truthout--2020-08-15--Trump Seeks to Trash Endangered Species Act by Redefining “Habitat”

In what prominent conservation group WildEarth Guardians ( Guardians ) is calling “ death by a thousand cuts , ” the Trump Administration is at it again , with another proposed change that would weaken the overwhelmingly popular Endangered Species Act ( ESA/the Act ) .
This go-round features an attempt to define the word habitat — literally — in an effort to affect what can be classified as critical habitat .
If successful , the effort is one that Guardians , and the Center for Biological Diversity ( the Center ) , say would make it harder to protect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ areas.
” Guardians told EnviroNews it is currently “ assessing [ its litigative ] options.
” Living at a URL address that bares the words , “ proposed definition of habitat , ” the U.S .
Fish and Wildlife Service ( USFWS ) — an ancillary arm of the Department of the Interior ( DOI ) , alongside the National Marine Fisheries Service ( NMFS ) — an underlying subsidiary of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration ( NOAA ) run by the U.S. Department of Commerce ( USDC ) , released the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The amendment would revamp what is ultimately meant by critical habitat by defining the word habitat for the first time — a move environmentalists say would have grave consequences for critters and plant-life in distress .
“ Clearly , this administration does not care what the American people want ; they only care about enriching their cronies in extractive industries , ” Taylor Jones , Endangered Species Advocate with Guardians , told EnviroNews in an online interview .
“ This is part of a long pattern of environmental rollbacks aimed at plundering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” The title of the document is : Endangered and Threatened Wildlife and Plants ; Regulations for Listing Endangered and Threatened Species and Designating Critical Habitat .
Published first on the USFWS website , the two agencies explain the definition as if this is a simple semantic upgrade , mandated by a court ruling , writing , “ The Supreme Court recently held that an area must logically be ‘ habitat ’ in order for that area to meet the narrower category of ‘ critical habitat ’ as defined in the Act , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or unoccupied.
” But opponents of the linguistic tweaks , say a more sinister plot is at play .
On page four of the document , the proposed “ Definition of Habitat ” reads thusly : At first glance , the wording may not seem overly significant , but Noah Greenwald , Endangered Species Director with the Center for Biological Diversity , warns the language will have a “ big impact.
” “ By inserting the phrase ‘ existing attributes , ’ ” Greenwald explained to EnviroNews in an exclusive interview , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ able to presently support a species for it to be designated as ‘ critical habitat.
’ ” This means that if an area , vital for the survival of a species , has been trashed by industrial plunder or gobbled up by rural sprawl to the point where it can ’ t sustain a wildlife community , it can be disqualified from being included under the Act .
“ This is problematic because oftentimes habitat needs to be restored before it can support a species , but [ it frequently ] needs protection @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Greenwald asserted .
The alternate definition offered up for comment by the agencies carries the same issue , if not more blatantly than the primary definition with the wording : “ only where the necessary attributes to support the species presently exist.
” But with this phrase , and the “ existing attributes ” text in the primary definition , wildlife advocates say it would be difficult , if not impossible to include , restore and manage countless key areas that should be reclaimed and made suitable for wildlife again .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ designation has already been weakened by [ other ] rule changes [ during the Trump Administration . ]
This change further limits what can be defined as ‘ habitat , ’ hamstringing efforts to restore degraded habitat where species once lived but no longer can , ” Jones continued to EnviroNews .
And Greenwald says the potential effect of this wording change isn ’ t simply theoretical ; he says it ’ s likely it will be tested very soon .
“ One example is areas of young , logged forest within @ @ @ @ @ @ @ owl ( Strix occidentalis caurina ) , ” Greenwald continued .
“ Based on a settlement with the timber industry , we ’ re expecting a revised designation for the owl any day , so we may see the impact of this proposed rule shortly.
” A 30-day public comment period was opened from the day the document was published online in the Federal Register on Aug 5 .
Leaders from environmental groups are encouraging members of the public to weigh in with a message for these government agencies : leave the ESA @ @ @ @ @ @ @ comment page directly at this link : https : //www.regulations.gov/docket ?
D=FWS-HQ-ES-2020-0047 .
But please , read on first .
The litigation that led to the recently proposed definition surrounds the critically endangered dusky gopher frog ( Lithobates sevosus ) — an increasingly rare creature in the southern U.S .
In that Nov. 2018 case , Weyerhaeuser CO. v. United States Fish and Wildlife Service , a major setback was handed down to the imperiled creature , also known as the Mississippi gopher frog , when the Supreme Court punted the issue back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , after that court upheld a ruling from the District Court designating specific private lands as critical habitat for the creature .
In 2012 , the International Union for Conservation of Nature ( ICUN ) ranked the frog as “ one of the top 100 most endangered species in the world.
” All remaining specimens survive in one intermittent pond in Mississippi .
Recognizing the species is in grave danger of extinction , the USFWS designated an ephemeral pond in Louisiana as critical habitat for the dusky gopher frog .
It has to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fish eating its eggs and young .
The bumpy-looking amphibian once lived in this Louisiana pond , but hasn ’ t been seen there since the 1960s .
The land owner and Weyerhaeuser Company , a logging enterprise , sued .
They lost both at the district and appeals court levels under conservative judges .
But those rulings weren ’ t good enough for the country ’ s highest court .
“ The landowners urge that their land can not be critical habitat because it is not habitat , which they contend refers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ currently survive , ” Chief Justice John Roberts wrote on behalf of the Court .
And the Supreme Court came down 8-0 on the issue ( Justice Brett Kavanaugh had not yet been confirmed ) , instructing the lower court to reexamine how it evaluated “ costs and benefits ” when designating critical habitat on private land .
After acknowledging , “ The dusky gopher frog once lived throughout coastal Alabama , Louisiana , and Mississippi , in the longleaf pine forests that used to cover the southeast… But more than 98 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make way for urban development , agriculture , and timber plantations , ” Roberts wrote this : The ruling handed a defeat to the defendant , the USFWS , and the frog — a unique species that has no way to speak up for itself — a unique species limited to around 100 adult specimens , in an intermittent water source , in the historically red state of Mississippi .
This certainly isn ’ t the first time the ESA has taken a blow in recent years ; the Act has suffered several @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Administration and the legislature — and Governors have had the ESA in their sights too .
Since Donald Trump first took the helm , one assault after another has been hurled at the ESA .
In the first two years of Trump ’ s presidency , he had both a Republican House and Senate , whereafter several volleys of attacks were waged against the Act — a successful cornerstone of U.S. legislation — and a law that polls have shown nearly 80 percent of Americans support .
Only a month into Trump ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nature titled , Republicans Lick Chops While Revving up to Dismantle the Endangered Species Act , examined an eyebrow-raising hearing in the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee ( EPW ) called , “ Oversight : Modernization of the Endangered Species Act , ” wherein multiple “ upgrades ” were proposed — many of which aimed at delisting species already protected under the Act more quickly .
And it wasn ’ t only the legislature that was going after the ESA in Trump ’ s first two years , it was at least @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after the EPW committee meeting , 300 NGOs and environmental groups signed a unified letter demanding the Western Governors ’ Association ( WGA ) “ maintain the statutory integrity ” of the Act throughout the West — this , after the WGA ’ s 2016 Resolution called for amendments to the ESA .
A few months later , Senator John Barrasso ( R ) of Wyoming chaired another meeting in the EWP Committee called , “ Conservation , Consultation and Capacity : State Views on the Need to Modernize the Endangered Species Act @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and additions were proposed , including turning more management power over to state governments .
Barrasso has been one of the leading forces in the legislature trying to “ modernize ” the act .
The Center has established a webpage that tracks his voting record and reports , “ Sen .
Barrasso has voted against the Endangered Species Act 13 times since 2011 and has sponsored/cosponsored at least nine anti-ESA bills since 2015 ( the page has not been updated since July 27 , 2017 ) .
” In the February hearing , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] is not working today.
” The Center counters by pointing out , “ The ESA has been more than 99 percent effective at saving species under its protection from extinction and has put hundreds more on the road to recovery.
” More recently , the Trump Administration levied three new rules targeting Sections 4 and 7 of the ESA respectively .
The changes redefine “ environmental baseline , ” exclude critical habitat designations for species threatened by climate change , and for the first time , allow economic considerations to be factored @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Congress in 1982 to protect against political meddling in the process .
Guardians wrote this in response to the new Trump Admin rules : The Battle to Protect the Endangered Species Act Continues In yet another environmental mega-suit , a large team of conservation NGOs have teamed up to sue the Trump Administration for its 2019 rule changes .
The plaintiffs include : WildEarth Guardians , the Center for Biological Diversity , Earthjustice , the Sierra Club , Natural Resources Defense Council ( NRDC ) , National Parks Conservation Association , Defenders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the United States .
The lawsuit , filed by Earthjustice on behalf of all the other plaintiffs , contends , “ Taken together , this package of regulatory changes undermines the fundamental purpose of the ESA ‘ to provide a means whereby the ecosystems upon which endangered species and threatened species depend may be conserved , [ and ] to provide a program for the conservation of such endangered species and threatened species.
’ ” In a joint press release , the groups refer to the amendments as the “ Trump-Bernhardt Extinction Plan.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biological Diversity are no newcomers when it comes to fighting for the ESA — or for individual species in danger of extinction .
In fact , the two NGOs , together in a joint lawsuit , gained the ordered protection of some 800 species under the Act in 2011 following a decade-long behemoth battle with the federal government .
The victory represents what is arguably the most significant endangered species ruling ever handed down by the courts .
Both organizations boast over a 90 percent success rate when suing the federal government in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s not only NGOs that are fighting tooth and nail to protect the integrity of the ESA — there are some legislators that have a hand in the fight as well .
In Sept. 2019 , Rep. Raul Grijalva ( D-NM ) introduced the Protect America ’ s Wildlife and Fish in Need of Conservation Act , or “ PAW and FIN ” for short .
That bill seeks to fight back against the same rollbacks as last year ’ s Earthjustice lawsuit .
The bill has been stalled in the House , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more Senate support , ” Jones concluded to EnviroNews .

In what prominent conservation group WildEarth Guardians (Guardians) is calling “death by a thousand cuts,” the Trump Administration is at it again, with another proposed change that would weaken the overwhelmingly popular Endangered Species Act (ESA/the Act). This go-round features an attempt to define the word habitat — literally — in an effort to affect what can be classified as critical habitat. If successful, the effort is one that Guardians, and the Center for Biological Diversity (the Center), say would make it harder to protect imperiled flora and fauna in “degraded areas.” Guardians told EnviroNews it is currently “assessing [its litigative] options.”
Living at a URL address that bares the words, “proposed definition of habitat,” the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS) — an ancillary arm of the Department of the Interior (DOI), alongside the National Marine Fisheries Service (NMFS) — an underlying subsidiary of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) run by the U.S. Department of Commerce (USDC), released the proposed rule on July 30, 2020. The amendment would revamp what is ultimately meant by critical habitat by defining the word habitat for the first time — a move environmentalists say would have grave consequences for critters and plant-life in distress.
“Clearly, this administration does not care what the American people want; they only care about enriching their cronies in extractive industries,” Taylor Jones, Endangered Species Advocate with Guardians, told EnviroNews in an online interview. “This is part of a long pattern of environmental rollbacks aimed at plundering public lands and resources for private gains.”
The title of the document is: Endangered and Threatened Wildlife and Plants; Regulations for Listing Endangered and Threatened Species and Designating Critical Habitat. Published first on the USFWS website, the two agencies explain the definition as if this is a simple semantic upgrade, mandated by a court ruling, writing, “The Supreme Court recently held that an area must logically be ‘habitat’ in order for that area to meet the narrower category of ‘critical habitat’ as defined in the Act, regardless of whether that area is occupied or unoccupied.” But opponents of the linguistic tweaks, say a more sinister plot is at play.
The proposal’s summary reads:
We, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS) and the National Marine Fisheries Service (NMFS) (collectively referred to as the “Services” or “we”), propose to add a definition of “habitat” to our regulations that implement Section 4 of the Endangered Species Act of 1973, as amended (Act).
On page four of the document, the proposed “Definition of Habitat” reads thusly:
We propose to add the following definition of the term “habitat” to § 424.02: The physical places that individuals of a species depend upon to carry out one or more life processes. Habitat includes areas with existing attributes that have the capacity to support individuals of the species. In addition, we have provided, and solicit comment on, an alternative definition of “habitat” as follows: The physical places that individuals of a species use to carry out one or more life processes. Habitat includes areas where individuals of the species do not presently exist but have the capacity to support such individuals, only where the necessary attributes to support the species presently exist.
At first glance, the wording may not seem overly significant, but Noah Greenwald, Endangered Species Director with the Center for Biological Diversity, warns the language will have a “big impact.” “By inserting the phrase ‘existing attributes,’” Greenwald explained to EnviroNews in an exclusive interview, “the definition requires that an area be able to presently support a species for it to be designated as ‘critical habitat.’”
This means that if an area, vital for the survival of a species, has been trashed by industrial plunder or gobbled up by rural sprawl to the point where it can’t sustain a wildlife community, it can be disqualified from being included under the Act. “This is problematic because oftentimes habitat needs to be restored before it can support a species, but [it frequently] needs protection [first] for this to happen,” Greenwald asserted.
The alternate definition offered up for comment by the agencies carries the same issue, if not more blatantly than the primary definition with the wording: “only where the necessary attributes to support the species presently exist.” But with this phrase, and the “existing attributes” text in the primary definition, wildlife advocates say it would be difficult, if not impossible to include, restore and manage countless key areas that should be reclaimed and made suitable for wildlife again.
“The implementation of ‘critical habitat’ designation has already been weakened by [other] rule changes [during the Trump Administration.] This change further limits what can be defined as ‘habitat,’ hamstringing efforts to restore degraded habitat where species once lived but no longer can,” Jones continued to EnviroNews.
And Greenwald says the potential effect of this wording change isn’t simply theoretical; he says it’s likely it will be tested very soon. “One example is areas of young, logged forest within currently designated habitat for the northern spotted owl (Strix occidentalis caurina),” Greenwald continued. “Based on a settlement with the timber industry, we’re expecting a revised designation for the owl any day, so we may see the impact of this proposed rule shortly.”
A 30-day public comment period was opened from the day the document was published online in the Federal Register on Aug 5. Leaders from environmental groups are encouraging members of the public to weigh in with a message for these government agencies: leave the ESA alone. Readers may visit the public comment page directly at this link: https://www.regulations.gov/docket?D=FWS-HQ-ES-2020-0047. But please, read on first.
Tiny Frogs, Massive Court Ruling
The litigation that led to the recently proposed definition surrounds the critically endangered dusky gopher frog (Lithobates sevosus) — an increasingly rare creature in the southern U.S. In that Nov. 2018 case, Weyerhaeuser CO. v. United States Fish and Wildlife Service, a major setback was handed down to the imperiled creature, also known as the Mississippi gopher frog, when the Supreme Court punted the issue back to the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals, after that court upheld a ruling from the District Court designating specific private lands as critical habitat for the creature.
In 2012, the International Union for Conservation of Nature (ICUN) ranked the frog as “one of the top 100 most endangered species in the world.” All remaining specimens survive in one intermittent pond in Mississippi. Recognizing the species is in grave danger of extinction, the USFWS designated an ephemeral pond in Louisiana as critical habitat for the dusky gopher frog. It has to live in intermittent water sources to avoid fish eating its eggs and young. The bumpy-looking amphibian once lived in this Louisiana pond, but hasn’t been seen there since the 1960s.
The land owner and Weyerhaeuser Company, a logging enterprise, sued. They lost both at the district and appeals court levels under conservative judges. But those rulings weren’t good enough for the country’s highest court.
“The landowners urge that their land cannot be critical habitat because it is not habitat, which they contend refers only to areas where the frog could currently survive,” Chief Justice John Roberts wrote on behalf of the Court.
And the Supreme Court came down 8-0 on the issue (Justice Brett Kavanaugh had not yet been confirmed), instructing the lower court to reexamine how it evaluated “costs and benefits” when designating critical habitat on private land. After acknowledging, “The dusky gopher frog once lived throughout coastal Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi, in the longleaf pine forests that used to cover the southeast… But more than 98% of those forests have been removed to make way for urban development, agriculture, and timber plantations,” Roberts wrote this:
Our analysis starts with the phrase “critical habitat.” According to the ordinary understanding of how adjectives work, “critical habitat” must also be “habitat.” Adjectives modify nouns — they pick out a subset of a category that possesses a certain quality. It follows that “critical habitat” is the subset of “habitat” that is “critical” to the conservation of an endangered species. Of course, “[s]tatutory language cannot be construed in a vacuum,” and so we must also consider “critical habitat” in its statutory context.
Roberts continued:
Only the “habitat” of the endangered species is eligible for designation as critical habitat. Even if an area otherwise meets the statutory definition of unoccupied critical habitat because the Secretary finds the area essential for the conservation of the species, Section 4(a)(3)(A)(i) does not authorize the Secretary to designate the area as critical habitat unless it is also habitat for the species. The Center for Biological Diversity contends that the statutory definition of critical habitat is complete in itself and does not require any independent inquiry into the meaning of the term “habitat,” which the statute leaves undefined. Brief for Intervenor-Respondents 43–49. But the statutory definition of “critical habitat” tells us what makes habitat “critical,” not what makes it “habitat.”
The ruling handed a defeat to the defendant, the USFWS, and the frog — a unique species that has no way to speak up for itself — a unique species limited to around 100 adult specimens, in an intermittent water source, in the historically red state of Mississippi.
“Death by a Thousand Cuts”
This certainly isn’t the first time the ESA has taken a blow in recent years; the Act has suffered several “cuts” inflicted under the Trump Administration and the legislature — and Governors have had the ESA in their sights too. Since Donald Trump first took the helm, one assault after another has been hurled at the ESA. In the first two years of Trump’s presidency, he had both a Republican House and Senate, whereafter several volleys of attacks were waged against the Act — a successful cornerstone of U.S. legislation — and a law that polls have shown nearly 80 percent of Americans support.
Only a month into Trump’s presidency, an article by EnviroNews Nature titled, Republicans Lick Chops While Revving up to Dismantle the Endangered Species Act, examined an eyebrow-raising hearing in the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee (EPW) called, “Oversight: Modernization of the Endangered Species Act,” wherein multiple “upgrades” were proposed — many of which aimed at delisting species already protected under the Act more quickly.
And it wasn’t only the legislature that was going after the ESA in Trump’s first two years, it was at least 20 governors as well. Only days after the EPW committee meeting, 300 NGOs and environmental groups signed a unified letter demanding the Western Governors’ Association (WGA) “maintain the statutory integrity” of the Act throughout the West — this, after the WGA’s 2016 Resolution called for amendments to the ESA.
A few months later, Senator John Barrasso (R) of Wyoming chaired another meeting in the EWP Committee called, “Conservation, Consultation and Capacity: State Views on the Need to Modernize the Endangered Species Act,” where multiple tweaks, changes and additions were proposed, including turning more management power over to state governments. Barrasso has been one of the leading forces in the legislature trying to “modernize” the act. The Center has established a webpage that tracks his voting record and reports, “Sen. Barrasso has voted against the Endangered Species Act 13 times since 2011 and has sponsored/cosponsored at least nine anti-ESA bills since 2015 (the page has not been updated since July 27, 2017).” In the February hearing, Barrasso said, “[the ESA] is not working today.” The Center counters by pointing out, “The ESA has been more than 99 percent effective at saving species under its protection from extinction and has put hundreds more on the road to recovery.”
More recently, the Trump Administration levied three new rules targeting Sections 4 and 7 of the ESA respectively. The changes redefine “environmental baseline,” exclude critical habitat designations for species threatened by climate change, and for the first time, allow economic considerations to be factored into listing decisions — something expressly forbidden by Congress in 1982 to protect against political meddling in the process. Guardians wrote this in response to the new Trump Admin rules:
In August of 2019, the Trump Administration finalized three regulatory rollbacks that drastically weaken the Endangered Species Act nationwide, setting back the recovery of virtually every endangered and threatened species and making it considerably harder for species to gain protections in the first place.
The Battle to Protect the Endangered Species Act Continues
In yet another environmental mega-suit, a large team of conservation NGOs have teamed up to sue the Trump Administration for its 2019 rule changes. The plaintiffs include: WildEarth Guardians, the Center for Biological Diversity, Earthjustice, the Sierra Club, Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC), National Parks Conservation Association, Defenders of Wildlife and The Humane Society of the United States.
The lawsuit, filed by Earthjustice on behalf of all the other plaintiffs, contends, “Taken together, this package of regulatory changes undermines the fundamental purpose of the ESA ‘to provide a means whereby the ecosystems upon which endangered species and threatened species depend may be conserved, [and] to provide a program for the conservation of such endangered species and threatened species.’” In a joint press release, the groups refer to the amendments as the “Trump-Bernhardt Extinction Plan.”
WildEarth Guardians and the Center for Biological Diversity are no newcomers when it comes to fighting for the ESA — or for individual species in danger of extinction. In fact, the two NGOs, together in a joint lawsuit, gained the ordered protection of some 800 species under the Act in 2011 following a decade-long behemoth battle with the federal government. The victory represents what is arguably the most significant endangered species ruling ever handed down by the courts. Both organizations boast over a 90 percent success rate when suing the federal government in endangered species cases.
And it’s not only NGOs that are fighting tooth and nail to protect the integrity of the ESA — there are some legislators that have a hand in the fight as well. In Sept. 2019, Rep. Raul Grijalva (D-NM) introduced the Protect America’s Wildlife and Fish in Need of Conservation Act, or “PAW and FIN” for short. That bill seeks to fight back against the same rollbacks as last year’s Earthjustice lawsuit. The bill has been stalled in the House, but environmental groups are “looking for more Senate support,” Jones concluded to EnviroNews.
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truthout--2020-08-15--Trump’s Decision to Block COVID Aid to Hard-Hit States Will Cost 4 Million Jobs

President Donald Trump ’ s refusal to provide federal aid to states hit hard by the economic crisis sparked by the coronavirus pandemic would cost the country 4 million jobs , according to an analysis by Moody ’ s Analytics .
Negotiations over the next phase of coronavirus relief have stalled as Trump attempts to circumvent Congress with unworkable and legally dubious executive orders that fall far short of the aid that would be included in any Congressional proposal .
Though House Democrats already approved a $ 3 trillion relief bill including an extension on federal unemployment benefits and $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cities whose tax revenues evaporated amid coronavirus lockdowns , Trump and Senate Republicans have balked at both provisions .
Trump accused Democrats of seeking “ bailout money for Democrat-run states and cities that are failing badly ” even though red states are desperately in need of federal aid as well .
“ We ’ re not going to give a trillion dollars for state and local , ” Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin told CNBC on Monday .
“ That ’ s just not a reasonable approach.
” Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ blue state bailouts ” even though his own homestate badly needs federal assistance , accused Democrats of seeking a “ trillion-dollar slush fund.
” The number wasn ’ t dreamed up by House Democrats .
Half of the aid is for the states , and was the number requested by the National Governors Association , which was then led by Republican Maryland Gov .
Larry Hogan , and backed by independent economists .
The left-leaning Center for Budget and Policy Priorities estimated last month that states face a $ 555 billion budget @ @ @ @ @ @ @ result of dramatically reduced tax revenue , and that figure does not even include the shortfalls facing cities and municipalities .
Nearly every city with a population of over 50,000 is facing a budget shortfall this year .
Without federal aid , states will be forced to drastically slash government jobs , which include police , hospital workers , teachers , firefighters , and emergency responders .
For all of Trump and McConnell ’ s warnings about Democrats seeking to “ defund the police , ” the Republican refusal to help cash-strapped states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police , and other key services .
Several analyses also show that the Republican refusal to aid states and cities would do even more damage .
Dan White , the head of fiscal policy research for Moody ’ s Analytics , told the Wall Street Journal that without federal aid , the budget shortfall facing governments would shrink the economy by 3 % and cost the country more than 4 million jobs .
The warnings have alarmed some red-state Republicans , who have urged party leaders to back off their position .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the cost of doing nothing is worse , ” Sen. Bill Cassidy , R-La.
, told the Journal .
“ The United States can not fully recover economically if local communities can not provide basic services , allowing commerce to flow.
” State and local governments spent about $ 2.3 trillion last year , roughly 11 % of the national GDP , and employ 13 % of all workers in the US .
Unlike the federal government , states are required to balance their budgets each year , meaning they can not take @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supporting state and local governments is kind of shooting yourself in the foot , ” Louise Sheiner , the policy director at the Hutchins Center on Fiscal and Monetary Policy at the Brookings Institution , told the outlet .
Another analysis by the left-leaning Economic Policy Institute ( EPI ) predicted that the cost of inaction is even greater , threatening to cost the country 5.3 million jobs .
“ Reductions in this spending will in turn significantly slow recovery from the current economic crisis .
This is not an abstract concern—the historically @ @ @ @ @ @ @ following the Great Recession by itself delayed a recovery in unemployment to pre-crisis levels by four full years , ” wrote Josh Bivens , EPI ’ s research director , and David Cooper , the group ’ s senior economic analyst .
The EPI analysis estimated that inaction on federal aid to states and cities would result in $ 430 billion less spending by the end of this year and $ 570 billion less spending by the end of 2021 .
Given the “ ripple effect ” those cuts would have on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would shrink by about $ 800 billion , or 3.7 % , by the end of next year .
The analysis showed that a reduction to the Democrats ’ $ 1 trillion proposal would cost millions of jobs as well .
Reducing the state and local aid number to $ 500 billion would cost approximately 2.6 million jobs , according to EPI , and cutting the number to $ 300 billion would result in 3.7 million job losses .
“ We should note that a job shortfall of 3.7 million would exceed the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the early 1990s and early 2000s , ” Bivens and Cooper wrote .
“ In short , $ 300 billion in aid to state and local governments would not even move the economy ’ s health to the level it sat at during recent recessions—and this is 18 months from now.
” The economists noted that the extent of the economic crisis remains unclear .
Indeed , states and municipalities may ultimately not need the full $ 1 trillion , which could be addressed by making the aid contingent on economic conditions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they are based on current economic conditions , but these may be further exacerbated in the coming weeks .
Trump ’ s executive order on unemployment would require states to provide a large chunk of additional funding even as they face massive budget cuts .
The order , which would temporarily reduce the benefit from $ 600 per week to $ 400 per week before it inevitably runs out in a matter of weeks , would result in 1.7 million jobs lost if the cut is extended , according to another EPI analysis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ numerous safety upgrades and large amounts of personal protective equipment , further straining budgets .
Senate Republicans have argued that the most important thing is encouraging businesses to reopen and encouraging workers to return , even as coronavirus deaths hit a record high this week and there are six times as many people unemployed as there are job openings .
Republicans ’ opposition to a full extension of the unemployment aid and assistance to states and local governments undercuts their hope for a revitalized economy .
“ The extra $ 600 weekly payment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an annualized rate to U.S. personal income in May .
If it goes to zero , we ’ ll end up a year from now with about 5 million fewer jobs than we ’ d have if we kept this money flowing , ” Bivens said .
On the state and local aid side , anything less than $ 1 trillion would further damage the economy , he said .
“ In short , whether or not the economy is severely depressed a year from now – even if the virus is well-managed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ depends entirely on what Senate Republicans decide to do with the UI [ unemployment insurance ] benefits and [ state and local ] aid.
” The other big unknown in determining how much economic aid is needed is how long the health crisis will last .
Trump has pushed to block additional funding for testing , tracing , and the Centers for Disease Control in the next phase of aid , and the looming eviction cliff could result in a spike in homelessness , which could leave millions more vulnerable to infection .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ being , Trump admin is worse – wanting to even throttle back spending on virus management , ” Bivens said .
“ Managing the virus is the most important precondition for fixing the economy , and you can ’ t sweep this under the rug by stopping testing – people really will notice mass death and overrun hospitals .
”

President Donald Trump’s refusal to provide federal aid to states hit hard by the economic crisis sparked by the coronavirus pandemic would cost the country 4 million jobs, according to an analysis by Moody’s Analytics.
Negotiations over the next phase of coronavirus relief have stalled as Trump attempts to circumvent Congress with unworkable and legally dubious executive orders that fall far short of the aid that would be included in any Congressional proposal. Though House Democrats already approved a $3 trillion relief bill including an extension on federal unemployment benefits and $1 trillion in aid to states and cities whose tax revenues evaporated amid coronavirus lockdowns, Trump and Senate Republicans have balked at both provisions.
Trump accused Democrats of seeking “bailout money for Democrat-run states and cities that are failing badly” even though red states are desperately in need of federal aid as well.
“We’re not going to give a trillion dollars for state and local,” Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin told CNBC on Monday. “That’s just not a reasonable approach.”
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., who accused Democrats of seeking “blue state bailouts” even though his own homestate badly needs federal assistance, accused Democrats of seeking a “trillion-dollar slush fund.”
The number wasn’t dreamed up by House Democrats. Half of the aid is for the states, and was the number requested by the National Governors Association, which was then led by Republican Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan, and backed by independent economists. The left-leaning Center for Budget and Policy Priorities estimated last month that states face a $555 billion budget shortfall between 2020 and 2022 as a result of dramatically reduced tax revenue, and that figure does not even include the shortfalls facing cities and municipalities. Nearly every city with a population of over 50,000 is facing a budget shortfall this year.
Without federal aid, states will be forced to drastically slash government jobs, which include police, hospital workers, teachers, firefighters, and emergency responders. For all of Trump and McConnell’s warnings about Democrats seeking to “defund the police,” the Republican refusal to help cash-strapped states and cities would quite literally defund the police, and other key services.
Several analyses also show that the Republican refusal to aid states and cities would do even more damage. Dan White, the head of fiscal policy research for Moody’s Analytics, told the Wall Street Journal that without federal aid, the budget shortfall facing governments would shrink the economy by 3% and cost the country more than 4 million jobs.
The warnings have alarmed some red-state Republicans, who have urged party leaders to back off their position.
“I understand concerns about spending, but the cost of doing nothing is worse,” Sen. Bill Cassidy, R-La., told the Journal. “The United States cannot fully recover economically if local communities cannot provide basic services, allowing commerce to flow.”
State and local governments spent about $2.3 trillion last year, roughly 11% of the national GDP, and employ 13% of all workers in the US. Unlike the federal government, states are required to balance their budgets each year, meaning they cannot take on any longterm debt.
“Not supporting state and local governments is kind of shooting yourself in the foot,” Louise Sheiner, the policy director at the Hutchins Center on Fiscal and Monetary Policy at the Brookings Institution, told the outlet.
Another analysis by the left-leaning Economic Policy Institute (EPI) predicted that the cost of inaction is even greater, threatening to cost the country 5.3 million jobs.
“Reductions in this spending will in turn significantly slow recovery from the current economic crisis. This is not an abstract concern—the historically slow recovery in state and local spending following the Great Recession by itself delayed a recovery in unemployment to pre-crisis levels by four full years,” wrote Josh Bivens, EPI’s research director, and David Cooper, the group’s senior economic analyst.
The EPI analysis estimated that inaction on federal aid to states and cities would result in $430 billion less spending by the end of this year and $570 billion less spending by the end of 2021. Given the “ripple effect” those cuts would have on the overall economy, the gross domestic product would shrink by about $800 billion, or 3.7%, by the end of next year.
The analysis showed that a reduction to the Democrats’ $1 trillion proposal would cost millions of jobs as well. Reducing the state and local aid number to $500 billion would cost approximately 2.6 million jobs, according to EPI, and cutting the number to $300 billion would result in 3.7 million job losses.
“We should note that a job shortfall of 3.7 million would exceed the entire employment losses seen in the recessions of the early 1990s and early 2000s,” Bivens and Cooper wrote. “In short, $300 billion in aid to state and local governments would not even move the economy’s health to the level it sat at during recent recessions—and this is 18 months from now.”
The economists noted that the extent of the economic crisis remains unclear. Indeed, states and municipalities may ultimately not need the full $1 trillion, which could be addressed by making the aid contingent on economic conditions.
The analyses are ultimately limited because they are based on current economic conditions, but these may be further exacerbated in the coming weeks. Trump’s executive order on unemployment would require states to provide a large chunk of additional funding even as they face massive budget cuts. The order, which would temporarily reduce the benefit from $600 per week to $400 per week before it inevitably runs out in a matter of weeks, would result in 1.7 million jobs lost if the cut is extended, according to another EPI analysis. The push to reopen schools requires numerous safety upgrades and large amounts of personal protective equipment, further straining budgets.
Senate Republicans have argued that the most important thing is encouraging businesses to reopen and encouraging workers to return, even as coronavirus deaths hit a record high this week and there are six times as many people unemployed as there are job openings.
Republicans’ opposition to a full extension of the unemployment aid and assistance to states and local governments undercuts their hope for a revitalized economy.
“The extra $600 weekly payment by itself added $840 billion at an annualized rate to U.S. personal income in May. If it goes to zero, we’ll end up a year from now with about 5 million fewer jobs than we’d have if we kept this money flowing,” Bivens said. On the state and local aid side, anything less than $1 trillion would further damage the economy, he said. “In short, whether or not the economy is severely depressed a year from now – even if the virus is well-managed (big “if”) – depends entirely on what Senate Republicans decide to do with the UI [unemployment insurance] benefits and [state and local] aid.”
The other big unknown in determining how much economic aid is needed is how long the health crisis will last. Trump has pushed to block additional funding for testing, tracing, and the Centers for Disease Control in the next phase of aid, and the looming eviction cliff could result in a spike in homelessness, which could leave millions more vulnerable to infection.
“As bad as Senate Republicans are being, Trump admin is worse – wanting to even throttle back spending on virus management,” Bivens said. “Managing the virus is the most important precondition for fixing the economy, and you can’t sweep this under the rug by stopping testing – people really will notice mass death and overrun hospitals.”


truthout--2020-08-15--Sanders and Obama: Trump’s Attack on Postal Service a Direct Assault on Election

Both Sen. Bernie Sanders and former President Barack Obama on Friday raised alarm over President Donald Trump ’ s open attempt to sabotage the U.S .
Postal Service by refusing to provide emergency funding in what critics call an effort to hamper the general election—in which millions of Americans are expected to vote by mail .
In an email to supporters , Sanders denounced Trump ’ s “ outrageous ” Thursday statement , in which the president dismissed Democratic leaders ’ demand for $ 3.5 billion in election assistance for states and $ 25 billion for the USPS in order @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump told reporters that as long as the Postal Service isn ’ t given emergency funding , universal mail-in voting—which the president has claimed would be a “ rigged ” system favoring Democrats—can ’ t happen .
“ He told the American people that he was going to defund and destroy the United States Postal Service so that , during this pandemic , they can not have the opportunity to vote for president and in other important races , ” wrote Sanders .
“ In other words , he is forcing people to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even dying , or casting a ballot.
” “ Elections should be about candidates making the best case they can to their constituents and letting the voters decide , ” the Vermont independent senator added .
“ What elections should not be about in a democratic society is winning because your opponents are prevented from voting .
And that is exactly what Trump is doing right now.
” Sanders ’ s criticism was echoed by Obama , who called Trump ’ s explicit attempt to discourage participation in the election “ unheard of.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ seen before is a president say , ‘ I ’ m going to try to actively kneecap the Postal Service to [ discourage ] voting and I will be explicit about the reason I ’ m doing it , ' ” said the former president .
“ My question is what are Republicans doing where you are so scared of people voting that you are now willing to undermine what is part of the basic infrastructure of American life ?
” The two leaders ’ statements came amid news that 46 states and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ USPS general counsel and executive vice president Thomas J. Marshall , warning that tens of millions of Americans could be effectively disenfranchised in the November election because the Postal Service can ’ t guarantee mail-in ballots will be delivered in time to be counted .
Oregon , Rhode Island , New Mexico , and Nevada are the only states that haven ’ t received warnings from the USPS ; seven states were told that a limited number of voters could have their ballots cast aside due to mail delays , while 186 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the rest of the states .
“ It ’ s completely outrageous that the U.S .
Postal Service is in this position , ” Vanita Gupta , president and chief executive of the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights , told The Washington Post , accusing Trump of weaponizing “ the U.S .
Postal Service for the president ’ s electoral purposes.
” Marshall ’ s warning was due to concerns that arose even before the president named Louis DeJoy , a top Trump donor , postmaster general earlier this year .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ advocates and Democrats for ordering drastic cuts of overtime and spending by the USPS , delaying delivery times by as much as a week .
The Postal Service is also currently decommissioning 10 % of its mail-sorting machines , which can sort 21.4 million pieces of paper mail per hour and allow carriers to focus on delivering mail promptly .
Before DeJoy ’ s actions sparked outrage and fears of severe mail delays when millions of Americans cast their votes from home to avoid spreading Covid-19 , Marshall became concerned that the Postal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to help facilitate the election , with 10 times the usual volume of mail-in ballots in November .
The battleground states of Pennsylvania , Florida , and Michigan were all identified as states whose tight deadlines for requesting , mailing , or counting ballots would not allow the over-strained post office to deliver all ballots in time to be tallied .
Election officials in Pennsylvania asked the state Supreme Court on Thursday to extend its ballot-counting deadline by three days to give voters time to mail in their votes .
With DeJoy ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ carriers , University of Texas law professor Steve Vladeck called Trump ’ s open sabotage of the Postal Service “ as serious a threat to our democracy as anything any President has ever done.
” “ I ’ m not overreacting ; this is a five-alarm fire , ” he added .
“ And Republicans who aren ’ t vigorously pushing back are complicit.
” Sanders called on his supporters to sign a petition demanding that Congress provide funding to the USPS to support vote-by-mail in November .
“ Donald Trump is moving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is attempting to dismantle the foundations of our democracy , ” wrote the senator .
“ Democracy must be saved .
Trump must be defeated .
”

Tens of millions of Americans could be effectively disenfranchised in the November election due to Trump.
Both Sen. Bernie Sanders and former President Barack Obama on Friday raised alarm over President Donald Trump’s open attempt to sabotage the U.S. Postal Service by refusing to provide emergency funding in what critics call an effort to hamper the general election—in which millions of Americans are expected to vote by mail.
In an email to supporters, Sanders denounced Trump’s “outrageous” Thursday statement, in which the president dismissed Democratic leaders’ demand for $3.5 billion in election assistance for states and $25 billion for the USPS in order to cope with major delivery delays. Trump told reporters that as long as the Postal Service isn’t given emergency funding, universal mail-in voting—which the president has claimed would be a “rigged” system favoring Democrats—can’t happen.
“He told the American people that he was going to defund and destroy the United States Postal Service so that, during this pandemic, they cannot have the opportunity to vote for president and in other important races,” wrote Sanders. “In other words, he is forcing people to make a choice between getting sick and even dying, or casting a ballot.”
“Elections should be about candidates making the best case they can to their constituents and letting the voters decide,” the Vermont independent senator added. “What elections should not be about in a democratic society is winning because your opponents are prevented from voting. And that is exactly what Trump is doing right now.”
Sanders’s criticism was echoed by Obama, who called Trump’s explicit attempt to discourage participation in the election “unheard of.”
“What we’ve never seen before is a president say, ‘I’m going to try to actively kneecap the Postal Service to [discourage] voting and I will be explicit about the reason I’m doing it,'” said the former president. “My question is what are Republicans doing where you are so scared of people voting that you are now willing to undermine what is part of the basic infrastructure of American life?”
The two leaders’ statements came amid news that 46 states and Washington, D.C. recently received letters from USPS general counsel and executive vice president Thomas J. Marshall, warning that tens of millions of Americans could be effectively disenfranchised in the November election because the Postal Service can’t guarantee mail-in ballots will be delivered in time to be counted.
Oregon, Rhode Island, New Mexico, and Nevada are the only states that haven’t received warnings from the USPS; seven states were told that a limited number of voters could have their ballots cast aside due to mail delays, while 186 million voters could be affected by delays in the rest of the states.
“It’s completely outrageous that the U.S. Postal Service is in this position,” Vanita Gupta, president and chief executive of the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, told The Washington Post, accusing Trump of weaponizing “the U.S. Postal Service for the president’s electoral purposes.”
Marshall’s warning was due to concerns that arose even before the president named Louis DeJoy, a top Trump donor, postmaster general earlier this year. DeJoy has been condemned by voting rights advocates and Democrats for ordering drastic cuts of overtime and spending by the USPS, delaying delivery times by as much as a week. The Postal Service is also currently decommissioning 10% of its mail-sorting machines, which can sort 21.4 million pieces of paper mail per hour and allow carriers to focus on delivering mail promptly.
Before DeJoy’s actions sparked outrage and fears of severe mail delays when millions of Americans cast their votes from home to avoid spreading Covid-19, Marshall became concerned that the Postal Service does not currently have the capacity to help facilitate the election, with 10 times the usual volume of mail-in ballots in November. The battleground states of Pennsylvania, Florida, and Michigan were all identified as states whose tight deadlines for requesting, mailing, or counting ballots would not allow the over-strained post office to deliver all ballots in time to be tallied.
Election officials in Pennsylvania asked the state Supreme Court on Thursday to extend its ballot-counting deadline by three days to give voters time to mail in their votes.
With DeJoy’s actions putting further strain on mail carriers, University of Texas law professor Steve Vladeck called Trump’s open sabotage of the Postal Service “as serious a threat to our democracy as anything any President has ever done.”
“I’m not overreacting; this is a five-alarm fire,” he added. “And Republicans who aren’t vigorously pushing back are complicit.”
Sanders called on his supporters to sign a petition demanding that Congress provide funding to the USPS to support vote-by-mail in November.
“Donald Trump is moving our country in an authoritarian direction and is attempting to dismantle the foundations of our democracy,” wrote the senator. “Democracy must be saved. Trump must be defeated.”
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truthout--2020-08-15--Confederate Monument Protests Gain Momentum in Small Alabama Town

This year cities across the nation erupted in outrage as the stories of police brutality garnered national attention .
News coverage of nationwide demonstrations forms a grim mosaic , documenting the trials and tribulations of protesting oppressive institutions : streets flooded with protesters , seas of signs with harrowing messages , street brawls among opposing protesters , and police retaliation , complete with tear gas and rubber bullets .
The national conversation surrounding the U.S. ’ s roots in systemic racism quickly focused on those ubiquitous symbols of the nation ’ s sordid history which stand tall above city streets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In 2014 , Florence , Alabama , nonprofit Project Say Something ( PSS ) , headed up by founder Camille Bennett , launched a movement defined by “ making good trouble.
” Founded on the basic tenets of education , outreach , truth and inclusivity , the local movement gained traction as the nation ’ s political climate shifted .
In its infancy , the group served as a safe space for small community discussions about race , a haven for the disenfranchised to speak candidly .
Gaining more support , PSS expanded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strategies — creating Black history educational packets for local schools , producing video content highlighting Black voices , circulating archival history on social media and hosting public forums .
With 12 executive board members and a Facebook group of over 3,000 followers and growing , the organization continues to flourish under the leadership of educators .
In 2017 , PSS began addressing the local Confederate monument , a statue of a nameless soldier erected in 1903 and placed in front of the town ’ s courthouse .
Originally , PSS campaigned for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Harriet and Dred Scott , the slave and the civil rights pioneer who sued for his family ’ s freedom and at one time lived in Florence .
With this proposal quickly shot down by local officials , relocation of the monument to one of its originally proposed locations in the soldiers ’ cemetery became the goal .
The group ’ s anti-monument demonstrations in front of the courthouse , including a “ die-in ” at the government office building , quickly became the topic of local chatter after the Lauderdale County @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vacate the building .
Conversations about the monument have served PSS ’ s primary goal : exposing systematic racism in a town that has long been asleep on the issue .
The small town of Florence has always liked to think of itself as somehow different – many locals view themselves as belonging to a small haven of progressive ideals , family values , Southern hospitality , rich history , a resilient working class and academic ambition .
“ People have just always gotten along here , ” is the familiar mantra of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ miraculously exempt from the racial strife and ignorance that plagues other Southern towns .
Perhaps this misconception stems from the fact that Florence is overwhelmingly white , with the Black community accounting for only 20 percent of the overall population , or from the fact that segregation remains an unfortunate reality apparent not only in cultural institutions like churches but also in the city ’ s layout .
Combined , these factors contribute heavily to the erasure of inequality ’ s impact on local history .
In 1903 , H.A .
Moody , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ addressed a crowd of thousands at the dedication of Florence ’ s Confederate monument , a speech that , unlike the monument it commemorates , had hardly seen the light of day until PSS discovered it in a local newspaper archive .
This irony wasn ’ t lost on PSS , which wasted no time in disseminating the text and making the racist history of the statue accessible to locals .
Moody ’ s speech , which was a central part of what the engraving on the base of the statue dubs “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states ’ acceptance of the Black population , whom Moody called the “ mongrel ” race : Moody ’ s speech may have remained hidden for years under the dust of ignorance , but today it is read at nearly every PSS event as a reminder of the racist rhetoric ’ s explicit ties to the monument ’ s placement and symbology .
As PSS leaders recite the speech each night , the words chip away at the already fragile myth of a Florence free from a history of hate .
Against all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plagued by division has united a community as Florence residents from all walks of life embrace Project Say Something ’ s message of inclusivity and find kindred spirits at the protests .
“ I ’ ve learned there are a lot more people passionate about Black lives here than I thought , ” remarked Dima Rickard .
Protesters who gather beneath the monument for demonstrations each evening work together across boundaries of difference to dismantle the damaging misconception that Florence is immune to inequality .
“ How do I respond when people say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ issue here ?
I laugh , ” says PSS activist Eartis Bridges .
“ We ’ ve gotten so comfortable with racism here that we ’ re buried.
” Gina Jones Smith echoed Bridges ’ s sentiment .
“ Racism has been going on here so long that a lot of us are just going through the motions .
I was used to seeing it .
This opened my eyes , ” she says .
“ Racism is here and we ’ re tired .
I ’ m tired.
” Public art exhibitions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and sign-making rallies have been among the regular events hosted by the group for the past two months .
While hate loomed in the bureaucratic barriers blocking activists from making their voices heard in local government , PSS ’ s daily programming remained an image of love and unity unsullied by divisiveness .
That is , until July 27 , 2020 , when counterprotesters arrived at the PSS public art event .
The PSS crowd broke out in chants as they faced the opposition : “ No justice , no peace , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ No Trump , no KKK , no racist USA.
” Some playfully danced as an antagonist threatened young women with mace .
Others merely held up their phones as the counterprotesters hurled obscenities , video documentation becoming a means of self-defense .
Tensions mounted as protesters began to write on the monument in chalk , the phrase “ no KKK ” repeated in bright colors across the marble .
Counterprotesters responded with violence , snatching chalk from their hands and shoving protesters .
Police passively observed as a counterprotester swatted a man ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dan Story , the victim of the assault , observed as the assailant spit on another protester .
“ My family ’ s gotten threats directly that we should leave before we ’ re hurt , ” he said .
“ But I never thought it would come to violence .
She turned and hit me and called me a ‘ disgusting f*****.
’ But we don ’ t sit for injustice .
The counterprotesters should educate themselves .
We love one another and want equal rights for everyone .
We ’ ll @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to vacate the courthouse plaza .
The following nights , threats increased as outraged conservatives threatened to stake out the protest from the roof with rifles in hand , which local officials dismissed as “ differing viewpoints.
” But on July 31 , PSS protesters arrived in unprecedented numbers , many from surrounding cities .
As the opposition circled the courthouse in trucks , flying Confederate flags and revving engines , PSS protesters quietly turned to face the street , their signs held high as Camille addressed the crowd with a message of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nonviolence .
It ’ s a strategy .
They want to criminalize our movement .
They want to see you retaliate .
Don ’ t let it happen .
Be diligent .
Be hypervigilant .
But we can ’ t be patient anymore .
We are no longer asking.
” The diverse crowd filled the downtown streets where friendships quickly formed and lessons abounded .
“ I ’ m out here because I have kids … and I want better for them , ” said Louis Acklin .
“ Before this , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many white folks that agreed with Black folks about these issues .
I ’ m hopeful.
” Beki Ferguson , who spoke about her journey of progression from a conservative upbringing to her newfound embrace of Black Lives Matter allyship , observed that willingness to learn is central to the local movement .
“ In order to change and grow it takes empathy , and it even takes being curious to learn about how someone different than you lives .
When I realize the person I used to be , I get emotional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If I could change , so can they.
” “ PSS stands for direct action , ” said Reemuhlus Bowden .
“ It ’ s a unified front here , not just a few people who want it moved .
Participation levels here are amazing.
” Emboldened by the previous night ’ s peaceful defiance of hate , new faces accompanied the familiar ones the following nights .
Both evenings ended in dance , and not even counterprotesters ’ cries of “ KKK all the way ” could suppress the protesters ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seeing the opposition , tonight has made me hopeful , ” said Tiffany ( who did not provide a last name for fear of recent threats ) .
“ There are many more people on our side asking for change , and that ’ s what ’ s important .
I ’ ve learned how important it is to ask for change .
We have to be there for each other.
” Meg Britnell reflected on witnessing counterprotests up close .
“ Seeing the counterprotesters is overwhelming .
It has really shaken me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s just another reason to stand strong , ” she said .
“ My message to the people at home : stand strong and be proud .
Be vocal about how you feel.
” At the evening ’ s close on August 1 , Camille announced the event ’ s end .
“ Chant to your cars .
We ’ ve got ta clear out !
” As the crowd dispersed , chants faded into the night , and the last of the trucks with Confederate regalia disappeared down the streets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a new significance : “ We ’ ve already made history , y ’ all.
” PSS assures locals that demonstrations will continue until the monument is moved .
For those looking to contribute to the cause , PSS partners with the Muscle Shoals National Heritage Area , the Florence-Lauderdale Public Library and the history department at the University of North Alabama to build a local collection of Black history , and implores locals to contribute oral histories and artifacts to their collection .
After the monument ’ s removal , PSS plans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to engage educators and students with local Black history .
The group also aims to address the lack of Black representatives in local government and to begin advocating for the allocation of resources to historically Black neighborhoods .

This year cities across the nation erupted in outrage as the stories of police brutality garnered national attention. News coverage of nationwide demonstrations forms a grim mosaic, documenting the trials and tribulations of protesting oppressive institutions: streets flooded with protesters, seas of signs with harrowing messages, street brawls among opposing protesters, and police retaliation, complete with tear gas and rubber bullets. The national conversation surrounding the U.S.’s roots in systemic racism quickly focused on those ubiquitous symbols of the nation’s sordid history which stand tall above city streets across the country: Confederate monuments.
In 2014, Florence, Alabama, nonprofit Project Say Something (PSS), headed up by founder Camille Bennett, launched a movement defined by “making good trouble.” Founded on the basic tenets of education, outreach, truth and inclusivity, the local movement gained traction as the nation’s political climate shifted. In its infancy, the group served as a safe space for small community discussions about race, a haven for the disenfranchised to speak candidly. Gaining more support, PSS expanded its educational mission to incorporate different outreach strategies — creating Black history educational packets for local schools, producing video content highlighting Black voices, circulating archival history on social media and hosting public forums. With 12 executive board members and a Facebook group of over 3,000 followers and growing, the organization continues to flourish under the leadership of educators.
Trevor Kiddy
In 2017, PSS began addressing the local Confederate monument, a statue of a nameless soldier erected in 1903 and placed in front of the town’s courthouse. Originally, PSS campaigned for the addition of a statue commemorating the lives of Harriet and Dred Scott, the slave and the civil rights pioneer who sued for his family’s freedom and at one time lived in Florence. With this proposal quickly shot down by local officials, relocation of the monument to one of its originally proposed locations in the soldiers’ cemetery became the goal. The group’s anti-monument demonstrations in front of the courthouse, including a “die-in” at the government office building, quickly became the topic of local chatter after the Lauderdale County Sheriff’s Office forced protesters to vacate the building. Conversations about the monument have served PSS’s primary goal: exposing systematic racism in a town that has long been asleep on the issue.
Trevor Kiddy
The small town of Florence has always liked to think of itself as somehow different – many locals view themselves as belonging to a small haven of progressive ideals, family values, Southern hospitality, rich history, a resilient working class and academic ambition. “People have just always gotten along here,” is the familiar mantra of locals who insist Florence is uniquely and miraculously exempt from the racial strife and ignorance that plagues other Southern towns. Perhaps this misconception stems from the fact that Florence is overwhelmingly white, with the Black community accounting for only 20 percent of the overall population, or from the fact that segregation remains an unfortunate reality apparent not only in cultural institutions like churches but also in the city’s layout. Combined, these factors contribute heavily to the erasure of inequality’s impact on local history.
Trevor Kiddy
In 1903, H.A. Moody, a Confederate veteran and local doctor, addressed a crowd of thousands at the dedication of Florence’s Confederate monument, a speech that, unlike the monument it commemorates, had hardly seen the light of day until PSS discovered it in a local newspaper archive. This irony wasn’t lost on PSS, which wasted no time in disseminating the text and making the racist history of the statue accessible to locals. Moody’s speech, which was a central part of what the engraving on the base of the statue dubs “appropriate ceremony,” condemned the Northern states’ acceptance of the Black population, whom Moody called the “mongrel” race:
They look upon a Negro as a white man with a colored skin and believe education to be the one thing needful. We of the south know better. No other people know him so well or love him so well, but nowhere here is he accorded social equality. When the highest representative of Northern civilization invites the highest representative of negro civilization to sit at his table as his social equal, he digs a gulf between us too wide and deep for us to go to them or for them to come to us.
Moody’s speech may have remained hidden for years under the dust of ignorance, but today it is read at nearly every PSS event as a reminder of the racist rhetoric’s explicit ties to the monument’s placement and symbology. As PSS leaders recite the speech each night, the words chip away at the already fragile myth of a Florence free from a history of hate.
Trevor Kiddy Trevor Kiddy
Segregation remains an unfortunate reality apparent not only in cultural institutions like churches but also in the city’s layout.
Against all odds, a statue born from and plagued by division has united a community as Florence residents from all walks of life embrace Project Say Something’s message of inclusivity and find kindred spirits at the protests. “I’ve learned there are a lot more people passionate about Black lives here than I thought,” remarked Dima Rickard.
Protesters who gather beneath the monument for demonstrations each evening work together across boundaries of difference to dismantle the damaging misconception that Florence is immune to inequality.
“How do I respond when people say we don’t have a race issue here? I laugh,” says PSS activist Eartis Bridges. “We’ve gotten so comfortable with racism here that we’re buried.”
Gina Jones Smith echoed Bridges’s sentiment. “Racism has been going on here so long that a lot of us are just going through the motions. I was used to seeing it. This opened my eyes,” she says. “Racism is here and we’re tired. I’m tired.”
Trevor Kiddy
Public art exhibitions, children’s nights, performances and sign-making rallies have been among the regular events hosted by the group for the past two months. While hate loomed in the bureaucratic barriers blocking activists from making their voices heard in local government, PSS’s daily programming remained an image of love and unity unsullied by divisiveness.
Trevor Kiddy
That is, until July 27, 2020, when counterprotesters arrived at the PSS public art event. The PSS crowd broke out in chants as they faced the opposition: “No justice, no peace,” “Black Lives Matter” and “No Trump, no KKK, no racist USA.” Some playfully danced as an antagonist threatened young women with mace. Others merely held up their phones as the counterprotesters hurled obscenities, video documentation becoming a means of self-defense. Tensions mounted as protesters began to write on the monument in chalk, the phrase “no KKK” repeated in bright colors across the marble. Counterprotesters responded with violence, snatching chalk from their hands and shoving protesters.
Police passively observed as a counterprotester swatted a man’s phone out of his hand. Dan Story, the victim of the assault, observed as the assailant spit on another protester. “My family’s gotten threats directly that we should leave before we’re hurt,” he said. “But I never thought it would come to violence. She turned and hit me and called me a ‘disgusting f*****.’ But we don’t sit for injustice. The counterprotesters should educate themselves. We love one another and want equal rights for everyone. We’ll keep coming.” Local police forced protesters to vacate the courthouse plaza.
Trevor Kiddy Trevor Kiddy
The following nights, threats increased as outraged conservatives threatened to stake out the protest from the roof with rifles in hand, which local officials dismissed as “differing viewpoints.”
But on July 31, PSS protesters arrived in unprecedented numbers, many from surrounding cities. As the opposition circled the courthouse in trucks, flying Confederate flags and revving engines, PSS protesters quietly turned to face the street, their signs held high as Camille addressed the crowd with a message of peaceful tenacity: “We are about nonviolence. It’s a strategy. They want to criminalize our movement. They want to see you retaliate. Don’t let it happen. Be diligent. Be hypervigilant. But we can’t be patient anymore. We are no longer asking.”
Trevor Kiddy
After the monument’s removal, PSS plans to continue partnering with local elementary schools to engage educators and students with local Black history.
The diverse crowd filled the downtown streets where friendships quickly formed and lessons abounded. “I’m out here because I have kids … and I want better for them,” said Louis Acklin. “Before this, I didn’t know there were this many white folks that agreed with Black folks about these issues. I’m hopeful.”
Beki Ferguson, who spoke about her journey of progression from a conservative upbringing to her newfound embrace of Black Lives Matter allyship, observed that willingness to learn is central to the local movement. “In order to change and grow it takes empathy, and it even takes being curious to learn about how someone different than you lives. When I realize the person I used to be, I get emotional. Because now it seems so obvious. If I could change, so can they.”
“PSS stands for direct action,” said Reemuhlus Bowden. “It’s a unified front here, not just a few people who want it moved. Participation levels here are amazing.”
Emboldened by the previous night’s peaceful defiance of hate, new faces accompanied the familiar ones the following nights. Both evenings ended in dance, and not even counterprotesters’ cries of “KKK all the way” could suppress the protesters’ jubilance and pride. “Even after seeing the opposition, tonight has made me hopeful,” said Tiffany (who did not provide a last name for fear of recent threats). “There are many more people on our side asking for change, and that’s what’s important. I’ve learned how important it is to ask for change. We have to be there for each other.”
Meg Britnell reflected on witnessing counterprotests up close. “Seeing the counterprotesters is overwhelming. It has really shaken me up to see the hate. But it’s just another reason to stand strong,” she said. “My message to the people at home: stand strong and be proud. Be vocal about how you feel.”
Trevor Kiddy
At the evening’s close on August 1, Camille announced the event’s end. “Chant to your cars. We’ve gotta clear out!” As the crowd dispersed, chants faded into the night, and the last of the trucks with Confederate regalia disappeared down the streets, Camille’s words echoed with a new significance: “We’ve already made history, y’all.”
PSS assures locals that demonstrations will continue until the monument is moved. For those looking to contribute to the cause, PSS partners with the Muscle Shoals National Heritage Area, the Florence-Lauderdale Public Library and the history department at the University of North Alabama to build a local collection of Black history, and implores locals to contribute oral histories and artifacts to their collection. After the monument’s removal, PSS plans to continue partnering with local elementary schools to engage educators and students with local Black history. The group also aims to address the lack of Black representatives in local government and to begin advocating for the allocation of resources to historically Black neighborhoods.
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