truthout--2020-08-01--Mass Arrests in 2020 Echo the Brutality Endured by RNC Protesters 20 Years Ago

Police surrounded a West Philadelphia warehouse on the afternoon of August 1 , where more than 70 protesters were making puppets .
Multiple Pennsylvania state police officers infiltrated the group of “ puppetistas ” days earlier and , that afternoon , the deputy police commissioner of the Philadelphia Police Department ( PPD ) claimed that protesters had bomb-making materials inside .
Everyone was arrested , including the owners of the warehouse .
That was 20 years ago , but it could have been yesterday given the repressive events over the past several weeks in the wake of George Floyd ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ white Minneapolis police officer .
The “ puppet warehouse ” arrests occurred during the Republican National Convention ( RNC ) in 2000 , with more than 400 people arrested in total that day .
As I wrote in Crashing the Party : Legacies and Lessons from the RNC 2000 ( PM Press ) , no bomb-making materials were ever found , but people paid the price for blocking roads by spending up to two weeks in jail and years of their lives defending themselves in court .
After more than three years of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , nearly everyone ’ s charges were thrown out .
Then , civil lawsuits ensued .
In some ways , Philadelphia and its methods of policing have changed dramatically over the past 20 years .
In other ways , the city has managed to keep — or even enhance — its repressive playbook that harkens back to the era of Frank Rizzo , the city ’ s notorious police commissioner-turned-mayor , whom the current district attorney recently referred to as “ neo-fascist.
” In some ways , Philadelphia is still living down its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brutal police departments in the country , and it got that reputation under Rizzo , who was also well known for his anti-Black racism and bigotry .
As mayor , Rizzo opposed school and housing desegregation and oversaw the 1978 siege on the house of Black liberation group MOVE , which resulted in conviction and decades of imprisonment for nine members accused of killing a PPD officer in the police-instigated melee .
Both the city and protest organizers alike planned for months in advance of the RNC , a singular event that promised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Although people were protesting some of the same criminal legal issues 20 years ago on August 1 — an end to police violence , abolition of the prison-industrial complex and freedom for Mumia Abu-Jamal — the 2000 RNC took place at the height of the mostly-white global justice movement .
By contrast , the latest uprisings have been spontaneous , with people reaching a boiling point after decades of unaddressed structural racism and police violence .
The current protests have been led by the people most impacted by that structural racism , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black-led organizations like the Student Liberation Action Movement from Hunter College influenced the direction of the RNC protests to be sure .
But the Black Philly Radical Collective ( BPRC ) — currently making the most vocal and far-reaching demands of the Philadelphia power structure — includes longstanding organizations fighting for Black freedom and liberation , and represents a significant departure from the political dynamic in 2000 .
Some of the same protest tactics were employed in both eras — from street blockades to property damage , including defacing the statue of Frank @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rage felt by persistent police violence and anti-Black racism in Philadelphia created the conditions for far more militant protests , including the destruction and dispossession of numerous businesses , and the burning of multiple police cars .
Like clockwork , in 2000 and today , the police commissioner and mayor publicly vilified anarchists in order to discredit and criminalize the protests generally , but also to sow division and justify a brutal police crackdown .
A former beat cop with the New York City Police Department , John Timoney was the Philadelphia police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ architects of today ’ s violent policing model , which social scientists refer to as “ strategic incapacitation.
” Timoney lived for media attention and infamously said , “ the paramount goal for the Philadelphia Police Department : Not to be seen on the six o ’ clock news beating the living daylights out of protesters.
” Achieving his goal for the most part , police simply beat the living daylights out of protesters off-camera .
Before the proliferation of cell phones , police more easily evaded public scrutiny .
Police violence in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , batons and pepper spray , but bicycles were also used as weapons against protesters .
Timoney deliberately avoided the use of tear gas and projectile weapons during the RNC and , arguably , gained greater public support as a result .
As a side note , Timoney went on to become the police chief in Miami and then used a staggering array of weapons against protesters at the 2003 Free Trade Area of the Americas demonstrations .
The current police commissioner , Danielle Outlaw , came from Portland , Oregon , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city ’ s police department .
But , Commissioner Outlaw also faced national scrutiny at the time for her handling of protests involving far right and anti-fascist groups .
She had been on the job in Philadelphia for less than three months when the uprisings began .
It ’ s fair to say that the PPD , both now and in 2000 , reacted to protests with wanton violence and little regard for protesters , medics , legal observers , media or bystanders .
In response to recent protests , however , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weapons than at any other time since the 1970s .
In addition to brute force and batons , the police arsenal included tear gas , pepper spray , rubber bullets and bean bag rounds , according to Áine Ní Shionnaigh of Up Against the Law ( UATL ) , a local collective providing legal support to protesters .
On May 31 , a militarized police force marauded through a historically Black community of businesses and residential neighborhoods in West Philadelphia for hours that afternoon and into the evening .
The area under police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city dropped a bomb on another MOVE house in 1985 , killing 11 people , including five children , and burning to the ground an entire city block of residences .
Police shot “ less-lethal ” projectiles and pepper spray at anyone who got in their way .
They shot tear gas from armored vehicles , incapacitating not only people in the streets , but also many residents , including small children .
At least one tear gas canister landed on a family ’ s front porch , forcing them to evacuate their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the police actions in West Philadelphia for weeks , then in July offered a written apology .
An internal investigation is still underway , and no officers have been disciplined for the attacks .
The most well-known example of police using this broad arsenal of weapons happened the next day , on June 1 .
In response to protests on Interstate-676 , SWAT teams gave no warning or dispersal orders before attacking protesters with projectile and chemical weapons .
One SWAT officer , who was later fired , was filmed pulling the masks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ directly in the eyes and face .
As people were attempting to flee this attack and disperse from the freeway , police trapped scores of people on a fenced-in embankment and proceeded to tear gas the crowd and shoot at them with projectile weapons .
The city initially advanced a story that protesters had trapped a state trooper in his car , and were throwing projectiles at police .
But , on June 25 , more than three weeks after the incident , Commissioner Outlaw and Mayor Kenney were forced to recant and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ York Times published a detailed investigative report of the incident , which directly contradicted the official accounts .
Mass Arrests Are Still Used to Stifle Dissent Similar to what they did in 2000 , police recently used the tactic of mass arrests to clear the streets of protesters .
More than 2,000 people were arrested for curfew violations , failure to disperse , disorderly conduct , and other misdemeanor and felony charges stemming from the George Floyd protests in late May and early June , according to the district attorney ’ s office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2016 , he led an effort to “ decriminalize ” protest-related violations ahead of the Democratic National Convention ( DNC ) that year .
It was said that Kenney wanted to use civil citations — equivalent to a traffic ticket — as a way to avoid repeating what occurred at the RNC in 2000 .
But , civil rights lawyers argue the policy is still used to unlawfully arrest people in large groups in order to stifle dissent .
Protesters were recently arrested in this fashion all over the city .
Instead of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arrestees into custody , and held many of them on buses for up to 12 hours with no air conditioning or water , and without medical attention , according to Ní Shionnaigh of UATL .
This was a similar tactic and form of punishment used by police in 2000 that likewise prevented activists from reengaging in protest activity .
Arrestees in May and June were also questioned and photographed , with some held for longer than 24 hours , before being cited and released .
Philadelphia also has an odd and troubling tendency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Supposedly , to address capacity issues in 2000 , some protesters were taken to Holmesburg , a condemned century-old prison .
Holmesburg was the site of a 1973 prison uprising in which the warden and deputy warden were killed , and home to chilling and deadly “ experiments ” carried out on mostly Black prisoners during the 1950s , ‘ 60s and ‘ 70s .
During the recent uprisings , nearly 50 people were held at the old House of Corrections , for similar capacity reasons , according to the city .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ago and deemed by the city to be “ unfit for human life.
” Equally troubling , FBI agents were also on site interviewing arrestees while they were under arrest and without legal counsel .
Federal prosecutors have taken control of some cases , like that of a person accused of setting fire to two police cars .
That federal case in particular illustrates the kind of digital surveillance the FBI is conducting against protesters and the Movement for Black Lives .
While law enforcement still employs the same type of infiltration and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2000 , advancements in technology over the past 20 years have enabled police to conduct more remote and more invasive forms of surveillance .
On July 8 , Mayor Kenney announced that all of the civil citations issued to protesters from May 30 to June 30 would be waived in “ recognition of the core concerns that caused thousands to demonstrate on the streets of Philadelphia.
” But , lawyers have said that most of the citations were illegally or improperly issued anyway , and law enforcement ’ s objective of clearing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arrest .
As part of the effort to support protests against the RNC in 2000 , a legal collective called “ R2K Legal ” was formed , which helped to vindicate those arrested and criminally charged .
Once those cases were resolved , some members of R2K Legal joined with others to form UATL , which has provided legal support to social justice activists in Philadelphia ever since .
For the protests in May and June , UATL staffed a legal hotline and tracked protesters as they navigated the arrest and detention process @ @ @ @ @ @ @ effort , both now and then , was the local chapter of the National Lawyers Guild , which trained and deployed hundreds of legal observers to monitor police misconduct and record arrests .
The Philadelphia Community Bail Fund posted bail for jailed protesters and , with others , is calling on the district attorney to drop the remaining charges against hundreds of protesters .
Some of the lawyers who were active in defending RNC protesters , like Paul Hetznecker , are now representing people protesting the murder of George Floyd .
Hetznecker and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the city and PPD for their violent response to recent demonstrations on I-676 and in West Philadelphia .
Hetznecker ’ s was one of three civil lawsuits filed in July in an effort to hold the city and its police force accountable .
According to Hetznecker , the lawsuit he and other lawyers filed is seeking “ significant reform ” to the city ’ s police department in addition to monetary damages .
Although he couldn ’ t say at this stage what reform might look like , Hetznecker did say that “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Philadelphia ’ s Political Apparatus Used for Repression , Then and Now In 2000 , Philadelphia Mayor John Street , Police Commissioner Timoney and District Attorney Lynne Abraham worked hand-in-hand to ensure an untarnished convention .
When that goal became threatened , the city ’ s leaders used their respective positions of authority to discredit , arrest and criminally prosecute hundreds of protesters .
Current Mayor Kenney was a city council member during the RNC , and did little to defend or support activists facing serious charges at the time .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most brutal attacks on the people of Philadelphia in more than 40 years .
Hetznecker , who marched as a teenager in an anti-racist coalition in Philly under Rizzo , told me that he “ never experienced anything close to this level of police violence against peaceful protesters.
” Kenney defended then apologized for his use of chemical and projectile weapons on more than one occasion .
The mayor may have waived a majority of the protest-related citations , but many say he ’ s still culpable for suppressing a popular uprising .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ certain contempt for protesters and both are willing to use widespread violence against them .
But that may be where the similarities end .
In addition to the obvious differences in race , gender , age and experience , the starkest disparity between Timoney and Outlaw is how they responded to accusations of police abuse .
Timoney stood by his patently violent officers and claimed they had all shown incredible restraint in their response to the 2000 RNC protests .
While Outlaw has largely defended the violent actions of many on the PPD @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officer on I-676 , which is something Timoney would never have done .
Outlaw is firing at least one other officer , Inspector Joseph Bologna , but only after District Attorney Larry Krasner filed assault charges against him for using a baton to crack open the head of a protester .
Firing two police officers , whose violent misconduct went viral online , is a small concession for the weeks-long assault on thousands of people .
It is also inconsequential to groups like the BPRC and Movement for Black Lives that are demanding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Lynne Abraham was the district attorney in 2000 , and had a long career in law enforcement , initially working in the Rizzo administration .
Abraham was part of the city ’ s political machine , loved and feared by enough Philadelphians to get her reelected as district attorney for nearly 20 years .
She was known as the “ Deadliest DA ” for her record on the death penalty , and Abraham had a record of refusing to prosecute police who murdered Black residents .
As a Common Pleas Court judge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the police bombing of the MOVE house .
Abraham vigorously and unsuccessfully prosecuted hundreds of RNC 2000 cases to their fullest extent just because she could .
One of the lawyers defending protesters against Abraham ’ s prosecutors at the time was Larry Krasner , Philadelphia ’ s current DA .
They couldn ’ t be more different from each other .
Krasner campaigned in 2017 as a progressive candidate far outside the political machine .
His platform included ending cash bail and the city ’ s stop-and-frisk practices , refusing to use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their abuse and misconduct .
After taking office in 2018 , Krasner ’ s reform efforts have received significant political blowback , including from the Pennsylvania state legislature and attorney general , as well as from Mayor Kenney and Commissioner Outlaw .
While Krasner said he may yet pursue hundreds of criminal charges against people arrested for property damage and commercial burglary in connection with the George Floyd protests — angering many who are calling for him to throw out all protest-related charges — he says he wants to use a “ restorative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Krasner also announced the creation of a task force to investigate the more than 2,000 protest-related arrests .
In the end , protests against police brutality on August 1 , 2000 , had minimal lasting effects on Philadelphia .
Police shootings of Black people continued unabated , with no interest by law enforcement to do anything about it .
By contrast , the recent uprisings spread to every U.S. state and involved hundreds of thousands of protesters .
As a result , unprecedented policy changes are taking place across the country , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ After years of opposition to the Rizzo statue in the center of the city , Mayor Kenney had the sense to remove it in early June .
The New York Times report on the police response to protest on I-676 compelled Commissioner Outlaw to announce a moratorium on tear gas .
Philadelphia Managing Director Brian Abernathy , the main liaison between the mayor and PPD , has endured calls for his resignation since being appointed by Kenney in 2018 , but was forced to resign in July .
More than a week into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proposal to increase the police budget by $ 19 million .
Then , in late June , the City Council passed modest criminal legal reforms , including cutting $ 33 million — less than 5 percent — from the police budget .
In a pro-police town like Philadelphia , systemic change is hard fought .
Mike Africa Jr. , a member of the MOVE family and an organizer with BPRC , has been working with others on these issues for decades .
He told Truthout in July that the group is demanding , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city completely eliminate the police budget .
“ Their reign of terror is over !
” he said .
“ They do not serve our community .
They are unnecessary.
” Needless to say , the city ’ s meager policy reforms — especially by comparison to those in other cities — do not come close to addressing the demands of groups like BPRC .
As uprisings continue across the country , people are refusing to accept anything less than structural change .
The Movement for Black Lives is demanding not only that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but also that we address the systemic economic and social inequities that have been perpetuated against Black people for years .
If we don ’ t want to be in the same place 20 years from now , policymakers should take heed and act on those demands .

Part of the Series The Road to Abolition
Police surrounded a West Philadelphia warehouse on the afternoon of August 1, where more than 70 protesters were making puppets. Multiple Pennsylvania state police officers infiltrated the group of “puppetistas” days earlier and, that afternoon, the deputy police commissioner of the Philadelphia Police Department (PPD) claimed that protesters had bomb-making materials inside. Everyone was arrested, including the owners of the warehouse.
That was 20 years ago, but it could have been yesterday given the repressive events over the past several weeks in the wake of George Floyd’s murder at the hands of a white Minneapolis police officer.
The “puppet warehouse” arrests occurred during the Republican National Convention (RNC) in 2000, with more than 400 people arrested in total that day. As I wrote in Crashing the Party: Legacies and Lessons from the RNC 2000 (PM Press), no bomb-making materials were ever found, but people paid the price for blocking roads by spending up to two weeks in jail and years of their lives defending themselves in court.
After more than three years of court battles with an acrimonious district attorney, nearly everyone’s charges were thrown out. Then, civil lawsuits ensued.
In some ways, Philadelphia and its methods of policing have changed dramatically over the past 20 years. In other ways, the city has managed to keep — or even enhance — its repressive playbook that harkens back to the era of Frank Rizzo, the city’s notorious police commissioner-turned-mayor, whom the current district attorney recently referred to as “neo-fascist.”
In some ways, Philadelphia is still living down its reputation of having one of the most brutal police departments in the country, and it got that reputation under Rizzo, who was also well known for his anti-Black racism and bigotry. As mayor, Rizzo opposed school and housing desegregation and oversaw the 1978 siege on the house of Black liberation group MOVE, which resulted in conviction and decades of imprisonment for nine members accused of killing a PPD officer in the police-instigated melee.
Criminal Legal Issues and Black-Led Uprisings
Both the city and protest organizers alike planned for months in advance of the RNC, a singular event that promised to bring commerce and prestige to Philadelphia. Although people were protesting some of the same criminal legal issues 20 years ago on August 1 — an end to police violence, abolition of the prison-industrial complex and freedom for Mumia Abu-Jamal — the 2000 RNC took place at the height of the mostly-white global justice movement.
By contrast, the latest uprisings have been spontaneous, with people reaching a boiling point after decades of unaddressed structural racism and police violence. The current protests have been led by the people most impacted by that structural racism, and have lasted for several weeks.
Black-led organizations like the Student Liberation Action Movement from Hunter College influenced the direction of the RNC protests to be sure. But the Black Philly Radical Collective (BPRC) — currently making the most vocal and far-reaching demands of the Philadelphia power structure — includes longstanding organizations fighting for Black freedom and liberation, and represents a significant departure from the political dynamic in 2000.
Some of the lawyers who were active in defending RNC protesters, like Paul Hetznecker, are now representing people protesting the murder of George Floyd.
Some of the same protest tactics were employed in both eras — from street blockades to property damage, including defacing the statue of Frank Rizzo. However, the more recent rage felt by persistent police violence and anti-Black racism in Philadelphia created the conditions for far more militant protests, including the destruction and dispossession of numerous businesses, and the burning of multiple police cars.
Like clockwork, in 2000 and today, the police commissioner and mayor publicly vilified anarchists in order to discredit and criminalize the protests generally, but also to sow division and justify a brutal police crackdown.
Police Response to Protests
A former beat cop with the New York City Police Department, John Timoney was the Philadelphia police commissioner in 2000 and one of the architects of today’s violent policing model, which social scientists refer to as “strategic incapacitation.” Timoney lived for media attention and infamously said, “the paramount goal for the Philadelphia Police Department: Not to be seen on the six o’clock news beating the living daylights out of protesters.”
Achieving his goal for the most part, police simply beat the living daylights out of protesters off-camera. Before the proliferation of cell phones, police more easily evaded public scrutiny. Police violence in 2000 was mostly limited to brute force, batons and pepper spray, but bicycles were also used as weapons against protesters.
Timoney deliberately avoided the use of tear gas and projectile weapons during the RNC and, arguably, gained greater public support as a result. As a side note, Timoney went on to become the police chief in Miami and then used a staggering array of weapons against protesters at the 2003 Free Trade Area of the Americas demonstrations.
The current police commissioner, Danielle Outlaw, came from Portland, Oregon, as the first Black woman to head that city’s police department. But, Commissioner Outlaw also faced national scrutiny at the time for her handling of protests involving far right and anti-fascist groups. She had been on the job in Philadelphia for less than three months when the uprisings began.
It’s fair to say that the PPD, both now and in 2000, reacted to protests with wanton violence and little regard for protesters, medics, legal observers, media or bystanders. In response to recent protests, however, the PPD used a far greater array of weapons than at any other time since the 1970s. In addition to brute force and batons, the police arsenal included tear gas, pepper spray, rubber bullets and bean bag rounds, according to Áine Ní Shionnaigh of Up Against the Law (UATL), a local collective providing legal support to protesters.
On May 31, a militarized police force marauded through a historically Black community of businesses and residential neighborhoods in West Philadelphia for hours that afternoon and into the evening. The area under police occupation was not far from where the city dropped a bomb on another MOVE house in 1985, killing 11 people, including five children, and burning to the ground an entire city block of residences.
Police shot “less-lethal” projectiles and pepper spray at anyone who got in their way. They shot tear gas from armored vehicles, incapacitating not only people in the streets, but also many residents, including small children. At least one tear gas canister landed on a family’s front porch, forcing them to evacuate their home. Philadelphia Mayor Jim Kenney defended the police actions in West Philadelphia for weeks, then in July offered a written apology. An internal investigation is still underway, and no officers have been disciplined for the attacks.
The most well-known example of police using this broad arsenal of weapons happened the next day, on June 1. In response to protests on Interstate-676, SWAT teams gave no warning or dispersal orders before attacking protesters with projectile and chemical weapons. One SWAT officer, who was later fired, was filmed pulling the masks off of protesters and pepper spraying them directly in the eyes and face.
As people were attempting to flee this attack and disperse from the freeway, police trapped scores of people on a fenced-in embankment and proceeded to tear gas the crowd and shoot at them with projectile weapons.
The city initially advanced a story that protesters had trapped a state trooper in his car, and were throwing projectiles at police. But, on June 25, more than three weeks after the incident, Commissioner Outlaw and Mayor Kenney were forced to recant and publicly apologize just hours after The New York Times published a detailed investigative report of the incident, which directly contradicted the official accounts.
Mass Arrests Are Still Used to Stifle Dissent
Similar to what they did in 2000, police recently used the tactic of mass arrests to clear the streets of protesters. More than 2,000 people were arrested for curfew violations, failure to disperse, disorderly conduct, and other misdemeanor and felony charges stemming from the George Floyd protests in late May and early June, according to the district attorney’s office.
When Mayor Kenney took office in 2016, he led an effort to “decriminalize” protest-related violations ahead of the Democratic National Convention (DNC) that year. It was said that Kenney wanted to use civil citations — equivalent to a traffic ticket — as a way to avoid repeating what occurred at the RNC in 2000. But, civil rights lawyers argue the policy is still used to unlawfully arrest people in large groups in order to stifle dissent.
Protesters were recently arrested in this fashion all over the city. Instead of citing and releasing people, police took arrestees into custody, and held many of them on buses for up to 12 hours with no air conditioning or water, and without medical attention, according to Ní Shionnaigh of UATL. This was a similar tactic and form of punishment used by police in 2000 that likewise prevented activists from reengaging in protest activity. Arrestees in May and June were also questioned and photographed, with some held for longer than 24 hours, before being cited and released.
Philadelphia also has an odd and troubling tendency to detain people in decommissioned facilities. Supposedly, to address capacity issues in 2000, some protesters were taken to Holmesburg, a condemned century-old prison. Holmesburg was the site of a 1973 prison uprising in which the warden and deputy warden were killed, and home to chilling and deadly “experiments” carried out on mostly Black prisoners during the 1950s, ‘60s and ‘70s.
During the recent uprisings, nearly 50 people were held at the old House of Corrections, for similar capacity reasons, according to the city. The House of Corrections was decommissioned two years ago and deemed by the city to be “unfit for human life.” Equally troubling, FBI agents were also on site interviewing arrestees while they were under arrest and without legal counsel.
Federal prosecutors have taken control of some cases, like that of a person accused of setting fire to two police cars. That federal case in particular illustrates the kind of digital surveillance the FBI is conducting against protesters and the Movement for Black Lives. While law enforcement still employs the same type of infiltration and human intelligence-gathering methods used during the RNC 2000, advancements in technology over the past 20 years have enabled police to conduct more remote and more invasive forms of surveillance.
On July 8, Mayor Kenney announced that all of the civil citations issued to protesters from May 30 to June 30 would be waived in “recognition of the core concerns that caused thousands to demonstrate on the streets of Philadelphia.” But, lawyers have said that most of the citations were illegally or improperly issued anyway, and law enforcement’s objective of clearing the streets was accomplished at the time of arrest.
Consistent and Robust Legal Support for Protesters
As part of the effort to support protests against the RNC in 2000, a legal collective called “R2K Legal” was formed, which helped to vindicate those arrested and criminally charged. Once those cases were resolved, some members of R2K Legal joined with others to form UATL, which has provided legal support to social justice activists in Philadelphia ever since.
For the protests in May and June, UATL staffed a legal hotline and tracked protesters as they navigated the arrest and detention process. Also part of the legal support effort, both now and then, was the local chapter of the National Lawyers Guild, which trained and deployed hundreds of legal observers to monitor police misconduct and record arrests. The Philadelphia Community Bail Fund posted bail for jailed protesters and, with others, is calling on the district attorney to drop the remaining charges against hundreds of protesters.
Some of the lawyers who were active in defending RNC protesters, like Paul Hetznecker, are now representing people protesting the murder of George Floyd. Hetznecker and several other lawyers also filed suit against the city and PPD for their violent response to recent demonstrations on I-676 and in West Philadelphia.
Hetznecker’s was one of three civil lawsuits filed in July in an effort to hold the city and its police force accountable. According to Hetznecker, the lawsuit he and other lawyers filed is seeking “significant reform” to the city’s police department in addition to monetary damages. Although he couldn’t say at this stage what reform might look like, Hetznecker did say that “demilitarizing the police is not nearly enough.”
Philadelphia’s Political Apparatus Used for Repression, Then and Now
In 2000, Philadelphia Mayor John Street, Police Commissioner Timoney and District Attorney Lynne Abraham worked hand-in-hand to ensure an untarnished convention. When that goal became threatened, the city’s leaders used their respective positions of authority to discredit, arrest and criminally prosecute hundreds of protesters.
Current Mayor Kenney was a city council member during the RNC, and did little to defend or support activists facing serious charges at the time. As mayor, he oversaw one of the most brutal attacks on the people of Philadelphia in more than 40 years. Hetznecker, who marched as a teenager in an anti-racist coalition in Philly under Rizzo, told me that he “never experienced anything close to this level of police violence against peaceful protesters.”
Kenney defended then apologized for his use of chemical and projectile weapons on more than one occasion. The mayor may have waived a majority of the protest-related citations, but many say he’s still culpable for suppressing a popular uprising.
Police commissioners Timoney and Outlaw share a certain contempt for protesters and both are willing to use widespread violence against them. But that may be where the similarities end. In addition to the obvious differences in race, gender, age and experience, the starkest disparity between Timoney and Outlaw is how they responded to accusations of police abuse.
Timoney stood by his patently violent officers and claimed they had all shown incredible restraint in their response to the 2000 RNC protests. While Outlaw has largely defended the violent actions of many on the PPD, she fired the notorious pepper-spraying SWAT officer on I-676, which is something Timoney would never have done. Outlaw is firing at least one other officer, Inspector Joseph Bologna, but only after District Attorney Larry Krasner filed assault charges against him for using a baton to crack open the head of a protester.
Firing two police officers, whose violent misconduct went viral online, is a small concession for the weeks-long assault on thousands of people. It is also inconsequential to groups like the BPRC and Movement for Black Lives that are demanding far deeper structural changes from the city.
Lynne Abraham was the district attorney in 2000, and had a long career in law enforcement, initially working in the Rizzo administration. Abraham was part of the city’s political machine, loved and feared by enough Philadelphians to get her reelected as district attorney for nearly 20 years. She was known as the “Deadliest DA” for her record on the death penalty, and Abraham had a record of refusing to prosecute police who murdered Black residents. As a Common Pleas Court judge, she signed the warrant that precipitated the police bombing of the MOVE house.
Abraham vigorously and unsuccessfully prosecuted hundreds of RNC 2000 cases to their fullest extent just because she could. One of the lawyers defending protesters against Abraham’s prosecutors at the time was Larry Krasner, Philadelphia’s current DA. They couldn’t be more different from each other.
Krasner campaigned in 2017 as a progressive candidate far outside the political machine. His platform included ending cash bail and the city’s stop-and-frisk practices, refusing to use the death penalty and prosecuting police for their abuse and misconduct. After taking office in 2018, Krasner’s reform efforts have received significant political blowback, including from the Pennsylvania state legislature and attorney general, as well as from Mayor Kenney and Commissioner Outlaw.
While Krasner said he may yet pursue hundreds of criminal charges against people arrested for property damage and commercial burglary in connection with the George Floyd protests — angering many who are calling for him to throw out all protest-related charges — he says he wants to use a “restorative justice” approach. In early June, Krasner also announced the creation of a task force to investigate the more than 2,000 protest-related arrests.
Meager Reforms Fail to Address Philadelphia’s Deep-Seated Problems
In the end, protests against police brutality on August 1, 2000, had minimal lasting effects on Philadelphia. Police shootings of Black people continued unabated, with no interest by law enforcement to do anything about it.
By contrast, the recent uprisings spread to every U.S. state and involved hundreds of thousands of protesters. As a result, unprecedented policy changes are taking place across the country, including efforts to defund the police.
If we don’t want to be in the same place 20 years from now, policymakers should take heed and act.
After years of opposition to the Rizzo statue in the center of the city, Mayor Kenney had the sense to remove it in early June. The New York Times report on the police response to protest on I-676 compelled Commissioner Outlaw to announce a moratorium on tear gas. Philadelphia Managing Director Brian Abernathy, the main liaison between the mayor and PPD, has endured calls for his resignation since being appointed by Kenney in 2018, but was forced to resign in July.
More than a week into the recent unrest, Kenney rescinded his proposal to increase the police budget by $19 million. Then, in late June, the City Council passed modest criminal legal reforms, including cutting $33 million — less than 5 percent — from the police budget. In a pro-police town like Philadelphia, systemic change is hard fought.
Mike Africa Jr., a member of the MOVE family and an organizer with BPRC, has been working with others on these issues for decades. He told Truthout in July that the group is demanding, among several structural changes, that the city completely eliminate the police budget. “Their reign of terror is over!” he said. “They do not serve our community. They are unnecessary.”
Needless to say, the city’s meager policy reforms — especially by comparison to those in other cities — do not come close to addressing the demands of groups like BPRC. As uprisings continue across the country, people are refusing to accept anything less than structural change. The Movement for Black Lives is demanding not only that we rethink policing and the carceral system, but also that we address the systemic economic and social inequities that have been perpetuated against Black people for years. If we don’t want to be in the same place 20 years from now, policymakers should take heed and act on those demands.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-08-02--800,000 Low-Income Households May Have Had Electricity Disconnected Amid COVID

Several months into the COVID-19 pandemic crisis , lower-income families are struggling to pay their energy bills .
That ’ s a big concern during extreme events like summer heat waves , which can be deadly – especially for elderly people , young children , people of color and the poor .
We ran a nationally representative survey in May 2020 of U.S. low-income households to measure energy insecurity .
We found that 13 % of respondents had been unable to pay an energy bill during the prior month , 9 % had received an electricity utility shutoff notice and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ service disconnected .
More than half of the states temporarily barred utilities from disconnecting customers who were unable to pay their bills due to financial hardship in the early months of the economic downturn .
Still , extrapolating our findings to the national level suggests that approximately 800,000 low-income households may have recently had their electricity disconnected .
And the problem could get worse as the economy continues to struggle .
As scholars who study energy policy , the environment and energy justice , we believe energy assistance should be a central part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Energy insecurity is already a widespread problem in the U.S .
It disproportionately affects those at or below the poverty line , Black and Hispanic households , families with young children , people with disabilities and those who use electronic medical devices .
Our survey is the first to try to quantify it among low-income households .
When families can not afford to keep their lights on , or heat or cool their homes to comfortable temperatures , they suffer physically and mentally .
Risks include exposure to dampness , mold and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ using stoves for space heating ; and feelings of chronic stress , anxiety and depression .
Before 2020 , energy insecurity was expected to worsen due to rising energy costs , coupled with more frequent heat waves and cold spells due to climate change .
Now the COVID-19 pandemic presents an additional , unprecedented challenge .
Unemployment remains high .
Power shutoff moratoriums in many states are reaching their expiration dates .
Many households will struggle to cover monthly expenses such as energy bills , along with necessities such as rent and groceries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of households at or below 200 % of the federal poverty line , which is about US $ 51,500 for a family of four .
YouGov , a private polling and market research firm , conducted the survey online from April 30 , 2020 through May 25 , 2020 for our Indiana University research team .
The survey was taken by 2,381 respondents .
It included questions about energy expenses , household energy behavior and activities since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic .
About a quarter of survey respondents had lost jobs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ placed on furlough without pay since the start of the pandemic .
Of those with a change in employment status , approximately 15 % lost their health insurance , and an additional 10 % experienced a reduction in benefits .
Before the pandemic , 22 % had already lacked health insurance .
[ You need to understand the coronavirus pandemic , and we can help .
Read The Conversation ’ s newsletter . ]
Households facing such hardships must choose between covering energy costs and other expenses .
Approximately 22 % of respondents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had reduced or put off expenses for basic needs like medicine or food in order to pay their energy bills .
As people spend more time at home through the hot summer months , many are using more energy for essential services .
They are running air conditioners , refrigerators , cooking appliances and electronic and medical devices .
And , as the school year begins , students attending school from home will need to power computers and other devices .
The combination of rising energy use and falling incomes is likely to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the proportion of their incomes they spend on energy .
We expect that this trend will move a whole new population of households into energy insecurity .
Some may try to cope without important energy uses , such as air conditioning , fans and refrigeration .
Federal and state governments can help .
For example , Congress could pass legislation imposing a universal moratorium on utility shutoffs .
And state regulators could prevent utilities from charging late and reconnection fees while the pandemic persists and people remain unemployed .
Following a moratorium , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ households recover .
Governments and organizations – public , private and nonprofit – can also offer bill assistance to vulnerable households and financial assistance to small businesses .
One way would be to expand the federal Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program , or LIHEAP , or other financial assistance programs , such as unemployment benefits and the Paycheck Protection Program .
The Coronavirus Aid , Relief , and Economic Security Act , or CARES Act , provided $ 900 million in supplemental funding for LIHEAP , but this only scratches the surface of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consider increasing funding for the Department of Energy ’ s Weatherization Assistance Program .
This program represents a longer-term solution that can help low-income households save money on energy bills by repairing and upgrading key components like furnaces and ducts , and ensuring that houses are well insulated , sealed and ventilated .
So far in the pandemic , federal and state governments have focused on Americans ’ immediate material needs .
But millions of households are currently struggling to cover their energy costs , and living without energy could be a matter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ability to help prevent this kind of secondary disaster , and more generally to recognize that energy is a basic and essential human need .
Michelle Graff and Trevor Memmott , doctoral students at the O ’ Neill School at Indiana University , are primary contributors to this ongoing research effort and authors of publications associated with this work .
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

Power shutoff moratoriums in many states are reaching their expiration dates despite the worsening pandemic.
Several months into the COVID-19 pandemic crisis, lower-income families are struggling to pay their energy bills. That’s a big concern during extreme events like summer heat waves, which can be deadly – especially for elderly people, young children, people of color and the poor.
We ran a nationally representative survey in May 2020 of U.S. low-income households to measure energy insecurity. We found that 13% of respondents had been unable to pay an energy bill during the prior month, 9% had received an electricity utility shutoff notice and 4% had had their electric utility service disconnected.
More than half of the states temporarily barred utilities from disconnecting customers who were unable to pay their bills due to financial hardship in the early months of the economic downturn. Still, extrapolating our findings to the national level suggests that approximately 800,000 low-income households may have recently had their electricity disconnected.
And the problem could get worse as the economy continues to struggle. As scholars who study energy policy, the environment and energy justice, we believe energy assistance should be a central part of ongoing state and federal relief efforts.
Energy Insecurity Affects Well Being
Energy insecurity is already a widespread problem in the U.S. It disproportionately affects those at or below the poverty line, Black and Hispanic households, families with young children, people with disabilities and those who use electronic medical devices. Our survey is the first to try to quantify it among low-income households.
When families cannot afford to keep their lights on, or heat or cool their homes to comfortable temperatures, they suffer physically and mentally. Risks include exposure to dampness, mold and humidity; dangerous practices, such as using stoves for space heating; and feelings of chronic stress, anxiety and depression.
Before 2020, energy insecurity was expected to worsen due to rising energy costs, coupled with more frequent heat waves and cold spells due to climate change. Now the COVID-19 pandemic presents an additional, unprecedented challenge.
Unemployment remains high. Power shutoff moratoriums in many states are reaching their expiration dates. Many households will struggle to cover monthly expenses such as energy bills, along with necessities such as rent and groceries.
Job Losses, Energy Challenges
We surveyed a nationally representative sample of households at or below 200% of the federal poverty line, which is about US$51,500 for a family of four. YouGov, a private polling and market research firm, conducted the survey online from April 30, 2020 through May 25, 2020 for our Indiana University research team.
The survey was taken by 2,381 respondents. It included questions about energy expenses, household energy behavior and activities since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic.
About a quarter of survey respondents had lost jobs, had their hours reduced or been placed on furlough without pay since the start of the pandemic. Of those with a change in employment status, approximately 15% lost their health insurance, and an additional 10% experienced a reduction in benefits. Before the pandemic, 22% had already lacked health insurance.
[You need to understand the coronavirus pandemic, and we can help. Read The Conversation’s newsletter.]
Households facing such hardships must choose between covering energy costs and other expenses. Approximately 22% of respondents reported that in the previous month they had reduced or put off expenses for basic needs like medicine or food in order to pay their energy bills.
Energy Insecurity Has Increased
As people spend more time at home through the hot summer months, many are using more energy for essential services. They are running air conditioners, refrigerators, cooking appliances and electronic and medical devices. And, as the school year begins, students attending school from home will need to power computers and other devices.
The combination of rising energy use and falling incomes is likely to increase low-income households’ energy burdens – the proportion of their incomes they spend on energy. We expect that this trend will move a whole new population of households into energy insecurity. Some may try to cope without important energy uses, such as air conditioning, fans and refrigeration.
Federal and state governments can help. For example, Congress could pass legislation imposing a universal moratorium on utility shutoffs. And state regulators could prevent utilities from charging late and reconnection fees while the pandemic persists and people remain unemployed. Following a moratorium, regulators could also consider debt forgiveness as households recover.
Governments and organizations – public, private and nonprofit – can also offer bill assistance to vulnerable households and financial assistance to small businesses. One way would be to expand the federal Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program, or LIHEAP, or other financial assistance programs, such as unemployment benefits and the Paycheck Protection Program. The Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act, or CARES Act, provided $900 million in supplemental funding for LIHEAP, but this only scratches the surface of what is needed.
Governments should also consider increasing funding for the Department of Energy’s Weatherization Assistance Program. This program represents a longer-term solution that can help low-income households save money on energy bills by repairing and upgrading key components like furnaces and ducts, and ensuring that houses are well insulated, sealed and ventilated.
So far in the pandemic, federal and state governments have focused on Americans’ immediate material needs. But millions of households are currently struggling to cover their energy costs, and living without energy could be a matter of life or death. Governments have the ability to help prevent this kind of secondary disaster, and more generally to recognize that energy is a basic and essential human need.
Michelle Graff and Trevor Memmott, doctoral students at the O’Neill School at Indiana University, are primary contributors to this ongoing research effort and authors of publications associated with this work.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-08-02--New COVID Cases in US Surged to a Record High in July

Coronavirus cases in the U.S. rose by 1.9 million and deaths from the disease by over 25,000 in the month of July , another sign of President Donald Trump ’ s failure to slow the pandemic .
The numbers from July represent 42 % of the country ’ s total cases since the outbreak began and a 69 % increase in infections altogether .
According to the New York Times : Gone is any sense that the country may soon get ahold of the pandemic .
The seven-day average for daily new infections has hovered around 65,000 for the past @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peak average from the spring , when the country experienced what was essentially its first wave .
“ It didn ’ t have to be like this , ” tweeted Illinois Lieutenant Governor Juliana Stratton .
“ We need a national mask mandate .
Now !
” While cases increase around the country , GOP lawmakers from the White House on down continue to downplay the severity of the crisis and question the levels of infections .
As Common Dreams reported , Trump on Saturday repeated the baseless claim that increased testing was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ This continued Kindergarten-level logic is why we lead the world in Covid cases and deaths , ” Rep. Mark Pocan ( D-Wis. ) tweeted in response .
On Saturday , Rep. Raúl Grijalva ( D-Ariz. ) announced he had contracted the coronavirus and suggested that the carelessness of his GOP colleagues could be to blame for his coming down with the disease .
“ While I can not blame anyone directly for this , this week has shown that there are some members of Congress who fail to take this crisis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Numerous Republican members routinely strut around the Capitol without a mask to selfishly make a political statement at the expense of their colleagues , staff , and their families.
” With the increase in total cases will come a corresponding increase in deaths in August , Boston University epidemiologist Ellie Murray told the Washington Post .
“ Overall , what this tells us is that now that deaths have started to increase , we can expect them to increase for several more weeks , ” said Murray .

The numbers from July represent 42 percent of the country’s total cases since the outbreak began.
Coronavirus cases in the U.S. rose by 1.9 million and deaths from the disease by over 25,000 in the month of July, another sign of President Donald Trump’s failure to slow the pandemic.
The numbers from July represent 42% of the country’s total cases since the outbreak began and a 69% increase in infections altogether.
New coronavirus cases are picking up at a dangerous pace in much of the Midwest and in areas that had seen apparent progress. The U.S. recorded more than 1.9 million new infections in July, more than double the number documented in any other month @nytimes — Chris Jansing (@ChrisJansing) August 2, 2020
“It is extraordinarily widespread,” White House coronavirus task force coordinator Dr. Deborah Birx told CNN Sunday.
According to the New York Times:
Gone is any sense that the country may soon get ahold of the pandemic. The seven-day average for daily new infections has hovered around 65,000 for the past two weeks, more than doubling the peak average from the spring, when the country experienced what was essentially its first wave.
“It didn’t have to be like this,” tweeted Illinois Lieutenant Governor Juliana Stratton. “We need a national mask mandate. Now!”
While cases increase around the country, GOP lawmakers from the White House on down continue to downplay the severity of the crisis and question the levels of infections. As Common Dreams reported, Trump on Saturday repeated the baseless claim that increased testing was to blame for the rise in cases.
“This continued Kindergarten-level logic is why we lead the world in Covid cases and deaths,” Rep. Mark Pocan (D-Wis.) tweeted in response.
Reported US coronavirus deaths: Mar. 1: 2 deaths
Apr. 1: 4,780 deaths
May 1: 64,943 deaths
Jun. 1: 105,165 deaths
July 1: 128,062 deaths
Aug. 1: 154,360 deaths — Ryan Struyk (@ryanstruyk) August 2, 2020
On Saturday, Rep. Raúl Grijalva (D-Ariz.) announced he had contracted the coronavirus and suggested that the carelessness of his GOP colleagues could be to blame for his coming down with the disease.
“While I cannot blame anyone directly for this, this week has shown that there are some members of Congress who fail to take this crisis seriously,” said Grijalva. “Numerous Republican members routinely strut around the Capitol without a mask to selfishly make a political statement at the expense of their colleagues, staff, and their families.”
New numbers show US saw devastating surge in coronavirus infections during July, with 1.9M+ new cases reported—by far most tallied in a single month & grim sign America lost its grip on #COVID19 pandemic, @washingtonpost rpts: https://t.co/lGtJfadqWK — Mark Albert (@malbertnews) August 1, 2020
With the increase in total cases will come a corresponding increase in deaths in August, Boston University epidemiologist Ellie Murray told the Washington Post.
“Overall, what this tells us is that now that deaths have started to increase, we can expect them to increase for several more weeks,” said Murray.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-08-02--What Has Happened to Police Filmed Hurting Protesters? So Far, Very Little.

It has been almost two months since a Los Angeles Police Department patrol car accelerated into Brooke Fortson during a protest over police violence .
She still doesn ’ t know the name of the officer who hit her or whether that person is still policing the city ’ s streets .
The officer did not stop after hitting Fortson and instead turned around , nearly hitting other demonstrators in the process , and sped off .
The LAPD almost surely knows who the officer is .
The squad car ’ s number is clearly visible in one of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But the department hasn ’ t released any information : not the officer ’ s name , or whether that person has been disciplined .
The police say the incident is still under investigation .
As hundreds of videos of police violence during protests have circulated , ProPublica wanted to see what happened to officers in the aftermath .
We set out to see whether the incidents caught on camera were investigated , whether officers were named and what information we could get about any investigations or discipline .
We found a widespread @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to find out even the most basic details about whether and what sort of investigations were taking place .
ProPublica looked through hundreds of viral videos and focused on those that most clearly show an officer using apparently disproportionate force .
We ended up with 68 videos involving more than 40 law enforcement agencies across the country , in both large cities and small towns .
We asked each police department a few simple questions : Who were the officers in the video , were they under investigation and have they been disciplined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any specific information .
We learned that officers from eight videos have been disciplined so far .
Officers from eight others will not be disciplined .
And for two videos , police departments still insist they ’ re unsure of whether the officers involved are their own .
While officers have the right to use force if their own or others ’ lives are in danger , the widespread violence against protesters has been unwarranted , said Chris Burbank , the former chief of the Salt Lake City Police Department .
“ When @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sitting on the ground , does that justify the use of tear gas or pepper spray on them ?
It absolutely does not , ” said Burbank , who is now the vice president of law enforcement strategy at the Center for Policing Equity .
“ I see that as a violation of policy , violation of state and city ordinance and as a violation of common decency and what is good about policing.
” The LAPD told us it has moved 10 unnamed officers to non-field duties while it investigates incidents related @ @ @ @ @ @ @ declined to say whether the officer who struck Fortson is on that list .
Fortson has filed a claim for damages with the city and has retained a lawyer instead of filing a complaint with the Police Department .
Here ’ s what we learned while looking into these videos : Officers Remain Anonymous — Even When They ’ re Caught on Camera Departments have only named officers in 17 of the cases we examined as of publication .
A name can allow the public to learn more about the disciplinary history of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in prior allegations .
It also could allow us to see if officers appear in multiple videos involving use of force .
Minneapolis has a public database of officers ’ complaint histories .
Still , the police department declined to identify the officers in videos we compiled , making it impossible to check their records in the database .
As protests have continued across the country , many states are struggling with how far to go in revealing officers ’ disciplinary records .
In June , New Jersey ’ s attorney general directed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to name officers who have been cited for serious disciplinary violations .
In his directive , he noted that prematurely naming those accused of misconduct can be unfair if allegations are not ultimately proven .
But , he argued , the likelihood of officers misbehaving increases when they “ believe they can act with impunity ; it decreases when officers know that their misconduct will be subject to public scrutiny and not protected.
” In some states , there are union contracts and laws preventing the disclosure of officer names , said Phil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a professor at Bowling Green State University .
In other instances , though , Stinson said , departments may just be “ stonewalling ” or trying to get rid of problem officers before things become public .
“ They just try to ride it out and hope it quiets down , ” Stinson said .
In Florida , Miami-Dade Police Department spokeswoman Sgt .
Erin Alfonso at first declined to provide the names of officers from a May 31 incident we examined .
The video shows police abruptly arresting a man who was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aggressive before an officer appears to grab him by his shirt .
An internal report obtained by ProPublica through a public records request identified the officers as Roberto De la Nuez and Jorge Encinosa .
Encinosa declined to comment on the arrest to ProPublica and De la Nuez did not respond to a request for comment .
The department ’ s Professional Compliance Bureau is investigating the case , Alfonso said .
In San Jose , California , anti-bias trainer Derrick Sanderlin was shot in the groin with a rubber bullet after trying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ raised .
The incident , which took place May 29 and was reviewed by ProPublica , remains under investigation by the San Jose Police Department .
Shivaun Nurre , the Independent Police Auditor for the city , confirmed that her office has received multiple complaints related to the incident .
The office does not release the names of officers to complainants .
According to a civil rights lawsuit filed by Sanderlin on July 18 , three officers fired at him , but as of the initial filing , he had been unable to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was too far away to have caught badge names .
“ If someone else who wasn ’ t a police officer did the same thing , they would be held accountable , ” Sanderlin said .
“ All allegations , complaints , or concerns of the public will be taken seriously , ” the San Jose Police Department said in a statement .
The department said all videos provided by ProPublica are “ part of an extensive Internal Affairs investigation .
As such , this is a personnel investigation and [ we ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ another instance , ProPublica requested the incident report related to a man ’ s arrest in Kansas City , Missouri .
We were told that wouldn ’ t be possible to obtain because the charges against him and other protesters were dismissed and vacated by a city ordinance , meaning it was “ as though it never happened , ” a Police Department spokesperson said .
The actions of the arresting officer remain under investigation , but without the report ProPublica is unable to obtain the officer ’ s name or see the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are not saying we don ’ t care and it isn ’ t a big deal , ” the spokesperson said .
Investigations — if They Happen at All — Are Far From Transparent In case after case , departments have cited ongoing investigations for not providing details such as whether officers captured in the videos remain on active duty ; they also often can ’ t say how long the investigations might take .
Sometimes , police union contracts prevent police departments from releasing such information .
In Portland , Oregon , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that all incidents of force were under investigation , including the two identified by ProPublica .
Ross Caldwell , the director of the Independent Police Review , a civilian oversight office in the Portland auditor ’ s office , said that while he could confirm that both incidents were under investigation , he wasn ’ t “ legally allowed to talk about these investigations.
” How long departments legally have to process complaints varies by jurisdiction .
In at least 14 states , police officers have a “ bills of rights ” written @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during investigations .
There ’ s a one-year statute of limitations in California on police discipline cases .
In Florida , investigations of police misconduct must conclude in 180 days .
Both states have provisions to pause the clock if there ’ s a concurrent criminal investigation and California pauses for civil litigation , but otherwise , if a department can ’ t close out a case in time , officers can not be disciplined , suspended , demoted or dismissed .
“ They have gotten these protections , especially in state laws @ @ @ @ @ @ @ effort , and that ’ s a serious problem , ” said Samuel Walker , a retired professor of criminal justice who has researched the bills of rights .
Officers Are Unlikely to Be Disciplined — at Least Publicly Even in cases where victims are able to identify officers , they ’ re unlikely to see them face discipline .
Because there ’ s no federal mandate for police agencies to report details about the civilian complaints they receive , the most recent nationwide dataset about how many complaints are fully investigated and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of wrongdoing are confirmed , was published in 1993 by the Bureau of Justice Statistics , according to Carol Archbold , a police accountability expert and professor at North Dakota State University .
In New York City , where 10 of the videos we examined took place , the Civilian Complaint Review Board investigates allegations of excessive force against the police .
The board investigated more than 3,000 allegations of misuse of force in 2018 , but only 73 of them were substantiated .
Los Angeles , which handles its complaints internally unless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a citizen Board of Rights , had 5 % of complaints from the public sustained that same year .
In California , only investigations that result in sustained findings or those involving deadly force , discharge of a firearm or “ great bodily injury ” become public .
The picture is similar at smaller departments .
Of the 206 citizen allegations against Omaha police officers in 2018 , only 17 % were sustained by the department ’ s internal review process .
In Indianapolis , where a video from the protests captured officers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 7 % .
When asked about a video showing officers kicking a protester who was backed up to a fence , the Omaha Police Department said all use of force incidents are being reviewed and that officers from other agencies were assisting .
The department declined to comment further and said it is “ bound by contractual language that prevents us from disclosing the contents of any personnel matter.
” Hundreds of Complaints Are Overwhelming the Oversight Agencies Departments now face a mountain of work to sift through the events of the protests @ @ @ @ @ @ @ complaints filed with New York City ’ s Civilian Complaint Review Board since protests began in late May , leading to over 200 open investigations .
The LAPD has assigned 40 investigators to sift through protest complaints .
The Seattle Office of Police Accountability , an independent oversight body , has been contacted over 18,000 times about police actions at the protests and is aiming to increase transparency .
The agency ’ s new Demonstration Complaint Dashboard shows 28 ongoing investigations , but the department is continuing to work its way through complaints @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , said Anne Bettesworth , the deputy director of public affairs for OPA .
It typically takes 180 days for Seattle to investigate civilian allegations against officers , but Bettesworth said the agency is working to complete as many protest-related investigations as possible in under 90 days .
It ’ s an “ all hands on deck situation , ” she said .

It has been almost two months since a Los Angeles Police Department patrol car accelerated into Brooke Fortson during a protest over police violence. She still doesn’t know the name of the officer who hit her or whether that person is still policing the city’s streets. The officer did not stop after hitting Fortson and instead turned around, nearly hitting other demonstrators in the process, and sped off.
The LAPD almost surely knows who the officer is. The squad car’s number is clearly visible in one of the multiple videos that captured the incident. But the department hasn’t released any information: not the officer’s name, or whether that person has been disciplined. The police say the incident is still under investigation.
As hundreds of videos of police violence during protests have circulated, ProPublica wanted to see what happened to officers in the aftermath.
We set out to see whether the incidents caught on camera were investigated, whether officers were named and what information we could get about any investigations or discipline. We found a widespread lack of transparency that made it difficult to find out even the most basic details about whether and what sort of investigations were taking place.
ProPublica looked through hundreds of viral videos and focused on those that most clearly show an officer using apparently disproportionate force. We ended up with 68 videos involving more than 40 law enforcement agencies across the country, in both large cities and small towns.
We asked each police department a few simple questions: Who were the officers in the video, were they under investigation and have they been disciplined?
The departments mostly declined to give any specific information.
We learned that officers from eight videos have been disciplined so far. Officers from eight others will not be disciplined. And for two videos, police departments still insist they’re unsure of whether the officers involved are their own.
While officers have the right to use force if their own or others’ lives are in danger, the widespread violence against protesters has been unwarranted, said Chris Burbank, the former chief of the Salt Lake City Police Department.
“When you have a peaceful protest, people sitting on the ground, does that justify the use of tear gas or pepper spray on them? It absolutely does not,” said Burbank, who is now the vice president of law enforcement strategy at the Center for Policing Equity. “I see that as a violation of policy, violation of state and city ordinance and as a violation of common decency and what is good about policing.”
The LAPD told us it has moved 10 unnamed officers to non-field duties while it investigates incidents related to the recent protests. The department declined to say whether the officer who struck Fortson is on that list. Fortson has filed a claim for damages with the city and has retained a lawyer instead of filing a complaint with the Police Department.
Here’s what we learned while looking into these videos:
Officers Remain Anonymous — Even When They’re Caught on Camera
Departments have only named officers in 17 of the cases we examined as of publication. A name can allow the public to learn more about the disciplinary history of an officer and to see any patterns in prior allegations. It also could allow us to see if officers appear in multiple videos involving use of force.
Minneapolis has a public database of officers’ complaint histories. Still, the police department declined to identify the officers in videos we compiled, making it impossible to check their records in the database.
As protests have continued across the country, many states are struggling with how far to go in revealing officers’ disciplinary records.
In June, New Jersey’s attorney general directed the state’s law enforcement agencies to name officers who have been cited for serious disciplinary violations. In his directive, he noted that prematurely naming those accused of misconduct can be unfair if allegations are not ultimately proven. But, he argued, the likelihood of officers misbehaving increases when they “believe they can act with impunity; it decreases when officers know that their misconduct will be subject to public scrutiny and not protected.”
In some states, there are union contracts and laws preventing the disclosure of officer names, said Phil Stinson, a former officer and now a professor at Bowling Green State University. In other instances, though, Stinson said, departments may just be “stonewalling” or trying to get rid of problem officers before things become public.
“They just try to ride it out and hope it quiets down,” Stinson said.
In Florida, Miami-Dade Police Department spokeswoman Sgt. Erin Alfonso at first declined to provide the names of officers from a May 31 incident we examined. The video shows police abruptly arresting a man who was talking to them but not doing anything aggressive before an officer appears to grab him by his shirt. An internal report obtained by ProPublica through a public records request identified the officers as Roberto De la Nuez and Jorge Encinosa. Encinosa declined to comment on the arrest to ProPublica and De la Nuez did not respond to a request for comment. The department’s Professional Compliance Bureau is investigating the case, Alfonso said.
In San Jose, California, anti-bias trainer Derrick Sanderlin was shot in the groin with a rubber bullet after trying to talk to officers with his arms raised.
The incident, which took place May 29 and was reviewed by ProPublica, remains under investigation by the San Jose Police Department. Shivaun Nurre, the Independent Police Auditor for the city, confirmed that her office has received multiple complaints related to the incident. The office does not release the names of officers to complainants. According to a civil rights lawsuit filed by Sanderlin on July 18, three officers fired at him, but as of the initial filing, he had been unable to determine exactly who hit him and he was too far away to have caught badge names. “If someone else who wasn’t a police officer did the same thing, they would be held accountable,” Sanderlin said.
“All allegations, complaints, or concerns of the public will be taken seriously,” the San Jose Police Department said in a statement. The department said all videos provided by ProPublica are “part of an extensive Internal Affairs investigation. As such, this is a personnel investigation and [we] cannot communicate further.”
And in another instance, ProPublica requested the incident report related to a man’s arrest in Kansas City, Missouri. We were told that wouldn’t be possible to obtain because the charges against him and other protesters were dismissed and vacated by a city ordinance, meaning it was “as though it never happened,” a Police Department spokesperson said. The actions of the arresting officer remain under investigation, but without the report ProPublica is unable to obtain the officer’s name or see the rationale for the arrest. “We are not saying we don’t care and it isn’t a big deal,” the spokesperson said.
Investigations — if They Happen at All — Are Far From Transparent
In case after case, departments have cited ongoing investigations for not providing details such as whether officers captured in the videos remain on active duty; they also often can’t say how long the investigations might take. Sometimes, police union contracts prevent police departments from releasing such information.
In Portland, Oregon, the Bureau of Police would only say that all incidents of force were under investigation, including the two identified by ProPublica. Ross Caldwell, the director of the Independent Police Review, a civilian oversight office in the Portland auditor’s office, said that while he could confirm that both incidents were under investigation, he wasn’t “legally allowed to talk about these investigations.”
How long departments legally have to process complaints varies by jurisdiction. In at least 14 states, police officers have a “bills of rights” written into state law that provides special protections during investigations. There’s a one-year statute of limitations in California on police discipline cases. In Florida, investigations of police misconduct must conclude in 180 days. Both states have provisions to pause the clock if there’s a concurrent criminal investigation and California pauses for civil litigation, but otherwise, if a department can’t close out a case in time, officers cannot be disciplined, suspended, demoted or dismissed.
“They have gotten these protections, especially in state laws, through sheer political power and lobbying effort, and that’s a serious problem,” said Samuel Walker, a retired professor of criminal justice who has researched the bills of rights.
Officers Are Unlikely to Be Disciplined — at Least Publicly
Even in cases where victims are able to identify officers, they’re unlikely to see them face discipline.
Because there’s no federal mandate for police agencies to report details about the civilian complaints they receive, the most recent nationwide dataset about how many complaints are fully investigated and “sustained,” meaning the allegations of wrongdoing are confirmed, was published in 1993 by the Bureau of Justice Statistics, according to Carol Archbold, a police accountability expert and professor at North Dakota State University.
In New York City, where 10 of the videos we examined took place, the Civilian Complaint Review Board investigates allegations of excessive force against the police. The board investigated more than 3,000 allegations of misuse of force in 2018, but only 73 of them were substantiated. Los Angeles, which handles its complaints internally unless an officer asks for a review by a citizen Board of Rights, had 5% of complaints from the public sustained that same year.
In California, only investigations that result in sustained findings or those involving deadly force, discharge of a firearm or “great bodily injury” become public.
The picture is similar at smaller departments. Of the 206 citizen allegations against Omaha police officers in 2018, only 17% were sustained by the department’s internal review process. In Indianapolis, where a video from the protests captured officers beating a woman, that number was 7%.
When asked about a video showing officers kicking a protester who was backed up to a fence, the Omaha Police Department said all use of force incidents are being reviewed and that officers from other agencies were assisting. The department declined to comment further and said it is “bound by contractual language that prevents us from disclosing the contents of any personnel matter.”
Hundreds of Complaints Are Overwhelming the Oversight Agencies
Departments now face a mountain of work to sift through the events of the protests. There have been more than 750 complaints filed with New York City’s Civilian Complaint Review Board since protests began in late May, leading to over 200 open investigations. The LAPD has assigned 40 investigators to sift through protest complaints.
The Seattle Office of Police Accountability, an independent oversight body, has been contacted over 18,000 times about police actions at the protests and is aiming to increase transparency.
The agency’s new Demonstration Complaint Dashboard shows 28 ongoing investigations, but the department is continuing to work its way through complaints and plans to continue updating the tracker, said Anne Bettesworth, the deputy director of public affairs for OPA.
It typically takes 180 days for Seattle to investigate civilian allegations against officers, but Bettesworth said the agency is working to complete as many protest-related investigations as possible in under 90 days. It’s an “all hands on deck situation,” she said.
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