truthout--2020-08-08--Health Care Workers of Color Nearly Twice as Likely as Whites to Get COVID-19

Health care workers of color were more likely to care for patients with suspected or confirmed COVID-19 , more likely to report using inadequate or reused protective gear , and nearly twice as likely as white colleagues to test positive for the coronavirus , a new study from Harvard Medical School researchers found .
The study also showed that health care workers are at least three times more likely than the general public to report a positive COVID test , with risks rising for workers treating COVID patients .
Dr. Andrew Chan , a senior author and an epidemiologist at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ further highlights the problem of structural racism , this time reflected in the front-line roles and personal protective equipment provided to people of color .
“ If you think to yourself , ‘ Health care workers should be on equal footing in the workplace , ’ our study really showed that ’ s definitely not the case , ” said Chan , who is also a professor at Harvard Medical School .
The study was based on data from more than 2 million COVID Symptom Study app users in the U.S. and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 23 .
The study , done with researchers from King ’ s College London , was published in the journal The Lancet Public Health .
Lost on the Frontline , a project by KHN and The Guardian , has published profiles of 164 health care workers who died of COVID-19 and identified more than 900 who reportedly fell victim to the disease .
An analysis of the stories showed that 62 % of the health care workers who died were people of color .
They include Roger Liddell , 64 , a Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sought but was denied an N95 respirator when his work required him to go into COVID-positive patients ’ rooms , according to his labor union .
Sandra Oldfield , 53 , a Latina , worked at a California hospital where workers sought N95s as well .
She was wearing a less-protective surgical mask when she cared for a COVID-positive patient before she got the virus and died .
The study findings follow other research showing that minority health care workers are likely to care for minority patients in their own communities , often @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dr. Utibe Essien , a physician and assistant professor of medicine with the University of Pittsburgh .
Those workers may also see a higher share of sick patients , as federal data shows minority patients were disproportionately testing positive and being hospitalized with the virus , Essien said .
“ I ’ m not surprised by these findings , ” he said , “ but I ’ m disappointed by the result.
” Dr. Fola May , a UCLA physician and researcher , said the study also reflects the fact that Black and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or visit family – in minority communities that are hardest-hit by the pandemic because so many work on the front lines of all industries .
The study showed that health care workers of color were five times more likely than the general population to test positive for COVID-19 .
Their workplace experience also diverged from that of whites alone .
The study found that workers of color were 20 % more likely than white workers to care for suspected or confirmed-positive COVID patients .
The rate went up to 30 % for Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overall have been three times as likely as whites to get the virus , a New York Times analysis of Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data shows .
( Latinos can be of any race or combination of races . )
Health care workers of color were also more likely to report inadequate or reused PPE , at a rate 50 % higher than what white workers reported .
For Latinos , the rate was double that of white workers .
“ It ’ s upsetting , ” said Fiana Tulip , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who died of COVID-19 on July 4 .
Tulip said her mother , Isabelle Papadimitriou , a Latina , told her stories of facing discrimination over the years .
Jim Mangia , chief executive of St. John ’ s Well Child and Family Center in south Los Angeles , said his clinics care for low-income people , mostly of color .
They were testing about 600 people a day and seeing a 30 % positive test rate in June and July .
He said they saw high positive rates at nursing homes where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said seven full-time workers scoured the U.S. and globe to secure PPE for his staff , at one point getting a shipment of N95 respirators two days before they would have run out .
“ It was literally touch-and-go , ” he said .
All health care workers who reported inadequate or reused PPE saw higher risks of infection .
Those with inadequate or reused gear who saw COVID patients were more than five times as likely to get the virus as workers with adequate PPE who did not see COVID patients .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk of self-contamination or breakdown of materials , but noted that the findings are from March and April , before widespread efforts to decontaminate used PPE .
Chan said even health care workers reporting adequate PPE and seeing COVID patients were far more likely to get the virus than workers not seeing COVID patients — nearly five times as likely .
That finding suggests a need for more training in putting on and taking off protective gear safely and additional research into how health care workers are getting sick .
Kaiser Health News @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policy news service .
It is an editorially independent program of the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente .

Harvard research shows POC workers are more likely to report inadequate PPE and to work with COVID-positive patients.
Health care workers of color were more likely to care for patients with suspected or confirmed COVID-19, more likely to report using inadequate or reused protective gear, and nearly twice as likely as white colleagues to test positive for the coronavirus, a new study from Harvard Medical School researchers found.
The study also showed that health care workers are at least three times more likely than the general public to report a positive COVID test, with risks rising for workers treating COVID patients.
Dr. Andrew Chan, a senior author and an epidemiologist at Massachusetts General Hospital, said the study further highlights the problem of structural racism, this time reflected in the front-line roles and personal protective equipment provided to people of color.
“If you think to yourself, ‘Health care workers should be on equal footing in the workplace,’ our study really showed that’s definitely not the case,” said Chan, who is also a professor at Harvard Medical School.
The study was based on data from more than 2 million COVID Symptom Study app users in the U.S. and the United Kingdom from March 24 through April 23. The study, done with researchers from King’s College London, was published in the journal The Lancet Public Health.
Lost on the Frontline, a project by KHN and The Guardian, has published profiles of 164 health care workers who died of COVID-19 and identified more than 900 who reportedly fell victim to the disease. An analysis of the stories showed that 62% of the health care workers who died were people of color.
They include Roger Liddell, 64, a Black hospital supply manager in Michigan, who sought but was denied an N95 respirator when his work required him to go into COVID-positive patients’ rooms, according to his labor union. Sandra Oldfield, 53, a Latina, worked at a California hospital where workers sought N95s as well. She was wearing a less-protective surgical mask when she cared for a COVID-positive patient before she got the virus and died.
The study findings follow other research showing that minority health care workers are likely to care for minority patients in their own communities, often in facilities with fewer resources, said Dr. Utibe Essien, a physician and assistant professor of medicine with the University of Pittsburgh.
Those workers may also see a higher share of sick patients, as federal data shows minority patients were disproportionately testing positive and being hospitalized with the virus, Essien said.
“I’m not surprised by these findings,” he said, “but I’m disappointed by the result.”
Dr. Fola May, a UCLA physician and researcher, said the study also reflects the fact that Black and Latino health care workers may live – or visit family – in minority communities that are hardest-hit by the pandemic because so many work on the front lines of all industries.
The study showed that health care workers of color were five times more likely than the general population to test positive for COVID-19.
Their workplace experience also diverged from that of whites alone. The study found that workers of color were 20% more likely than white workers to care for suspected or confirmed-positive COVID patients. The rate went up to 30% for Black workers specifically.
Black and Latino people overall have been three times as likely as whites to get the virus, a New York Times analysis of Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data shows. (Latinos can be of any race or combination of races.)
Health care workers of color were also more likely to report inadequate or reused PPE, at a rate 50% higher than what white workers reported. For Latinos, the rate was double that of white workers.
“It’s upsetting,” said Fiana Tulip, the daughter of a Texas respiratory therapist who died of COVID-19 on July 4. Tulip said her mother, Isabelle Papadimitriou, a Latina, told her stories of facing discrimination over the years.
Jim Mangia, chief executive of St. John’s Well Child and Family Center in south Los Angeles, said his clinics care for low-income people, mostly of color. They were testing about 600 people a day and seeing a 30% positive test rate in June and July. He said they saw high positive rates at nursing homes where a mobile clinic did testing.
He said seven full-time workers scoured the U.S. and globe to secure PPE for his staff, at one point getting a shipment of N95 respirators two days before they would have run out. “It was literally touch-and-go,” he said.
All health care workers who reported inadequate or reused PPE saw higher risks of infection. Those with inadequate or reused gear who saw COVID patients were more than five times as likely to get the virus as workers with adequate PPE who did not see COVID patients.
The study said reuse could pose a risk of self-contamination or breakdown of materials, but noted that the findings are from March and April, before widespread efforts to decontaminate used PPE.
Chan said even health care workers reporting adequate PPE and seeing COVID patients were far more likely to get the virus than workers not seeing COVID patients — nearly five times as likely. That finding suggests a need for more training in putting on and taking off protective gear safely and additional research into how health care workers are getting sick.
Kaiser Health News (KHN) is a national health policy news service. It is an editorially independent program of the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
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truthout--2020-08-08--NRA Promises to Pour Money Into Trump’s Campaign Following Major Lawsuit

The National Rifle Association plans to pour millions of dollars into President Donald Trump ’ s 2020 re-election effort despite escalating legal turmoil and plummeting cash flow leaving its election spending lagging behind recent cycles .
The NRA was having a bad year even before New York Attorney General Letitia James filed a lawsuit on Thursday with the aim of dissolving the group entirely .
Within hours of the New York Attorney General ’ s announcement , however , the NRA announced plans of its own to “ spend tens of millions of dollars ” on 2020 elections in an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jason Ouimet , who runs the NRA ’ s lobbying arm and political action committee , said the NRA plans to “ spend heavily in battleground states to help reelect President Donald Trump ” with a focus on Arizona , Colorado , Pennsylvania , North Carolina and Wisconsin .
While the NRA ’ s ambitious 2020 electoral strategy projects tens of millions of dollars in political spending , the gun rights group ’ s spending at this point in the 2020 election cycle hardly comes close to that amount .
The leading gun @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crack $ 1 million in outside spending reported to the Federal Election Commission since the start of the 2020 election cycle , shelling out roughly $ 900,000 through the first week of August .
The NRA reported spending nearly twice that amount with more than $ 1.6 million on 2018 elections by this point last cycle and over nine times that amount at this point in the 2016 election cycle with more than $ 8.2 million .
Altogether , the NRA reported more than $ 54 million in record-breaking political spending supporting Republican @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most of that supporting Trump over Hillary Clinton .
As in 2016 , most of the NRA ’ s 2020 political spending reported to the FEC has gone to support Trump by boosting his re-election efforts with activities including canvassing and peer-to-peer text campaigns , but at a fraction of the scale .
The rest of the NRA ’ s 2020 federal political spending is mostly flowing to support Republicans in hotly-contested U.S. Senate races .
The NRA ’ s lagging spending has allowed gun control groups to outpace gun rights groups on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far , spending $ 2.2 million compared to $ 1.4 million from their pro-gun counterparts .
Last cycle was the first in at least a decade that saw gun control groups outspend gun rights groups , due mostly to a massive decrease in NRA spending from previous years .
The NRA has also spent less money lobbying than it has in the first half of any year in more than a decade , even as the organization fought to have gun stores and gun ranges included on lists of essential businesses during the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than $ 2.2 million buying digital ads through its main Facebook page during the 2020 election as well with roughly $ 750,000 more going to Google ads .
The ads are a mix of fundraising solicitations , issue ads , retail and political messaging boosting candidates at multiple levels of government .
Other official NRA-branded pages have also spent hundreds of thousands more on digital ads , according to OpenSecrets ’ online ad spending data .
The New York Attorney General ’ s lawsuit alleges NRA executives “ looted or wasted ” the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tune of $ 63 million between 2015 and 2018 , part of a larger pattern spanning NRA Chief Executive Wayne LaPierre ’ s three-decade tenure .
Allegations describe a pattern of “ excessive ” personal spending on behalf of a handful of executives , often without disclosure and seemingly unchecked by the group ’ s board .
The lawsuit ’ s introduction marked the end of one of several similar investigations that had cost the group $ 100 million in legal fees by January .
Within hours of the New York Attorney General @ @ @ @ @ @ @ D.C. , Attorney General Karl Racine announced that his office is suing the NRA Foundation for misuse of charitable funds .
That office alleges that the NRA Foundation illegally diverted funds to the NRA ’ s lobbying arm in order to cover LaPierre ’ s spending .
The NRA stands accused of “ inappropriate spending , ” “ self-dealing ” and other questionable transactions .
While the New York Attorney General ’ s office pursues dissolution of the NRA , suggesting a diversion of their remaining funds to other charities with similar missions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actions of its own .
The D.C. Attorney General ’ s lawsuit seeks to modify NRA Foundation policies to ensure the foundation has “ proper independence ” from the NRA , force NRA officials who might otherwise be unjustly enriched to transfer money improperly diverted to the NRA to the intended parties , and to mandate nonprofit governance training for NRA officials .
NRA Foundation payments to the NRA ’ s main lobbying arm listed as reimbursements increased to more than $ 17.4 million in its most recently filed tax return , according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ largest amount in at least a decade and nearly three times the $ 6 million reported in reimbursements the prior year .
The organization responded to the New York Attorney General ’ s lawsuit with a tweet stating “ This was a baseless , premeditated attack on our organization and the Second Amendment freedoms it fights to defend.
” The NRA has already filed a countersuit against the New York Attorney General alleging the lawsuit is politically motivated and claiming that an NRA director was warned of the office ’ s intent to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as 2017 .
The investigation was not made public until 2019 .
The cases against the NRA follow a series of scandals that had called the NRA ’ s continued efficacy into question .
A 2019 leadership struggle between LaPierre and former NRA president Oliver North spurred a series of leaks bringing to light the questionable use of funds .
Reports of LaPierre ’ s use of tax-exempt money to fund his lavish lifestyle grew throughout 2019 , many of which were central to the New York Attorney General ’ s office complaint @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fuller picture of how NRA money was allegedly used on private jet trips , five-star hotels , flashy Christmas gifts , golf club memberships and lucrative consulting fees for little work done , often to the benefit of LaPierre and his family .
The NRA did not immediately respond to a request for comment .
The New York Attorney General ’ s office used the 2019 dissolution of the Trump Foundation as one of two recent examples of similar action to dissolve a nonprofit .
The Trump Foundation , which Donald Trump was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first year in the White House , agreed to pay $ 2 million after admitting to misusing funds from the tax-exempt charitable organization to further Trump ’ s personal and political interests in the 2016 presidential election .

The National Rifle Association plans to pour millions of dollars into President Donald Trump’s 2020 re-election effort despite escalating legal turmoil and plummeting cash flow leaving its election spending lagging behind recent cycles.
The NRA was having a bad year even before New York Attorney General Letitia James filed a lawsuit on Thursday with the aim of dissolving the group entirely.
Within hours of the New York Attorney General’s announcement, however, the NRA announced plans of its own to “spend tens of millions of dollars” on 2020 elections in an interview with the Washington Free Beacon. Jason Ouimet, who runs the NRA’s lobbying arm and political action committee, said the NRA plans to “spend heavily in battleground states to help reelect President Donald Trump” with a focus on Arizona, Colorado, Pennsylvania, North Carolina and Wisconsin.
While the NRA’s ambitious 2020 electoral strategy projects tens of millions of dollars in political spending, the gun rights group’s spending at this point in the 2020 election cycle hardly comes close to that amount.
The leading gun rights advocacy group has yet to even crack $1 million in outside spending reported to the Federal Election Commission since the start of the 2020 election cycle, shelling out roughly $900,000 through the first week of August. The NRA reported spending nearly twice that amount with more than $1.6 million on 2018 elections by this point last cycle and over nine times that amount at this point in the 2016 election cycle with more than $8.2 million.
Altogether, the NRA reported more than $54 million in record-breaking political spending supporting Republican candidates in the 2016 election cycle with most of that supporting Trump over Hillary Clinton.
As in 2016, most of the NRA’s 2020 political spending reported to the FEC has gone to support Trump by boosting his re-election efforts with activities including canvassing and peer-to-peer text campaigns, but at a fraction of the scale. The rest of the NRA’s 2020 federal political spending is mostly flowing to support Republicans in hotly-contested U.S. Senate races.
The NRA’s lagging spending has allowed gun control groups to outpace gun rights groups on political spending in the 2020 elections so far, spending $2.2 million compared to $1.4 million from their pro-gun counterparts. Last cycle was the first in at least a decade that saw gun control groups outspend gun rights groups, due mostly to a massive decrease in NRA spending from previous years.
The NRA has also spent less money lobbying than it has in the first half of any year in more than a decade, even as the organization fought to have gun stores and gun ranges included on lists of essential businesses during the COVID-19 pandemic.
The NRA spent more than $2.2 million buying digital ads through its main Facebook page during the 2020 election as well with roughly $750,000 more going to Google ads. The ads are a mix of fundraising solicitations, issue ads, retail and political messaging boosting candidates at multiple levels of government. Other official NRA-branded pages have also spent hundreds of thousands more on digital ads, according to OpenSecrets’ online ad spending data.
The New York Attorney General’s lawsuit alleges NRA executives “looted or wasted” the lobbying group’s assets to the tune of $63 million between 2015 and 2018, part of a larger pattern spanning NRA Chief Executive Wayne LaPierre’s three-decade tenure. Allegations describe a pattern of “excessive” personal spending on behalf of a handful of executives, often without disclosure and seemingly unchecked by the group’s board. The lawsuit’s introduction marked the end of one of several similar investigations that had cost the group $100 million in legal fees by January.
Within hours of the New York Attorney General’s lawsuit announcement, Washington, D.C., Attorney General Karl Racine announced that his office is suing the NRA Foundation for misuse of charitable funds. That office alleges that the NRA Foundation illegally diverted funds to the NRA’s lobbying arm in order to cover LaPierre’s spending. The NRA stands accused of “inappropriate spending,” “self-dealing” and other questionable transactions.
While the New York Attorney General’s office pursues dissolution of the NRA, suggesting a diversion of their remaining funds to other charities with similar missions, their D.C. counterpart is seeking enforcement actions of its own. The D.C. Attorney General’s lawsuit seeks to modify NRA Foundation policies to ensure the foundation has “proper independence” from the NRA, force NRA officials who might otherwise be unjustly enriched to transfer money improperly diverted to the NRA to the intended parties, and to mandate nonprofit governance training for NRA officials.
NRA Foundation payments to the NRA’s main lobbying arm listed as reimbursements increased to more than $17.4 million in its most recently filed tax return, according to an earlier OpenSecrets investigation, the largest amount in at least a decade and nearly three times the $6 million reported in reimbursements the prior year.
The organization responded to the New York Attorney General’s lawsuit with a tweet stating “This was a baseless, premeditated attack on our organization and the Second Amendment freedoms it fights to defend.”
The NRA has already filed a countersuit against the New York Attorney General alleging the lawsuit is politically motivated and claiming that an NRA director was warned of the office’s intent to investigate the gun rights group as early as 2017. The investigation was not made public until 2019.
The cases against the NRA follow a series of scandals that had called the NRA’s continued efficacy into question. A 2019 leadership struggle between LaPierre and former NRA president Oliver North spurred a series of leaks bringing to light the questionable use of funds. Reports of LaPierre’s use of tax-exempt money to fund his lavish lifestyle grew throughout 2019, many of which were central to the New York Attorney General’s office complaint. What emerged Thursday was a much fuller picture of how NRA money was allegedly used on private jet trips, five-star hotels, flashy Christmas gifts, golf club memberships and lucrative consulting fees for little work done, often to the benefit of LaPierre and his family.
The NRA did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
The New York Attorney General’s office used the 2019 dissolution of the Trump Foundation as one of two recent examples of similar action to dissolve a nonprofit. The Trump Foundation, which Donald Trump was listed as president of during his entire first year in the White House, agreed to pay $2 million after admitting to misusing funds from the tax-exempt charitable organization to further Trump’s personal and political interests in the 2016 presidential election.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-08-08--Fertilizer Likely Behind the Beirut Explosion Is Unevenly Regulated Across US

A powerful explosion that ripped through Beirut on Tuesday and killed more than 130 people may be the latest example of the danger posed by a common fertilizer stored in communities throughout the U.S. As investigators work to find the official cause of the blast , Lebanon President Michel Aoun said it was fueled by an estimated 2,750 metric tons of ammonium nitrate that was stored unsafely in a warehouse .
Ammonium nitrate , used by farmers as fertilizer , has been a key component of catastrophic industrial accidents and terrorism , including the 2013 blast at an agricultural-products retailer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Texas , and the 1995 bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City that killed 168 .
A 2020 Center for Public Integrity investigation found uneven oversight of the chemical in the United States , even after efforts to strengthen federal rules .
In Beirut this week , the explosion touched off a towering mushroom cloud and injured about 5,000 .
The death toll may rise : Emergency responders are still scouring the rubble for survivors .
“ I lost my hearing for a few seconds , I knew @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the glass just shattered all over the car , the cars around us , the shops , the stores , the buildings .
Just glass going down from all over the building , ” eyewitness Hadi Nasrallah told the BBC .
The 2013 explosion in Texas forced U.S. authorities to re-examine federal rules meant to prevent such accidents .
Then-President Barack Obama released an executive order that pushed officials to reduce the risks of hazardous chemicals , but agricultural businesses lobbied to block broad amendments to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ finally released its Chemical Disaster Rule , it didn ’ t add ammonium nitrate to the list of “ highly hazardous ” chemicals .
Many safety advocates said the regulations were too soft on chemical manufacturers and users , but conceded the changes were at least a slight improvement from previous rules .
When President Donald Trump took office , his administration weakened the oversight with a “ reconsideration rule ” that removed third-party audits and safer-technologies assessments — a move the EPA said would save industry $ 88 million .
The estimated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 200 million .
The Trump administration has also tried to eliminate the agency that investigates industrial accidents like that one .
Though President Donald Trump has not been able to persuade Congress to defund the Chemical Safety and Hazard Investigation Board , he ’ s kept it from releasing its reports by not filling the board ’ s four vacant seats , Public Integrity reported .
Federal laws say the public has a “ right to know ” if ammonium nitrate and other dangerous chemicals are stored in their community .
But exercising @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by a wildly inconsistent patchwork of state laws .
The same information that ’ s publicly available in Nebraska is a state secret in Texas .
In Iowa , the public can get a list of ammonium nitrate facilities on a government website .
In Kentucky ?
Nothing .
In states withholding the information , the rationale is to keep terrorists from finding out where the operations are located .
But that means firefighters and other members of the public are also in the dark .

Trump and agribusiness have pushed back against federal rules that would strengthen the regulation of ammonium nitrate.
This article about the Beirut explosion was originally published by the Center for Public Integrity, a nonprofit newsroom based in Washington, D.C.
A powerful explosion that ripped through Beirut on Tuesday and killed more than 130 people may be the latest example of the danger posed by a common fertilizer stored in communities throughout the U.S.
As investigators work to find the official cause of the blast, Lebanon President Michel Aoun said it was fueled by an estimated 2,750 metric tons of ammonium nitrate that was stored unsafely in a warehouse.
Ammonium nitrate, used by farmers as fertilizer, has been a key component of catastrophic industrial accidents and terrorism, including the 2013 blast at an agricultural-products retailer that killed 15 and injured 260 people in Texas, and the 1995 bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City that killed 168.
A 2020 Center for Public Integrity investigation found uneven oversight of the chemical in the United States, even after efforts to strengthen federal rules.
In Beirut this week, the explosion touched off a towering mushroom cloud and injured about 5,000. The death toll may rise: Emergency responders are still scouring the rubble for survivors.
“I lost my hearing for a few seconds, I knew something was wrong, and then suddenly the glass just shattered all over the car, the cars around us, the shops, the stores, the buildings. Just glass going down from all over the building,” eyewitness Hadi Nasrallah told the BBC.
The 2013 explosion in Texas forced U.S. authorities to re-examine federal rules meant to prevent such accidents. Then-President Barack Obama released an executive order that pushed officials to reduce the risks of hazardous chemicals, but agricultural businesses lobbied to block broad amendments to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s risk management program.
When the EPA finally released its Chemical Disaster Rule, it didn’t add ammonium nitrate to the list of “highly hazardous” chemicals. Many safety advocates said the regulations were too soft on chemical manufacturers and users, but conceded the changes were at least a slight improvement from previous rules.
When President Donald Trump took office, his administration weakened the oversight with a “reconsideration rule” that removed third-party audits and safer-technologies assessments — a move the EPA said would save industry $88 million.
The estimated damage from the Texas explosion: $200 million.
The Trump administration has also tried to eliminate the agency that investigates industrial accidents like that one. Though President Donald Trump has not been able to persuade Congress to defund the Chemical Safety and Hazard Investigation Board, he’s kept it from releasing its reports by not filling the board’s four vacant seats, Public Integrity reported.
Federal laws say the public has a “right to know” if ammonium nitrate and other dangerous chemicals are stored in their community. But exercising that right is sometimes impossible, complicated by a wildly inconsistent patchwork of state laws.
The same information that’s publicly available in Nebraska is a state secret in Texas. In Iowa, the public can get a list of ammonium nitrate facilities on a government website. In Kentucky? Nothing.
In states withholding the information, the rationale is to keep terrorists from finding out where the operations are located. But that means firefighters and other members of the public are also in the dark.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-08-08--Watchdogs Alarmed by Changes to Postal Service Under Trump’s Postmaster General

Government watchdogs , Democratic lawmakers , and pro-democracy advocates declared it a “ Friday Night Massacre ” for the U.S .
Postal Service after news broke in a classic end-of-the-week dump that Louis DeJoy — a major GOP donor to President Donald Trump and the recently appointed Postmaster General — had issued a sweeping overhaul of the agency , including the ouster of top executives from key posts and the reshuffling of more than two dozen other officials and operational managers .
According to the Washington Post : The shake-up came as congressional Democrats called for an investigation of DeJoy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mail delivery and ensnared ballots in recent primary elections .
Twenty-three postal executives were reassigned or displaced , the new organizational chart shows .
Analysts say the structure centralizes power around DeJoy , a former logistics executive and major ally of President Trump , and de-emphasizes decades of institutional postal knowledge .
All told , 33 staffers included in the old postal hierarchy either kept their jobs or were reassigned in the restructuring , with five more staffers joining the leadership from other roles .
Already under fire for recent policy changes at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and outside critics have denounced as a sabotage effort to undermine the Postal Service broadly as well as disrupt efforts to carry out mail-in voting for November ’ s election amid the Covid-19 pandemic , the moves unveiled late Friday were viewed as an overt assault on democracy and a calculated opportunity to boost Republicans ’ long-held dream of undercutting or privatizing the government-run mail service while also boosting their election prospects in the process .
“ Another Friday night massacre by this administration—and this time dealing another devastating blow to our postal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Scanlon ( D-Pa. ) “ The American people deserve answers and we ’ re going to keep fighting for them.
” Scanlon was among more than 80 congressional lawmakers who sent a letter to DeJoy earlier in the day expressing “ deep concerns ” about operational changes he has made for mail carriers that have delayed deliveries and lowered standards .
“ It is vital that the U.S .
Postal Service not reduce mail delivery times , which could harm rural communities , seniors , small businesses , and millions of Americans who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and packages , ” the letter stated .
“ Eliminating overtime and directing postal workers to leave mail on the floor of postal facilities will erode confidence in the Postal Service and drive customers away , resulting in even worse financial conditions in the future.
” The following is a statement from Kristen Clarke , president and executive director of the Lawyers ’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law : “ We are sounding an alarm regarding personnel changes , policy shifts and service disruptions happening inside the U.S .
Postal Service on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ postal service lies at the heart of our democracy and is critical to the success of an unprecedented vote-by-mail system that is needed for a fair and effective 2020 election season .
The postal service helps ensure that our nation ’ s most vulnerable communities are receiving medications and resources during the pandemic .
It is also critical to the efforts to achieve a full and accurate 2020 Census .
“ The Trump administration ’ s intentions are clear .
Louis DeJoy , a Trump donor with no experience inside the postal service @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and disruption at a time when the timely delivery of mail could not be more critical.
” Kristen Clarke , president and executive director of the Lawyers ’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law , warned what occurred Friday is designed to weak the Postal Service , slow vote-by-mail , and disrupt the 2020 Census .
“ We are sounding an alarm regarding personnel changes , policy shifts and service disruptions happening inside the U.S .
Postal Service on Louis DeJoy ’ s watch , ” Clarke said in a statement .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of our democracy and is critical to the success of an unprecedented vote-by-mail system that is needed for a fair and effective 2020 election season .
The postal service helps ensure that our nation ’ s most vulnerable communities are receiving medications and resources during the pandemic .
It is also critical to the efforts to achieve a full and accurate 2020 Census.
” Clarke said the administration ’ s intentions are clear : “ DeJoy , a Trump donor with no experience inside the postal service , has been installed to cause @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the timely delivery of mail could not be more critical.
” As Common Dreams reported earlier Friday , Sen. Elizabeth Warren was among those who signed the letter and also called for DeJoy ’ s efforts to be investigated by the Inspector General of the USPS .
Since 2016 alone , DeJoy has donated more than $ 2.5 million to the Republican Party and candidates .
In 2020 , prior to his appointment as Postmaster General by the GOP-controlled board of governors , DeJoy had already given approximately $ 360,000 to a Super @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As the Post notes in its reporting , the reshuffling of top managers and executives—as well as a hiring freeze and push for early retirements— ” worried postal analysts , who say the tone of DeJoy ’ s first eight weeks and his restructuring have recast the nation ’ s mail service as a for-profit arm of the government , rather than an essential service.
” In a video posted to Twitter , Rep. Peter DeFazio ( D-Oreg . )
characterized DeJoy as a “ political crony ” of the president ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on display as a “ Friday Night Massacre ” scenario : Appearing Friday afternoon on Capitol Hill , DeJoy brushed off accusations that he is acting as a political bag man for Trump .
“ While I certainly have a good relationship with the president of the United States , the notion that I would ever make decisions concerning the Postal Service at the direction of the president or anyone else in the administration is wholly off-base , ” DeJoy said .
But outside critics like Walter Shaub , former head of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ critic of Trump ’ s behavior as president , said the latest move should be seen as nothing less than a direct effort by DeJoy to exploit his authority at the Postal Service to further the president ’ s political interests and reelection prospects .
According to Brian Tyler Cohen , a liberal commentator and podcast host , “ Congressional Democrats need to do something about this ” immediately .
“ If we wait until October/November , it ’ ll be too late , ” said Cohen .
“ Trump is actively sabotaging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t theoretical , it ’ s happening RIGHT NOW.
” Cohen said this situation should be treated like a “ fucking five-alarm fire ” and said action must be taken by both lawmakers and the U.S. public without delay .
Rep. Gerald E. Connolly ( D-Va. ) , chair of the House subcommittee which has oversight for the USPS , said what DeJoy is trying to pass off as simple organizational restructuring is actually “ a Trojan Horse ” designed to destroy one of the nation ’ s most trusted and valued institutions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ called it , “ Deliberate sabotage to disrupt mail service on the eve of the election—an election that hinges on mail-in ballots .
”

Louis DeJoy, a major GOP donor to the president, has issued changes to mail service that could impact the 2020 election.
Government watchdogs, Democratic lawmakers, and pro-democracy advocates declared it a “Friday Night Massacre” for the U.S. Postal Service after news broke in a classic end-of-the-week dump that Louis DeJoy — a major GOP donor to President Donald Trump and the recently appointed Postmaster General — had issued a sweeping overhaul of the agency, including the ouster of top executives from key posts and the reshuffling of more than two dozen other officials and operational managers.
According to the Washington Post:
The shake-up came as congressional Democrats called for an investigation of DeJoy and the cost-cutting measures that have slowed mail delivery and ensnared ballots in recent primary elections. Twenty-three postal executives were reassigned or displaced, the new organizational chart shows. Analysts say the structure centralizes power around DeJoy, a former logistics executive and major ally of President Trump, and de-emphasizes decades of institutional postal knowledge. All told, 33 staffers included in the old postal hierarchy either kept their jobs or were reassigned in the restructuring, with five more staffers joining the leadership from other roles.
Already under fire for recent policy changes at the USPS that mail carriers from within and outside critics have denounced as a sabotage effort to undermine the Postal Service broadly as well as disrupt efforts to carry out mail-in voting for November’s election amid the Covid-19 pandemic, the moves unveiled late Friday were viewed as an overt assault on democracy and a calculated opportunity to boost Republicans’ long-held dream of undercutting or privatizing the government-run mail service while also boosting their election prospects in the process.
“Another Friday night massacre by this administration—and this time dealing another devastating blow to our postal service,” said Rep. Mary Gay Scanlon (D-Pa.) “The American people deserve answers and we’re going to keep fighting for them.”
Scanlon was among more than 80 congressional lawmakers who sent a letter to DeJoy earlier in the day expressing “deep concerns” about operational changes he has made for mail carriers that have delayed deliveries and lowered standards.
“It is vital that the U.S. Postal Service not reduce mail delivery times, which could harm rural communities, seniors, small businesses, and millions of Americans who rely on the mail for critical letters and packages,” the letter stated. “Eliminating overtime and directing postal workers to leave mail on the floor of postal facilities will erode confidence in the Postal Service and drive customers away, resulting in even worse financial conditions in the future.”
The following is a statement from Kristen Clarke, president and executive director of the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law: “We are sounding an alarm regarding personnel changes, policy shifts and service disruptions happening inside the U.S. Postal Service on Louis DeJoy’s watch. The postal service lies at the heart of our democracy and is critical to the success of an unprecedented vote-by-mail system that is needed for a fair and effective 2020 election season. The postal service helps ensure that our nation’s most vulnerable communities are receiving medications and resources during the pandemic. It is also critical to the efforts to achieve a full and accurate 2020 Census. “The Trump administration’s intentions are clear. Louis DeJoy, a Trump donor with no experience inside the postal service, has been installed to cause chaos and disruption at a time when the timely delivery of mail could not be more critical.”
Kristen Clarke, president and executive director of the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, warned what occurred Friday is designed to weak the Postal Service, slow vote-by-mail, and disrupt the 2020 Census.
“We are sounding an alarm regarding personnel changes, policy shifts and service disruptions happening inside the U.S. Postal Service on Louis DeJoy’s watch,” Clarke said in a statement. “The postal service lies at the heart of our democracy and is critical to the success of an unprecedented vote-by-mail system that is needed for a fair and effective 2020 election season. The postal service helps ensure that our nation’s most vulnerable communities are receiving medications and resources during the pandemic. It is also critical to the efforts to achieve a full and accurate 2020 Census.”
Clarke said the administration’s intentions are clear: “DeJoy, a Trump donor with no experience inside the postal service, has been installed to cause chaos and disruption at a time when the timely delivery of mail could not be more critical.”
As Common Dreams reported earlier Friday, Sen. Elizabeth Warren was among those who signed the letter and also called for DeJoy’s efforts to be investigated by the Inspector General of the USPS. Since 2016 alone, DeJoy has donated more than $2.5 million to the Republican Party and candidates. In 2020, prior to his appointment as Postmaster General by the GOP-controlled board of governors, DeJoy had already given approximately $360,000 to a Super PAC supporting Trump’s reelection.
As the Post notes in its reporting, the reshuffling of top managers and executives—as well as a hiring freeze and push for early retirements—”worried postal analysts, who say the tone of DeJoy’s first eight weeks and his restructuring have recast the nation’s mail service as a for-profit arm of the government, rather than an essential service.”
In a video posted to Twitter, Rep. Peter DeFazio (D-Oreg.) characterized DeJoy as a “political crony” of the president’s and also denounced the brazen efforts now on display as a “Friday Night Massacre” scenario:
Trump’s political crony managing the #USPS has made significant changes to postal operations, which has already slowed mail delivery across the country. Tonight he went further and executed a Friday night massacre— firing USPS managers who run the day to day postal operations. pic.twitter.com/YbPrQJcPVE — Peter DeFazio (@DeFazio4Oregon) August 8, 2020
Appearing Friday afternoon on Capitol Hill, DeJoy brushed off accusations that he is acting as a political bag man for Trump. “While I certainly have a good relationship with the president of the United States, the notion that I would ever make decisions concerning the Postal Service at the direction of the president or anyone else in the administration is wholly off-base,” DeJoy said.
But outside critics like Walter Shaub, former head of the Office of Government Ethics and a fierce critic of Trump’s behavior as president, said the latest move should be seen as nothing less than a direct effort by DeJoy to exploit his authority at the Postal Service to further the president’s political interests and reelection prospects.
America is in a dead sprint to authoritarianism. The man is pulling out all the stops to prevent the citizens of this country from holding a legitimate election in which he might face removal from office. https://t.co/leWoXL15fe — Walter Shaub (@waltshaub) August 8, 2020
According to Brian Tyler Cohen, a liberal commentator and podcast host, “Congressional Democrats need to do something about this” immediately.
“If we wait until October/November, it’ll be too late,” said Cohen. “Trump is actively sabotaging the election under our noses—this isn’t theoretical, it’s happening RIGHT NOW.” Cohen said this situation should be treated like a “fucking five-alarm fire” and said action must be taken by both lawmakers and the U.S. public without delay.
Use inherent contempt powers to bring DeJoy to testify (now, not in 6 weeks). Pass legislation codifying timely mail delivery (even if that means paying overtime), include USPS funding in the next relief bill (non-negotiable). This is a fucking five-alarm fire- what’s being done? — Brian Tyler Cohen (@briantylercohen) August 8, 2020
Rep. Gerald E. Connolly (D-Va.), chair of the House subcommittee which has oversight for the USPS, said what DeJoy is trying to pass off as simple organizational restructuring is actually “a Trojan Horse” designed to destroy one of the nation’s most trusted and valued institutions from within.
Connolly on Friday night called it, “Deliberate sabotage to disrupt mail service on the eve of the election—an election that hinges on mail-in ballots.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.


truthout--2020-08-08--Marvel’s “Punisher” Was a Hate Symbol Long Before Police Co-opted His Character

On February 1 , 1974 , Francis “ Frank ” Castle made his debut as a fictional character in the pages of The Amazing Spider-Man # 129 .
Gerry Conway , the writer , had initially pitched the idea of the misguided antihero as a throwaway villain .
“ The Assassin , ” as Conway called Castle , was an ex-soldier bent on revenge , wearing a small totenkopf on his breast as the badge of his “ war on crime.
” Artist John Romita Sr. reworked the symbol into a stylized version of the Waffen S.S. skull before publication @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hundreds of famous Marvel heroes ‒ changed the character ’ s name from “ The Assassin ” to “ the Punisher.
” For the next decade , Frank Castle ‒ a.k.a the Punisher ‒ bounced from comic to comic .
He was a mainstay in The Amazing Spider-Man and frequently crossed over into other popular lines like Daredevil and Captain America .
During that time , he was given clearer motivations , and a tragic backstory .
Unlike the rest of Marvel ’ s A-listers , though , Frank killed his enemies .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ solo-series put it : In many ways , the Punisher is an unusual choice for a lead character .
He ’ s fascinating , yet at the same time , repelling .
In my own head , I think he ’ s the dark side of us all .
He ’ s the part that screams in rage at the million frustrations and injustices , major and minor , plaguing the average person in the twentieth century .
He ’ s the violent part of us that yearns to do something about it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yet , we know we can ’ t .
If everyone was the Punisher , we ’ d have anarchy ; chaos .
A solution as bad , if not worse , than any of the problems .
The vigilante as hero is a concept that ’ s been with us a long time .
It ’ s been a favorite one in comics , and in pulp fiction prior to that .
The Punisher carries the tradition to its logical – and deadly – extreme .
In doing so , does he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ himself against ?
I think that ’ s part of the character ’ s fascination , and I think it ’ s an aspect that , given time and future issues , we ’ ll certainly try to explore .
There would be no future issues for Frank Castle ‒ not in that particular series anyways .
He returned to the pages of Spider-Man and Daredevil and Captain America for the rest of the ’ 70s and early ’ 80s .
There , he was invariably used as a foil to the more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up with them to defeat a common foe .
More often they would fight over their differing views of justice .
He was always a cautionary tale about what happens when someone decides that the ends justify the means .
On October 14 , 1982 , Ronald Reagan declared a new “ war on drugs.
” In October of 1984 , he signed the Comprehensive Crime Control Act into law , helping to usher in a new era of civil asset forfeiture and mandatory minimums .
A month later , he was reelected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about supporting a number of murderous regimes in Latin America .
It was during this time that , on January 1 , 1986 , Frank Castle was given another shot at a solo-series .
As Gerry Conway would later say : The five-issue limited run was a massive success , and Marvel immediately began working on a monthly title behind the scenes .
In November 1986 , news of the Iran-Contra Affair broke .
The Punisher would ultimately make its debut in the midst of the ensuing , widely televised congressional hearings .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ conspired with drug lords to sell cocaine in U.S. cities , Frank was knocking over “ crack houses ” in Spanish Harlem with a bazooka .
When he follows the chain of supply , it doesn ’ t lead him to the CIA , but instead to Bolivia .
There he encounters a local military owned by the narco-traffickers , and no sign of U.S. involvement to be found .
He promptly kills dozens of Latinos , burns their processing plant and takes the millions of dollars they stole back to New York @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Punisher was fiction , of course , but it was a particular kind of right-wing fiction that ran directly opposite reality .
Despite that , like its predecessor , the series was wildly successful .
Marvel commissioned two spin-offs ‒ Punisher War Journal and The Punisher War Zone ‒ and together the three series would produce 223 issues over the next eight years .
For the better part of a decade , the trend of tacitly commenting upon current events continued .
On the anniversary of Rodney King ’ s beating by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Castle ‒ in March 1992 ‒ put on blackface and lectured prominent Black superhero Luke Cage about “ Black-on-Black ” crime .
Two months after the Oklahoma City bombing , Frank Castle appropriated a neo-Nazi weapons cache and used it to kill civilians in Central Park .
Six months after the 102nd Congress had been sworn-in ‒ marking Democratic control of the House for 36 years , and of the Senate for four ‒ Frank Castle went on a rant while battling Soviet partisans in Siberia : The list goes on .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was hired to bring the Punisher into a new millennium .
His take on Frank Castle redefined the character , and the subsequent Punisher MAX series was the one that soldiers would carry into Iraq and Afghanistan .
While deployed , U.S. troops made heavy use of the symbol to assert American dominance .
Soldiers would spray-paint the totenkopf on their weapons , armor , helmets and vehicles .
“ We spray-painted it on every building or wall we could , ” one veteran recalled .
“ We wanted people to know , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and we want to fuck with you.
” The Punisher skull became so prevalent that it was adopted by various militias in the region , and can still be found there to this day .
As with its predecessors , Punisher MAX relied heavily on racist caricatures , although now they were generally anti-Black instead of anti-Latino .
The glorified violence of the series became disproportionately focused on “ homeboys , ” as Castle calls them .
Despite ending in 2009 , Punisher MAX is still the most beloved iteration of the character @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2004 ‒ nine months after the premiere of Punisher MAX ‒ Frank Jude Jr. was beaten by off-duty officers in Milwaukee , Wisconsin , while trying to leave a party .
The officers responsible , it was later discovered , were part of a group within the Milwaukee Police Department called “ The Punishers.
” The Punishers would don gloves and caps embossed with Frank Castle ’ s skull symbol before going on patrol in the city ’ s predominantly Black neighborhood , where they engaged in “ vigilante-style activity.
” In December @ @ @ @ @ @ @ former police officers created “ Blue Lives Matter.
” The private media company had the explicit goal of pushing back against the then-nascent Black Lives Matter movement .
They lost no time in making Frank Castle the mascot for their official Facebook page , and promoting the now-ubiquitous “ Thin Blue Line Punisher.
” On August 11 , 2017 , white supremacists held a rally in Charlottesville , Virgina .
Amid the violent attacks that resulted in one death and dozens of injuries , a contingent of fascists was spotted with the Punisher @ @ @ @ @ @ @ June 4 , 2019 , it was revealed that 22 officers in the St. Louis Police Department had been sharing racist , sexist and anti-Muslim posts on Facebook ‒ among them , the Punisher skull .
In response to the officers ’ suspension , the president of the St. Louis Police union issued a statement , calling on all supporters to change their profile pictures to the “ Blue Line Punisher symbol ” in protest .
Most recently , Frank Castle ’ s totenkopf has become an integral part of the pushback against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Breonna Taylor .
Police have been seen across the country wearing variations of the symbol , frequently while beating and tear-gassing peaceful protesters .
Over the years , Marvel has made various attempts to save Frank Castle ’ s image ‒ from having him kill a lot of Nazis after Charlottesville to berating cops that use his symbol .
Gerry Conway has criticized police use of the totenkopf and started a “ Skulls for Justice ” campaign to rebrand the logo .
A few comic book creators are even urging Disney to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
All these efforts have failed .
Frank Castle was created as an antihero .
He was a villain and a cautionary tale .
Over time that was forgotten .
From the moment he was given his own series , it was used to push reactionary ideas and dangerous fiction .
Not long afterward it began to inspire violent action .
In the early 2000s the Punisher was chosen by U.S. forces to represent U.S. forces in Iraq and Afghanistan .
It is no mistake that numerous war crimes were committed in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ convey that “ [ w ] e ’ re here and we want to fuck with you.
” In the 2010s , Frank Castle jumped back and forth between fascist militias and police unions , used equally to justify hateful messages on Facebook and attacks on unarmed protesters .
As unidentified federal agents begin abducting Americans in 2020 , the line between the two camps has blurred even more .
This development came as a shock to many , but really it is the only logical conclusion to the cult of death that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ skull is a symbol that police have chosen to associate themselves with repeatedly and voluntarily .
Even if the paramilitaries on the streets of Portland aren ’ t literally wearing the totenkopf ‒ and there ’ s still time for it to make an appearance ‒ they are acting in accordance with what it has come to represent .
Secret police , unreported arrests , blacksites ‒ these are the tactics of Nazis and the U.S. in the Middle East .
Current events are only one in a long line of regressive uses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to .
Those who use the symbol to condone brutality do so not despite its meaning , but because of it .
There is nothing left to reclaim in Frank Castle .
The Punisher skull is a hate symbol , and has been for some time .
It ’ s time we treated it like one .

Content Warning: This piece discusses Nazi imagery, descriptions of police brutality, anti-Black caricatures, descriptions of violence against Latino people and graphic depictions of violence against Black people.
On February 1, 1974, Francis “Frank” Castle made his debut as a fictional character in the pages of The Amazing Spider-Man #129. Gerry Conway, the writer, had initially pitched the idea of the misguided antihero as a throwaway villain. “The Assassin,” as Conway called Castle, was an ex-soldier bent on revenge, wearing a small totenkopf on his breast as the badge of his “war on crime.” Artist John Romita Sr. reworked the symbol into a stylized version of the Waffen S.S. skull before publication. Stan Lee ‒ the creator of hundreds of famous Marvel heroes ‒ changed the character’s name from “The Assassin” to “the Punisher.”
Public Domain, CC Attribution-Share Alike 4.0, © Marvel Comics
For the next decade, Frank Castle ‒ a.k.a the Punisher ‒ bounced from comic to comic. He was a mainstay in The Amazing Spider-Man and frequently crossed over into other popular lines like Daredevil and Captain America. During that time, he was given clearer motivations, and a tragic backstory. Unlike the rest of Marvel’s A-listers, though, Frank killed his enemies. As the writer for a failed 1976 solo-series put it:
In many ways, the Punisher is an unusual choice for a lead character. He’s fascinating, yet at the same time, repelling. In my own head, I think he’s the dark side of us all. He’s the part that screams in rage at the million frustrations and injustices, major and minor, plaguing the average person in the twentieth century. He’s the violent part of us that yearns to do something about it. Quickly. Simply. Finally. Yet, we know we can’t. If everyone was the Punisher, we’d have anarchy; chaos. A solution as bad, if not worse, than any of the problems. The vigilante as hero is a concept that’s been with us a long time. It’s been a favorite one in comics, and in pulp fiction prior to that. The Punisher carries the tradition to its logical – and deadly – extreme. In doing so, does he become as bad as those he sets himself against? I think that’s part of the character’s fascination, and I think it’s an aspect that, given time and future issues, we’ll certainly try to explore.
There would be no future issues for Frank Castle ‒ not in that particular series anyways. He returned to the pages of Spider-Man and Daredevil and Captain America for the rest of the ’70s and early ’80s. There, he was invariably used as a foil to the more pure-hearted heroes. Sometimes he would team up with them to defeat a common foe. More often they would fight over their differing views of justice. He was always a cautionary tale about what happens when someone decides that the ends justify the means.
© Marvel Comics
On October 14, 1982, Ronald Reagan declared a new “war on drugs.” In October of 1984, he signed the Comprehensive Crime Control Act into law, helping to usher in a new era of civil asset forfeiture and mandatory minimums. A month later, he was reelected in a historic landslide, and set about supporting a number of murderous regimes in Latin America. It was during this time that, on January 1, 1986, Frank Castle was given another shot at a solo-series. As Gerry Conway would later say:
You had at that time a national government that was very aggressive. We had this notion that as a nation we needed to break the rules. In that era, the Punisher was able to take on a “heroic” mantle, [rather] than being an anti-hero that was frowned upon. People were prepared [to] embrace him. Readers embraced him as an actual hero because of what was going on.
The five-issue limited run was a massive success, and Marvel immediately began working on a monthly title behind the scenes. In November 1986, news of the Iran-Contra Affair broke. The Punisher would ultimately make its debut in the midst of the ensuing, widely televised congressional hearings.
© Marvel Comics
As Americans learned that their government had conspired with drug lords to sell cocaine in U.S. cities, Frank was knocking over “crack houses” in Spanish Harlem with a bazooka. When he follows the chain of supply, it doesn’t lead him to the CIA, but instead to Bolivia. There he encounters a local military owned by the narco-traffickers, and no sign of U.S. involvement to be found. He promptly kills dozens of Latinos, burns their processing plant and takes the millions of dollars they stole back to New York, to fund his future operations.
The Punisher was fiction, of course, but it was a particular kind of right-wing fiction that ran directly opposite reality. Despite that, like its predecessor, the series was wildly successful. Marvel commissioned two spin-offs ‒ Punisher War Journal and The Punisher War Zone ‒ and together the three series would produce 223 issues over the next eight years. For the better part of a decade, the trend of tacitly commenting upon current events continued.
On the anniversary of Rodney King’s beating by the Los Angeles Police Department, Frank Castle ‒ in March 1992 ‒ put on blackface and lectured prominent Black superhero Luke Cage about “Black-on-Black” crime. Two months after the Oklahoma City bombing, Frank Castle appropriated a neo-Nazi weapons cache and used it to kill civilians in Central Park.
© Marvel Comics
Six months after the 102nd Congress had been sworn-in ‒ marking Democratic control of the House for 36 years, and of the Senate for four ‒ Frank Castle went on a rant while battling Soviet partisans in Siberia:
When I started I thought I’d make a difference. Wipe out organized crime — hah! The real enemy’s in Washington! Liberal Democrats have sold this country down the river! You know what would make a difference? Blowing away a few crooked congressmen… yeah… I’d even kill a few Republicans just to show I’m bi-partisan…
The list goes on.
In April 2000, Irish writer Garth Ennis was hired to bring the Punisher into a new millennium. His take on Frank Castle redefined the character, and the subsequent Punisher MAX series was the one that soldiers would carry into Iraq and Afghanistan. While deployed, U.S. troops made heavy use of the symbol to assert American dominance. Soldiers would spray-paint the totenkopf on their weapons, armor, helmets and vehicles. “We spray-painted it on every building or wall we could,” one veteran recalled. “We wanted people to know, [w]e’re here and we want to fuck with you.” The Punisher skull became so prevalent that it was adopted by various militias in the region, and can still be found there to this day.
As with its predecessors, Punisher MAX relied heavily on racist caricatures, although now they were generally anti-Black instead of anti-Latino. The glorified violence of the series became disproportionately focused on “homeboys,” as Castle calls them. Despite ending in 2009, Punisher MAX is still the most beloved iteration of the character among police.
© Marvel Comics © Marvel Comics © Marvel Comics
On October 4, 2004 ‒ nine months after the premiere of Punisher MAX ‒ Frank Jude Jr. was beaten by off-duty officers in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, while trying to leave a party. The officers responsible, it was later discovered, were part of a group within the Milwaukee Police Department called “The Punishers.” The Punishers would don gloves and caps embossed with Frank Castle’s skull symbol before going on patrol in the city’s predominantly Black neighborhood, where they engaged in “vigilante-style activity.”
In December 2014, a group of current and former police officers created “Blue Lives Matter.” The private media company had the explicit goal of pushing back against the then-nascent Black Lives Matter movement. They lost no time in making Frank Castle the mascot for their official Facebook page, and promoting the now-ubiquitous “Thin Blue Line Punisher.”
Copyright Unclear
On August 11, 2017, white supremacists held a rally in Charlottesville, Virgina. Amid the violent attacks that resulted in one death and dozens of injuries, a contingent of fascists was spotted with the Punisher logo painted on their shields.
On June 4, 2019, it was revealed that 22 officers in the St. Louis Police Department had been sharing racist, sexist and anti-Muslim posts on Facebook ‒ among them, the Punisher skull. In response to the officers’ suspension, the president of the St. Louis Police union issued a statement, calling on all supporters to change their profile pictures to the “Blue Line Punisher symbol” in protest.
Screenshot by the author
Most recently, Frank Castle’s totenkopf has become an integral part of the pushback against protests over the murders of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor. Police have been seen across the country wearing variations of the symbol, frequently while beating and tear-gassing peaceful protesters.
Over the years, Marvel has made various attempts to save Frank Castle’s image ‒ from having him kill a lot of Nazis after Charlottesville to berating cops that use his symbol. Gerry Conway has criticized police use of the totenkopf and started a “Skulls for Justice” campaign to rebrand the logo. A few comic book creators are even urging Disney to sue police departments that use the skull. All these efforts have failed.
Frank Castle was created as an antihero. He was a villain and a cautionary tale. Over time that was forgotten. From the moment he was given his own series, it was used to push reactionary ideas and dangerous fiction. Not long afterward it began to inspire violent action. In the early 2000s the Punisher was chosen by U.S. forces to represent U.S. forces in Iraq and Afghanistan. It is no mistake that numerous war crimes were committed in the region while the Punisher was used to convey that “[w]e’re here and we want to fuck with you.” In the 2010s, Frank Castle jumped back and forth between fascist militias and police unions, used equally to justify hateful messages on Facebook and attacks on unarmed protesters. As unidentified federal agents begin abducting Americans in 2020, the line between the two camps has blurred even more. This development came as a shock to many, but really it is the only logical conclusion to the cult of death that Frank Castle has inspired.
The Punisher skull is a symbol that police have chosen to associate themselves with repeatedly and voluntarily. Even if the paramilitaries on the streets of Portland aren’t literally wearing the totenkopf ‒ and there’s still time for it to make an appearance ‒ they are acting in accordance with what it has come to represent. Secret police, unreported arrests, blacksites ‒ these are the tactics of Nazis and the U.S. in the Middle East. Current events are only one in a long line of regressive uses that the Punisher skull has been put to. Those who use the symbol to condone brutality do so not despite its meaning, but because of it. There is nothing left to reclaim in Frank Castle. The Punisher skull is a hate symbol, and has been for some time. It’s time we treated it like one.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-08-08--Abolishing Police Is a Step Toward Ending White Supremacy and Capitalism

Something has come unstuck .
The common sense about policing has abruptly changed .
This shift was a long time coming : Prison abolitionists — a movement of scholars and activists , notably spearheaded by Black women such as Angela Davis and Ruth Wilson Gilmore — have spent decades organizing toward a goal of abolishing the prison system .
The Black Lives Matter movement and a new generation of Black-led organizing have kindled a new moment in which a world without police feels truly possible .
After decades of expanding police power — bolstered by a hegemonic “ law and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tough on crime ” agenda — something snapped when Minneapolis police were filmed callously suffocating George Floyd , an unarmed Black man .
Suddenly once-staunch defenders of the police — even their own unions — are calling for reform , and moderates advocate defunding specific programs or entire departments .
The police have come to be seen as a threat to public safety rather than its instrument , and the ideological framing of “ Black criminality ” has given way , at least for the moment , to that of institutional racism .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ percent ) believe that Floyd ’ s death is “ a sign of broader problems in [ the ] treatment of black Americans by police , ” and 81 percent believe “ police in America need to continue making changes to treat blacks equally to whites.
” As recently as 2014 , it was a minority ( 43 percent ) who saw similar incidents as “ a sign of broader problems.
” As cities burned and crowds fought with cops , surveys showed that three-quarters of Americans ( 78 percent ) saw the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ partially justified , and a majority ( 54 percent ) felt similarly about the protesters ’ militant tactics , including the burning of Minneapolis ’ s Third Precinct station house .
Twice as many people — including a majority of whites — report being concerned about police violence as express concern over protester violence .
A large majority ( 74 percent ) express support for the protests ( 47 percent “ strongly support ” them ) .
Riots get results .
The cops who killed George Floyd are being prosecuted ; many departments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , district attorneys and other law enforcement leaders have resigned , one after another , across the country .
Police budgets are being slashed , with the funds reallocated to social spending — reversing the trajectory of the last half-century .
The Minneapolis City Council voted to disband its police force altogether and try something else instead .
Some of the concessions responded to long-standing complaints , and others represent changes that no one had even demanded : Lego is de-emphasizing police-themed toys .
Babynames.com featured a stark black banner on its front @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violence , beginning with Emmett Till , and reminding us that , “ Each one of these names was somebody ’ s baby.
” The long-running television program “ Cops ” was abruptly cancelled .
Corporations started pouring money into civil rights organizations , and celebrities publicly challenged each other to bail out arrested protesters .
Twenty years ago , I began work on a history of policing in the United States , which appeared in 2004 under the title Our Enemies in Blue .
( It is now in its third edition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ book is that the core function of the police is not to fight crime , to protect life and property , or even to enforce the law , but instead to preserve existing social inequalities , especially those based on race and class .
In making that case , I looked at the origins and development of the institution , the centrality of violence in police work , and the persistent bias in the law and its enforcement .
I also forwarded a number of contentious ( and at the time , almost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ originated not in the New England town watch , but in the Southern slave patrols — militia groups responsible for enforcing pass laws and preventing uprisings ; that cops are not workers and police unions are not labor unions ; that community policing is not a program for progress but a counterinsurgency strategy ; and that the institution of policing must be abolished rather than reformed .
At the time , none of those were accepted positions , even among many strident critics of the police .
They remain today minority views , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
These points have entered the mainstream discourse : Historians increasingly acknowledge the significance of slave patrols .
Unions are calling into question the legitimacy of police unions , and even breaking ties with them .
The military literature has become increasingly explicit in comparing community policing with counterinsurgency .
And even mainstream politicians find themselves debating the question , not merely of reforming the police department , but of defunding or disbanding it .
Meanwhile , the agenda of activists has quickly expanded beyond policing : Around the world , crowds pulled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ owners .
Popular Mechanics ran articles offering practical advice on avoiding police surveillance at protests , and a how-to guide to pulling down racist statues .
NASCAR barred displays of the Confederate battle flag , and Mississippi decided to remove the Stars and Bars from its state flag .
A street adjacent to the White House has been renamed “ Black Lives Matter Plaza.
” Employers adopted Juneteenth as a paid holiday .
And Johnson and Johnson announced a new line of darker Band-Aids .
Many of these gestures are purely symbolic .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ much , that is not to say that symbolic gestures are meaningless : the symbolism itself demonstrates something of the emerging consensus .
In addition to being a pivotal moment for organizers , this shift in public consciousness would seem to recommend an expanded agenda for researchers .
Most crucially , we should find ways to put our work in the service of social movements , always remembering that it is the movement , and not the scholarship , that propels change .
We should , of course , continue to document the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ causes and evaluate proposed reforms .
But in the present crisis , provisional answers are already available and widely circulating .
What is more urgently needed is further work documenting and evaluating alternatives to policing , identifying best practices and organizational features that correlate with good outcomes .
Furthermore , we must work to situate abolition as part of a revolutionary program , to make clear the limits of defunding ( or even disbanding ) the police , and to make the argument that abolition can not end with policing , but must @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — the machinery of prosecutions and punishment , even probation and “ community-based ” corrections .
We must not be afraid to embrace the radicalism of such proposals .
Just as we highlight the structural role the police play in economic exploitation and racial oppression , we must articulate the importance of abolition in the broader revolutionary project of overthrowing white supremacy and capitalism .

Part of the Series The Road to Abolition
Something has come unstuck. The common sense about policing has abruptly changed.
This shift was a long time coming: Prison abolitionists — a movement of scholars and activists, notably spearheaded by Black women such as Angela Davis and Ruth Wilson Gilmore — have spent decades organizing toward a goal of abolishing the prison system. The Black Lives Matter movement and a new generation of Black-led organizing have kindled a new moment in which a world without police feels truly possible.
After decades of expanding police power — bolstered by a hegemonic “law and order” discourse and a bipartisan “tough on crime” agenda — something snapped when Minneapolis police were filmed callously suffocating George Floyd, an unarmed Black man. Suddenly once-staunch defenders of the police — even their own unions — are calling for reform, and moderates advocate defunding specific programs or entire departments. The police have come to be seen as a threat to public safety rather than its instrument, and the ideological framing of “Black criminality” has given way, at least for the moment, to that of institutional racism. More than two-thirds of Americans (69 percent) believe that Floyd’s death is “a sign of broader problems in [the] treatment of black Americans by police,” and 81 percent believe “police in America need to continue making changes to treat blacks equally to whites.” As recently as 2014, it was a minority (43 percent) who saw similar incidents as “a sign of broader problems.”
As cities burned and crowds fought with cops, surveys showed that three-quarters of Americans (78 percent) saw the anger driving the uprisings as at least partially justified, and a majority (54 percent) felt similarly about the protesters’ militant tactics, including the burning of Minneapolis’s Third Precinct station house. Twice as many people — including a majority of whites — report being concerned about police violence as express concern over protester violence. A large majority (74 percent) express support for the protests (47 percent “strongly support” them).
Riots get results. The cops who killed George Floyd are being prosecuted; many departments are banning chokeholds; and police chiefs, district attorneys and other law enforcement leaders have resigned, one after another, across the country. Police budgets are being slashed, with the funds reallocated to social spending — reversing the trajectory of the last half-century. The Minneapolis City Council voted to disband its police force altogether and try something else instead.
Some of the concessions responded to long-standing complaints, and others represent changes that no one had even demanded: Lego is de-emphasizing police-themed toys. Babynames.com featured a stark black banner on its front page listing dozens of victims of racist violence, beginning with Emmett Till, and reminding us that, “Each one of these names was somebody’s baby.” The long-running television program “Cops” was abruptly cancelled. Corporations started pouring money into civil rights organizations, and celebrities publicly challenged each other to bail out arrested protesters.
The Black Lives Matter movement and a new generation of Black-led organizing have kindled a new moment in which a world without police feels truly possible.
Twenty years ago, I began work on a history of policing in the United States, which appeared in 2004 under the title Our Enemies in Blue. (It is now in its third edition.) The main argument of the book is that the core function of the police is not to fight crime, to protect life and property, or even to enforce the law, but instead to preserve existing social inequalities, especially those based on race and class. In making that case, I looked at the origins and development of the institution, the centrality of violence in police work, and the persistent bias in the law and its enforcement. I also forwarded a number of contentious (and at the time, almost heretical) claims: that modern policing originated not in the New England town watch, but in the Southern slave patrols — militia groups responsible for enforcing pass laws and preventing uprisings; that cops are not workers and police unions are not labor unions; that community policing is not a program for progress but a counterinsurgency strategy; and that the institution of policing must be abolished rather than reformed. At the time, none of those were accepted positions, even among many strident critics of the police. They remain today minority views, but it has become a substantial minority. These points have entered the mainstream discourse: Historians increasingly acknowledge the significance of slave patrols. Unions are calling into question the legitimacy of police unions, and even breaking ties with them. The military literature has become increasingly explicit in comparing community policing with counterinsurgency. And even mainstream politicians find themselves debating the question, not merely of reforming the police department, but of defunding or disbanding it.
Meanwhile, the agenda of activists has quickly expanded beyond policing: Around the world, crowds pulled down statues of Confederate generals and slave owners. Popular Mechanics ran articles offering practical advice on avoiding police surveillance at protests, and a how-to guide to pulling down racist statues. NASCAR barred displays of the Confederate battle flag, and Mississippi decided to remove the Stars and Bars from its state flag. A street adjacent to the White House has been renamed “Black Lives Matter Plaza.” Employers adopted Juneteenth as a paid holiday. And Johnson and Johnson announced a new line of darker Band-Aids.
Many of these gestures are purely symbolic. But while some changes may not do much, that is not to say that symbolic gestures are meaningless: the symbolism itself demonstrates something of the emerging consensus.
We must articulate the importance of abolition in the broader revolutionary project of overthrowing white supremacy and capitalism.
In addition to being a pivotal moment for organizers, this shift in public consciousness would seem to recommend an expanded agenda for researchers. Most crucially, we should find ways to put our work in the service of social movements, always remembering that it is the movement, and not the scholarship, that propels change.
We should, of course, continue to document the prevalence of police violence, analyze its causes and evaluate proposed reforms. But in the present crisis, provisional answers are already available and widely circulating. What is more urgently needed is further work documenting and evaluating alternatives to policing, identifying best practices and organizational features that correlate with good outcomes.
Furthermore, we must work to situate abolition as part of a revolutionary program, to make clear the limits of defunding (or even disbanding) the police, and to make the argument that abolition cannot end with policing, but must extend to the entire criminal legal apparatus — the machinery of prosecutions and punishment, even probation and “community-based” corrections. We must not be afraid to embrace the radicalism of such proposals. Just as we highlight the structural role the police play in economic exploitation and racial oppression, we must articulate the importance of abolition in the broader revolutionary project of overthrowing white supremacy and capitalism.
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.


truthout--2020-08-09--What Is the US-Mexico Border to Indigenous Peoples Who Have Lived There?

For Indigenous peoples of the Americas , the U.S.-Mexico border is increasingly a symbol and tool of genocide .
When this border was created , Indigenous peoples of the region were divided , including the Yaqui , O ’ odham , Cocopah , Kumeyaay , Pai , Apache , and Kickapoo .
These peoples are represented by 26 sovereign tribal nations in the United States with tribal relatives residing in Mexico .
Indigenous peoples tend to understand and talk about the U.S.-Mexico border in different terms from those who understand the border to be an agreement between governments , often @ @ @ @ @ @ @ imaginary.
” Several international legal instruments , including the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples ( UNDRIP ) , confirm the right of Indigenous peoples to maintain connections to their homelands and peoples across international borders .
Some Indigenous groups such as the Lipan Apache have pursued actions to address rights violations through the U.N. reporting system .
International human rights law , however , is not now recognized as binding for decision-making in U.S. courts .
Throughout my decade-long field research on grassroots Indigenous border activism in the southern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Indigenous rights for ensuring rights at the local level was one area of debate among activists .
Given the sovereign status of U.S. tribal nations , the U.S. Department of Homeland Security has established some general policies and practices to facilitate border crossing for Indigenous peoples of the U.S.-Mexico border region .
The only fully formalized policy for southern border crossing , however , is a mandate that tribes develop and make use of Enhanced Tribal Cards , tribal identification cards that include security technology to confirm the tribal enrollment and citizenship status @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of clear policies and procedures for such things as the handling of Indigenous sacred items and the processing of Indigenous members who are Mexican citizens has resulted in delays or denials of entry for Indigenous members into the United States for ceremonial and cultural events , detainments , and the mishandling or destruction of sacred items .
A number of grassroots Indigenous organizations such as the Indigenous Alliance Without Borders , O ’ odham Voice Against the Wall , and Indivisible Tohono are working in the U.S.-Mexico border region to raise consciousness about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policies on Indigenous peoples , and to work for new policies that recognize the rights of Indigenous peoples within their homelands .
Since 1997 , the Indigenous Alliance Without Borders has provided support to and advocated for the border rights of Indigenous groups throughout the border region .
The Indigenous Alliance has long advocated for the development of comprehensive legislation that would address Indigenous border rights at both the Canada-U.S. and U.S.-Mexico borders , and has envisioned summits that include both tribal government and grassroots community leaders .
Recent tribal border summits in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pascua Yaqui Tribe , the Tohono O ’ odham Nation , and the National Congress of American Indians are building toward this vision .
The Indigenous Alliance has also advocated for the adoption of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples by U.S. tribal governments on the U.S.-Mexico border to help build a common reference for Indigenous border rights .
While Indigenous leaders work to address issues they face with U.S.-Mexico border policy , Indigenous members must continue to grapple with the everyday impacts of increasing border enforcement , including @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surveillance technology on reservation lands , as well as the disruption of their lands by border barrier construction .
“ The effect of a wall is already in us .
It already divides us… .
It ’ s a psychological wall , ” says O ’ odham activist Mike Wilson , who is also concerned about increased border barrier construction .
That psychological wall has devastating impacts “ that many will not realize until generations to come , ” he adds .
Given the U.S. government ’ s historical treatment of Indigenous peoples @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and presence on U.S.-claimed lands , both continued Indigenous movement and widespread public support are needed to help rectify the physical , social , and psychological harms caused by the “ imaginary line .
”

For Indigenous peoples of the Americas, the U.S.-Mexico border is increasingly a symbol and tool of genocide. When this border was created, Indigenous peoples of the region were divided, including the Yaqui, O’odham, Cocopah, Kumeyaay, Pai, Apache, and Kickapoo. These peoples are represented by 26 sovereign tribal nations in the United States with tribal relatives residing in Mexico. Indigenous peoples tend to understand and talk about the U.S.-Mexico border in different terms from those who understand the border to be an agreement between governments, often describing the border as artificial or “imaginary.”
Several international legal instruments, including the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), confirm the right of Indigenous peoples to maintain connections to their homelands and peoples across international borders. Some Indigenous groups such as the Lipan Apache have pursued actions to address rights violations through the U.N. reporting system. International human rights law, however, is not now recognized as binding for decision-making in U.S. courts.
Throughout my decade-long field research on grassroots Indigenous border activism in the southern Arizona region, the usefulness of international Indigenous rights for ensuring rights at the local level was one area of debate among activists.
Given the sovereign status of U.S. tribal nations, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security has established some general policies and practices to facilitate border crossing for Indigenous peoples of the U.S.-Mexico border region. The only fully formalized policy for southern border crossing, however, is a mandate that tribes develop and make use of Enhanced Tribal Cards, tribal identification cards that include security technology to confirm the tribal enrollment and citizenship status of U.S. tribal members.
The absence of clear policies and procedures for such things as the handling of Indigenous sacred items and the processing of Indigenous members who are Mexican citizens has resulted in delays or denials of entry for Indigenous members into the United States for ceremonial and cultural events, detainments, and the mishandling or destruction of sacred items.
A number of grassroots Indigenous organizations such as the Indigenous Alliance Without Borders, O’odham Voice Against the Wall, and Indivisible Tohono are working in the U.S.-Mexico border region to raise consciousness about the negative impacts of current border enforcement policies on Indigenous peoples, and to work for new policies that recognize the rights of Indigenous peoples within their homelands. Since 1997, the Indigenous Alliance Without Borders has provided support to and advocated for the border rights of Indigenous groups throughout the border region.
The Indigenous Alliance has long advocated for the development of comprehensive legislation that would address Indigenous border rights at both the Canada-U.S. and U.S.-Mexico borders, and has envisioned summits that include both tribal government and grassroots community leaders. Recent tribal border summits in Tucson, Arizona, organized by the Pascua Yaqui Tribe, the Tohono O’odham Nation, and the National Congress of American Indians are building toward this vision. The Indigenous Alliance has also advocated for the adoption of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples by U.S. tribal governments on the U.S.-Mexico border to help build a common reference for Indigenous border rights.
While Indigenous leaders work to address issues they face with U.S.-Mexico border policy, Indigenous members must continue to grapple with the everyday impacts of increasing border enforcement, including the growing presence of Border Patrol and surveillance technology on reservation lands, as well as the disruption of their lands by border barrier construction.
“The effect of a wall is already in us. It already divides us… . It’s a psychological wall,” says O’odham activist Mike Wilson, who is also concerned about increased border barrier construction. That psychological wall has devastating impacts “that many will not realize until generations to come,” he adds.
Given the U.S. government’s historical treatment of Indigenous peoples in the attempt to eradicate their rights and presence on U.S.-claimed lands, both continued Indigenous movement and widespread public support are needed to help rectify the physical, social, and psychological harms caused by the “imaginary line.”
Tired of reading the same old news from the same old sources? So are we! That’s why we’re on a mission to shake things up and bring you the stories and perspectives that often go untold in mainstream media. But being a radically, unapologetically independent news site isn’t easy (or cheap), and we rely on reader support to keep the lights on.
If you like what you’re reading, please consider making a tax-deductible donation today. We’re not asking for a handout, we’re asking for an investment: Invest in a nonprofit news site that’s not afraid to ruffle a few feathers, not afraid to stand up for what’s right, and not afraid to tell it like it is.
This piece was reprinted by Truthout with permission or license. It may not be reproduced in any form without permission or license from the source.