therealnews--2020-07-10--Activists Push Police Out Of Schools In Madison, WI

This is a rush transcript and may contain errors .
It will be updated .
Jacqueline Luqm… : This is Jacqueline Luqman with the Real News Network .
The school officials in Denver , Colorado , Milwaukee , Wisconsin , and Portland , Oregon have announced that they ’ re severing ties with their police departments .
And now the school board in Madison , Wisconsin has voted to do the same .
Wisconsin public radio noted that , “ The vote followed years of activism by the Social Justice Organization , Freedom , Inc. , and reverses course from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Board narrowly voted to keep police officers in schools.
” Now obviously , we ’ re living through an historic moment , maybe even a watershed moment in terms of racial justice and the relationship to policing and almost overnight , the conversation has shifted completely , but this work has been going on in communities on the ground , outside of the national media spotlight four years .
And now it ’ s time has come .
Here to talk about the culmination of that work in Madison , Wisconsin , is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with Freedom , Inc. Mahnker , thank you so much for joining me .
Mahnker Dahnwei… : Thank you so much for having me , Jacqueline .
Jacqueline Luqm… : So first , can you tell us about the decision to end the contract with the police in Madison schools ?
And what ’ s changed between last year when this motion to remove police from schools was narrowly defeated and today , when it passed unanimously ?
What has changed to influence that change in the board ’ s vote this time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I want to say , we are so happy , overjoyed , and excited to have this great victory under our belts .
It has been years of organizing from young , queer , trans , black youth here in Madison , Wisconsin who have had intimate experience and knowledge of the violence that comes to black youth when there are police present in the schools .
And so it ’ s those years of research , public testimony , conducting research , and just really engaging with community and changing hearts and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ victory .
I also want to recognize the moment that we ’ re in .
We are in a time of global uprising and the riots and the rebellion in the streets have actually put immense pressure on elected officials and local leaders to the point where they have to take action and not just performative action , not just reform , but they have to actually start defunding the police , which will eventually lead to the abolition of punitive punishment within our communities , and the whole policing structure as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ m so glad that you mentioned that this is a student-led , and particularly in trans and queer student-led movement .
So can you give us a little bit of the historical context within that struggle for those communities , specifically , and led to the larger struggle to get police out of schools and Madison ?
Mahnker Dahnwei… : So this all started about four years ago and Freedom , Inc. ’ s tagline is , “ Our community is our campaign.
” And we believe the folks at the center of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ones who are best positioned to actually fight and dismantle the systems that are perpetrating that violence .
So when our young people came to us , we ’ ve always had youth programming here at Freedom , Inc. , but when our young , black , queer and trans youth are coming to us saying , “ We ’ re getting criminalized for the way that we dress or for not dressing the right ways , ” or , “ The police officers that are in those schools are actually body @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that other students don ’ t get singled out for.
” We ’ re like , “ This is a serious problem.
” And so they organized and they went and they testified at the school board meeting at the time .
And the response of the district was actually to create a committee .
That sounds like really familiar because that ’ s what they try to tell us this time around .
We ’ ll make a committee .
And our youth were not having that .
They said , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
You need to take direct action.
” So it ’ s been four years of them getting disrespected , of them getting pretty much shut down when they come up and tell their stories , when they come up and share their research , when they engage community .
They have really been the deciding factor in actually the last two school board elections , because candidates were not able to make it even past the primaries without answering the question , “ Cops or no cops in schools.
” And so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work .
They ’ ve done a lot of work on the [ inaudible 00:05:17 ] .
They ’ ve done a lot of meetings , a lot of research .
And I ’ ll say the fact that we ’ ve been in the streets , mobilizing thousands during this current uprising is what actually kept pressure on the school board members and the school board president , specifically Gloria Reyes so that it could no longer be about her former ties as a former police officer .
It could no longer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were afraid of , like who ’ s going to take care of those bad black kids .
It had to be about how are we going to move forward and actually invest in a black youth that has nothing to do with punishment and cages and police officers .
Jacqueline Luqm… : I think it ’ s an excellent point that you just made that it was the students who have embarked upon a four-year campaign to do the research , to attend the meetings , to call these politicians out on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the information that they were given .
And they were present at every school board meeting .
And they demanded that the question , “ Cops or no cops , ” be answered before anything could move on .
So I think that speaks to the importance of highlighting grassroots organization and that we ’ re really not in a moment where suddenly overnight , people ’ s ideas and ideologies were changed .
This was the result of a long campaign of people impacted by these policies , doing the research , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these policies and seizing a moment that arose that they were able to capitalize on .
So ultimately , Mahnker , it was the students who got to know the ins and outs of school policy , and who organized more than 50 events in support of police-free schools over this four year period of time , who mobilized Madison to make the unanimous vote possible .
Isn ’ t that right ?
Mahnker Dahnwei… : Yes .
It definitely is .
And they ’ ve had to have some really hard conversations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one big pushback that we have when they first started from our community was , “ What are you going to do with all the bad kids ?
” And so it really was hosting teachings for the community , doing political education sessions online , going door to door .
It was all that time that they put in and having those conversations ultimately about abolition .
We who believe in freedom … It ’ s not going to be easy .
We ’ ll still have to fight for it .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ together and use our collective imagination to actually rethink what community safety is .
What we do know is that putting people in cages does not help .
What we do know is that giving someone permission to use deadly force against children does not work .
Children who have conflict , which is age-appropriate behavior to have conflict amongst their peers in schools or wherever that may be when you ’ re that age , adding more guns to the equation does not help .
And so I think they have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve been able to engage and actually convince the public that we are capable of doing something different .
But if we actually believe in ourselves , that we can keep us safe .
It ’ s not just the [ inaudible 00:08:53 ] who keeps us safe .
We keep us safe .
We deeply believe in that .
And now most of Madison does too .
Jacqueline Luqm… : I think it ’ s very interesting that we ’ re supposed to be allowing our youth to develop their brains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how to deal with other people and different people and be diplomatic and mature during these formative years .
And somehow one of the ways we think we can deal with … “ we , ” I ’ m saying adults now , one of the ways we have convinced ourselves that we need to keep our youth safe is to introduce , as you said , armed law enforcement into the various situations where we want our children to develop these critical thinking and problem solving skills , not realizing that we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the matrix for our kids , which just produces trauma .
But Mahnker , you brought up the issue of who keeps us safe ?
We keep us safe .
And that ’ s something I personally believe in , but many people are questioning what would taking police officers , or as they ’ re called to try to make them sound more benign , school resource officers out of schools , what does that look like in terms of discipline and disciplinary issues ?
So what is Freedom , Inc. ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dahnwei… : That ’ s a great question , Jacqueline .
So over the past four years , we have proposed over 11 programs and emergency funds to the district that cover academic fulfillment , healing and mental wellness , that cover legal decriminalization of students .
Because we understand that taking police out of schools , that ’ s the first demand .
And yet we have to be holistic in our approach to actually keeping our students safe .
A lot of that actually looks like providing emergency services to folks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students at MSD are ticketed for is truancy .
So if folks actually have reliable transportation and they have the things that they need to get to school on time , then that ’ s one less thing to criminalize them about .
And so we understand the need for a holistic approach to that .
In terms of safety policies and practices , we proposed localized community control boards with any school that ’ s actually reflective of the racial makeup of that school .
And then it ’ s comprised of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adults who have been trained in restorative and transformative justice .
So that means that they will be able to negotiate a set of safety policies that are not punitive , that do not lead to the push out of black youth , trans and queer youth as well .
And that actually focus on restoration and really like looking at the environment that causes conflict within these schools .
A lot of times it ’ s not just the police .
But you have school administrators here in Madison , jumping on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them in the face and ripping their hair out .
You have school security guards who are sexualizing young black girls .
So you have a whole … And then of course , the make up of our teachers is mostly white women and they have their own set of racial biases and get over right and get through .
So you have a whole entire environment that really has set our students up to fail , has set black students up to fail .
And we ’ re not done yet until @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
So there ’ s a lot of work to be done .
The district must put money and resources into actually addressing this problem holistically .
They must actually own up to the harm that they ’ ve done to black youth over the years , because what we ’ ve seen is not an uptick in graduation rates , not an uptick in academic fulfillment when those students are surveyed , it ’ s an uptake in youth who are in prison .
In our County , actually just invested in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will question what are their intentions .
If they actually want you to be safe , removing the cops out of the schools , having actual accountability processes for adults who use law enforcement against students , actually investing money and time in school leadership , wellness , and creativity of black youth , making sure that there ’ s transformative justice in those schools and having community control is the way forward .
Honestly , it ’ s the only way to see a sustainable change that ’ ll actually positively impact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jacqueline Luqm… : Mahnker , I do deeply appreciate the intersection between trans and queer students and black students advocating for their safety that will ultimately impact every student in the district .
And what we ’ re hoping is that what you ’ ve done in Madison will be a blueprint for people who are pushing to remove school resource officers , or cops , from schools and terminating their contracts across the country .
We ’ re hoping that this will be the foundation that people can use for that fight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is just the beginning because now what you want to see is that the money that ’ s paid to officers in schools and in Madison , it ’ s around $ 380,000 per year .
According to the contract that was passed last year , could be reinvested , or should be reinvested , in those other forms of transformative justice , training , housing , transportation , and other things that you mentioned .
So we understand that the fight for transforming the relationship between schools and the police , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stem the flow of the school to prison pipeline is just beginning .
We are so glad for the work that you have done with Freedom , Inc. in Madison .
And again , we just hope that it is a blueprint for how others around the country can embark on that fight nationwide .
So Mahnker , thank you so much for joining me and telling us tell us your story about this fight and your continued efforts in Madison .
Mahnker Dahnwei… : Thank you so much for having me , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get in contact with us , you can find us on Facebook , @ FreedomInc on Facebook , on Instagram .
We ’ re still out here in these streets .
This week starts our gender justice week of action , because we know that defunding the police is a gender justice issue .
And so we ’ ll be out on the streets all throughout those two weeks .
So come and join us .
The fight isn ’ t over yet .
Peace and love to everyone .
Jacqueline Luqm… : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is Jacquelyn Luqman with the Real News Network in Washington , D.C .
The fight for justice for all of us continues .

Queer, trans, and Black students organized for their safety and dignity and pushed for the removal of police from Madison public schools.
Story Transcript
This is a rush transcript and may contain errors. It will be updated.
Jacqueline Luqm…: This is Jacqueline Luqman with the Real News Network. The school officials in Denver, Colorado, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, and Portland, Oregon have announced that they’re severing ties with their police departments. And now the school board in Madison, Wisconsin has voted to do the same.
Wisconsin public radio noted that, “The vote followed years of activism by the Social Justice Organization, Freedom, Inc., and reverses course from last year when Madison Metropolitan School Districts Board narrowly voted to keep police officers in schools.” Now obviously, we’re living through an historic moment, maybe even a watershed moment in terms of racial justice and the relationship to policing and almost overnight, the conversation has shifted completely, but this work has been going on in communities on the ground, outside of the national media spotlight four years. And now it’s time has come. Here to talk about the culmination of that work in Madison, Wisconsin, is Mahnker Dahnweih, director of civic engagement with Freedom, Inc. Mahnker, thank you so much for joining me.
Mahnker Dahnwei…: Thank you so much for having me, Jacqueline.
Jacqueline Luqm…: So first, can you tell us about the decision to end the contract with the police in Madison schools? And what’s changed between last year when this motion to remove police from schools was narrowly defeated and today, when it passed unanimously? What has changed to influence that change in the board’s vote this time around?
Mahnker Dahnwei…: So first I want to say, we are so happy, overjoyed, and excited to have this great victory under our belts. It has been years of organizing from young, queer, trans, black youth here in Madison, Wisconsin who have had intimate experience and knowledge of the violence that comes to black youth when there are police present in the schools. And so it’s those years of research, public testimony, conducting research, and just really engaging with community and changing hearts and minds that has actually led to this victory. I also want to recognize the moment that we’re in. We are in a time of global uprising and the riots and the rebellion in the streets have actually put immense pressure on elected officials and local leaders to the point where they have to take action and not just performative action, not just reform, but they have to actually start defunding the police, which will eventually lead to the abolition of punitive punishment within our communities, and the whole policing structure as a whole.
Jacqueline Luqm…: I’m so glad that you mentioned that this is a student-led, and particularly in trans and queer student-led movement. So can you give us a little bit of the historical context within that struggle for those communities, specifically, and led to the larger struggle to get police out of schools and Madison?
Mahnker Dahnwei…: So this all started about four years ago and Freedom, Inc.’s tagline is, “Our community is our campaign.” And we believe the folks at the center of violence that are actually experiencing it are the ones who are best positioned to actually fight and dismantle the systems that are perpetrating that violence. So when our young people came to us, we’ve always had youth programming here at Freedom, Inc., but when our young, black, queer and trans youth are coming to us saying, “We’re getting criminalized for the way that we dress or for not dressing the right ways,” or, “The police officers that are in those schools are actually body slamming us and apprehending us for things that other students don’t get singled out for.”
We’re like, “This is a serious problem.” And so they organized and they went and they testified at the school board meeting at the time. And the response of the district was actually to create a committee. That sounds like really familiar because that’s what they try to tell us this time around. We’ll make a committee. And our youth were not having that. They said, “This needs to go beyond a committee. You need to take direct action.” So it’s been four years of them getting disrespected, of them getting pretty much shut down when they come up and tell their stories, when they come up and share their research, when they engage community. They have really been the deciding factor in actually the last two school board elections, because candidates were not able to make it even past the primaries without answering the question, “Cops or no cops in schools.”
And so they’ve done a lot of work. They’ve done a lot of work on the [inaudible 00:05:17]. They’ve done a lot of meetings, a lot of research. And I’ll say the fact that we’ve been in the streets, mobilizing thousands during this current uprising is what actually kept pressure on the school board members and the school board president, specifically Gloria Reyes so that it could no longer be about her former ties as a former police officer. It could no longer be about what the school board members were afraid of, like who’s going to take care of those bad black kids. It had to be about how are we going to move forward and actually invest in a black youth that has nothing to do with punishment and cages and police officers.
Jacqueline Luqm…: I think it’s an excellent point that you just made that it was the students who have embarked upon a four-year campaign to do the research, to attend the meetings, to call these politicians out on their insufficient responses to their issues and the information that they were given. And they were present at every school board meeting. And they demanded that the question, “Cops or no cops,” be answered before anything could move on. So I think that speaks to the importance of highlighting grassroots organization and that we’re really not in a moment where suddenly overnight, people’s ideas and ideologies were changed. This was the result of a long campaign of people impacted by these policies, doing the research, engaging with the people who are implementing these policies and seizing a moment that arose that they were able to capitalize on. So ultimately, Mahnker, it was the students who got to know the ins and outs of school policy, and who organized more than 50 events in support of police-free schools over this four year period of time, who mobilized Madison to make the unanimous vote possible. Isn’t that right?
Mahnker Dahnwei…: Yes. It definitely is. And they’ve had to have some really hard conversations with folks on the doors, because one big pushback that we have when they first started from our community was, “What are you going to do with all the bad kids?” And so it really was hosting teachings for the community, doing political education sessions online, going door to door. It was all that time that they put in and having those conversations ultimately about abolition. We who believe in freedom … It’s not going to be easy. We’ll still have to fight for it. We’ll still have to come together and use our collective imagination to actually rethink what community safety is.
What we do know is that putting people in cages does not help. What we do know is that giving someone permission to use deadly force against children does not work. Children who have conflict, which is age-appropriate behavior to have conflict amongst their peers in schools or wherever that may be when you’re that age, adding more guns to the equation does not help. And so I think they have been very masterful in the way that they’ve been able to engage and actually convince the public that we are capable of doing something different. But if we actually believe in ourselves, that we can keep us safe. It’s not just the [inaudible 00:08:53] who keeps us safe. We keep us safe. We deeply believe in that. And now most of Madison does too.
Jacqueline Luqm…: I think it’s very interesting that we’re supposed to be allowing our youth to develop their brains and understand conflict resolution and to learn how to deal with other people and different people and be diplomatic and mature during these formative years. And somehow one of the ways we think we can deal with … “we,” I’m saying adults now, one of the ways we have convinced ourselves that we need to keep our youth safe is to introduce, as you said, armed law enforcement into the various situations where we want our children to develop these critical thinking and problem solving skills, not realizing that we’re just introducing another problem into the matrix for our kids, which just produces trauma. But Mahnker, you brought up the issue of who keeps us safe? We keep us safe. And that’s something I personally believe in, but many people are questioning what would taking police officers, or as they’re called to try to make them sound more benign, school resource officers out of schools, what does that look like in terms of discipline and disciplinary issues? So what is Freedom, Inc.’s vision for student safety?
Mahnker Dahnwei…: That’s a great question, Jacqueline. So over the past four years, we have proposed over 11 programs and emergency funds to the district that cover academic fulfillment, healing and mental wellness, that cover legal decriminalization of students. Because we understand that taking police out of schools, that’s the first demand. And yet we have to be holistic in our approach to actually keeping our students safe. A lot of that actually looks like providing emergency services to folks because one of the main things that students at MSD are ticketed for is truancy. So if folks actually have reliable transportation and they have the things that they need to get to school on time, then that’s one less thing to criminalize them about. And so we understand the need for a holistic approach to that. In terms of safety policies and practices, we proposed localized community control boards with any school that’s actually reflective of the racial makeup of that school.
And then it’s comprised of mainly students, their parents and trusted adults who have been trained in restorative and transformative justice. So that means that they will be able to negotiate a set of safety policies that are not punitive, that do not lead to the push out of black youth, trans and queer youth as well. And that actually focus on restoration and really like looking at the environment that causes conflict within these schools. A lot of times it’s not just the police. But you have school administrators here in Madison, jumping on 11 year old black girls and punching them in the face and ripping their hair out. You have school security guards who are sexualizing young black girls. So you have a whole … And then of course, the make up of our teachers is mostly white women and they have their own set of racial biases and get over right and get through.
So you have a whole entire environment that really has set our students up to fail, has set black students up to fail. And we’re not done yet until schools are safe for every black child. So there’s a lot of work to be done. The district must put money and resources into actually addressing this problem holistically. They must actually own up to the harm that they’ve done to black youth over the years, because what we’ve seen is not an uptick in graduation rates, not an uptick in academic fulfillment when those students are surveyed, it’s an uptake in youth who are in prison. In our County, actually just invested in a new youth prison.
So I will question what are their intentions. If they actually want you to be safe, removing the cops out of the schools, having actual accountability processes for adults who use law enforcement against students, actually investing money and time in school leadership, wellness, and creativity of black youth, making sure that there’s transformative justice in those schools and having community control is the way forward. Honestly, it’s the only way to see a sustainable change that’ll actually positively impact black students and keep them safe.
Jacqueline Luqm…: Mahnker, I do deeply appreciate the intersection between trans and queer students and black students advocating for their safety that will ultimately impact every student in the district. And what we’re hoping is that what you’ve done in Madison will be a blueprint for people who are pushing to remove school resource officers, or cops, from schools and terminating their contracts across the country. We’re hoping that this will be the foundation that people can use for that fight. And we understand that this fight is just the beginning because now what you want to see is that the money that’s paid to officers in schools and in Madison, it’s around $380,000 per year. According to the contract that was passed last year, could be reinvested, or should be reinvested, in those other forms of transformative justice, training, housing, transportation, and other things that you mentioned. So we understand that the fight for transforming the relationship between schools and the police, and indeed severing that relationship severely to perhaps stem the flow of the school to prison pipeline is just beginning.
We are so glad for the work that you have done with Freedom, Inc. in Madison. And again, we just hope that it is a blueprint for how others around the country can embark on that fight nationwide. So Mahnker, thank you so much for joining me and telling us tell us your story about this fight and your continued efforts in Madison.
Mahnker Dahnwei…: Thank you so much for having me, Jacqueline. And if anyone wants to get in contact with us, you can find us on Facebook, @FreedomInc on Facebook, on Instagram. We’re still out here in these streets. This week starts our gender justice week of action, because we know that defunding the police is a gender justice issue. And so we’ll be out on the streets all throughout those two weeks. So come and join us. The fight isn’t over yet. Peace and love to everyone.
Jacqueline Luqm…: And thank you for watching. This is Jacquelyn Luqman with the Real News Network in Washington, D.C. The fight for justice for all of us continues.
Studio: Bababtunde Ogunfolaju
Production: Bababtunde Ogunfolaju
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therealnews--2020-07-16--Stir Crazy! Episode #67 – “Virtue Knows No Color Line”

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therealnews--2020-07-17--Anti-Abortion Protesters Exploit Clinics’ COVID-19 Safety Precautions To Harass Patients

On June 29 , the Supreme Court struck down a Louisiana law requiring doctors who perform abortions to also have the ability to admit and treat patients at a local hospital .
The same day , Iowa Gov .
Kim Reynolds signed into law a new mandatory 24-hour waiting period between consulting with a physician and having an abortion .
Other state legislatures are back at work enacting new barriers on accessing abortion .
While abortion clinics prepare to navigate additional legal restrictions on patients ’ reproductive rights , workers are also navigating how to safeguard patients ’ health during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , anti-abortion activists have flouted CDC guidelines by not wearing masks when they protest clinics and exploit new distancing protocols to increase patient harassment .
Roxanne Sutocky is the director of community engagement for The Women ’ s Centers , a network of five independent abortion clinics in Pennsylvania , Georgia , New Jersey , and Connecticut .
She said clinic workers and escorts in New Jersey have seen anti-abortion protesters “ acting in overall unhygienic ways ” including not wearing masks , gathering in large groups at close distance , and even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Anti-abortion protesters are also ] using the pandemic as a way to terrorize people , saying , ‘ Don ’ t go in there .
There ’ s COVID in there , ’ ” Stucky said .
Clinics across the country control the number of people inside to limit any possible exposure to the virus .
This means patients at some clinics have to wait in their cars or on the street , forcing them to spend more time near anti-abortion protesters .
Patients without cars have nothing separating them from shouting protesters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at times , sound systems .
Wula Dawson is the development communications director for the Feminist Women ’ s Health Center in Atlanta , Georgia .
According to Dawson , just as the health center paused its escort program as a safety precaution , the number of protesters increased .
During the pandemic , Dawson said she has seen as many as 50 people congregating in front of the clinic .
Usually , the crowd is closer to 20 people .
“ There ’ s been a bit of a bottleneck with people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the parking lot , ” Dawson said .
“ Patients waiting to safely come into the clinic are waiting very near the same space where the protesters are at , without masks , side by side with each other.
” The Atlanta-based center is Black-led and most patients are people of color , according to Dawson .
She said there is an obvious racial divide between patients and clinic workers and those protesting .
“ It is a particularly horrible dynamic of having these men shouting at these Black women , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has nothing to do with saving anyone or supporting anyone .
It ’ s about control .
It is racialized and it is gendered.
” The mostly white protesters also put Black patients at additional risk from the coronavirus merely by congregating in front of the Feminist Women ’ s Health Center .
In a statement released after the Supreme Court ’ s decision on the Louisiana law , Kimberly Inez McGuire , the executive director of URGE ( a network of activists with chapters across the country that focus on increasing access @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on abortion have disproportionately affected the Black community and other marginalized groups .
“ In the midst of a global uprising for Black lives , we can not ignore the ways that Black young people , women , trans , and nonbinary people continue to be harmed by the hundreds of abortion restrictions left in place , policymakers ’ failure to address Black maternal death , and the ongoing legacy of white supremacy , ” said McGuire .
African Americans are among the hardest hit by COVID-19 as a result of long-standing inequalities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Disease Control and Prevention .
“ The hundreds of abortion restrictions across the country are part of a centuries-old scheme to control the reproductive destinies of Black and Indigenous people and women of color , ” McGuire said .
Lawmakers could have increased access to telemedicine abortion as a way to reduce possible exposure to the coronavirus .
Using telehealth for abortion allows doctors to prescribe medication abortions after a virtual appointment .
On Monday , a federal judge ruled the requirement for women to speak with a healthcare professional in person @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a “ substantial obstacle ” during the current health crisis .
The ruling was a big win for supporters of increasing access to abortion through telemedicine .
However , states can still enforce their own restrictions of telemedicine for abortion despite the federal ruling .
Currently , 18 states have effectively banned abortions by telemedicine , according to the Guttmacher Institute .
Lawmakers in Mississippi and Tennessee , meanwhile , are increasing restrictions on abortion , along with Iowa .
Amy Hagstrom Miller , the founder of Whole Woman ’ s Health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Maryland , Virginia , Minnesota , and Indiana , said at her clinics they limit the number of people inside to ten , which , again , means patients waiting outside .
Anti-abortion protesters seized the opportunity : “ The anti-abortion people are basically saying to each other , ‘ You should come out and protest because now the patients are more accessible.
’ ” Miller was also the lead plaintiff in the 2016 Supreme Court case Whole Woman ’ s Health v. Hellerstedt , which challenged a requirement for doctors to have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can perform abortions .
The law was almost identical to the Louisiana one struck down last month .
“ In a pandemic , the need for abortions is more important , ” Miller said noting that all of the reasons people normally seek out abortions are compounded during a public health crisis .
As new coronavirus cases surge , once-novel safety guidelines will likely continue either until a vaccine is produced or new cases seriously decline .
Mounting restrictions also create additional costs that are difficult for independent clinics to bear .
Independent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the United States , according to Abortion Care Network .
A 2019 report by the group shows 136 independent abortion clinics have closed in the past six years .

On June 29, the Supreme Court struck down a Louisiana law requiring doctors who perform abortions to also have the ability to admit and treat patients at a local hospital. The same day, Iowa Gov. Kim Reynolds signed into law a new mandatory 24-hour waiting period between consulting with a physician and having an abortion. Other state legislatures are back at work enacting new barriers on accessing abortion.
While abortion clinics prepare to navigate additional legal restrictions on patients’ reproductive rights, workers are also navigating how to safeguard patients’ health during the COVID-19 pandemic. Across the country, anti-abortion activists have flouted CDC guidelines by not wearing masks when they protest clinics and exploit new distancing protocols to increase patient harassment.
[trnn_pullquote id=”test-pullquote”]
Roxanne Sutocky is the director of community engagement for The Women’s Centers, a network of five independent abortion clinics in Pennsylvania, Georgia, New Jersey, and Connecticut. She said clinic workers and escorts in New Jersey have seen anti-abortion protesters “acting in overall unhygienic ways” including not wearing masks, gathering in large groups at close distance, and even intentionally coughing on people.
“[Anti-abortion protesters are also] using the pandemic as a way to terrorize people, saying, ‘Don’t go in there. There’s COVID in there,’” Stucky said.
Clinics across the country control the number of people inside to limit any possible exposure to the virus. This means patients at some clinics have to wait in their cars or on the street, forcing them to spend more time near anti-abortion protesters. Patients without cars have nothing separating them from shouting protesters with signs, pamphlets, and, at times, sound systems.
Wula Dawson is the development communications director for the Feminist Women’s Health Center in Atlanta, Georgia. According to Dawson, just as the health center paused its escort program as a safety precaution, the number of protesters increased. During the pandemic, Dawson said she has seen as many as 50 people congregating in front of the clinic. Usually, the crowd is closer to 20 people.
“There’s been a bit of a bottleneck with people coming into the clinic that comes down into the parking lot,” Dawson said. “Patients waiting to safely come into the clinic are waiting very near the same space where the protesters are at, without masks, side by side with each other.”
The Atlanta-based center is Black-led and most patients are people of color, according to Dawson. She said there is an obvious racial divide between patients and clinic workers and those protesting.
“It is a particularly horrible dynamic of having these men shouting at these Black women,” she said. “Their initial premise has nothing to do with saving anyone or supporting anyone. It’s about control. It is racialized and it is gendered.”
The mostly white protesters also put Black patients at additional risk from the coronavirus merely by congregating in front of the Feminist Women’s Health Center.
In a statement released after the Supreme Court’s decision on the Louisiana law, Kimberly Inez McGuire, the executive director of URGE (a network of activists with chapters across the country that focus on increasing access to abortion), highlighted how restrictions on abortion have disproportionately affected the Black community and other marginalized groups.
“In the midst of a global uprising for Black lives, we cannot ignore the ways that Black young people, women, trans, and nonbinary people continue to be harmed by the hundreds of abortion restrictions left in place, policymakers’ failure to address Black maternal death, and the ongoing legacy of white supremacy,” said McGuire.
African Americans are among the hardest hit by COVID-19 as a result of long-standing inequalities in healthcare, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
“The hundreds of abortion restrictions across the country are part of a centuries-old scheme to control the reproductive destinies of Black and Indigenous people and women of color,” McGuire said.
Lawmakers could have increased access to telemedicine abortion as a way to reduce possible exposure to the coronavirus. Using telehealth for abortion allows doctors to prescribe medication abortions after a virtual appointment. On Monday, a federal judge ruled the requirement for women to speak with a healthcare professional in person at a clinic before receiving abortion pills was a “substantial obstacle” during the current health crisis. The ruling was a big win for supporters of increasing access to abortion through telemedicine. However, states can still enforce their own restrictions of telemedicine for abortion despite the federal ruling. Currently, 18 states have effectively banned abortions by telemedicine, according to the Guttmacher Institute.
Lawmakers in Mississippi and Tennessee, meanwhile, are increasing restrictions on abortion, along with Iowa.
Amy Hagstrom Miller, the founder of Whole Woman’s Health, which has clinics in Texas, Maryland, Virginia, Minnesota, and Indiana, said at her clinics they limit the number of people inside to ten, which, again, means patients waiting outside. Anti-abortion protesters seized the opportunity: “The anti-abortion people are basically saying to each other, ‘You should come out and protest because now the patients are more accessible.’”
Miller was also the lead plaintiff in the 2016 Supreme Court case Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt, which challenged a requirement for doctors to have admitting privileges at local hospitals before they can perform abortions. The law was almost identical to the Louisiana one struck down last month.
“In a pandemic, the need for abortions is more important,” Miller said noting that all of the reasons people normally seek out abortions are compounded during a public health crisis.
As new coronavirus cases surge, once-novel safety guidelines will likely continue either until a vaccine is produced or new cases seriously decline. Mounting restrictions also create additional costs that are difficult for independent clinics to bear. Independent clinics account for 60% of abortions in the United States, according to Abortion Care Network. A 2019 report by the group shows 136 independent abortion clinics have closed in the past six years.
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therealnews--2020-07-17--Stir Crazy! Episode #68: The Secret Police Are Coming

On today’s show: Managing Director for K-12 Education Policy at the Center for American Progress Dr. Khalilah Harris, Baltimore-based activist and recording artist Eze Jackson, and “Why You Should Give A F*ck” co-host Tunde Ogunfolaju. Hosted by Kim Brown.
If you have comments/questions/suggestions email us at stircrazy@therealnews.com
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therealnews--2020-07-17--Police Punish And Wall Street Profits

Police Punish And Wall Street Profits

This is a rush transcript and may contain errors .
It will be updated .
Taya Graham : Hello , my name is Taya Graham and welcome to the Police Accountability Report .
Remember , this show has a single purpose , to hold the politically powerful institution of American policing accountable .
To do so , we take a critical look at both the institutions and the political economy , which bolsters it .
And today , our focus will be on one of them , Wall Street .
We are going to examine how the epicenter of capitalism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But before I get started , I want you watching to know , that you have evidence of police misconduct , please email it to us privately at [ email protected ] , and please like , share , and comment on our videos .
You know I read your comments and appreciate them .
You can also reach me directly @ tayasbaltimore on Facebook and Twitter .
Now we have a stark example of how the psychology of policing continues to bolster an ad-hoc surveillance of space and the indiscriminate use of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me now , “ Taya , how can this keep happening in a country with a Bill of Rights that prides itself on free association and the privilege to come and go as one pleases ?
How did we get here ?
” Well , that ’ s where the hidden cost component comes in , because all the aforementioned issues can not persist without help , and that help comes in the form of money .
And in this case , the source of cash is America ’ s predominate financier of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seem odd that the capitalist cartel , which brought us the great recession , rampant speculation , and predatory hedge funds would be involved with policing , but following the logic of late-stage capitalism , it makes perfect sense .
As we ’ ve noted before on the show , the rise of income inequality and the increase in aggressive policing have risen in tandem .
The war on drugs and the increase in poverty have flourished , as police have gained nearly absolute powers to seize property , invade our homes , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this is heighten and divide between the rich and the poor .
And no one does better when that divide widens than Wall Street , which is why this report has come to our attention .
It ’ s a study of so-called brutality bonds .
Debts issued by the cities to pay for police brutality cases .
The report was issued by the Action Center on Race and the Economy , a think tank that works to hold Wall Street accountable for social and racial justice .
In it , they examine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which they contend were primarily used to pay for police brutality settlements .
Some cities were large , like Chicago , but some were small , like Lake County , Indiana , which the report says borrowed $ 11 million to pay for past brutality settlements .
The reason the study is so critical is that it makes a connection between Wall Street profits and bad behavior by police , but it also shows just how profitable law enforcement can be for some , and why the law enforcement industrial complex is fueled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ safety , but for cash .
Stephen , how does this study make this connection ?
Stephen : Well , the study looks at 12 cases of cities that are varying sizes , not just big cities like Chicago , but small cities like Bethlehem , Pennsylvania .
They look at how the cities have borrow money , go to the bond markets , sell bonds with interest , in order to finance police brutality settlements .
In some cases , it ’ s just money that replaces money in the general fund @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In other cases , like Bethlehem , Pennsylvania , a small city , it ’ s because the city ’ s liability insurance didn ’ t cover the settlement of four or $ 5 million .
But what ’ s really revealing about it is that these 12 cities , the report calculates , could end up paying up to $ 1 billion in fees just to finance these issues .
I mean , as we all know , municipal bonds have 20 , 30 year maturity rates , so the interest is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s like taking a mortgage on your future .
What the report points out is it ’ s not just brutality settlements they ’ re losing , but these brutality settlements are being monetized by Wall Street for profits for investors making the burden even worse on the people who can least afford it .
Back to you , Taya .
Taya Graham : Now , as we do on this show , we like to get perspectives on weekly topics from other cop watchers .
It ’ s a tradition that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like Otto the Watchdog , James Freeman , and Blind Justice .
But today we have a first , our first female police activist .
Her name is Katherine , also known as IRATE Productions , and she built a successful YouTube channel , not just watching cops , but she ’ s been fighting for justice across a variety of issues , including housing and incarceration .
Kat , thank you so much for joining me today .
Katherine : Thank you so much for having me .
I think it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s not just a cis hetero male fields , that there are many non-males in the streets fighting for our siblings , and our community .
Taya Graham : Today we discuss how Wall Street is profiting from city ’ s brutality bonds that Goldman Sachs , Wells Fargo , and even Bank of America have found a way to rake in profit from police brutality to the tune of billions of dollars in profit for these investors , while taxpayers continue to lose their hard earned dollars .
Does this information @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what , I don ’ t seem surprised , at all .
It ’ s one of the basic things that police are known for , to protect and serve private property and the ruling class , and to generate revenue .
Their unions are so strong that there is no accountability .
It ’ s interesting that they ’ re being covered whenever they make a mistake and yet we ’ re still paying .
I think the majority in San Diego it ’ s about 50 % of the budget for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fire and rescue , and very little amount is to the actual fire department .
Most of it does go to police .
It ’ s their money maker .
Whatever they can do to keep the machine going , because they ’ re the first on the line to funnel people into criminalization , the prison pipeline , massive debt people are owed , not only their time , their lives , but money , as well .
Taya Graham : We already know that there is profit in law enforcement and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s confiscating properties and asset forfeiture , or making money off prison labor .
Why do you think there ’ s so much money to be made in fining and incarcerating people ?
Katherine : I think , going back to the roots of slavery and how much money was made off of the backs for slave labor .
Now , it ’ s a new form .
Because of the 13th Amendment , it gives the exception of except a punishment for a crime .
We have people… It ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but it ’ s also a big money maker for those type of factory workers .
And so , if we ’ re talking about labor , we obviously need to talk about the slave labor still going on in the prison systems , the revenue that ’ s generated for the ruling classes , the Wall Streets , the elites , and how they ’ re just looking to strip .
It ’ s a slow genocide .
Taya Graham : Now , let ’ s talk a little bit about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even more important now that an arrest could lead to catching Coronavirus .
This discretion is supposed to allow officers to make a judgment call between walking away from a possible misdemeanor , or making the choice to fine or even arrest someone .
We have a video from your channel showing one officer ’ s discretion , and his choice to arrest the woman walking her dog .
Tell us about what we ’ re seeing in this video .
Katherine : There is one of our cop watchers that lives on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t expecting to film , but the one black woman that you ’ re able to see with a dog , was actually arrested .
The police responded that she wouldn ’ t answer questions , which you don ’ t have to answer questions .
They could have easily told her that you need to leave the dog .
Obviously , they could have walked away .
There ’ s definitely that double standard .
So when you watch the video , when you see how many white people are around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are violating multiple orders , and they ’ re constantly giving , and it ’ s because of the racism .
It ’ s because of the colorism .
Taya Graham : Essentially , a woman walking her dog is arrested by , at least , five police officers , thrown face down in the ground , and is taken away to be incarcerated .
Now , we don ’ t have all the information , but doesn ’ t seem to you there could be another way to handle the situation without @ @ @ @ @ @ @ liberty ?
Katherine : Yes , absolutely .
Police could have easily given her the prompt that she needs to leave with her dog , like many other white people they direct to .
The fact that there are so many people on that beach , there ’ s many different ways the police can handle it .
Again , they did make the case that she wasn ’ t answering questions .
You do not have to answer questions , if you ’ re detained .
I don ’ t know why @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because you have these… It ’ s mind blowing that the disparity that many communities of color , impoverished communities we ’ re talking about , the police treat us different .
Taya Graham : As some who has engaged in protest during the pandemic , are you concerned , at all , that that COVID-19 regulations will interfere with our ability to dissent and gather , protest , and exercise our first amendment rights ?
That law enforcement could use the new regulations to shutdown protests that they don ’ t agree @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a protest that happened a short while ago .
I ’ ll send you the information , but it was to the Otay Mesa Detention Center , and there were many officers who were citing people because of expired registration , or a bullhorn violation , because somebody was using a bullhorn .
There was another caravan .
These are all caravan protests .
They weren ’ t people that were standing , mobbing on a street corner , 300 deep , no masks , not obeying , hogging the sidewalk .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a better route to protest , which is what we started to do with the caravans .
Taya Graham : So it ’ s clear , we have a dilemma in this country .
On the one hand , we value freedom of expression and movement , civil rights , and privacy .
But on the other hand , we have constructed an industry predicated upon , in part , infringing upon those same values for profit .
The report on brutality bonds makes this clear , that even bad policing can be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ least likely to bear the brunt of it .
This creates a troubling paradox .
Wall Street bankers safely ensconced in high rise office suites collecting fees to charge impoverished cities for borrowing money to compensate victims of police malfeasance .
The economic elites profiting off the malaise of law enforcement that are safely removed from its consequences .
It ’ s funny , because the stewards of capitalism like to extol the virtues of personal responsibility .
They love to celebrate the power of free markets .
But so much of their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ imbalance of social power .
So much of their profit comes from avoiding consequences , not embracing them .
In this case , to profit off the violation of the civil rights of the less fortunate , even as they all received immunity for the crimes they committed .
It ’ s not just hypocritical , it ’ s antithetical to their creed , and reveals , through a crystal clear example , the relationship between profits and privilege , wealth and inequity .
How the system itself is not a free market @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but a wealth extraction conveyor belt that moves money and resources from communities that can least afford it .
Think about it , if the system made sense , if capitalism was so productive , then it would be police borrowing money to pay for brutality , not the impoverished residents of strapped cities .
If the markets were really the key to efficiency , and if personal responsibility really was the ultimate value of capitalism , then it would be generous police pensions that would , at least , share some of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ bad behavior , but that ’ s not what ’ s happening .
As we ’ ve stated in our show before , we have to question why this illogical imbalance persists .
Why can ’ t we come up with more proactive solutions and pragmatic policies to address this fundamentally flawed disconnect ?
At the beginning of the show , we talked about the idea of police pathos in American culture .
How we are fed a constant stream of cop-a-ganda through nightly TV shows and political rhetoric .
How this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through force , and how that power has led to over policing that has , in a sense , infiltrated our civic lexicon .
It ’ s worth noting that the men who shot and killed Ahmed Aubrey have argued that they were trying to make a citizen ’ s arrest , a legally questionable concept that all of us , in some form or fashion , are endowed with police like powers .
It ’ s a troubling notion , if it ’ s true , because it demonstrates the point we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ freedom and civil rights we espoused to embrace can not be reconciled with the idea that all of us have the power to adjudicate justice on the spot .
We can not all be imbued with the pretense of omnipotent law enforcement , if we want to preserve civic engagement and the right to participate in a democracy .
We can not continue to fund and bolster a system that extinguishes all of our rights , liberties , and freedoms under the auspices of a single dominant idea , the power to police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Katherine , of IRATE Productions , for taking a moment to stop in her rent and mortgage strike to speak with us .
Kat , thank you so much for joining us .
Katherine : Thank you for having me .
Prayers to your family that are in the medical field , as you ’ re telling me .
Hope that ’ s okay to mention .
Taya Graham : And , of course , I have to thank intrepid reporter , Stephen Janis , for his investigative work on this piece @ @ @ @ @ @ @ editing .
Thank you so much , Stephen .
Stephen : Taya , thank you so much for having me .
We will continue to investigate the hidden costs of policing .
Taya Graham : And , of course , I have to thank friend of the show , Nollie D. , for her support .
Thank you Nollie D. And I want you watching to know that , if you have evidence of police misconduct or brutality , please share it with us , and we might be able to investigate .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ can email us tips privately at [ email protected ] , and share your evidence of police misconduct .
You can also message us at Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram , or @ eyesonpolice at Twitter , and of course you can message me directly @ tayasbaltimore on Twitter and Facebook .
And please like and comment .
I do read your comments , and I appreciate them , and I try to answer questions whenever I can .
I ’ m Taya Graham , your host of the Police Accountability @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there .

Taxpayers are paying double for police brutality settlements thanks to local governments buying bonds from Wall Street to cover payouts. San Diego cop watcher Kat from Irate Productions discusses recent police harassment of unarmed residents.
Story Transcript
This is a rush transcript and may contain errors. It will be updated.
Taya Graham: Hello, my name is Taya Graham and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. Remember, this show has a single purpose, to hold the politically powerful institution of American policing accountable. To do so, we take a critical look at both the institutions and the political economy, which bolsters it. And today, our focus will be on one of them, Wall Street. We are going to examine how the epicenter of capitalism makes money when police behave badly. But before I get started, I want you watching to know, that you have evidence of police misconduct, please email it to us privately at par@therealnews.com, and please like, share, and comment on our videos. You know I read your comments and appreciate them. You can also reach me directly @tayasbaltimore on Facebook and Twitter.
Now we have a stark example of how the psychology of policing continues to bolster an ad-hoc surveillance of space and the indiscriminate use of violence. But you might be asking me now, “Taya, how can this keep happening in a country with a Bill of Rights that prides itself on free association and the privilege to come and go as one pleases? How did we get here?” Well, that’s where the hidden cost component comes in, because all the aforementioned issues cannot persist without help, and that help comes in the form of money. And in this case, the source of cash is America’s predominate financier of inequality, Wall Street.
It may seem odd that the capitalist cartel, which brought us the great recession, rampant speculation, and predatory hedge funds would be involved with policing, but following the logic of late-stage capitalism, it makes perfect sense. As we’ve noted before on the show, the rise of income inequality and the increase in aggressive policing have risen in tandem. The war on drugs and the increase in poverty have flourished, as police have gained nearly absolute powers to seize property, invade our homes, and make unnecessary arrests. All of this is heighten and divide between the rich and the poor. And no one does better when that divide widens than Wall Street, which is why this report has come to our attention. It’s a study of so-called brutality bonds. Debts issued by the cities to pay for police brutality cases. The report was issued by the Action Center on Race and the Economy, a think tank that works to hold Wall Street accountable for social and racial justice.
In it, they examine bonds issued by 12 American cities, which they contend were primarily used to pay for police brutality settlements. Some cities were large, like Chicago, but some were small, like Lake County, Indiana, which the report says borrowed $11 million to pay for past brutality settlements. The reason the study is so critical is that it makes a connection between Wall Street profits and bad behavior by police, but it also shows just how profitable law enforcement can be for some, and why the law enforcement industrial complex is fueled, not by the desire for public safety, but for cash. Stephen, how does this study make this connection?
Stephen: Well, the study looks at 12 cases of cities that are varying sizes, not just big cities like Chicago, but small cities like Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. They look at how the cities have borrow money, go to the bond markets, sell bonds with interest, in order to finance police brutality settlements. In some cases, it’s just money that replaces money in the general fund, so it can be hidden. In other cases, like Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, a small city, it’s because the city’s liability insurance didn’t cover the settlement of four or $5 million. But what’s really revealing about it is that these 12 cities, the report calculates, could end up paying up to $1 billion in fees just to finance these issues. I mean, as we all know, municipal bonds have 20, 30 year maturity rates, so the interest is paid out over and over. It’s like taking a mortgage on your future.
What the report points out is it’s not just brutality settlements they’re losing, but these brutality settlements are being monetized by Wall Street for profits for investors making the burden even worse on the people who can least afford it. Back to you, Taya.
Taya Graham: Now, as we do on this show, we like to get perspectives on weekly topics from other cop watchers. It’s a tradition that has put us in touch with people like Otto the Watchdog, James Freeman, and Blind Justice. But today we have a first, our first female police activist. Her name is Katherine, also known as IRATE Productions, and she built a successful YouTube channel, not just watching cops, but she’s been fighting for justice across a variety of issues, including housing and incarceration. Kat, thank you so much for joining me today.
Katherine: Thank you so much for having me. I think it’s really important to highlight that it’s not just a cis hetero male fields, that there are many non-males in the streets fighting for our siblings, and our community.
Taya Graham: Today we discuss how Wall Street is profiting from city’s brutality bonds that Goldman Sachs, Wells Fargo, and even Bank of America have found a way to rake in profit from police brutality to the tune of billions of dollars in profit for these investors, while taxpayers continue to lose their hard earned dollars. Does this information surprise you?
Katherine: You know what, I don’t seem surprised, at all. It’s one of the basic things that police are known for, to protect and serve private property and the ruling class, and to generate revenue. Their unions are so strong that there is no accountability. It’s interesting that they’re being covered whenever they make a mistake and yet we’re still paying. I think the majority in San Diego it’s about 50% of the budget for the city. And it’s fire and rescue, and very little amount is to the actual fire department. Most of it does go to police. It’s their money maker. Whatever they can do to keep the machine going, because they’re the first on the line to funnel people into criminalization, the prison pipeline, massive debt people are owed, not only their time, their lives, but money, as well.
Taya Graham: We already know that there is profit in law enforcement and in the prison industrial complex, whether it’s confiscating properties and asset forfeiture, or making money off prison labor. Why do you think there’s so much money to be made in fining and incarcerating people?
Katherine: I think, going back to the roots of slavery and how much money was made off of the backs for slave labor. Now, it’s a new form.
Because of the 13th Amendment, it gives the exception of except a punishment for a crime. We have people… It’s a big money maker to incarcerate, but it’s also a big money maker for those type of factory workers. And so, if we’re talking about labor, we obviously need to talk about the slave labor still going on in the prison systems, the revenue that’s generated for the ruling classes, the Wall Streets, the elites, and how they’re just looking to strip. It’s a slow genocide.
Taya Graham: Now, let’s talk a little bit about officer discretion, an issue that is even more important now that an arrest could lead to catching Coronavirus. This discretion is supposed to allow officers to make a judgment call between walking away from a possible misdemeanor, or making the choice to fine or even arrest someone. We have a video from your channel showing one officer’s discretion, and his choice to arrest the woman walking her dog. Tell us about what we’re seeing in this video.
Katherine: There is one of our cop watchers that lives on the beach. Obviously, she wasn’t expecting to film, but the one black woman that you’re able to see with a dog, was actually arrested. The police responded that she wouldn’t answer questions, which you don’t have to answer questions. They could have easily told her that you need to leave the dog. Obviously, they could have walked away. There’s definitely that double standard. So when you watch the video, when you see how many white people are around, when you see how many people are violating multiple orders, and they’re constantly giving, and it’s because of the racism. It’s because of the colorism.
Taya Graham: Essentially, a woman walking her dog is arrested by, at least, five police officers, thrown face down in the ground, and is taken away to be incarcerated. Now, we don’t have all the information, but doesn’t seem to you there could be another way to handle the situation without risking this woman’s health and liberty?
Katherine: Yes, absolutely. Police could have easily given her the prompt that she needs to leave with her dog, like many other white people they direct to. The fact that there are so many people on that beach, there’s many different ways the police can handle it. Again, they did make the case that she wasn’t answering questions. You do not have to answer questions, if you’re detained. I don’t know why that’s a double standard, because you have these… It’s mind blowing that the disparity that many communities of color, impoverished communities we’re talking about, the police treat us different.
Taya Graham: As some who has engaged in protest during the pandemic, are you concerned, at all, that that COVID-19 regulations will interfere with our ability to dissent and gather, protest, and exercise our first amendment rights? That law enforcement could use the new regulations to shutdown protests that they don’t agree with?
Katherine: Absolutely. There was a protest that happened a short while ago. I’ll send you the information, but it was to the Otay Mesa Detention Center, and there were many officers who were citing people because of expired registration, or a bullhorn violation, because somebody was using a bullhorn. There was another caravan. These are all caravan protests. They weren’t people that were standing, mobbing on a street corner, 300 deep, no masks, not obeying, hogging the sidewalk. These were protestors who were strategically taking a better route to protest, which is what we started to do with the caravans.
Taya Graham: So it’s clear, we have a dilemma in this country. On the one hand, we value freedom of expression and movement, civil rights, and privacy. But on the other hand, we have constructed an industry predicated upon, in part, infringing upon those same values for profit. The report on brutality bonds makes this clear, that even bad policing can be a cash cow, especially for those least likely to bear the brunt of it. This creates a troubling paradox. Wall Street bankers safely ensconced in high rise office suites collecting fees to charge impoverished cities for borrowing money to compensate victims of police malfeasance. The economic elites profiting off the malaise of law enforcement that are safely removed from its consequences.
It’s funny, because the stewards of capitalism like to extol the virtues of personal responsibility. They love to celebrate the power of free markets. But so much of their wealth seems to be tied to an imbalance of social power. So much of their profit comes from avoiding consequences, not embracing them. In this case, to profit off the violation of the civil rights of the less fortunate, even as they all received immunity for the crimes they committed. It’s not just hypocritical, it’s antithetical to their creed, and reveals, through a crystal clear example, the relationship between profits and privilege, wealth and inequity. How the system itself is not a free market, or a competition of ideas, but a wealth extraction conveyor belt that moves money and resources from communities that can least afford it.
Think about it, if the system made sense, if capitalism was so productive, then it would be police borrowing money to pay for brutality, not the impoverished residents of strapped cities. If the markets were really the key to efficiency, and if personal responsibility really was the ultimate value of capitalism, then it would be generous police pensions that would, at least, share some of the burden of funding claims for cops’ bad behavior, but that’s not what’s happening. As we’ve stated in our show before, we have to question why this illogical imbalance persists. Why can’t we come up with more proactive solutions and pragmatic policies to address this fundamentally flawed disconnect?
At the beginning of the show, we talked about the idea of police pathos in American culture. How we are fed a constant stream of cop-a-ganda through nightly TV shows and political rhetoric. How this pathos leads to an apportioning of space through force, and how that power has led to over policing that has, in a sense, infiltrated our civic lexicon. It’s worth noting that the men who shot and killed Ahmed Aubrey have argued that they were trying to make a citizen’s arrest, a legally questionable concept that all of us, in some form or fashion, are endowed with police like powers. It’s a troubling notion, if it’s true, because it demonstrates the point we’re trying to make. The freedom and civil rights we espoused to embrace cannot be reconciled with the idea that all of us have the power to adjudicate justice on the spot. We cannot all be imbued with the pretense of omnipotent law enforcement, if we want to preserve civic engagement and the right to participate in a democracy.
We cannot continue to fund and bolster a system that extinguishes all of our rights, liberties, and freedoms under the auspices of a single dominant idea, the power to police. I want to thank my guest, Katherine, of IRATE Productions, for taking a moment to stop in her rent and mortgage strike to speak with us. Kat, thank you so much for joining us.
Katherine: Thank you for having me. Prayers to your family that are in the medical field, as you’re telling me. Hope that’s okay to mention.
Taya Graham: And, of course, I have to thank intrepid reporter, Stephen Janis, for his investigative work on this piece, as well as his writing and editing. Thank you so much, Stephen.
Stephen: Taya, thank you so much for having me. We will continue to investigate the hidden costs of policing.
Taya Graham: And, of course, I have to thank friend of the show, Nollie D., for her support. Thank you Nollie D. And I want you watching to know that, if you have evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us, and we might be able to investigate. Please reach out to us. You can email us tips privately at par@therealnews.com, and share your evidence of police misconduct. You can also message us at Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram, or @eyesonpolice at Twitter, and of course you can message me directly @tayasbaltimore on Twitter and Facebook. And please like and comment. I do read your comments, and I appreciate them, and I try to answer questions whenever I can. I’m Taya Graham, your host of the Police Accountability Report. Please, be safe out there.
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