this ?
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG : There is no explanation .
And I think that people need to shift their focus from whether he was a resisting arrest or not .
That has nothing to do with the fact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ body , put the full weight of a human body on his neck and snuffed the life out of him .
We have to — AMY GOODMAN : For something like eight minutes .
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG : Absolutely .
Who can justify that ?
That was a modern-day lynching .
No other words for that .
That was a modern-day lynching .
So people have to realize what they witnessed , be honest about it , and push for accountability , and not allow them to use technicalities as a way to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It doesn ’ t matter about his past .
It doesn ’ t matter whether he was resisting or he didn ’ t .
It doesn ’ t matter what happened in the store .
What matters is that those officers had a chance to ensure that George Floyd could live and not die , that he could breathe and not suffocate or have whatever kind of response to his body that happened .
He should be alive today to tell his story .
They took that away from him .
And they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : This is Floyd ’ s brother Philonise speaking on CNN Tuesday .
AMY GOODMAN : George Floyd ’ s brother Philonise , speaking on CNN on Tuesday .
Benjamin Crump , now the family attorney , has already filed a lawsuit against Minneapolis .
We will continue to follow this story .
We want to thank Nekima Levy Armstrong , civil rights attorney , activist , founder of the Racial Justice Network , former president of the Minneapolis chapter of the NAACP , for being with us .
When we come back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legacy of Larry Kramer , the legendary writer , trailblazing activist in the fight against AIDS .
He died on Thursday .
Stay with us .
AMY GOODMAN : “ The Seven Last Words of the Unarmed ” by composer Joel Thompson , performed by the Sphinx , led by conductor Eugene Rogers .

Parts of Minneapolis erupted into flames Wednesday night as residents again took to the streets to protest the death of George Floyd, a Black man killed by white police officer Derek Chauvin on Monday. A viral video shows Chauvin kneeling on George Floyd’s neck for a number of minutes as Floyd repeatedly says “I cannot breathe.” Three other officers stood by as George Floyd suffocated. They have been identified as Tou Thao, Thomas Lane and J. Alexander Kueng. All four officers were fired on Tuesday. Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey has called on prosecutors to file criminal charges against Derek Chauvin. We speak with civil rights attorney Nekima Levy Armstrong, founder of the Racial Justice Network and former president of the Minneapolis chapter of the NAACP. “What needs to happen is that charges need to be brought immediately against the four officers who killed George Floyd,” she says. “There is simply no justification for what they did or why they did it.”
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: We begin today’s show in Minneapolis, where parts of the city erupted into flames Wednesday night as residents again took to the streets to protest the death of George Floyd, a Black man killed by white police officer Derek Chauvin Monday. A viral video shows Chauvin kneeling on George Floyd’s neck for a number of minutes as Floyd repeatedly says, “I cannot breathe.” Three other officers stood by as George Floyd suffocated. They’ve been identified as Tou Thao, Thomas Lane and J. Alexander Kueng. All four officers were fired Tuesday.
On Wednesday night, the city requested help from the National Guard as a number of buildings were set ablaze. The protest followed a day-long demonstration outside the city’s 3rd Precinct police headquarters, where police fired tear gas and projectiles at the protesters. Demonstrators also rallied outside the home of former officer Derek Chauvin. Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey called on prosecutors to file criminal charges against Derek Chauvin Wednesday.
MAYOR JACOB FREY: I’ve wrestled with, more than anything else over the last 36 hours, one fundamental question: Why is the man who killed George Floyd not in jail? If you had done it or I had done it, we would be behind bars right now. And I cannot come up with a good answer to that question. And so I’m calling on Hennepin County Attorney Mike Freeman to act on the evidence before him. I’m calling on him to charge the arresting officer in this case. We cannot turn a blind eye. It is on us, as leaders, to see this for what it is and call it what it is. George Floyd deserves justice. His family deserves justice. The Black community deserves justice. And our city deserves justice. Related Story Op-Ed | Racial Justice Ahmaud Arbery’s Murder Shows Lynching Remains a Reality for Black America We’re in a situation we cannot fully solve with votes or protests. This disaster requires radical Black politics. Truthout
AMY GOODMAN: The Star Tribune reports Derek Chauvin has been involved in multiple police shootings in his 19 years on the Minneapolis police force and was the subject of a dozen police conduct complaints. In 2008, he shot and injured a man while making a domestic assault call. In 2006, he was one of six officers who killed a man after responding to a stabbing. NBC News reports it’s unclear from the police report which officers fired their weapons.
The other police officer identified in the video of George Floyd’s murder is Tou Thao. He was sued for use of excessive force in 2017. According to the lawsuit by Lamar Ferguson, [Ferguson] was walking home with a woman who was eight months pregnant, when Thao and another officer stopped them and searched them without cause. The officers handcuffed Ferguson, and Thao threw him to the ground and punched him repeatedly, according to the lawsuit. The case settled for $25,000.
This is Minnesota Attorney General Keith Ellison, the former congressman, speaking on Wednesday. He announced both state and federal officials have opened investigations into the killing of George Floyd.
ATTORNEY GENERAL KEITH ELLISON: This investigation must proceed with a degree of objectivity. We’re not going to prejudge the facts, though the video is so clear before our eyes. Why? Because at the end of this process, we want nobody to be able to question the process. … So what we’re dealing with is not an isolated case. We’re dealing with a systemic problem. And the investigation and the prosecution, if that happens, and the ultimate consequences, they are being handled. I am confident that they’re being handled competently. But that doesn’t end it. The discharge of the officers doesn’t end it. The criminal process that has begun doesn’t end it. The civil rights process doesn’t end it. We’ve got to have permanent, deep systemic change.
AMY GOODMAN: Minnesota’s African American Attorney General Keith Ellison also was the first Muslim elected to Congress.
We go now to Minneapolis, where we’re joined by Nekima Levy Armstrong civil rights attorney, activist, founder of the Racial Justice Network, former president of the Minneapolis chapter of the NAACP.
Welcome back to Democracy Now! Your city is in flames. Can you talk about what’s happened this week and what you’re demanding?
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG: Yes. So, we know that George Floyd was unjustly killed by Minneapolis police officers. The video has gone viral. People are outraged. This is yet another reminder that the Minneapolis Police Department has a culture of violence, specifically when it comes to their interactions with the African American community. And so, as a result of what happened to George Floyd, we took to the streets in a two-and-a-half-mile march, from the site of where he was killed to the 3rd Precinct police station, where thousands of people stood in solidarity, standing up for justice for George Floyd.
And in the last couple of days, there have been skirmishes between law enforcement officials and protesters. I just actually left the site a little while ago, and some of the buildings were burning that were in close proximity to the 3rd Precinct police station. And although some people are surprised by this, I’m not surprised, because we’ve been warning city officials for many years that Minneapolis was going to become the next Ferguson if they did not clean up the Minneapolis Police Department and address the other racial inequities that we experience as African Americans.
AMY GOODMAN: So, can you respond to the family calling for the police officers to be brought up on murder charges, not just Chauvin, who was the one who kneeled on the neck of George Floyd as he pleaded for his life, saying “I cannot breathe”; the mayor calling for criminal charges; the attorney general, what he is calling for in Minnesota; and also President Trump saying he’s looking at the case?
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG: Well, the reality is that it wasn’t just Chauvin who was responsible for the death of George Floyd. There were actually three officers that were pressing upon his body, that were holding him down so that he could not move. And there was a fourth officer who was standing guard, preventing community members from intervening in the situation. I mean, the community members did the best that they could to ask the officers to please allow Mr. George Floyd to be able to get up. And their cries and George Floyd’s cries fell on deaf ears. Just the flagrant attitudes of the officers and the nonchalant way that they responded to a man just simply asking to be able to breathe is absolutely unconscionable.
And I agree with the family, I agree with the community, that those officers should be immediately charged for the murder of George Floyd. They should have already been arrested by now. It just is — it’s a no-brainer. Any of us who had engaged in that level of conduct would already be in jail. Just because they’re officers does not mean that they should get away with this type of behavior. Firing them is a first step, but it is not enough on the road towards justice for people to feel satisfied by that outcome.
AMY GOODMAN: Let’s go to the Minneapolis Police Chief Arradondo speaking Wednesday.
POLICE CHIEF MEDARIA ARRADONDO: I certainly have said publicly, as well, that what I observed, those actions from those former four officers, in no way reflect the values and the vision and the culture that I want to change here with the Minneapolis Police Department. And so many of our men and women work each and every day to try to build those relationships of trust.
AMY GOODMAN: Arradondo was speaking with a mask on. We did not see the police officers who were involved with the killing of George Floyd with a mask. But what are you demanding of Police Chief Arradondo?
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG: Well, we are demanding that the body camera footage be released. As I mentioned earlier, of course, we want the officers charged immediately, although that decision is not in the hands of Chief Arradondo. We had requested that those officers be fired, and he agreed that they needed to be fired. And that was an unprecedented move to have officers who are white officers be fired for killing a Black person. That has not happened. Normally, officers are allowed to remain on the force after they have killed someone. So, in addition to the charges and the body camera footage, we want to see systemic changes within the Minneapolis Police Department. We want to see a cultural shift.
We are also asking for the appointment of a special prosecutor. We simply do not trust the Hennepin County Attorney Mike Freeman to make a fair and objective decision, because typically he sides with law enforcement officers. He has not held a single officer accountable for shooting a civilian, for killing a civilian, except in the case of Justine Damond, who was a white, affluent woman who was shot and killed by a Black Muslim Somali man. And we saw, after a period of time, where Mike Freeman actually did bring charges, and ultimately Mohamed Noor was convicted, and he is spending time in prison. Most of the officers who kill people in Minneapolis and in the state of Minnesota are white men, but not one has been charged and convicted for killing a Black person in the state of Minnesota. And we believe that that needs to change. It needs to change now. And they need to be held accountable for George Floyd’s murder.
AMY GOODMAN: I wanted to turn to the eyewitness — one of the eyewitnesses. We see people from the cellphone footage who are filming. He was right there. He went on CNN’s Chris Cuomo’s show last night and described what he saw.
CHRIS CUOMO: The part that makes the least sense, did any of the cops — did you hear them talking to each other about why they couldn’t just move him and get him out of the situation? DONALD WILLIAMS: Bro, they wanted to kill that man, bro. I’m going to be 100, bro. They didn’t speak. They didn’t say nothing. The view was in his eyes, bro. The man had his knee on his chest, bro. He knew what he was doing. He shimmies on my man’s neck, bro. He knew what he was doing. It’s just like having a jiu-jitsu choke. If I’m here, and I’m shimmying, I’m shimmying, I’m shimmying, I’m shimmying. Boom! My choke’s on there. I told him it was a blood choke. He knew it was a blood choke. He looked at me when I said it. He put his head down. He did not make any more gestures, did not say any other thing. And the two other cowards that was on the other side of the car, I didn’t know nothing about. I didn’t know about it ’til I got videos in my social media and things like that. So, there was the intent to smother my man and kill my man. And I seen it. I seen it in his eyes, I seen it in his demeanor, and I seen it in their movement. And Officer Thao didn’t — he didn’t partake in it, but he had control of what was going on on the other side of that car, for me not to see what was going on. Because if he would have known me personally, know how I am. And I’m very — I’m a controlled athlete. I’m a controlled person. You know, I have different levels to who I am. And I showed my control, and it’s out there in front of the world. I got letters, notes, for months, from people that know me from growing up in the city, that said I was the most controlled they ever seen in my life, as I’m seeing another man, that looked like me, that feels like me, that’s got the same complexion as me, lose his life to another man that had no senseless. He had no feeling. He had no remorse. He had [bleep] in him. He had no feeling. I don’t even think he had a heart at that moment. And he’s going to feel that for the rest of his life, just like I’m going to hear my man say this: “I can’t breathe. I want my mama.” And I’m coming to find out that this man who died two years on the day that his mom died. I’m a mama’s boy, bro. Like, that [bleep] hurts me deep down inside, bro. And, like, something needs to be done, or something needs to be done.
AMY GOODMAN: That was eyewitness Donald Williams describing the killing of George Floyd. Nekima Levy Armstrong, as you hear this, and the family is demanding murder charges be brought against all four officers, right now parts of Minneapolis, southern Minneapolis, are in flames. Your final thoughts on what needs to happen at this point?
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG: What needs to happen is that charges need to be brought immediately against the four officers who killed George Floyd. There is simply no justification for what they did or why they did it. And people have to wake up and understand that, as Black people, we do not feel safe in the city of Minneapolis, we do not feel safe in the state of Minnesota, we do not feel safe around this country, when it comes to our interactions with law enforcement. And like he said, that needs to change, and it needs to change now.
AMY GOODMAN: And the other video footage, that we have seen and that we haven’t seen, one from Dragon Wok across the street, in the store footage, the police officers claim that he was resisting arrest, but we see him coming out of the car. We see the police officers holding him. They handcuff him. They walk him across the street. And that’s when they take him down. Can you explain this?
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG: There is no explanation. And I think that people need to shift their focus from whether he was a resisting arrest or not. That has nothing to do with the fact that they compressed that man’s body, put the full weight of a human body on his neck and snuffed the life out of him. We have to —
AMY GOODMAN: For something like eight minutes.
NEKIMA LEVY ARMSTRONG: Absolutely. Who can justify that? That was a modern-day lynching. No other words for that. That was a modern-day lynching. So people have to realize what they witnessed, be honest about it, and push for accountability, and not allow them to use technicalities as a way to justify what happened to George Floyd. It doesn’t matter about his past. It doesn’t matter whether he was resisting or he didn’t. It doesn’t matter what happened in the store. What matters is that those officers had a chance to ensure that George Floyd could live and not die, that he could breathe and not suffocate or have whatever kind of response to his body that happened. He should be alive today to tell his story. They took that away from him. And they should be held accountable.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Floyd’s brother Philonise speaking on CNN Tuesday.
PHILONISE FLOYD: I loved my brother. Everybody loved my brother. Knowing my brother is to love my brother. They could have tased him. They could have maced him. Instead, they put their knee in his neck and just sat on him, and then carried on. He screamed, “Mama! Mama! I can’t breathe! I can’t breathe!” And they didn’t care. So, I don’t — I just don’t understand what more we’ve got to go through in life, man. They didn’t have to do that to him.
AMY GOODMAN: George Floyd’s brother Philonise, speaking on CNN on Tuesday. Benjamin Crump, now the family attorney, has already filed a lawsuit against Minneapolis. We will continue to follow this story. We want to thank Nekima Levy Armstrong, civil rights attorney, activist, founder of the Racial Justice Network, former president of the Minneapolis chapter of the NAACP, for being with us.
When we come back, we look at the life and legacy of Larry Kramer, the legendary writer, trailblazing activist in the fight against AIDS. He died on Thursday. Stay with us.
[break]
AMY GOODMAN: “The Seven Last Words of the Unarmed” by composer Joel Thompson, performed by the Sphinx, led by conductor Eugene Rogers.


truthout--2020-05-28--Noam Chomsky: Mutual Aid Is Rising — and It’s Key to Our Survival

Mutual aid is a word that has been getting tossed around during the time of COVID-19 .
Groups that are currently providing aid , such as the Indigenous Mutual Aid Network , are reminiscent of when the Black Panther-inspired and anarchist-based Common Ground Relief collective came together after Hurricane Katrina , and organized distribution centers , health clinics and legal aid , as well as cop-watch , eviction defense and bioremediation efforts .
In this interview with world-renowned linguist and political dissident Noam Chomsky , the public intellectual discusses the continuing legacy of anarchism , from public misconceptions to how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work .
Chris Steele : My first question is about anarchism .
You were exposed to anarchism at an early age .
I was wondering , how has anarchism progressed and where do you see its role in the future ?
Noam Chomsky : Well first of all , we should bear in mind that the term “ anarchism ” covers quite a wide range of thinking and activities .
The term itself has a derogatory connotation , thanks to the workings of the whole world propaganda system over the years .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people something like violence and terror , destruction , elimination of all order and organization and so on , but that ’ s not what the mainstream of anarchism ever was — fringes were , but anarchism calls for a highly organized society , but organized by the participants without illegitimate hierarchy and domination .
That calls for a high degree of organization , but based on solidarity , mutual concern , cooperation , shared information and understanding and so on .
How ’ s that changed ?
It always exists in human @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exist as a recognizable element of society .
In the ‘ 60s , it began to change because the activism very much took these forms , even if the word wasn ’ t used .
The Freedom Riders in the South [ in 1961 ] would say we ’ re living in a society that they created of mutual aid and support and common decision making and so on .
The early feminist movement had some of the same properties and so on , and it ’ s happening again today , especially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among young people , but much beyond that , there are things developing in the world that we don ’ t call anarchism but are elements of a potential anarchist society .
Take things like when the big steel mills shut down in Youngstown , Ohio .
They had been built by the community , they were the major contribution — they were a community creation to a large extent , and the community fell apart — not just the workforce .
But instead of just disintegrating and disappearing , they began to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was with the help of intellectuals who were interested in it — Staughton Lynd , labor activist and lawyer [ and ] Gar Alperovitz , who had been working on ideas of this sort for a long time and have now developed [ them ] in Youngstown — in fact , [ in ] the former Rust Belt altogether , including Cleveland , [ has seen ] a network of worker-owned , worker-managed enterprises which are based on participatory mechanisms , of course embedded in the broader state capitalist society , but those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pretty anarchist .
The 19th century figure Mikhail Bakunin was talking about ( when he referred to the task of trying to build the “ germs of the future ” ) the elements of the future within the existing society , and I think there are many ways in which this has taken place and it ’ s the kind of ideas that have come to the surface more than in the past ( the recent past at least ) .
Of course , there are independent developments that have been pretty exciting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kurdish areas of Syria , the Rojava area , where they ’ ve tried to institute a strongly feminist , communally based [ system ] on the model of Murray Bookchin ’ s work , a society which has now been betrayed to its worst enemies by Donald Trump .
[ But ] something may survive .
Do you have reflections on the mutual aid organizing that is currently underway ?
Not from government associations , but communities assisting each other and the usefulness of anarchist organizing in the age of COVID ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ but there have been interesting reports from around the world of communities self-organizing to deal with the crisis — to help people in need , to keep communities functioning , with the government doing nothing , or worse .
One dramatic example is the Rio favelas .
Awful slums , little water , people jammed together .
The government is horrible .
Finally , an organized group took over some of the favelas to impose a lockdown and provide some rudimentary services : the crime gangs that have been terrorizing the communities .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ good job until heavily armed police broke in and started killing lots of people .
I ’ d like to talk about the value of internationalism and mutual aid and how these tactics could aid Palestine .
We often see internationalism going in the wrong direction with the Israel Defense Forces training police officers in the U.S. on repression techniques , but the scenario is often flipped , like when Palestinians and communities in Ferguson , Missouri , ( with Black Lives Matter ) showed solidarity and shared tactics .
Can you speak @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , as you correctly pointed out , there ’ s two kinds of internationalism : there ’ s the internationalism of the powerful and the repressors , [ and ] there ’ s the internationalism of those struggling for freedom and elementary rights — that ’ s always been true .
So , go back to the American Revolution , for example .
There were the British that were fighting with forces from Germany — Hessians .
The Americans had supporters from France like Lafayette , and it goes on like that .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; the rich and the powerful had shared interests and they cooperate and try to achieve them .
When the U.S. backs a right-wing military coup in some Latin American country , that ’ s mutual aid of the rich and powerful .
During the 1980s , we saw a pretty amazing development which is rarely discussed because it ’ s much too frightening .
This was the first time in history that mainstream , ordinary people by the thousands went to a country that was under attack by the wrong state — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but even to try to participate in their lives , to give what help comes from having a white face in your midst .
And [ hardly anybody in the U.S. ] ever thought of going to a Vietnamese village — or in France , to an Algerian village , when the United States was destroying Indochina and France was crushing Algeria .
These are ideas that never came to people ’ s minds .
But in the 1980s , it happened by the tens of thousands in the United States , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ churches in rural Kansas for example .
It wasn ’ t just the young people who were derided as Sandinistas ; that ’ s an amazing phenomenon of internationalism and mutual solidarity — very important , which is one of the reasons why it ’ s kind of written out of history — it ’ s not the kind of thing that people are supposed to have in their minds , but it ’ s there and it came .
Nobody could have predicted it , it came out of nowhere , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I think , all the time .
You ’ ve rightfully called Tucson , Arizona , “ occupied territory , ” and all of North and South America is Indigenous land .
With the current situation of children dying and being imprisoned on the border , can you speak about how this is part of the ongoing legacy of colonialism and genocide , and what you see being done about rectifying colonialism and bringing justice to stolen land ?
Well that ’ s another pretty amazing phenomenon .
Arizona all together is not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you take Tucson , where we ’ re living , the solidarity with the most reviled people is quite extraordinary — nobody is as reviled in the American propaganda system as much as refugees fleeing for their lives from the countries we ’ ve destroyed in the south .
I don ’ t have to tell you about it , it ’ s shocking , but there are groups here in Tucson , one group called No More Deaths , mostly young people , some others , who go out into the desert @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , set up camps where refugees can come and receive a little medical aid , a little food , a place to rest and send them on their journey through the territories controlled by very brutal border controls .
They leave bottles of water in the desert , which is a crime , [ and ] some are brought to court .
There ’ s been a couple of federal trials recently , one ongoing now .
The support for the defendants is pretty strong .
Drive around the city [ and ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ signs saying , “ Humanitarian Aid is Not a Crime.
” In fact , in the major federal trial just a couple of months ago , [ Scott Warren ] had a felony charge with a possible 20-year sentence for giving assistance to people fleeing , trying to survive in the desert .
It was a jury trial and [ Warren ] was freed by the jury by two to one .
So , you have that , but you have the opposite , too , of course , but those again are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ courageous international solidarity .
My wife Valeria and I visited one of these camps a couple months ago out in the desert before it was dismantled by the Border Patrol ; it was pretty impressive , very primitive of course , but met the possibility for some help and salvation for desperate people .
With the recent escalation in Iran , people are having recollections of the anti-Iraq War protests , which were the largest in history and didn ’ t stop the war .
You ’ ve mentioned that an important , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ towards the end , where advisers worried that if protests kept escalating in the U.S. , troops would need to leave Vietnam to fight protesters or “ uphold peace ” in the U.S. My question is , what does an effective antiwar protest look like in this current age ?
Well you know , I think that is a part of the Pentagon Papers which is almost never mentioned .
It ’ s the very last part of the Pentagon Papers , after the Tet Offensive in South Vietnam when the government [ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sending 100,000 more troops and the joint chiefs of staff were opposed .
They were concerned that they ’ d need them for civil disorder and control in the United States .
There ’ s also mounting evidence first brought to attention by Dan Ellsberg , now more evidence for it , [ that ] the Nixon administration was thinking seriously of nuclear weapons but was talked out of it , essentially by the massive antiwar demonstrations in Washington after the Tet Offensive , [ and ] the government began again to slowly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Plenty of them continued , but they gradually started to de-escalate .
By the 1980s , [ the ] popular movement that I described I think [ was ] actually an outgrowth of the Vietnam antiwar movement .
There have been careful studies of public opinion on the Vietnam War starting in 1975 when it officially ended , going on for many years .
It ’ s pretty surprising when you look at it ; it turns out that roughly 70 percent of the population regarded the war as , I ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , fundamentally wrong and immoral.
” Those are words you can ’ t find in the intellectual community , the intellectual journals , except on the left .
In the public media you don ’ t find that , but that ’ s the public and that lasted through the ‘ 80s , certainly , at least by the polls , and I think it was a considerable part of the background for the general popular movement of solidarity and direct engagement in Central America .
It beat back Reagan ’ s programs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what the United States had done in Vietnam , but they backed off pretty quickly because they realized they can ’ t get away with it in the temper of the times .
When you get to Iraq , as you said , it ’ s the largest demonstration in imperial history , protested before the war was even officially announced , now generally described as a “ failure , ” but I don ’ t believe that .
I think [ protest ] put constraints on what the government can do .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ nothing like what Kennedy and Johnson did in Vietnam before any protest developed , so I think it was a partial success in that respect , and I think we ’ re seeing the same now .
There ’ s a wave of protests in the country — some of it visible in demonstrations , much of it just detectable in people ’ s general attitudes — saying they don ’ t want another war in the Middle East .
Maybe that ’ ll have an effect .
That ’ s really up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and organizers who can commit themselves to trying to turn this from a general attitude of discontent and opposition to an active movement of another very direct protest that can change things .
This interview has been lightly edited for clarity and length .

Nonprofit organization The River Fund distributes free groceries to a client on May 6, 2020, in the Queens borough of New York City. Noam Chomsky says communities are self-organizing to keep communities functioning during the pandemic. Heuler Andrew / AFP via Getty Images, Bryan Thomas / Getty Images; Edited: Truthout
“Anarchists and Anarchism have historically been misrepresented to the world. The popular impression of an Anarchist as an uncontrollably emotional, violent person who is only interested in destruction for its own sake, and who is opposed to all forms of organization, still persists to this day. Further, the mistaken belief that Anarchy is chaos and confusion, a reign of rape, murder and mindless, total disorder … is widely believed by the general public.” — Lorenzo Kom’boa Ervin from Anarchism and the Black Revolution
Mutual aid is a word that has been getting tossed around during the time of COVID-19. Groups that are currently providing aid, such as the Indigenous Mutual Aid Network, are reminiscent of when the Black Panther-inspired and anarchist-based Common Ground Relief collective came together after Hurricane Katrina, and organized distribution centers, health clinics and legal aid, as well as cop-watch, eviction defense and bioremediation efforts.
In this interview with world-renowned linguist and political dissident Noam Chomsky, the public intellectual discusses the continuing legacy of anarchism, from public misconceptions to how anarchism is embedded in groups doing on-the-ground work.
Chris Steele: My first question is about anarchism. You were exposed to anarchism at an early age. I was wondering, how has anarchism progressed and where do you see its role in the future?
Noam Chomsky: Well first of all, we should bear in mind that the term “anarchism” covers quite a wide range of thinking and activities. The term itself has a derogatory connotation, thanks to the workings of the whole world propaganda system over the years. The term anarchism has come to mean to people something like violence and terror, destruction, elimination of all order and organization and so on, but that’s not what the mainstream of anarchism ever was — fringes were, but anarchism calls for a highly organized society, but organized by the participants without illegitimate hierarchy and domination. That calls for a high degree of organization, but based on solidarity, mutual concern, cooperation, shared information and understanding and so on. How’s that changed? It always exists in human life, but it doesn’t exist as a recognizable element of society. In the ‘60s, it began to change because the activism very much took these forms, even if the word wasn’t used.
The Freedom Riders in the South [in 1961] would say we’re living in a society that they created of mutual aid and support and common decision making and so on. The early feminist movement had some of the same properties and so on, and it’s happening again today, especially with the rise of the environmental movement among young people, but much beyond that, there are things developing in the world that we don’t call anarchism but are elements of a potential anarchist society. Take things like when the big steel mills shut down in Youngstown, Ohio. They had been built by the community, they were the major contribution — they were a community creation to a large extent, and the community fell apart — not just the workforce. But instead of just disintegrating and disappearing, they began to organize in a participatory form. This was with the help of intellectuals who were interested in it — Staughton Lynd, labor activist and lawyer [and] Gar Alperovitz, who had been working on ideas of this sort for a long time and have now developed [them] in Youngstown — in fact, [in] the former Rust Belt altogether, including Cleveland, [has seen] a network of worker-owned, worker-managed enterprises which are based on participatory mechanisms, of course embedded in the broader state capitalist society, but those are the kinds of things that are pretty anarchist.
There are things developing in the world that we don’t call anarchism but are elements of a potential anarchist society.
The 19th century figure Mikhail Bakunin was talking about (when he referred to the task of trying to build the “germs of the future”) the elements of the future within the existing society, and I think there are many ways in which this has taken place and it’s the kind of ideas that have come to the surface more than in the past (the recent past at least). Of course, there are independent developments that have been pretty exciting, like most recently, in the Kurdish areas of Syria, the Rojava area, where they’ve tried to institute a strongly feminist, communally based [system] on the model of Murray Bookchin’s work, a society which has now been betrayed to its worst enemies by Donald Trump. [But] something may survive.
Do you have reflections on the mutual aid organizing that is currently underway? Not from government associations, but communities assisting each other and the usefulness of anarchist organizing in the age of COVID?
Haven’t done a study, but there have been interesting reports from around the world of communities self-organizing to deal with the crisis — to help people in need, to keep communities functioning, with the government doing nothing, or worse.
One dramatic example is the Rio favelas. Awful slums, little water, people jammed together. The government is horrible. Finally, an organized group took over some of the favelas to impose a lockdown and provide some rudimentary services: the crime gangs that have been terrorizing the communities. Apparently, they were doing a pretty good job until heavily armed police broke in and started killing lots of people.
I’d like to talk about the value of internationalism and mutual aid and how these tactics could aid Palestine. We often see internationalism going in the wrong direction with the Israel Defense Forces training police officers in the U.S. on repression techniques, but the scenario is often flipped, like when Palestinians and communities in Ferguson, Missouri, (with Black Lives Matter) showed solidarity and shared tactics. Can you speak on this internationalism in Palestine?
Well, as you correctly pointed out, there’s two kinds of internationalism: there’s the internationalism of the powerful and the repressors, [and] there’s the internationalism of those struggling for freedom and elementary rights — that’s always been true. So, go back to the American Revolution, for example. There were the British that were fighting with forces from Germany — Hessians. The Americans had supporters from France like Lafayette, and it goes on like that. Through history, we see both tendencies; the rich and the powerful had shared interests and they cooperate and try to achieve them.
When the U.S. backs a right-wing military coup in some Latin American country, that’s mutual aid of the rich and powerful. During the 1980s, we saw a pretty amazing development which is rarely discussed because it’s much too frightening. This was the first time in history that mainstream, ordinary people by the thousands went to a country that was under attack by the wrong state — not only to give some aid, but even to try to participate in their lives, to give what help comes from having a white face in your midst. And [hardly anybody in the U.S.] ever thought of going to a Vietnamese village — or in France, to an Algerian village, when the United States was destroying Indochina and France was crushing Algeria. These are ideas that never came to people’s minds. But in the 1980s, it happened by the tens of thousands in the United States, and from all over the country — Evangelical churches in rural Kansas for example. It wasn’t just the young people who were derided as Sandinistas; that’s an amazing phenomenon of internationalism and mutual solidarity — very important, which is one of the reasons why it’s kind of written out of history — it’s not the kind of thing that people are supposed to have in their minds, but it’s there and it came. Nobody could have predicted it, it came out of nowhere, it’s right below the surface, I think, all the time.
You’ve rightfully called Tucson, Arizona, “occupied territory,” and all of North and South America is Indigenous land. With the current situation of children dying and being imprisoned on the border, can you speak about how this is part of the ongoing legacy of colonialism and genocide, and what you see being done about rectifying colonialism and bringing justice to stolen land?
Well that’s another pretty amazing phenomenon. Arizona all together is not exactly a leftist paradise, but if you take Tucson, where we’re living, the solidarity with the most reviled people is quite extraordinary — nobody is as reviled in the American propaganda system as much as refugees fleeing for their lives from the countries we’ve destroyed in the south. I don’t have to tell you about it, it’s shocking, but there are groups here in Tucson, one group called No More Deaths, mostly young people, some others, who go out into the desert, which is very harsh and forbidding, set up camps where refugees can come and receive a little medical aid, a little food, a place to rest and send them on their journey through the territories controlled by very brutal border controls. They leave bottles of water in the desert, which is a crime, [and] some are brought to court.
When the U.S. backs a right-wing military coup in some Latin American country, that’s mutual aid of the rich and powerful.
There’s been a couple of federal trials recently, one ongoing now. The support for the defendants is pretty strong. Drive around the city [and] you see on people’s lawns signs saying, “Humanitarian Aid is Not a Crime.” In fact, in the major federal trial just a couple of months ago, [Scott Warren] had a felony charge with a possible 20-year sentence for giving assistance to people fleeing, trying to survive in the desert. It was a jury trial and [Warren] was freed by the jury by two to one. So, you have that, but you have the opposite, too, of course, but those again are examples of spontaneous, dedicated, very courageous international solidarity. My wife Valeria and I visited one of these camps a couple months ago out in the desert before it was dismantled by the Border Patrol; it was pretty impressive, very primitive of course, but met the possibility for some help and salvation for desperate people.
With the recent escalation in Iran, people are having recollections of the anti-Iraq War protests, which were the largest in history and didn’t stop the war. You’ve mentioned that an important, overlooked part of the Pentagon Papers is towards the end, where advisers worried that if protests kept escalating in the U.S., troops would need to leave Vietnam to fight protesters or “uphold peace” in the U.S. My question is, what does an effective antiwar protest look like in this current age?
Well you know, I think that is a part of the Pentagon Papers which is almost never mentioned. It’s the very last part of the Pentagon Papers, after the Tet Offensive in South Vietnam when the government [under] Lyndon Johnson was thinking of sending 100,000 more troops and the joint chiefs of staff were opposed. They were concerned that they’d need them for civil disorder and control in the United States. There’s also mounting evidence first brought to attention by Dan Ellsberg, now more evidence for it, [that] the Nixon administration was thinking seriously of nuclear weapons but was talked out of it, essentially by the massive antiwar demonstrations in Washington after the Tet Offensive, [and] the government began again to slowly disentangle itself from the crimes in Indochina. Plenty of them continued, but they gradually started to de-escalate.
By the 1980s, [the] popular movement that I described I think [was] actually an outgrowth of the Vietnam antiwar movement. There have been careful studies of public opinion on the Vietnam War starting in 1975 when it officially ended, going on for many years. It’s pretty surprising when you look at it; it turns out that roughly 70 percent of the population regarded the war as, I’m quoting, “Not a mistake, fundamentally wrong and immoral.” Those are words you can’t find in the intellectual community, the intellectual journals, except on the left. In the public media you don’t find that, but that’s the public and that lasted through the ‘80s, certainly, at least by the polls, and I think it was a considerable part of the background for the general popular movement of solidarity and direct engagement in Central America. It beat back Reagan’s programs. His initial programs were to duplicate what the United States had done in Vietnam, but they backed off pretty quickly because they realized they can’t get away with it in the temper of the times.
When you get to Iraq, as you said, it’s the largest demonstration in imperial history, protested before the war was even officially announced, now generally described as a “failure,” but I don’t believe that. I think [protest] put constraints on what the government can do. It was bad enough but it was nothing like what Kennedy and Johnson did in Vietnam before any protest developed, so I think it was a partial success in that respect, and I think we’re seeing the same now. There’s a wave of protests in the country — some of it visible in demonstrations, much of it just detectable in people’s general attitudes — saying they don’t want another war in the Middle East. Maybe that’ll have an effect. That’s really up to people like us, to activists and organizers who can commit themselves to trying to turn this from a general attitude of discontent and opposition to an active movement of another very direct protest that can change things.
This interview has been lightly edited for clarity and length.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-05-28--Conservative “Dark Money” Network Rebranded to Push Voting Restrictions

A powerful new conservative organization fighting to restrict voting in the 2020 presidential election is really just a rebranded group that is part of a dark money network already helping President Donald Trump ’ s unprecedented effort to remake the federal judiciary , the Guardian and OpenSecrets reveal .
The organization , which calls itself the Honest Elections Project , seemed to emerge out of nowhere a few months ago and started stoking fears about voter fraud .
Backed by a dark money group funded by right-wing stalwarts like the Koch brothers and Betsy DeVos ’ family , the Honest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that pushed Supreme Court picks Brett Kavanaugh and Neil Gorsurch , and is quickly becoming a juggernaut in the escalating fight over voting rights .
The project announced it was spending $ 250,000 on advertisements in April , warning against voting by mail and accusing Democrats of cheating .
It facilitated letters to election officials in Colorado , Florida , and Michigan , using misleading data to accuse jurisdictions of having bloated voter rolls and threatening legal action .
Calling voter suppression a “ myth , ” it has also been extremely active @ @ @ @ @ @ @ favor of voting restrictions in Nevada , Virginia , Texas , Wisconsin , and Minnesota , among other places , at times represented by lawyers from the same firm that represents Trump .
By having a hand in both voting litigation and the judges on the federal bench , this network could create a system where conservative donors have an avenue to both oppose voting rights and appoint judges to back that effort .
Despite appearing to be a free-standing new operation , the Honest Elections Project is just a legal alias for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nonprofit connected to a powerful network of dark money conservative groups , according to business records reviewed by the Guardian and OpenSecrets .
“ These are really well-funded groups that in the context of judicial nominations have been systematically , over the long term but also the short term , kind of pushing an agenda to pack the courts with pretty extreme right wing nominees , ” said Vanita Gupta , president and CEO of the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights .
“ The infrastructure that they ’ ve built over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vehicle for them to do this.
” For nearly a decade , the organization has been almost entirely funded by DonorsTrust , known as a “ dark money ATM ” backed by the Koch network and other prominent conservative donors , according to data tracked by OpenSecrets .
In 2018 , more than 99 percent of the Judicial Education Project ’ s funding came from a single $ 7.8 million donation from Donors Trust .
The Judicial Education Project is also closely linked to Leonard Leo , one of the most powerful people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s unprecedented effort to remake the federal judiciary with conservative judges .
The organization has deftly hidden the changes to its name from public view .
In December , the Judicial Education Project formally changed its legal name to The 85 Fund , a group Leo backed to funnel “ tens of millions ” of dollars into conservative causes , according to Axios .
The Honest Elections Project is merely a fictitious name — an alias — the fund legally adopted in February .
The change was nearly indiscernible because The 85 Fund @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same day , including the Judicial Education Project , its old name .
The legal maneuver allows it to operate under four different names with little public disclosure that it is the same group .
The Judicial Education Project is closely aligned with the Judicial Crisis Network , a group with unmatched influence in recent years in shaping the federal judiciary .
Judicial Crisis Network spearheaded the campaigns to get Gorsuch and Kavanaugh confirmed to the Supreme Court , spending millions of dollars in each instance .
It has also spent significantly on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country .
There is a lot of overlap between the Honest Elections Project and the Judicial Crisis Network .
Both groups share personnel , including Carrie Severino , the influential president of the Judicial Crisis Network .
Both groups have been funded by The Wellspring Committee , a group Leo raised money for until it shut down in 2018 .
Both have also paid money to BH Group , an LLC Leo once disclosed as his employer , that made a $ 1 million mystery donation to Trump ’ s inauguration .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ months , changing its name in December 2019 to The Concord Fund .
The Fund then registered Judicial Crisis Network , its old name , as an alias .
“ This is a small community that is really trying to push forward these more suppressive tactics that will be challenged in court and having those judges on the bench , they ’ re really hoping it ’ s going to continue to rig the system in their favor , ” said Lena Zwarensteyn , who closely follows judicial nominations at the Leadership conference @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the game and who the referees are , they ’ re trying to change the landscape.
” Neither the Honest Elections Project nor the Judicial Crisis Network responded to requests for an interview .
The Honest Elections Project has become active as Republicans are scaling up their efforts to fight to keep voting restrictions in place ahead of the election .
The Republican National Committee will spend at least $ 20 million on litigation over voting rights and wants to recruit up to 50,000 people to help monitor the polls and other election @ @

This story was reported in collaboration with The Guardian.
A powerful new conservative organization fighting to restrict voting in the 2020 presidential election is really just a rebranded group that is part of a dark money network already helping President Donald Trump’s unprecedented effort to remake the federal judiciary, the Guardian and OpenSecrets reveal.
The organization, which calls itself the Honest Elections Project, seemed to emerge out of nowhere a few months ago and started stoking fears about voter fraud. Backed by a dark money group funded by right-wing stalwarts like the Koch brothers and Betsy DeVos’ family, the Honest Elections Project is part of the network that pushed Supreme Court picks Brett Kavanaugh and Neil Gorsurch, and is quickly becoming a juggernaut in the escalating fight over voting rights.
The project announced it was spending $250,000 on advertisements in April, warning against voting by mail and accusing Democrats of cheating. It facilitated letters to election officials in Colorado, Florida, and Michigan, using misleading data to accuse jurisdictions of having bloated voter rolls and threatening legal action.
Calling voter suppression a “myth,” it has also been extremely active in the courts, filing briefs in favor of voting restrictions in Nevada, Virginia, Texas, Wisconsin, and Minnesota, among other places, at times represented by lawyers from the same firm that represents Trump. By having a hand in both voting litigation and the judges on the federal bench, this network could create a system where conservative donors have an avenue to both oppose voting rights and appoint judges to back that effort.
Despite appearing to be a free-standing new operation, the Honest Elections Project is just a legal alias for the Judicial Education Project, a well-financed nonprofit connected to a powerful network of dark money conservative groups, according to business records reviewed by the Guardian and OpenSecrets.
“These are really well-funded groups that in the context of judicial nominations have been systematically, over the long term but also the short term, kind of pushing an agenda to pack the courts with pretty extreme right wing nominees,” said Vanita Gupta, president and CEO of the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights. “The infrastructure that they’ve built over the years has been a really important vehicle for them to do this.”
For nearly a decade, the organization has been almost entirely funded by DonorsTrust, known as a “dark money ATM” backed by the Koch network and other prominent conservative donors, according to data tracked by OpenSecrets. In 2018, more than 99 percent of the Judicial Education Project’s funding came from a single $7.8 million donation from Donors Trust.
The Judicial Education Project is also closely linked to Leonard Leo, one of the most powerful people in Washington who has shaped Trump’s unprecedented effort to remake the federal judiciary with conservative judges.
The organization has deftly hidden the changes to its name from public view. In December, the Judicial Education Project formally changed its legal name to The 85 Fund, a group Leo backed to funnel “tens of millions” of dollars into conservative causes, according to Axios. The Honest Elections Project is merely a fictitious name — an alias — the fund legally adopted in February. The change was nearly indiscernible because The 85 Fund registered two other legal aliases on the same day, including the Judicial Education Project, its old name. The legal maneuver allows it to operate under four different names with little public disclosure that it is the same group.
The Judicial Education Project is closely aligned with the Judicial Crisis Network, a group with unmatched influence in recent years in shaping the federal judiciary. Judicial Crisis Network spearheaded the campaigns to get Gorsuch and Kavanaugh confirmed to the Supreme Court, spending millions of dollars in each instance. It has also spent significantly on critical state supreme court races across the country.
There is a lot of overlap between the Honest Elections Project and the Judicial Crisis Network. Both groups share personnel, including Carrie Severino, the influential president of the Judicial Crisis Network. Both groups have been funded by The Wellspring Committee, a group Leo raised money for until it shut down in 2018. Both have also paid money to BH Group, an LLC Leo once disclosed as his employer, that made a $1 million mystery donation to Trump’s inauguration.
The Judicial Crisis Network also rebranded in recent months, changing its name in December 2019 to The Concord Fund. The Fund then registered Judicial Crisis Network, its old name, as an alias.
“This is a small community that is really trying to push forward these more suppressive tactics that will be challenged in court and having those judges on the bench, they’re really hoping it’s going to continue to rig the system in their favor,” said Lena Zwarensteyn, who closely follows judicial nominations at the Leadership conference. “By changing the rules of the game and who the referees are, they’re trying to change the landscape.”
Neither the Honest Elections Project nor the Judicial Crisis Network responded to requests for an interview.
The Honest Elections Project has become active as Republicans are scaling up their efforts to fight to keep voting restrictions in place ahead of the election. The Republican National Committee will spend at least $20 million on litigation over voting rights and wants to recruit up to 50,000 people to help monitor the polls and other election activities.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-05-29--Without Anger Over Inequality and Lynchings, We Have No Hope for Democracy

The anger that has erupted in Minneapolis and across the country in response to the brutal killing of George Floyd gives me hope .
This anger — whether expressed peacefully or violently — is ignited by a betrayal of human equality .
Without this anger , we have no hope for maintaining a democracy in the United States .
Just days ago , Floyd , a 46-year-old Black man , said “ I can ’ t breathe , ” echoing the last words that Eric Garner spoke in 2014 as he begged Officer Daniel Pantaleo to stop choking him .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Don ’ t kill me.
” The cop nonchalantly kneeled on his neck and murdered Floyd in broad daylight .
It ’ s only right that the shock of another Black man using his last breath to beg for his life has ignited protests .
In Minneapolis , where Floyd died , organizers led a peaceful march to the 3rd Precinct .
Afterward , a smaller group went on to burn buildings .
“ The emotion-ridden conflict over the last night is the result of so much built up anger and sadness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a news conference .
The Black anger he refers to has been stoked by years of police brutality , in which mostly white cops arrest , use force and kill African Americans out of proportion to their numbers .
Even current Minneapolis Police Department Chief Medaria Arradondo was part of a lawsuit charging the department with racism .
The protest march and fiery uprising triggered by the video of Floyd ’ s murder are interpreted by Frey and liberal media through a reformist “ steam kettle ” metaphor : They see property destruction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bottled-up resentment that must be addressed but also controlled .
In this vein , many liberal commentators have sought to explain the protests as the release of pent-up pressure .
Conservatives , meanwhile , have jumped on reports of vandalism to reactivate racist discourses of barbarity .
Indeed , our president is using the White House Twitter account to spread racist rhetoric about “ thugs ” and to seemingly call for state violence against protesters , tweeting “ when the looting starts , the shooting starts.
” What both liberals and conservatives miss @ @ @ @ @ @ @ behind the protests are a crucial force without which the hope for a multicultural democracy in the U.S. is in peril .
As the pandemic ends , and we are faced with massive unemployment , it will be upon that faith that our future rises or falls .
The protesters in Minneapolis are not just fighting for justice for George Floyd , they ’ re fighting for everyone .
“ Organizers emphasized keeping the protest peaceful , ” said Jeff Wagner of CBS 4 , while covering the Minneapolis demonstration , “ Chants @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ and ‘ It could have been me ’ filled the air.
” The camera pan of the May 26 march showed a multiracial gathering united against injustice .
Now protests have popped up in New York City , Denver and Chicago .
The outrage flares up wherever underlying tension has built .
One hears in the slogans , and one sees in the diverse faces at the protests the attempt to act on a value : We must make racial equity and racial justice a reality .
The lives of those different @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and specifically for the United States , one sees the affirmation of Black lives not only in what people in Minneapolis were protesting but also in how they protested .
Many wore masks and maintained social distance .
“ Thousands packed the area for the march , ” CBS ’ s Wagner said , “ But we ’ re also spread out to remain socially distant.
” In the video , activists stood apart from each other like rocks in a river .
In another scene , interviewees and passersby wore masks .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , many took care not to spread COVID-19 , which has decimated communities of color at a terrifying rate .
In a telling contrast , earlier in April and May , when right-wing militias demonstrated in Kentucky , Ohio , Michigan and North Carolina against stay-at-home orders , many did not use masks and expressed an outright contempt for social distancing .
“ If people are going to die , I ’ m sorry , ” said conservative protester Grace Kosachuk , summing up the white crowd ’ s stunning indifference to how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pollen .
The patriotic self-righteousness of defending personal liberty seems to exclude citizens of color , or those who live in the cities , or those who are low-wage essential workers most at risk of getting sick and dying .
One can hear in the “ reopen ” protesters ’ rhetoric — and see in the lack of their rallies ’ diversity — an anti-value : Instead of making small sacrifices to save other people ’ s lives , they are insisting that lives should be sacrificed in the name of “ freedom.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we will continue to grieve as we pick up the pieces of our lives and communities .
Mass unemployment and unpayable debt may leave millions in poverty .
Inequality will inevitably widen .
Tech companies and tycoons like Jeff Bezos will have gotten astronomically more rich and powerful .
But set against this deep impoverishment of the masses and monopolization of wealth is a force that has grown exponentially too — solidarity .
Across lines of race , class and gender , people have given of themselves .
It is why 55 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ reopen ” protests .
And 74 percent approve of the national stay-at-home measures to fight the spread of COVID-19 .
When the smoke in Minneapolis clears , and the protests against the police murder of George Floyd subside , a fact will remain : Sparks of hope for a renewed populist multiracial and class solidarity will be harder to extinguish after this outpouring of national outrage over Floyd pleading for air , and pleading that Black life matters .
And the communal sacrifice that so many are undertaking to save each other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kind of groundwork for the kindling of this hope .
Together we must fight to ensure that when it comes time to take off our masks , it will be because finally it ’ s safe for everyone to breathe .

The anger that erupted in response to the murder of George Floyd plays a crucial role in the fight for U.S. democracy.
The anger that has erupted in Minneapolis and across the country in response to the brutal killing of George Floyd gives me hope. This anger — whether expressed peacefully or violently — is ignited by a betrayal of human equality. Without this anger, we have no hope for maintaining a democracy in the United States.
Just days ago, Floyd, a 46-year-old Black man, said “I can’t breathe,” echoing the last words that Eric Garner spoke in 2014 as he begged Officer Daniel Pantaleo to stop choking him. Floyd pled to Officer Derek Chauvin, “Don’t kill me.” The cop nonchalantly kneeled on his neck and murdered Floyd in broad daylight.
It’s only right that the shock of another Black man using his last breath to beg for his life has ignited protests. In Minneapolis, where Floyd died, organizers led a peaceful march to the 3rd Precinct. Afterward, a smaller group went on to burn buildings.
“The emotion-ridden conflict over the last night is the result of so much built up anger and sadness,” said Mayor Jacob Frey at a news conference. The Black anger he refers to has been stoked by years of police brutality, in which mostly white cops arrest, use force and kill African Americans out of proportion to their numbers. Even current Minneapolis Police Department Chief Medaria Arradondo was part of a lawsuit charging the department with racism.
The protest march and fiery uprising triggered by the video of Floyd’s murder are interpreted by Frey and liberal media through a reformist “steam kettle” metaphor: They see property destruction and street uprisings as a symptom of bottled-up resentment that must be addressed but also controlled.
In this vein, many liberal commentators have sought to explain the protests as the release of pent-up pressure. Conservatives, meanwhile, have jumped on reports of vandalism to reactivate racist discourses of barbarity. Indeed, our president is using the White House Twitter account to spread racist rhetoric about “thugs” and to seemingly call for state violence against protesters, tweeting “when the looting starts, the shooting starts.”
What both liberals and conservatives miss is that the anger and the vision behind the protests are a crucial force without which the hope for a multicultural democracy in the U.S. is in peril.
As the pandemic ends, and we are faced with massive unemployment, it will be upon that faith that our future rises or falls. The protesters in Minneapolis are not just fighting for justice for George Floyd, they’re fighting for everyone.
“Organizers emphasized keeping the protest peaceful,” said Jeff Wagner of CBS 4, while covering the Minneapolis demonstration, “Chants of ‘I can’t breathe’ and ‘It could have been me’ filled the air.” The camera pan of the May 26 march showed a multiracial gathering united against injustice. Now protests have popped up in New York City, Denver and Chicago. The outrage flares up wherever underlying tension has built.
One hears in the slogans, and one sees in the diverse faces at the protests the attempt to act on a value: We must make racial equity and racial justice a reality. The lives of those different from us matter. More importantly, and specifically for the United States, one sees the affirmation of Black lives not only in what people in Minneapolis were protesting but also in how they protested. Many wore masks and maintained social distance.
“Thousands packed the area for the march,” CBS’s Wagner said, “But we’re also spread out to remain socially distant.” In the video, activists stood apart from each other like rocks in a river. In another scene, interviewees and passersby wore masks. In a demonstration to safeguard Black life, many took care not to spread COVID-19, which has decimated communities of color at a terrifying rate.
In a telling contrast, earlier in April and May, when right-wing militias demonstrated in Kentucky, Ohio, Michigan and North Carolina against stay-at-home orders, many did not use masks and expressed an outright contempt for social distancing.
“If people are going to die, I’m sorry,” said conservative protester Grace Kosachuk, summing up the white crowd’s stunning indifference to how face-to-face rallies can spread COVID-19 like deadly pollen. The patriotic self-righteousness of defending personal liberty seems to exclude citizens of color, or those who live in the cities, or those who are low-wage essential workers most at risk of getting sick and dying.
One can hear in the “reopen” protesters’ rhetoric — and see in the lack of their rallies’ diversity — an anti-value: Instead of making small sacrifices to save other people’s lives, they are insisting that lives should be sacrificed in the name of “freedom.”
After the waves of COVID-19 pass, we will continue to grieve as we pick up the pieces of our lives and communities. Mass unemployment and unpayable debt may leave millions in poverty. Inequality will inevitably widen. Tech companies and tycoons like Jeff Bezos will have gotten astronomically more rich and powerful.
But set against this deep impoverishment of the masses and monopolization of wealth is a force that has grown exponentially too — solidarity. Across lines of race, class and gender, people have given of themselves. It is why 55 percent of Americans disapprove of the right-wing “reopen” protests. And 74 percent approve of the national stay-at-home measures to fight the spread of COVID-19.
When the smoke in Minneapolis clears, and the protests against the police murder of George Floyd subside, a fact will remain: Sparks of hope for a renewed populist multiracial and class solidarity will be harder to extinguish after this outpouring of national outrage over Floyd pleading for air, and pleading that Black life matters. And the communal sacrifice that so many are undertaking to save each other from the coronavirus is also creating a kind of groundwork for the kindling of this hope.
Together we must fight to ensure that when it comes time to take off our masks, it will be because finally it’s safe for everyone to breathe.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-05-29--Police Arrested Afro-Latino Reporter While Treating White Colleague “Politely”

CNN correspondent Omar Jimenez , an Afro-Latino reporter for the TV network , was arrested Friday morning while covering the Minneapolis uprising , which took place in response to the police killing of George Floyd earlier this week .
Jimenez was cooperative with the police prior to and during his arrest , but officers did not respond to his questions about his arrest , according to video of the event .
The camera crew working alongside Jimenez was also arrested .
“ I ’ ve never seen anything like this , ” CNN anchor John Berman , who watched the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the studio , said .
CNN decried the arrest of Jimenez and his camera crew as “ a clear violation of their First Amendment rights ” as journalists , and demanded the employees ’ immediate release .
Reporters Without Borders ( RSF ) also condemned the action as “ a shocking sight.
” “ Reporting on protests is not a crime ; it is in the public ’ s interest , ” the organization said in a statement .
“ While RSF is glad to see the crew was swiftly released and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ again.
” Minnesota Gov .
Tim Walz was quick to apologize to the network for the arrest , and promised that the crew would be released .
Shortly after 6 a.m. CT , Jimenez and his crew were indeed let go from detention .
“ We ’ re doing OK , now .
There were a few uneasy moments there , ” Jimenez said upon his release .
During a press conference later in the day , Walz made a public apology for Jimenez ’ s arrest , and said he took “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adding that the action was “ inexcusable.
” “ There is absolutely no reason something like this should happen .
Calls were made immediately .
This is a very public apology to that team , ” Walz said .
“ That should not happen and I want to be clear for those of you listening.
” “ The protection and security and safety of the journalists covering this is a top priority , ” Walz added .
“ Not because it ’ s a nice thing to do .
Because it is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” CNN journalist Josh Campbell described a very different situation for him and his camera crew , who were reporting near the same area that Jimenez and his crew were in .
Campbell , who is white , said that police he spoke with during his reporting were less confrontational , even after he acted in ways they requested him not to .
“ I was treated much differently than [ CNN correspondent Omar Jimenez ] was , ” Campbell said .
“ I ’ m sitting here talking to the National Guard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re asking politely to move here and there .
A couple times I ’ ve moved closer than they would like .
They asked politely to move back.
” At no point was Campbell or his crew threatened with arrest .
“ They didn ’ t pull out the handcuffs .
Lot different here than what Omar experienced , ” Campbell added .

As Omar Jimenez asked why he was arrested while cameras were still rolling, officers didn’t appear to give him a reason.
CNN correspondent Omar Jimenez, an Afro-Latino reporter for the TV network, was arrested Friday morning while covering the Minneapolis uprising, which took place in response to the police killing of George Floyd earlier this week.
Jimenez was cooperative with the police prior to and during his arrest, but officers did not respond to his questions about his arrest, according to video of the event. The camera crew working alongside Jimenez was also arrested.
“I’ve never seen anything like this,” CNN anchor John Berman, who watched the events unfold in real time back in the studio, said.
CNN decried the arrest of Jimenez and his camera crew as “a clear violation of their First Amendment rights” as journalists, and demanded the employees’ immediate release. Reporters Without Borders (RSF) also condemned the action as “a shocking sight.”
“Reporting on protests is not a crime; it is in the public’s interest,” the organization said in a statement. “While RSF is glad to see the crew was swiftly released and the governor apologized, this should never happen again.”
Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz was quick to apologize to the network for the arrest, and promised that the crew would be released. Shortly after 6 a.m. CT, Jimenez and his crew were indeed let go from detention.
“We’re doing OK, now. There were a few uneasy moments there,” Jimenez said upon his release.
During a press conference later in the day, Walz made a public apology for Jimenez’s arrest, and said he took “full responsibility” for the arrest, adding that the action was “inexcusable.”
“There is absolutely no reason something like this should happen. Calls were made immediately. This is a very public apology to that team,” Walz said. “That should not happen and I want to be clear for those of you listening.”
“The protection and security and safety of the journalists covering this is a top priority,” Walz added. “Not because it’s a nice thing to do. Because it is a key component of how we fix this.”
CNN journalist Josh Campbell described a very different situation for him and his camera crew, who were reporting near the same area that Jimenez and his crew were in.
Campbell, who is white, said that police he spoke with during his reporting were less confrontational, even after he acted in ways they requested him not to.
“I was treated much differently than [CNN correspondent Omar Jimenez] was,” Campbell said. “I’m sitting here talking to the National Guard, talking to the police. They’re asking politely to move here and there. A couple times I’ve moved closer than they would like. They asked politely to move back.”
At no point was Campbell or his crew threatened with arrest.
“They didn’t pull out the handcuffs. Lot different here than what Omar experienced,” Campbell added.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.