truthout--2020-12-20--UPS and Postal Service Workers Struggle With COVID and High Volume

Every year , workers at the Postal Service and UPS expect to work long hours between Thanksgiving and Christmas .
“ This is like our Super Bowl , ” said Kimberly Karol , president of the Iowa Postal Workers ( APWU ) .
“ Employees really do rally together.
” But this year has been like no other .
Workers were still catching their breath from last year ’ s holiday peak when the pandemic struck and online ordering ratcheted up .
It was like Christmas all over again — and it never stopped .
Package volumes at the Postal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this time last year , and understaffing is intensified by Covid — more than 50,000 of the 600,000 postal workers have had to take pandemic-related leave .
“ They ’ re working from 12 to 14 hours a day , seven days a week , with very little off time , ” said Becky Livingston , St. Louis APWU president .
“ People are getting tapped on the shoulder saying , ‘ We need you four more hours.
’ ” In Knoxville , Tennessee , rural letter carrier Alex Fields has worked almost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 6 a.m. to 8 or 9 p.m .
In October he hit 33 workdays in a row .
“ Basically everyone comes in the morning , takes a truck of packages before they even start the mail , comes back , does the mail , then goes out with more packages , ” he said .
“ The plant ’ s so backed up that they ’ re sending raw unsorted mail , whole trays to carriers to manually sort and case ourselves .
Everyone ’ s spending an hour a day just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be run through a machine , because there ’ s no one to run the machine .
That ’ s on top of having 400 packages to deliver on your route.
” Some processing plants are so overwhelmed that 100 or more trucks full of mail are waiting outside , snarling traffic .
A driver in Cleveland told local news he had slept in his truck for two nights while waiting to unload .
Inside the plants , packages are piled on every available surface .
“ There ’ s not a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the building , ” said processing clerk Courtney Jenkins , director of organization for Baltimore APWU .
“ There ’ s less space to socially distance.
” At UPS too , parcel volumes are hitting record highs .
Unlike the Postal Service , the company is making money hand over fist .
Fundamental to the public Postal Service is its commitment to accept all mail .
UPS , on the other hand , gets to choose what it can deliver profitably and skip what it can ’ t .
At the start of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up parcels from six major retailers including Macy ’ s , Gap , and L.L .
Bean .
( The Postal Service absorbs packages that UPS and FedEx won ’ t take ; its share of e-commerce deliveries doubled from October to December . )
While some UPS workers are getting too many hours , others are getting too few , as the company finds ways to foist more work onto lower-paid tiers .
One of these tiers is Article 22.4 drivers , paid $ 6 an hour less than regular drivers .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ at UPS ; the warehouse workers who load and sort are mostly part-timers making less than half as much .
Created in the 2018 contract , the 22.4 was originally pitched as a hybrid position that would do a bit of both — but obviously UPS gets more bang for its buck by using these workers as a cheaper way to deliver , rather than a more expensive way to sort and load .
Sure enough , “ they ’ re doing the same job as I am , ” said Corey Levesque @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rhode Island .
As new 22.4 drivers are hired , “ you have people saying , ‘ How come I get paid six bucks less and do the same work ?
’ And you have no real answer .
They were sold out in that contract.
” In fact , resistance to this new tier was the biggest reason why members voted down the 2018 tentative agreement .
But the Teamsters leadership , who had proposed the concession in the first place , imposed it anyway , exploiting a constitutional loophole that requires @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” to stick .
Now a slate led by Boston ’ s Sean O ’ Brien and Louisville ’ s Fred Zuckerman is running to lead the union in next year ’ s one-member-one-vote election , pledging to do away with both the 22.4 tier and the two-thirds rule .
Another proliferating tier is Personal Vehicle Drivers — unbenefited temps who deliver packages from their own cars .
“ They ’ ve just thrown the PVDs at everything , ” Levesque said .
“ If a driver goes out heavy , they ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have them take work .
“ On the one hand that ’ s alleviated some of the overtime we normally put in on peak .
On the other hand there are some people who want the overtime , and they ’ re taking that away.
” In some parts of the country , regular drivers are forced to work six-day weeks .
In other places they ’ re having trouble getting even 40 hours because PVDs are delivering so much .
Inside its warehouses , UPS is playing the same games .
Most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 14.50 an hour , plus benefits .
They ’ re guaranteed 3.5 hours of work each day ; they get overtime after five .
To dodge that overtime , Chris Cecil said , on his shift UPS has hired dozens of full-time seasonal workers for $ 16 an hour with no benefits — and guaranteed them eight hours a day .
“ Workers are pretty pissed , ” said Cecil , a steward in Greensboro , North Carolina .
“ A lot of our folks want these inside full-time jobs that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re giving someone off the street that job for the month of December.
” This is grueling work .
“ You never know what is in the trailer , ” said Kristen Jefferson , who unloads trailers in Chicago .
“ It could be a bulk load , 53 feet of unloading furniture that could weigh 80-140 pounds .
“ If you could see my co-workers walking out of the building at the end of the day .
So many of them have been broken down by UPS , and UPS does @ @ @ @ @ @ @ packages out.
” In the Postal Service too , each union has a permatemp tier for new hires .
Fields has been a “ rural carrier associate ” for three years .
Soon he hopes to graduate to a career position .
But “ I ’ m glad I was still a sub during all this , because at least I ’ ve gotten paid for all this overtime , ” Fields said .
Instead of hourly pay , regular rural carriers get a daily salary based on a 2017 count of their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the explosion in package volume since then .
“ People deliver 200 packages a day and they ’ re only getting paid for 60-80 , ” Fields said .
“ On Black Friday they were out till 9 or 10 p.m. and got paid the same.
” It ’ s a sign of how bad conditions are that UPS and the Postal Service both struggle to retain workers despite the country ’ s sky-high unemployment .
“ We have single parents that don ’ t have childcare for 14-hour days , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Those people are feeling like they ’ re being forced to resign .
“ We ’ d like to be able to give them encouragement that it ’ s going to change , but we don ’ t know when it ’ s going to change .
We ’ ve been in peak season mode since March.
” “ They ’ re going to have to really look at what they ’ re paying postal employees , especially at starting salary levels , because we don ’ t really keep people long , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of the bigger competitors.
” ( Read more here : “ Building Its Own Delivery Network , Amazon Puts the Squeeze On Drivers.
” ) In UPS warehouses , “ turnover is insane , ” Cecil said .
“ It ’ s pretty rough work .
They might hire 20 people and five stay.
” What about Covid safety , as cases surge across the country ?
The situation is bad .
At both UPS and the Postal Service , mask enforcement is lax or absent .
Social distancing and contact tracing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Postal Service had 116 nurses nationwide and 30 vacancies last summer — cramping its capacity to do contact tracing — and the job openings weren ’ t even posted on its website , according to a Postal Inspector General report that also chided the employer for not doing workplace temperature checks .
One postal manager contracted Covid , but “ upon his return proudly announced his refusal to name others he had been in contact with , because he wasn ’ t going to give them time off , ” Karol said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ as slacking.
” At UPS , “ they are still having people work in close proximity , ” Jefferson said .
“ People are still doubled up in trailers .
Many people in my hub have tested positive for Covid.
” Some of the most proactive safety measures have been union-initiated .
Early in the pandemic , the Des Moines APWU set up Plexiglas barriers at post office retail counters and around the desks of expeditors in the mail plants who interact with truck drivers from all over the country .
The local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of gloves , masks , and sanitizer .
In Rhode Island , Teamsters Local 251 told the company , “ We can enforce social distancing for you , ” Levesque said .
“ We had safety committee members at the guard shack making sure members were coming in close to their start times instead of hanging out .
“ We tried to make sure people were socially distancing in the building .
We have conference calls between union stewards and the business agent twice a week to talk about what we can do.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ thrown into relief the need to build enough union power to abolish the unfair tiers and win better compensation for everyone .
“ What all this is putting into workers ’ hearts and minds is that the boss does not care about you , ” Jenkins said .
In the Teamsters , “ this year has illustrated that we need new leadership , ” Levesque said .
President James P. Hoffa , who is retiring next year , “ just flat-out does not hold places like UPS accountable , ” said Columbus driver @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ I don ’ t understand what union leadership even thinks they ’ re doing , ” Fields said .
“ Everyone is so mad at them .
Across the political spectrum , every rural carrier conversation is like , ‘ Why do we even have a union ?
’ “ It just shows the need for organizing .
We have the power in this situation .
We ’ re so short-staffed — they ’ re depending on us to get those packages out .
”

The stresses of the pandemic and holiday season for these workers have thrown into relief the need to build union power.
This article was originally published at Labor Notes.
Every year, workers at the Postal Service and UPS expect to work long hours between Thanksgiving and Christmas. “This is like our Super Bowl,” said Kimberly Karol, president of the Iowa Postal Workers (APWU). “Employees really do rally together.”
But this year has been like no other. Workers were still catching their breath from last year’s holiday peak when the pandemic struck and online ordering ratcheted up. It was like Christmas all over again — and it never stopped.
Postal Jam
Package volumes at the Postal Service are up 40 percent compared to this time last year, and understaffing is intensified by Covid — more than 50,000 of the 600,000 postal workers have had to take pandemic-related leave.
“They’re working from 12 to 14 hours a day, seven days a week, with very little off time,” said Becky Livingston, St. Louis APWU president. “People are getting tapped on the shoulder saying, ‘We need you four more hours.’”
In Knoxville, Tennessee, rural letter carrier Alex Fields has worked almost every day for months, typically from 6 a.m. to 8 or 9 p.m. In October he hit 33 workdays in a row. “Basically everyone comes in the morning, takes a truck of packages before they even start the mail, comes back, does the mail, then goes out with more packages,” he said.
“The plant’s so backed up that they’re sending raw unsorted mail, whole trays to carriers to manually sort and case ourselves. Everyone’s spending an hour a day just casing up mail that’s supposed to be run through a machine, because there’s no one to run the machine. That’s on top of having 400 packages to deliver on your route.”
Some processing plants are so overwhelmed that 100 or more trucks full of mail are waiting outside, snarling traffic. A driver in Cleveland told local news he had slept in his truck for two nights while waiting to unload.
Inside the plants, packages are piled on every available surface. “There’s not a lot of space to even walk through the building,” said processing clerk Courtney Jenkins, director of organization for Baltimore APWU. “There’s less space to socially distance.”
Same Job, Less Pay
At UPS too, parcel volumes are hitting record highs. Unlike the Postal Service, the company is making money hand over fist.
Fundamental to the public Postal Service is its commitment to accept all mail. UPS, on the other hand, gets to choose what it can deliver profitably and skip what it can’t. At the start of December it announced it would stop picking up parcels from six major retailers including Macy’s, Gap, and L.L. Bean. (The Postal Service absorbs packages that UPS and FedEx won’t take; its share of e-commerce deliveries doubled from October to December.)
While some UPS workers are getting too many hours, others are getting too few, as the company finds ways to foist more work onto lower-paid tiers.
One of these tiers is Article 22.4 drivers, paid $6 an hour less than regular drivers. Package delivery is the better-paying Teamster job at UPS; the warehouse workers who load and sort are mostly part-timers making less than half as much.
Created in the 2018 contract, the 22.4 was originally pitched as a hybrid position that would do a bit of both — but obviously UPS gets more bang for its buck by using these workers as a cheaper way to deliver, rather than a more expensive way to sort and load.
Sure enough, “they’re doing the same job as I am,” said Corey Levesque, a delivery driver and steward in Rhode Island. As new 22.4 drivers are hired, “you have people saying, ‘How come I get paid six bucks less and do the same work?’ And you have no real answer. They were sold out in that contract.”
Their Own Cars
In fact, resistance to this new tier was the biggest reason why members voted down the 2018 tentative agreement. But the Teamsters leadership, who had proposed the concession in the first place, imposed it anyway, exploiting a constitutional loophole that requires a two-thirds vote for a “no” to stick.
Now a slate led by Boston’s Sean O’Brien and Louisville’s Fred Zuckerman is running to lead the union in next year’s one-member-one-vote election, pledging to do away with both the 22.4 tier and the two-thirds rule.
Another proliferating tier is Personal Vehicle Drivers — unbenefited temps who deliver packages from their own cars. “They’ve just thrown the PVDs at everything,” Levesque said. “If a driver goes out heavy, they’ll send a PVD to them and have them take work.
“On the one hand that’s alleviated some of the overtime we normally put in on peak. On the other hand there are some people who want the overtime, and they’re taking that away.”
In some parts of the country, regular drivers are forced to work six-day weeks. In other places they’re having trouble getting even 40 hours because PVDs are delivering so much.
Games With Tiers
Inside its warehouses, UPS is playing the same games. Most inside workers are part-timers who start at $14.50 an hour, plus benefits. They’re guaranteed 3.5 hours of work each day; they get overtime after five.
To dodge that overtime, Chris Cecil said, on his shift UPS has hired dozens of full-time seasonal workers for $16 an hour with no benefits — and guaranteed them eight hours a day. “Workers are pretty pissed,” said Cecil, a steward in Greensboro, North Carolina. “A lot of our folks want these inside full-time jobs that the company refuses to create. Instead they’re giving someone off the street that job for the month of December.”
This is grueling work. “You never know what is in the trailer,” said Kristen Jefferson, who unloads trailers in Chicago. “It could be a bulk load, 53 feet of unloading furniture that could weigh 80-140 pounds.
“If you could see my co-workers walking out of the building at the end of the day. So many of them have been broken down by UPS, and UPS does not care. They just want the packages out.”
In the Postal Service too, each union has a permatemp tier for new hires. Fields has been a “rural carrier associate” for three years. Soon he hopes to graduate to a career position.
But “I’m glad I was still a sub during all this, because at least I’ve gotten paid for all this overtime,” Fields said. Instead of hourly pay, regular rural carriers get a daily salary based on a 2017 count of their routes. There has been no adjustment for the explosion in package volume since then.
“People deliver 200 packages a day and they’re only getting paid for 60-80,” Fields said. “On Black Friday they were out till 9 or 10 p.m. and got paid the same.”
High Turnover
It’s a sign of how bad conditions are that UPS and the Postal Service both struggle to retain workers despite the country’s sky-high unemployment.
“We have single parents that don’t have childcare for 14-hour days,” APWU’s Livingston said. “Those people are feeling like they’re being forced to resign.
“We’d like to be able to give them encouragement that it’s going to change, but we don’t know when it’s going to change. We’ve been in peak season mode since March.”
“They’re going to have to really look at what they’re paying postal employees, especially at starting salary levels, because we don’t really keep people long,” Karol said. “Amazon is one of the bigger competitors.” (Read more here: “Building Its Own Delivery Network, Amazon Puts the Squeeze On Drivers.”)
In UPS warehouses, “turnover is insane,” Cecil said. “It’s pretty rough work. They might hire 20 people and five stay.”
Unions Cared About COVID
What about Covid safety, as cases surge across the country? The situation is bad.
At both UPS and the Postal Service, mask enforcement is lax or absent. Social distancing and contact tracing often aren’t happening.
The Postal Service had 116 nurses nationwide and 30 vacancies last summer — cramping its capacity to do contact tracing — and the job openings weren’t even posted on its website, according to a Postal Inspector General report that also chided the employer for not doing workplace temperature checks.
One postal manager contracted Covid, but “upon his return proudly announced his refusal to name others he had been in contact with, because he wasn’t going to give them time off,” Karol said. “He considers all sick leave usage as slacking.”
At UPS, “they are still having people work in close proximity,” Jefferson said. “People are still doubled up in trailers. Many people in my hub have tested positive for Covid.”
Fighting Unions Vital
Some of the most proactive safety measures have been union-initiated. Early in the pandemic, the Des Moines APWU set up Plexiglas barriers at post office retail counters and around the desks of expeditors in the mail plants who interact with truck drivers from all over the country. The local pushed successfully for a 45-day buffer supply of gloves, masks, and sanitizer.
In Rhode Island, Teamsters Local 251 told the company, “We can enforce social distancing for you,” Levesque said. “We had safety committee members at the guard shack making sure members were coming in close to their start times instead of hanging out.
“We tried to make sure people were socially distancing in the building. We have conference calls between union stewards and the business agent twice a week to talk about what we can do.”
The stresses of the pandemic have thrown into relief the need to build enough union power to abolish the unfair tiers and win better compensation for everyone. “What all this is putting into workers’ hearts and minds is that the boss does not care about you,” Jenkins said.
In the Teamsters, “this year has illustrated that we need new leadership,” Levesque said. President James P. Hoffa, who is retiring next year, “just flat-out does not hold places like UPS accountable,” said Columbus driver Michael Chapman.
In the Rural Carriers, “I don’t understand what union leadership even thinks they’re doing,” Fields said. “Everyone is so mad at them. Across the political spectrum, every rural carrier conversation is like, ‘Why do we even have a union?’
“It just shows the need for organizing. We have the power in this situation. We’re so short-staffed — they’re depending on us to get those packages out.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-12-20--We Must Remember to #SayHerName in Our Movements Against Police Violence

We just launched our 2020 end of year fundraiser — Truthout ’ s biggest and most important campaign ever — @ @ @ @ @ To fund the bold , independent journalism you read on our site , we need @ @ @ @ @ the end of December .
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A photograph of Breonna Taylor is part of the "Say Their Names" memorial on Boston Common in Boston on November 16, 2020. Jessica Rinaldi / The Boston Globe via Getty Images
It’s been six years since #SayHerName, the movement to draw greater awareness and action around Black female victims of police and state violence, was created by the African American Policy Forum. Today, the deaths of Black women and girls at the hands of law enforcement still don’t generate the same vocal concern and outrage as that of Black men and boys. Listen as we provide historical context of that disparity. This story highlights specific stories of police murders of Black women but more importantly will help you understand the pattern of erasure that makes #sayinghername necessary.
Why is that the deaths of Black women at the hands of police don’t seem to generate as much outrage as the deaths of Black men? Is it because Black women are valued less in the Black community? Is it because Black men are targets and Black women are simply collateral damage? Is it a combination of reasons? What can be done to address this perceived lack of outrage, and put an end to the deaths of ALL Black people at the hands of police?
Featuring: Chanelle Helm, Organizer, Black Lives Matter-Louisville
Organizer, Black Lives Matter-Louisville Byron Hurt, American Activist, Lecturer, Writer, and award-winning Documentary Filmmaker-Beyond Beats and Rhymes: Masculinity in Hip-Hop
American Activist, Lecturer, Writer, and award-winning Documentary Filmmaker-Beyond Beats and Rhymes: Masculinity in Hip-Hop Richie Reseda, Founder of Success Stories
Founder of Success Stories Treva Lindsey, Professor, Ohio State University
Professor, Ohio State University Robin DG Kelley, Professor, UCLA
Professor, UCLA Wanda Johnson, Activist
Activist Mother of Oscar Grant
Sheila Hines Brim, Activist
Activist Aunt of Wakeisha Wilson
Bianca Austin, Activist
Activist Aunt of Breonna Taylor Credits: Host: Thandisizwe Chimurenga Related Story Interview | Racial Justice Founded on Inequality, Can the US Ever Be Truly Democratic and Inclusive? The inequality deeply embedded in U.S. statecraft continues to counterbalance any progress, however symbolic. Truthout Thandisizwe Chimurenga is a Los Angeles-based writer. She has anchored the KPFK Evening News (Pacifica-Los Angeles) and reported for Free Speech Radio News. Her journalism has appeared in or at New America Media; the Los Angeles Watts Times, Sentinel and Wave newspapers; the San Francisco Bayview Newspaper; the Oakland Post Newspaper; the Final Call; Black Agenda Report; Ebony; CounterPunch, Truth-Out, TruthDig, the San Francisco Chronicle, Mint Press News and Daily Kos. She is the author of No Doubt: The Murder(s) of Oscar Grant (2014) and Reparations … Not Yet: A Case for Reparations and Why We Must Wait (2015) and a contributor to several anthologies. Segment Producer: Thandisizwe Chimurenga and Anita Johnson
Editing Producers: Sonya Green and Monica Lopez Making Contact Staff: Staff Producers: Monica Lopez, Anita Johnson, Salima Hamirani
Monica Lopez, Anita Johnson, Salima Hamirani Executive Director: Sonya Green
Sonya Green Director of Production Initiatives and Distribution: Lisa Rudman Music Credits: Blue Dot Session
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-12-20--Trump Reportedly Entertained Michael Flynn’s “Martial Law” Proposal in Meeting

During a meeting at the White House on Friday , President Donald Trump reportedly asked his advisers about retired Army Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn ’ s recent suggestion that the administration impose martial law and use the military to conduct a “ rerun ” of the November presidential election .
According to the New York Times , which first reported the discussion Saturday , Trump ’ s advisers pushed back against Flynn ’ s proposal and other ideas the president floated during the meeting , including his suggestion that notorious right-wing attorney Sidney Powell be named special counsel for an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voter fraud.
” Flynn , who Trump pardoned last month , was reportedly present at the White House meeting .
In a tweet early Sunday morning , Trump — who is set to leave office in a month — denied that he raised Flynn ’ s call for martial law , dismissing the Times story as “ fake news ” and “ knowingly bad reporting.
” The Associated Press reported that during the Friday meeting , the president ’ s personal attorney Rudy Giuliani “ pushed Trump to seize voting machines in his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump is unlikely to do anything resembling what Flynn and Giuliani suggested , observers warned that the lame-duck president ’ s willingness to entertain such proposals highlights the threat he still poses to democracy on his way out the door .
A week ago 126 of my Republican colleagues violated the Constitution by supporting Trump ’ s attempt to steal the election , ” tweeted Rep. Bill Pascrell , Jr. ( D-N.J. ) , referring to GOP support for a Texas-led lawsuit that the Supreme Court rejected earlier this month .
“ How @ @ @ @ @ @ @ military dictatorship ?
” Axios reported Saturday that senior Trump administration officials , whom the outlet did not name , are growing “ increasingly alarmed that President Trump might unleash — and abuse — the power of government in an effort to overturn the clear result of the election.
” “ Their fears include Trump ’ s interest in former national security adviser Michael Flynn ’ s wild talk of martial law ; an idea floated of an executive order to commandeer voting machines ; and the specter of Sidney Powell , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and a top-level security clearance , ” according to Axios .
In response to the Axios story , Rep. Ilhan Omar ( D-Minn. ) dismissed the Trump advisers ’ supposed alarm as “ all for show , ” given that they ’ ve repeatedly enabled the president ’ s past abuses .
“ They have empowered him as he destroys democratic institutions and embarrasses the U.S. globally , ” Omar tweeted .
“ They are shameless .
”

The lame-duck president’s willingness to entertain such proposals highlights the threat he still poses to democracy.
During a meeting at the White House on Friday, President Donald Trump reportedly asked his advisers about retired Army Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn’s recent suggestion that the administration impose martial law and use the military to conduct a “rerun” of the November presidential election.
According to the New York Times, which first reported the discussion Saturday, Trump’s advisers pushed back against Flynn’s proposal and other ideas the president floated during the meeting, including his suggestion that notorious right-wing attorney Sidney Powell be named special counsel for an investigation into baseless allegations of widespread “voter fraud.” Flynn, who Trump pardoned last month, was reportedly present at the White House meeting.
In a tweet early Sunday morning, Trump — who is set to leave office in a month — denied that he raised Flynn’s call for martial law, dismissing the Times story as “fake news” and “knowingly bad reporting.”
The Associated Press reported that during the Friday meeting, the president’s personal attorney Rudy Giuliani “pushed Trump to seize voting machines in his hunt for evidence of fraud.”
While Trump is unlikely to do anything resembling what Flynn and Giuliani suggested, observers warned that the lame-duck president’s willingness to entertain such proposals highlights the threat he still poses to democracy on his way out the door.
The President of the United States actually sat in the Oval Office and discussed the possibility of a military coup to change the outcome of the election he lost. Reflect on that. — Charles Booker (@Booker4KY) December 19, 2020
A week ago 126 of my Republican colleagues violated the Constitution by supporting Trump’s attempt to steal the election,” tweeted Rep. Bill Pascrell, Jr. (D-N.J.), referring to GOP support for a Texas-led lawsuit that the Supreme Court rejected earlier this month. “How many support Trump’s discussion of military dictatorship?”
Axios reported Saturday that senior Trump administration officials, whom the outlet did not name, are growing “increasingly alarmed that President Trump might unleash — and abuse — the power of government in an effort to overturn the clear result of the election.”
“Their fears include Trump’s interest in former national security adviser Michael Flynn’s wild talk of martial law; an idea floated of an executive order to commandeer voting machines; and the specter of Sidney Powell, the conspiracy-spewing election lawyer, obtaining governmental power and a top-level security clearance,” according to Axios.
In response to the Axios story, Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) dismissed the Trump advisers’ supposed alarm as “all for show,” given that they’ve repeatedly enabled the president’s past abuses.
“They have empowered him as he destroys democratic institutions and embarrasses the U.S. globally,” Omar tweeted. “They are shameless.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-12-20--New Book Digs Into Government Files to Keep Alive Memory of Radical Folk Artists

Aaron J. Leonard is a most unusual writer .
He scrutinizes the files of repressive ( supposedly investigative ) government agencies — a veritable treasure trove of false accusations of disloyalty and potential subversion .
Readers who seek a social history of the folky victims of these agencies will not find it in Leonard ’ s latest book , The Folk Singers and the Bureau : The FBI , the Folk Artists and the Suppression of the Communist Party USA , 1939-1956 .
He does not slow his fast-paced narrative to ponder the historical background of the victims in their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sources direct him to the government-eye-view , evidently as severe under Democrats as under Republicans , fearful alike of the power of FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover , also eager to see the specter of a multiracial Communist Party , with the wider milieu , had it held close from the late 1930s to the late 1940s , dispatched forever .
Interviewing dozens of members of the Communist Party during the 1980s and 1990s myself , i.e.
, shortly before they died , gave me a special feeling for this book that I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a long-time scholar of the American left .
Most readers will also be interested in the sad fate of the “ friendly ” ( cooperative ) witnesses , including entertainers of color who had been guilty chiefly of having audiences mostly on the left during the 1940s , such as Josh White .
Without perhaps strong political feelings themselves — or so they claimed later — they suddenly learned that survival demanded they turn on their friends and sponsors .
As a group , they escaped legal punishment but did not benefit greatly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Europe , and the shift of musical styles in the late 1950s left them pretty much flat .
Thus , victims of another kind .
Leonard launches the narrative quite properly with Woody Guthrie , a symbol of the whole movement , going onward to Pete Seeger and Alan Lomax , further on to the other Almanac Singers and Paul Robeson , among others .
Repression came early .
The Almanacs fell under official scrutiny and faced potential persecution thanks to vulnerabilities created by American Communist support of the Hitler-Stalin ( or Molotov-Ribbentrop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which made U.S. supporters of the Soviet Union appear loyal to a “ foreign power.
” That they recovered when Germany invaded Russia is one of the most remarkable stories in American left history .
By 1942 , the grand era of wartime liberalism or progressivism had begun in earnest .
Even actor Ronald Reagan appeared in public events and contributed funds to what all knew to be Communist-sponsored Hollywood events for Allied victory .
Ironically , the first wave of popularity that found the Almanacs in an aggressive antiwar and even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ later days , as close as the later 1940s , for a historical moment before repression hit , and as far away as the Vietnam War and after .
Bob Dylan ’ s “ Blowin ’ in the Wind ” or “ Masters of War , ” not to mention Joan Baez ’ s songbook , could hardly be imagined without these origins .
Songs like Pete Seeger ’ s “ C for Conscription ” also touched an old nerve , still pretty close in time .
Opposition to U.S. entry into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and brutally suppressed .
Folky popularity of the early moment in the emerging folksong world of 1940 had another effect : It got folk musicians onto the newly created “ Custodial Detention List ” assembled by the FBI , at the behest of Franklin D. Roosevelt himself .
Leonard follows the story of repression in great detail , with the FBI dossiers against the likes of Aunt Molly Jackson , Alan Lomax and others , heading toward the massive repression of 1947-48 .
Sometimes , I think the author is compelled to move @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he covers is so vast , the sad interplay between the empowered red-baiters and disempowered folkies so intense and complicated .
At times reading more like a general commentary about the Cold War demolition of the American left , The Folk Singers and the Bureau drifts into the fumbling and sometimes self-defeating efforts into Communist Party history before emerging to the main subject again .
Still , readers will nevertheless find the details rewarding , especially as Leonard returns to the folk scene narrative .
Pete Seeger ( among others ) distanced himself @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Weavers emerged in the early 1950s as a semi-pop group looking urgently for hits and finding them — until the black-listers struck again .
Burl Ives , destined for a lucrative career in television performances as well as record sales , gave as few names as he could , and slunk away , merely self-humiliated .
Meanwhile , repression pursued Woody Guthrie to the day of his death , more or less .
The blacklisting of folkies eased with the Cold War itself , into a kind of legal detente of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the civil rights movement and the antiwar movement gave folk music a new life , swelling college audiences and record sales , and also preparing a sudden disappointment : The music of the counterculture had its own stars and its own audience .
Leonard concludes by saying that his research stunned him with the degree of repressive energy directed at a rather small group of entertainers .
The heights of fame and influence otherwise available to the Weavers , to Paul Robeson — even to the larger moral purposes of Burl Ives and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — must also be a story of what might have been .
An epilogue of sorts traces the individual fate of a dozen or so folkies , now in danger of being forgotten entirely .
Of these , singer Pete Seeger and archivist Alan Lomax fared best , although others , those who survived middle age , found ways to get along .
The visage of Josh White , Woody Guthrie and Paul Robeson have all appeared on U.S. postage stamps , which must signify a sort of remembrance .
The big crowds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a few years after , the excitement at union halls and summer camps for some of the most interesting musicians and lyricists of the time ?
Gone — gone , but not entirely forgotten .

Aaron J. Leonard is a most unusual writer. He scrutinizes the files of repressive (supposedly investigative) government agencies — a veritable treasure trove of false accusations of disloyalty and potential subversion. Readers who seek a social history of the folky victims of these agencies will not find it in Leonard’s latest book, The Folk Singers and the Bureau: The FBI, the Folk Artists and the Suppression of the Communist Party USA, 1939-1956.
He does not slow his fast-paced narrative to ponder the historical background of the victims in their own time and place. But his sources direct him to the government-eye-view, evidently as severe under Democrats as under Republicans, fearful alike of the power of FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, also eager to see the specter of a multiracial Communist Party, with the wider milieu, had it held close from the late 1930s to the late 1940s, dispatched forever.
Interviewing dozens of members of the Communist Party during the 1980s and 1990s myself, i.e., shortly before they died, gave me a special feeling for this book that I might otherwise have lacked, even as a long-time scholar of the American left.
Most readers will also be interested in the sad fate of the “friendly” (cooperative) witnesses, including entertainers of color who had been guilty chiefly of having audiences mostly on the left during the 1940s, such as Josh White.
Without perhaps strong political feelings themselves — or so they claimed later — they suddenly learned that survival demanded they turn on their friends and sponsors. As a group, they escaped legal punishment but did not benefit greatly. Their best audiences would be in Europe, and the shift of musical styles in the late 1950s left them pretty much flat. Thus, victims of another kind.
Leonard launches the narrative quite properly with Woody Guthrie, a symbol of the whole movement, going onward to Pete Seeger and Alan Lomax, further on to the other Almanac Singers and Paul Robeson, among others. Repression came early.
The Almanacs fell under official scrutiny and faced potential persecution thanks to vulnerabilities created by American Communist support of the Hitler-Stalin (or Molotov-Ribbentrop) Non-Aggression Pact between Germany and Russia, which made U.S. supporters of the Soviet Union appear loyal to a “foreign power.” That they recovered when Germany invaded Russia is one of the most remarkable stories in American left history. By 1942, the grand era of wartime liberalism or progressivism had begun in earnest. Even actor Ronald Reagan appeared in public events and contributed funds to what all knew to be Communist-sponsored Hollywood events for Allied victory.
The material covers the sad interplay between the empowered red-baiters and disempowered folkies.
Ironically, the first wave of popularity that found the Almanacs in an aggressive antiwar and even anti-military stance would prove popular again in later days, as close as the later 1940s, for a historical moment before repression hit, and as far away as the Vietnam War and after. Bob Dylan’s “Blowin’ in the Wind” or “Masters of War,” not to mention Joan Baez’s songbook, could hardly be imagined without these origins. Songs like Pete Seeger’s “C for Conscription” also touched an old nerve, still pretty close in time. Opposition to U.S. entry into the First World War had been highly popular and brutally suppressed.
Folky popularity of the early moment in the emerging folksong world of 1940 had another effect: It got folk musicians onto the newly created “Custodial Detention List” assembled by the FBI, at the behest of Franklin D. Roosevelt himself. Leonard follows the story of repression in great detail, with the FBI dossiers against the likes of Aunt Molly Jackson, Alan Lomax and others, heading toward the massive repression of 1947-48.
Sometimes, I think the author is compelled to move rather too quickly, because the material he covers is so vast, the sad interplay between the empowered red-baiters and disempowered folkies so intense and complicated. At times reading more like a general commentary about the Cold War demolition of the American left, The Folk Singers and the Bureau drifts into the fumbling and sometimes self-defeating efforts into Communist Party history before emerging to the main subject again.
Still, readers will nevertheless find the details rewarding, especially as Leonard returns to the folk scene narrative. Pete Seeger (among others) distanced himself from the narrowness of Party concerns. The Weavers emerged in the early 1950s as a semi-pop group looking urgently for hits and finding them — until the black-listers struck again. Burl Ives, destined for a lucrative career in television performances as well as record sales, gave as few names as he could, and slunk away, merely self-humiliated. Meanwhile, repression pursued Woody Guthrie to the day of his death, more or less.
The blacklisting of folkies eased with the Cold War itself, into a kind of legal detente of the early 1960s. By that time, the civil rights movement and the antiwar movement gave folk music a new life, swelling college audiences and record sales, and also preparing a sudden disappointment: The music of the counterculture had its own stars and its own audience.
Leonard concludes by saying that his research stunned him with the degree of repressive energy directed at a rather small group of entertainers. The heights of fame and influence otherwise available to the Weavers, to Paul Robeson — even to the larger moral purposes of Burl Ives and Josh White lost to their own compromises — must also be a story of what might have been.
An epilogue of sorts traces the individual fate of a dozen or so folkies, now in danger of being forgotten entirely. Of these, singer Pete Seeger and archivist Alan Lomax fared best, although others, those who survived middle age, found ways to get along.
The visage of Josh White, Woody Guthrie and Paul Robeson have all appeared on U.S. postage stamps, which must signify a sort of remembrance. The big crowds at Madison Square Garden during wartime and a few years after, the excitement at union halls and summer camps for some of the most interesting musicians and lyricists of the time? Gone — gone, but not entirely forgotten.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-12-20--The US’s “Best” University Fuels the Climate Crisis. Princeton Must Divest.

New York State ’ s announcement that it will divest its $ 226 billion pension fund of fossil fuels — the first state in the country to do so — signals that the tides are turning in the climate movement .
This groundbreaking step in the climate finance movement demonstrates the imperative for leadership on climate .
Somehow though , universities like ours that tout their leadership have been left as laggards on climate .
As New York State shows leadership , Princeton University provides cover for fossil fuel companies through engagement and continuing to invest .
We expect our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ research on climate change .
What we don ’ t expect is that the bulk of climate research at universities like Princeton is funded by notorious polluters like ExxonMobil and BP .
ExxonMobil was quick to announce the recent renewal of a multimillion-dollar partnership with Princeton on Twitter , posting a video on the research relationship as evidence of Exxon ’ s commitment to addressing the climate crisis .
The prevailing view at Princeton has been that engagement with companies like Exxon is a necessary part of climate action and that we need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ respond to climate change .
Princeton leadership said of their 2015 Exxon partnership , “ We ’ re not just taking their ( Exxon ’ s ) money and are happy with what they ’ re telling us… .
We ’ re good partners because we challenge each other.
” So where was Princeton when Exxon spent just 0.22 percent of its budget on clean energy between 2010 and 2018 ?
Where was Princeton as Exxon continued to pour tens of millions into lobbying efforts against climate action ?
Where was Princeton as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an amount equal to that of the entire country of Greece ?
For four decades , Exxon has known about the serious threat from climate change , while continuing to pour tens of millions into climate denial and disinformation think tanks .
As Princeton welcomes the company on board , Exxon is actively trying to sink the ship .
So how does Exxon get away with it ?
Companies like Exxon trade on their social legitimacy .
When the “ best ” university in the United States engages Exxon as a research partner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on climate and uses its proximity to well-regarded academic institutions as a way to maintain legitimacy .
Further , Princeton continues to resist divesting its $ 26 billion endowment from Exxon and fossil fuel companies — shying away from moral clarity for fear of being “ politically partial.
” Princeton borrows the framing of fossil fuel companies by blaming consumers rather than those companies that have steered us toward climate collapse and actively blocked at each step any effort to act collectively to mitigate the crisis .
Princeton has no revenue problems .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ be funded by another , more ethical source .
Last year alone , Princeton received over $ 66 million from its alumni and so , over the past year , we have worked to show that this matters to the Princeton community .
More than 1,860 current and future Princeton alumni have pledged not to donate to the university until it divests from fossil fuels — the largest pledge of its kind in Princeton ’ s history .
This is particularly remarkable given that Princeton has the highest rate of alumni giving of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Princeton needs to make a decision about who it wants to partner with : its loyal and committed alumni , or the worst of big oil ?
Princeton was recently named the top school in the country , but as it continues to profit from the climate crisis , the university loses more clout as a leader and undermines its own scholarship and credibility .
Case in point : Vijay Swarup , vice president of research and development at ExxonMobil , was recently identified by Naomi Oreskes and Geoffrey Supran as pushing “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change .
Swarup also sits on the External Advisory Board of Princeton ’ s Andlinger Center .
The misguided belief in “ business as usual ” adopted by Princeton ’ s leadership on the question of engagement with companies like Exxon and continued investment in fossil fuel companies is damning its own reputation , but much more importantly , it is damning our futures .
As young people , we will have to live with the effects of inaction from institutions like Princeton for the rest of our lives .
And so , @ @ @

New York State’s announcement that it will divest its $226 billion pension fund of fossil fuels — the first state in the country to do so — signals that the tides are turning in the climate movement. This groundbreaking step in the climate finance movement demonstrates the imperative for leadership on climate. Somehow though, universities like ours that tout their leadership have been left as laggards on climate. As New York State shows leadership, Princeton University provides cover for fossil fuel companies through engagement and continuing to invest.
We expect our universities to be at the forefront of research on climate change. What we don’t expect is that the bulk of climate research at universities like Princeton is funded by notorious polluters like ExxonMobil and BP. ExxonMobil was quick to announce the recent renewal of a multimillion-dollar partnership with Princeton on Twitter, posting a video on the research relationship as evidence of Exxon’s commitment to addressing the climate crisis.
The prevailing view at Princeton has been that engagement with companies like Exxon is a necessary part of climate action and that we need “all hands on deck” to respond to climate change. Princeton leadership said of their 2015 Exxon partnership, “We’re not just taking their (Exxon’s) money and are happy with what they’re telling us…. We’re good partners because we challenge each other.”
So where was Princeton when Exxon spent just 0.22 percent of its budget on clean energy between 2010 and 2018? Where was Princeton as Exxon continued to pour tens of millions into lobbying efforts against climate action? Where was Princeton as Exxon planned to expand annual emissions by an amount equal to that of the entire country of Greece? For four decades, Exxon has known about the serious threat from climate change, while continuing to pour tens of millions into climate denial and disinformation think tanks.
As Princeton welcomes the company on board, Exxon is actively trying to sink the ship. So how does Exxon get away with it? Companies like Exxon trade on their social legitimacy. When the “best” university in the United States engages Exxon as a research partner, Exxon goes from pariah to partner on climate and uses its proximity to well-regarded academic institutions as a way to maintain legitimacy. Further, Princeton continues to resist divesting its $26 billion endowment from Exxon and fossil fuel companies — shying away from moral clarity for fear of being “politically partial.” Princeton borrows the framing of fossil fuel companies by blaming consumers rather than those companies that have steered us toward climate collapse and actively blocked at each step any effort to act collectively to mitigate the crisis.
Princeton has no revenue problems. The university’s research could easily be funded by another, more ethical source. Last year alone, Princeton received over $66 million from its alumni and so, over the past year, we have worked to show that this matters to the Princeton community. More than 1,860 current and future Princeton alumni have pledged not to donate to the university until it divests from fossil fuels — the largest pledge of its kind in Princeton’s history. This is particularly remarkable given that Princeton has the highest rate of alumni giving of any university in the United States. Princeton needs to make a decision about who it wants to partner with: its loyal and committed alumni, or the worst of big oil?
Exxon uses its proximity to well-regarded academic institutions as a way to maintain legitimacy.
Princeton was recently named the top school in the country, but as it continues to profit from the climate crisis, the university loses more clout as a leader and undermines its own scholarship and credibility. Case in point: Vijay Swarup, vice president of research and development at ExxonMobil, was recently identified by Naomi Oreskes and Geoffrey Supran as pushing “incorrect and misleading” claims on climate change. Swarup also sits on the External Advisory Board of Princeton’s Andlinger Center.
The misguided belief in “business as usual” adopted by Princeton’s leadership on the question of engagement with companies like Exxon and continued investment in fossil fuel companies is damning its own reputation, but much more importantly, it is damning our futures. As young people, we will have to live with the effects of inaction from institutions like Princeton for the rest of our lives. And so, we organize.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-12-20--Activists Are Mobilizing to Create an Eviction-Free United States

The signs posted in the first-floor windows of 1234 Pacific Street in Brooklyn tell an increasingly familiar story : “ We are striking to cancel rent in New York state during the COVID-19 public health crisis .
We are striking because we can not pay , or in solidarity with those who can not pay .
We will not go hungry or without medical care in order to pay rent.
” The 37-unit , six-story building is one of 57 New York City properties whose tenants are on rent strike , but tenants in places as diverse as Alexandria , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; Los Angeles ; Milwaukee , Wisconsin ; Philadelphia and San Francisco have joined the movement to cancel rent for the duration of the pandemic .
They are also demanding a moratorium on evictions and are pushing both community activists and elected officials to address the need for affordable rental housing , a need that has been exacerbated , but was not caused , by the virus .
And while rent strikes are a tried-and-true tactic of the diverse housing justice movement , they are just one tool in a hefty arsenal .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ but habitable homes , outdoor encampments , advocacy of legislative relief ( including a universal guarantee of homes for all ) , eviction disruptions , mutual aid , efforts to provide free legal counsel to those facing displacement , and the creation of tiny homes on publicly owned land .
Taken together , these tactics are bringing needed attention to the link between public health and housing policy .
A recent paper in the Journal of Urban Health describes the stakes : “ Eviction is likely to increase COVID-19 infection rates because it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , transiency , limited access to healthcare and a decreased ability to comply with pandemic mitigation strategies , e.g.
, social distancing , self-quarantine , and hygiene practice , ” it reports .
Worse , since COVID and evictions disproportionately impact low-income communities of color — communities that statistically have higher rates of pulmonary diseases like asthma , high blood pressure , diabetes , and chronic kidney and liver ailments than those who are better-resourced — keeping people housed has become a key strategy in pandemic control , something that was acknowledged by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( CDC ) when it issued an eviction moratorium in September .
That order expires on December 31 and is actually far less robust than it sounds .
For one , it puts the burden on tenants , requiring them to fill out a “ declaration ” affirming that they can ’ t pay rent because of illness , lost income or both .
“ If you don ’ t know you have to take an affirmative step to notify your landlord , you are at risk of eviction if you ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vice president of public policy at the National Low Income Housing Coalition , told Truthout .
“ Putting the burden onto the courts and onto landlords would go a long way in keeping people in their homes.
” But that ’ s not currently the way it works , and despite the CDC moratorium , tenants continue to be burdened .
In some cases , landlords have been able to get a monetary judgment for back rent — allowing them to garnish wages or acquire a tenant ’ s other assets — but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the moratorium expires .
Nonetheless , owners are going to court and filing for eviction so that as soon as the moratorium is lifted , they can call a marshal and empty the unit .
The number of filings is staggering .
According to the Eviction Lab at Princeton University , in the last nine months , evictions have been sought in dozens of U.S. cities : 19,474 in Phoenix ; 9,876 in Memphis ; 9,266 in Fort Worth ; 7,242 in Tampa ; 5,759 in Milwaukee ; and 4,933 in Richmond , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this winter , the National Council of State Housing Agencies conservatively estimates that 8.4 million renter households — 20.1 million people — could lose their homes .
They further estimate that between 10 and 14 million tenant households are currently behind in rent , with arrears that will total approximately $ 34 billion on January 1 .
This is where the cancel rent movement — and legislation to curtail rent collection — come in .
The Rent and Mortgage Cancellation Act , HR6515 , introduced by Rep. Ilhan Omar ( D-Minnesota ) , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during the pandemic , retroactive to April 1 , and extend 30 days beyond the health emergency .
It would also establish a Rental Property Relief Fund to be administered by the Department of Housing and Urban Development ( HUD ) to cover landlord losses .
A second fund would offset losses to mortgage holders .
Not surprisingly , the hashtag # CancelRent has gone viral as tenants throughout the country are joining Omar to demand rent forgiveness .
Jacob Bernard is one of more than 1,800 tenants who are on rent strike @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ m a bartender so I was immediately out of work in March , ” he told Truthout .
Although he is now back on the job — with reduced hours and lower tips — many of his Brooklyn neighbors remain unemployed .
This financial hardship , Bernard says , was the catalyst for the strike ; nonetheless , it took the pandemic to get everyone organized .
“ We ’ d organized a tenants ’ association two years earlier and had been trying to get our landlord — Isaac Schwartz , named @ @ @ @ @ @ @ landlords by the NYC Public Advocate — to make necessary repairs .
But it was when people were suddenly unable to pay their rent that we were able to go after what we ’ ve been paying for and deserve , ” Bernard said .
“ We also know that this is bigger than us , bigger than just our building .
We ’ re part of a movement.
” ( Schwartz declined to speak to Truthout , saying he was “ too busy ” when reached by phone . )
In Omaha @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Missouri , the movement to build tenant power has included direct intervention to assist those facing eviction .
Simon Hinton is a member of Omaha Tenants United , a two-and-a-half-year-old group made up of anarchists , socialists and communists .
Prior to COVID , Hinton says , the group helped tenants get hot water restored in one building and forced a landlord to drop exorbitant “ move-out fees ” in another .
“ Since COVID , we ’ ve shifted our focus to court support , ” Hinton told Truthout .
“ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people about the CDC declaration , so we go to court with the paperwork and help people fill it out.
” It hasn ’ t been easy , and Hinton says that group members have gotten into trouble because the courts claim they ’ re giving legal advice without a license , but this has not stopped the organization ’ s work .
“ Evictions for any reason need to stop , ” Hinton said .
“ The more people have to move in with friends or family , or onto the streets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virus transmits .
It can literally mean people ’ s deaths.
” Tara Raghuveer is the founder and director of KC Tenants in Kansas City , Missouri , and is the national campaign director of the Homes Guarantee campaign at People ’ s Action , where she ’ s coordinating a long-range organizing drive to assure that no one is denied shelter in the world ’ s richest country .
People ’ s Action ’ s demands are extensive and include universal rent control , reparations for centuries of racist housing policies , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and restrictions on real estate speculation .
These , Raghuveer says , form the foundation of a “ homes guarantee.
” Jamaal Bowman ( D-New York ) , Cori Bush ( D-Missouri ) , Ilhan Omar ( D- Minnesota ) and Marie Newman ( D-Illinois ) have pledged to support this guarantee .
More immediately , however , KC Tenants has been working to shut down Kansas City ’ s eviction courts .
Raghuveer reports that the group has , on several occasions , gone to the courthouse , blocked doors and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tenants also successfully disrupted eviction teleconferences , with one judge agreeing to suspend remote hearings through year ’ s end .
All told , Raghuveer says that KC Tenants have had a hand in delaying at least 350 evictions , but adds that there has been a notable spike in illegal lock-outs .
“ One woman didn ’ t know she was being evicted because she never received the notice to appear in court , so she lost by default .
We attempted to block the eviction , but the sheriff was successful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told Truthout .
“ We raised money for her so she could go to a hotel , but this is obviously not a permanent fix.
” Still , whether through mutual aid or simply taking matters into their own hands , people are doing what they can to support each other in remaining housed .
In the East Los Angeles neighborhood of El Sereno , Reclaim and Rebuild Our Community moved dozens of homeless people into 20 vacant homes owned by Caltrans , the California transportation agency .
Although 62 would-be residents were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — and then booted out — they are hoping that , like Moms 4 Housing in Oakland and activists in Philadelphia , they ’ ll eventually be allowed to take possession of the properties .
In Philadelphia , the city ’ s housing authority recently turned over more than 50 vacant buildings to members of Philadelphia Housing Action and the Black and Brown Workers Cooperative to shelter people with annual incomes below $ 25,000 .
A community land trust — typically a nonprofit or public entity that manages residences meant to remain affordable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The demand that the vacant properties be turned over to tenants originated in an encampment of 100 people who set up tents across from the most expensive condominiums in the city .
According to encampment organizer Alex R. Stewart , a member of the Workers Revolutionary Collective , “ We chose that spot because we wanted to highlight the disparities and show the tale of two cities that is Philly.
” An ongoing mutual aid network developed in the camp and continues to provide meals , mental health counseling and a laundry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of whom are now housed in the turned-over buildings .
“ We opened up the first house on March 23 , 2020 , ” Wiley Cunningham of Philadelphia Housing Action told Truthout .
“ After an encampment was evicted that day , we went to an abandoned house and it became an emergency shelter.
” Cunningham notes there are vacant homes all over Philadelphia , including public housing developments that were emptied and are waiting to be demolished or sold to developers .
“ By July , we ’ d opened up 12 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ good condition .
Basically , all we needed to do was change the locks and turn on the utilities .
In a few places copper pipes had been stolen so we needed to replace them , ” Cunningham said .
Other homes , he says , need more extensive work but those repairs , too , are underway .
Stephanie Sena , executive director of the Student-Run Emergency Housing Unit of Philadelphia and a professor at the Charles Widger School of Law at Villanova University , cautions that while this is inspiring , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ housing crisis .
Getting 50-plus homes for the community land trust is a start , she says , but notes that it is also important to work on local , state and federal legislation and address systemic issues such as the diminishing stock of available public and affordable housing .
Sena also supports the creation of “ tiny homes , ” units of under 300 square feet for one- and two-person households .
“ There is space for tiny homes in the tool box of solutions to the affordable housing crisis , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are not really what ’ s needed .
The solution is public housing.
” In the 1970s and ‘ 80s , she explains , the federal government began disinvesting in public housing , putting no money into its construction or maintenance and letting needed repairs go undone .
Meanwhile , Sena notes , HUD funding has been slashed and the U.S. is losing affordable housing at an incredible rate .
“ People will rent-to-own the tiny homes and pay rent based on income , ” Sena said .
“ The city has said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ within the next year or so , one in West Philly and the other in the northeast .
The first will have water , electricity and bathrooms in each unit ; the second will be pods , with shared kitchens and communal bathrooms.
” Each community will have about a dozen homes , as well as a community center , social services and a garden .
Construction is being funded by private philanthropy , and the Office of Homeless Services ( OHS ) will select residents .
This makes the project somewhat controversial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bar those with felony convictions from accessing the dwellings and will impose a raft of rules on residents .
Instead , many activists prefer the less restrictive land trust homes .
But despite the inevitable disagreements , housing activists throughout the country are cheered by the groundswell of activism that has led tenants , the unhoused and activist communities into coalition .
“ Despite the pandemic , we ’ ve been doing traditional grassroots organizing to build deeper , broader tenant movements all over the U.S. , ” Raghuveer told Truthout .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ losing their shelter are doing all they can to stop the violence of evictions and promote a vision of collective and community ownership of housing for everyone .
”

Part of the Series Despair and Disparity: The Uneven Burdens of COVID-19
The signs posted in the first-floor windows of 1234 Pacific Street in Brooklyn tell an increasingly familiar story: “We are striking to cancel rent in New York state during the COVID-19 public health crisis. We are striking because we cannot pay, or in solidarity with those who cannot pay. We will not go hungry or without medical care in order to pay rent.”
The 37-unit, six-story building is one of 57 New York City properties whose tenants are on rent strike, but tenants in places as diverse as Alexandria, Virginia; Chicago; Gainesville, Florida; Los Angeles; Milwaukee, Wisconsin; Philadelphia and San Francisco have joined the movement to cancel rent for the duration of the pandemic. They are also demanding a moratorium on evictions and are pushing both community activists and elected officials to address the need for affordable rental housing, a need that has been exacerbated, but was not caused, by the virus.
And while rent strikes are a tried-and-true tactic of the diverse housing justice movement, they are just one tool in a hefty arsenal. Community organizing strategies include occupations of vacant but habitable homes, outdoor encampments, advocacy of legislative relief (including a universal guarantee of homes for all), eviction disruptions, mutual aid, efforts to provide free legal counsel to those facing displacement, and the creation of tiny homes on publicly owned land.
Taken together, these tactics are bringing needed attention to the link between public health and housing policy.
A recent paper in the Journal of Urban Health describes the stakes: “Eviction is likely to increase COVID-19 infection rates because it results in overcrowded living environments, doubling-up, transiency, limited access to healthcare and a decreased ability to comply with pandemic mitigation strategies, e.g., social distancing, self-quarantine, and hygiene practice,” it reports. Worse, since COVID and evictions disproportionately impact low-income communities of color — communities that statistically have higher rates of pulmonary diseases like asthma, high blood pressure, diabetes, and chronic kidney and liver ailments than those who are better-resourced — keeping people housed has become a key strategy in pandemic control, something that was acknowledged by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) when it issued an eviction moratorium in September. That order expires on December 31 and is actually far less robust than it sounds. For one, it puts the burden on tenants, requiring them to fill out a “declaration” affirming that they can’t pay rent because of illness, lost income or both.
“If you don’t know you have to take an affirmative step to notify your landlord, you are at risk of eviction if you’re in arrears,” Sarah Saadian, vice president of public policy at the National Low Income Housing Coalition, told Truthout. “Putting the burden onto the courts and onto landlords would go a long way in keeping people in their homes.”
Should evictions resume this winter, the National Council of State Housing Agencies conservatively estimates that 8.4 million renter households — 20.1 million people – could lose their homes.
But that’s not currently the way it works, and despite the CDC moratorium, tenants continue to be burdened. In some cases, landlords have been able to get a monetary judgment for back rent — allowing them to garnish wages or acquire a tenant’s other assets — but cannot legally evict the resident until the moratorium expires. Nonetheless, owners are going to court and filing for eviction so that as soon as the moratorium is lifted, they can call a marshal and empty the unit.
The number of filings is staggering. According to the Eviction Lab at Princeton University, in the last nine months, evictions have been sought in dozens of U.S. cities: 19,474 in Phoenix; 9,876 in Memphis; 9,266 in Fort Worth; 7,242 in Tampa; 5,759 in Milwaukee; and 4,933 in Richmond, Virginia, alone.
Should evictions resume this winter, the National Council of State Housing Agencies conservatively estimates that 8.4 million renter households — 20.1 million people — could lose their homes. They further estimate that between 10 and 14 million tenant households are currently behind in rent, with arrears that will total approximately $34 billion on January 1.
This is where the cancel rent movement — and legislation to curtail rent collection — come in.
#CancelRent
The Rent and Mortgage Cancellation Act, HR6515, introduced by Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minnesota), would eliminate all rent and mortgage payments during the pandemic, retroactive to April 1, and extend 30 days beyond the health emergency. It would also establish a Rental Property Relief Fund to be administered by the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) to cover landlord losses. A second fund would offset losses to mortgage holders.
Between 10 and 14 million tenant households are currently behind in rent.
Not surprisingly, the hashtag #CancelRent has gone viral as tenants throughout the country are joining Omar to demand rent forgiveness.
Jacob Bernard is one of more than 1,800 tenants who are on rent strike in New York City. “I’m a bartender so I was immediately out of work in March,” he told Truthout. Although he is now back on the job — with reduced hours and lower tips — many of his Brooklyn neighbors remain unemployed.
This financial hardship, Bernard says, was the catalyst for the strike; nonetheless, it took the pandemic to get everyone organized.
“We’d organized a tenants’ association two years earlier and had been trying to get our landlord — Isaac Schwartz, named one of the city’s worst landlords by the NYC Public Advocate — to make necessary repairs. But it was when people were suddenly unable to pay their rent that we were able to go after what we’ve been paying for and deserve,” Bernard said. “We also know that this is bigger than us, bigger than just our building. We’re part of a movement.” (Schwartz declined to speak to Truthout, saying he was “too busy” when reached by phone.)
In Omaha, Nebraska, and Kansas City, Missouri, the movement to build tenant power has included direct intervention to assist those facing eviction. Simon Hinton is a member of Omaha Tenants United, a two-and-a-half-year-old group made up of anarchists, socialists and communists. Prior to COVID, Hinton says, the group helped tenants get hot water restored in one building and forced a landlord to drop exorbitant “move-out fees” in another.
“Since COVID, we’ve shifted our focus to court support,” Hinton told Truthout. “The judges and landlords don’t tell people about the CDC declaration, so we go to court with the paperwork and help people fill it out.” It hasn’t been easy, and Hinton says that group members have gotten into trouble because the courts claim they’re giving legal advice without a license, but this has not stopped the organization’s work.
“Evictions for any reason need to stop,” Hinton said. “The more people have to move in with friends or family, or onto the streets or into shelters, the more the virus transmits. It can literally mean people’s deaths.”
Guaranteeing Shelter
Tara Raghuveer is the founder and director of KC Tenants in Kansas City, Missouri, and is the national campaign director of the Homes Guarantee campaign at People’s Action, where she’s coordinating a long-range organizing drive to assure that no one is denied shelter in the world’s richest country. People’s Action’s demands are extensive and include universal rent control, reparations for centuries of racist housing policies, the creation of publicly owned social housing, and restrictions on real estate speculation. These, Raghuveer says, form the foundation of a “homes guarantee.” Jamaal Bowman (D-New York), Cori Bush (D-Missouri), Ilhan Omar (D- Minnesota) and Marie Newman (D-Illinois) have pledged to support this guarantee.
More immediately, however, KC Tenants has been working to shut down Kansas City’s eviction courts. Raghuveer reports that the group has, on several occasions, gone to the courthouse, blocked doors and verbally disrupted the eviction process. KC Tenants also successfully disrupted eviction teleconferences, with one judge agreeing to suspend remote hearings through year’s end. All told, Raghuveer says that KC Tenants have had a hand in delaying at least 350 evictions, but adds that there has been a notable spike in illegal lock-outs. “One woman didn’t know she was being evicted because she never received the notice to appear in court, so she lost by default. We attempted to block the eviction, but the sheriff was successful in changing the locks,” Raghuveer told Truthout. “We raised money for her so she could go to a hotel, but this is obviously not a permanent fix.”
“Rent strikers and people at risk of losing their shelter are doing all they can to stop the violence of evictions and promote a vision of collective and community ownership.”
Still, whether through mutual aid or simply taking matters into their own hands, people are doing what they can to support each other in remaining housed.
In the East Los Angeles neighborhood of El Sereno, Reclaim and Rebuild Our Community moved dozens of homeless people into 20 vacant homes owned by Caltrans, the California transportation agency. Although 62 would-be residents were quickly arrested for trespassing and unlawful assembly — and then booted out — they are hoping that, like Moms 4 Housing in Oakland and activists in Philadelphia, they’ll eventually be allowed to take possession of the properties.
In Philadelphia, the city’s housing authority recently turned over more than 50 vacant buildings to members of Philadelphia Housing Action to shelter people with annual incomes below $25,000. A community land trust — typically a nonprofit or public entity that manages residences meant to remain affordable in perpetuity — will oversee the buildings.
The demand that the vacant properties be turned over to tenants originated in an encampment of 100 people who set up tents across from the most expensive condominiums in the city. According to encampment organizer Alex R. Stewart, a member of the Workers Revolutionary Collective, “We chose that spot because we wanted to highlight the disparities and show the tale of two cities that is Philly.” An ongoing mutual aid network developed in the camp and continues to provide meals, mental health counseling and a laundry service for people in need, many of whom are now housed in the turned-over buildings.
“We opened up the first house on March 23, 2020,” Wiley Cunningham of Philadelphia Housing Action told Truthout. “After an encampment was evicted that day, we went to an abandoned house and it became an emergency shelter.” Cunningham notes there are vacant homes all over Philadelphia, including public housing developments that were emptied and are waiting to be demolished or sold to developers. “By July, we’d opened up 12 houses. These early units were in good condition. Basically, all we needed to do was change the locks and turn on the utilities. In a few places copper pipes had been stolen so we needed to replace them,” Cunningham said. Other homes, he says, need more extensive work but those repairs, too, are underway.
Stephanie Sena, executive director of the Student-Run Emergency Housing Unit of Philadelphia and a professor at the Charles Widger School of Law at Villanova University, cautions that while this is inspiring, there are no one-size-fits-all solutions to the housing crisis. Getting 50-plus homes for the community land trust is a start, she says, but notes that it is also important to work on local, state and federal legislation and address systemic issues such as the diminishing stock of available public and affordable housing.
Sena also supports the creation of “tiny homes,” units of under 300 square feet for one- and two-person households. “There is space for tiny homes in the tool box of solutions to the affordable housing crisis,” Sena says, “but tiny homes are not really what’s needed. The solution is public housing.”
In the 1970s and ‘80s, she explains, the federal government began disinvesting in public housing, putting no money into its construction or maintenance and letting needed repairs go undone. Meanwhile, Sena notes, HUD funding has been slashed and the U.S. is losing affordable housing at an incredible rate.
“People will rent-to-own the tiny homes and pay rent based on income,” Sena said. “The city has said it will create two tiny house villages within the next year or so, one in West Philly and the other in the northeast. The first will have water, electricity and bathrooms in each unit; the second will be pods, with shared kitchens and communal bathrooms.” Each community will have about a dozen homes, as well as a community center, social services and a garden. Construction is being funded by private philanthropy, and the Office of Homeless Services (OHS) will select residents.
This makes the project somewhat controversial; some activists fear that OHS will bar those with felony convictions from accessing the dwellings and will impose a raft of rules on residents. Instead, many activists prefer the less restrictive land trust homes. But despite the inevitable disagreements, housing activists throughout the country are cheered by the groundswell of activism that has led tenants, the unhoused and activist communities into coalition.
“Despite the pandemic, we’ve been doing traditional grassroots organizing to build deeper, broader tenant movements all over the U.S.,” Raghuveer told Truthout. “Rent strikers and people at risk of losing their shelter are doing all they can to stop the violence of evictions and promote a vision of collective and community ownership of housing for everyone.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
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truthout--2020-12-21--Barr Rejects Trump’s Push for Special Counsels on Supposed Election Fraud

Soon-to-be-departed Attorney General William Barr announced Monday that he saw no basis for the seizure of voting machines to investigate unfounded claims of voter fraud , nor saw any need to appoint a special counsel for such matters .
“ If I thought a special counsel at this stage was the right tool and was appropriate , I would name one , but I haven ’ t , and I ’ m not going to , ” Barr said during a press conference .
Barr ’ s comments push against President Donald Trump ’ s latest attempt to overturn the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to President-elect Joe Biden .
Trump has asserted that Biden won due to widespread voter fraud , though he has provided no evidence and lost in dozens of court challenges making similar claims .
While Barr agreed with Trump ’ s claim that there “ was fraud in this election ” ( without providing proof as well ) , the attorney general saw no evidence that such supposed fraud was “ systemic or broad-based , ” or that it would change the outcome of the election .
There was also “ no basis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ federal government ” in order to investigate the matter , Barr said .
Last week , sources revealed to the Associated Press that Trump had consulted with his chief of staff Mark Meadows and White House counsel Pat Cipollone , asking them for their thoughts on pushing for a special counsel on fraud related matters , as well as investigating Hunter Biden , the president-elect ’ s son .
On Friday , Trump also reportedly discussed assigning attorney Sidney Powell to become a special counsel , and to grant her security clearance .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ fraud claims that even the White House has rejected , was seen leaving the White House on Sunday , after attending a meeting with Trump where the idea of issuing an executive order on seizing voting machines was discussed .
Barr ’ s latest comments on Monday came days before he will leave his position at the Department of Justice ( DOJ ) .
Earlier this month , Barr announced his resignation , stating that he would quit his role as attorney general right before Christmas in order to celebrate the holiday with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ current number-two at the department , will become acting Attorney General later this week .
It ’ s unclear whether Rosen will entertain any of Trump ’ s plans to appoint special counsels for the various investigations he is reportedly considering .
In spite of comments this week and earlier this month contradicting Trump ’ s claims of election fraud , Barr has supported the president ’ s use of the DOJ for his personal and political interests .
This support was perhaps best exemplified when Barr defended the decision to have the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a defamation lawsuit brought on by journalist E. Jean Carroll , who said Trump had raped her 25 years ago ( a federal judge later ruled that the DOJ had acted inappropriately in doing so ) .

Soon-to-be-departed Attorney General William Barr announced Monday that he saw no basis for the seizure of voting machines to investigate unfounded claims of voter fraud, nor saw any need to appoint a special counsel for such matters.
“If I thought a special counsel at this stage was the right tool and was appropriate, I would name one, but I haven’t, and I’m not going to,” Barr said during a press conference.
Barr’s comments push against President Donald Trump’s latest attempt to overturn the election, which he lost last month to President-elect Joe Biden. Trump has asserted that Biden won due to widespread voter fraud, though he has provided no evidence and lost in dozens of court challenges making similar claims.
While Barr agreed with Trump’s claim that there “was fraud in this election” (without providing proof as well), the attorney general saw no evidence that such supposed fraud was “systemic or broad-based,” or that it would change the outcome of the election.
There was also “no basis right now for seizing machines by the federal government” in order to investigate the matter, Barr said.
Last week, sources revealed to the Associated Press that Trump had consulted with his chief of staff Mark Meadows and White House counsel Pat Cipollone, asking them for their thoughts on pushing for a special counsel on fraud related matters, as well as investigating Hunter Biden, the president-elect’s son.
On Friday, Trump also reportedly discussed assigning attorney Sidney Powell to become a special counsel, and to grant her security clearance. Powell, who has pushed unfounded election fraud claims that even the White House has rejected, was seen leaving the White House on Sunday, after attending a meeting with Trump where the idea of issuing an executive order on seizing voting machines was discussed.
Barr’s latest comments on Monday came days before he will leave his position at the Department of Justice (DOJ). Earlier this month, Barr announced his resignation, stating that he would quit his role as attorney general right before Christmas in order to celebrate the holiday with his family. Jeffrey Rosen, the current number-two at the department, will become acting Attorney General later this week.
It’s unclear whether Rosen will entertain any of Trump’s plans to appoint special counsels for the various investigations he is reportedly considering.
In spite of comments this week and earlier this month contradicting Trump’s claims of election fraud, Barr has supported the president’s use of the DOJ for his personal and political interests.
This support was perhaps best exemplified when Barr defended the decision to have the DOJ intervene on behalf of Trump in a defamation lawsuit brought on by journalist E. Jean Carroll, who said Trump had raped her 25 years ago (a federal judge later ruled that the DOJ had acted inappropriately in doing so).
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.