therealnews--2020-05-08--Palestinians And Israelis Remember Casualties Together

This is a rush transcript and may contain errors .
It will be updated .
Mark Steiner : Welcome to The Real News .
I ’ m Mark Steiner .
Good to have you with us .
On Monday , April 27th , 200,000 people participated in a memorial service .
The tens of thousands of Palestinians and the thousands of Israelis who have been killed in the ongoing conflict or about the occupation .
On this same day every year , the state of Israel holds an official memorial service known Yom Hazikaron , to commemorate the Israelis killed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resistance .
What you just saw and what I refer to is the Israel Palestinian Memorial Service , that for the last 15 years , remember those killed on both sides , and hears from families of the fallen calling for peace .
Each year it ’ s attacked and shackled by the judiciary and the Israeli Government .
This year because of the corona pandemic , it was held virtually .
It dwarfed the Israeli event , bringing together Palestinians and Israelis , Jews , Muslims and Christians to tell their stories @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they lost and their desires for peace .
It was seen around the world .
Two organizations were key to making this event a reality .
Combatants for Peace made up of Israeli and Palestinian veterans of war and those Palestinians imprisoned by Israelis , and Parents Circle Families Forum , a Palestinian and Israeli association of those who suffer the trauma of losing loved ones in these conflicts .
Events were held in Tel Aviv , Israel and Ramallah , Palestine , and seen across the globe as I said .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Memorial service .
Let ’ s watch together .
One , a brief testimony by Yusra Mahfoud , about how she lost her son , Alaa and brief testimony about Tal Kfir Schurr who lost her sister Yael .
Yusra Mahfoud : [ foreign language 00:02:24 ] Name of the merciful a law .
I am [ inaudible 00:02:28 ] .
My family is from the village of near Yazur , near Jaffa , which was uprooted in 1948 .
I was born in ’ 61 in Nablus where I grew up .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ sat on the porch , we heard shouts from the street and before we could understand what was happening , I saw the teacup that Alaa held shattering and blood began to splash all over .
But the soldiers delayed the ambulance from going to the hospital and during this precious time , my son continued to lose blood .
[ foreign language 00:00:03:08 ] .
Tal Kfir Schurr : [ foreign language 00:03:16 ] Yael is my little sister .
After she died , as the author , Uzi Weil wrote , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was like tearing apart iron.
” I repeat the report in the official Memorial website , “ Yael was murdered in a terrorist attack , in the year 2003 .
She was almost 22 years old and left her parents and sister behind.
” [ foreign language 00:03:46 ] I want us to see as well that around us , such disasters have happened and continue to happen .
Our duty is to prevent them .
Mark Steiner : We are joined by two activists who were part of that Memorial and who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Palestinian peace and nonviolence spiritual activist from Ramallah , a former political prisoner who spent 10 years in jail in Israel from the age of 14 years old .
And Chen Alon , is an Israeli peace activist from Tel Aviv .
A former soldier , participated in suppressing the first Intifada and then refused during the second Intifada .
And they both joined us today .
Welcome both of you to The Real News .
Mark Steiner : Let me begin this way , with both of you telling your story @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the Memorial Service that we just saw .
I ’ m curious Sulaiman , what drew you to Combatants For Peace and how did that happen ?
Sulaiman Khatib : Thank you Mark for having us here , me and my friend Chen Alon and as you can see , now we are close friends can and myself as co-founders of Combatants For Peace , among other friends from both sides that were part of the Israeli army or part of the Palestinian Resistance , ex prisoners and activists .
So for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For Peace and activists circles that we try to create here , is a natural part of my path as a freedom seeker .
I started when I was 13 , 14 years old .
I ’ ve been active all my life , so I always grew up to be able to human with good values of protecting our homeland and the freedom of people and fairness and justice for everybody .
It took from me long , long years of real experience on the ground , in jail , of hunger @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the US , since we talk about the American and Nelson Mandela and other experiences .
And even getting to know the narrative of the other , what we call , as I grew up with the Palestinian narrative , and I also studied the Israeli narrative .
I studied Hebrew in jail .
So I just want to mention that jail , in my personal experience , in our community experience is a very important part of our life .
So I ’ ve been active also in jail as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ teenager and in jail .
So my transformation happened through years in jail and experience and I just want to say it ’ s not easy .
We talk a lot about it , Chen and myself , how hard emotionally and spiritually and mentally to start doubting one side narrative , especially if you come from the oppressed side , where you believe you are just the victim , which is the comfortable belief to be .
So moving from this comfortable space to questioning and to be open to the other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mentioned before when we started this conversation about the radical intimacy , is a huge step that takes a long , long journey .
So for me , I came out of jail and believe that there is no military solution for our conflict , and also a big believer of nonviolence and a joint nonviolence as path for freedom and dignity for our peoples in both sides .
And at the end also , there is no freedom for this side or that side alone .
It ’ s integrated like the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in this in my heart and the fact that we have partners in both sides give me more hope when we try to create a space , a new narrative to write a new narrative by our actions in the ground .
Mark Steiner : And Chen , talk a bit about why you became a member ?
How that started ?
What moved you to do this ?
Chen Alon : My story is actually a mirror picture of Suli ’ s story as he mentioned that we are in this path @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 15 years now .
So as a child who grew up to third generation of the Holocaust , it was not a question for me that I want to join the army , that I want to protect the only shelter that the Jews have around the world .
So I just waited to join the army , and when I joined the army , it was the beginning of the first Intifada .
So my fantasy or my dream or my wish to protect my state and the shelter was actually police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first Palestinian uprising .
So that was the first clash that I had , but still the fuel of the Holocaust was so strong , I mean , from my father to his father , my grandfather .
So I became an officer .
I volunteered for an additional year in the army , but these were the four years of the first Intifada .
Then 10 years in reserve duty , I became a major of a tank , I was a commander of a tank platoon and most of the activities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actually occupation .
And there was a crack inside me that , this is not the protection of Israel occupying three million Palestinians , and I couldn ’ t integrate these two ideas of wanting to protect my people and occupying other people and preventing human rights for so many years .
So then I decided to refuse to serve the occupation .
It was 2002 , and after campaigning to the Israeli society addressing the message of the occupation as the destruction of Israel , we heard about the Suli ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prisoners , and we realized that we can not bring an end to the occupation alone or by ourselves .
We have who to cross the line and actually become allies with these refuseniks , with these people who are refused to the suicide attacks , to the violence struggle , the armed struggle .
People who are credited as Suli was 10 years in jail for resisting the occupation .
And now we joined forces in 2005 , and we ’ ve decided to go along these two paths .
One is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reconciliation and the re-humanization , and the other one is the path of developing a community which struggles non-violently against the occupation .
Mark Steiner : So this leads me to a couple of personal questions , but let me ask you something else first .
I want to come back to the Memorial , but I want to come back to both of your stories .
So I ’ m curious with the alternative Memorial service is held , it ’ s the 15th year that it ’ s been held .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ said earlier , across the globe and numerous Jewish organizations in the US and Palestinian American organizations supported this effort .
People watching it everywhere .
So I mean , from the beginning of this 15 years ago to now , what has this Memorial service meant ?
What do you think comes of it ?
Sulaiman you can start then we ’ ll go to Chen .
Sulaiman Khatib : Thank you .
Firstly I want to highlight that Chen , my friend , is more involved even in organizing the Memorial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this sacred event that we organize once a year , which started 15 years ago by having 50 people just as a dream , is part of the philosophy that in one side we refuse and resist the current system .
In the other side we try to create a new reality and a new narrative by making different events through the year actually , and one of the main events that so important and so challenging and so controversial in all our communities is a joint Memorial Day , the Palestinian Israeli @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very challenging for many people because of the board dynamic , because we recognize that while we are right now , the Palestinians and the Israelis are not in the same place .
So we have recognize that .
With that said , to show empathy to the enemy , is something challenging even if we talk about the Irish experience , or white Christian , so it ’ s not really just for Jewish and Palestinian Arab , it ’ s very unique for us .
It ’ s everywhere in every @ @ @ @ @ @ @ losing their loved one , and spiritually on an ongoing conflict .
It ’ s not [ inaudible 00:13:07 ] conflict .
So this is beyond , for me personally , it ’ s beyond imagination that our communities , some of our people could agree to come together and create a transformative experience by sharing sorrows and hope in the same moments together .
This gives me a lot of hope and a lot of successful , not even just by the numbers of people that growing every year , rather by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people that moving from fear to trust , and to show up for a minute , for a short time , for one hour a year , that how sharing power and sharing sorrow and sharing pain and everything else as a human , in humanizing each other , how this place could be , look like if we really got to reconciliation deeply with each other and recognize each other and the narratives are having a place to go exist next to each other .
Mark Steiner : So Chen , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and a couple of things popped in my head .
One was the Israeli government and population seems to be more of a council of Trent that it ever was about this issue , and maybe moving further to the right .
So I ’ m curious from both your perspectives , but let me start with you Chen , what this event means and how it ’ s received by Israel and what effect you think it ’ s having ?
Chen Alon : So first of all , as Suli @ @ @ @ @ @ @ am directing , I ’ m a theater director and I ’ ve directed all the ceremonies since 2006 .
Mark Steiner : Let me just say something Chen .
Well done .
Chen Alon : Thanks .
It ’ s even more surprising as we started 15 years ago with 70 , 80 people in a French theater in the South of Tel Aviv and we dreamt of doubling the number in the next year , but it started with 70 people .
Last year we had 9,000 people in the HaYarkon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year because of the corona virus , we had to go online only and we had 200,000 people joining us .
So except from using the word success because I don ’ t think it ’ s a success , it ’ s just we are actually providing something that a lot of people need and is not to be stuck in the mechanism of bereaving and sorrowing and justifying the next war .
What we are actually doing in this evening is that it ’ s a Memorial ceremony , like a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on that day , on that evening .
But what we are doing is that we are allowing people , Israelis and Palestinians , and by the way thousands of people around the world , to experience what we ’ ve experienced .
And it ’ s the transformation of trauma , transformation of bereaving , of sorrow , of very negative feelings that how you can be stuck in them , or you can transform them into reconciliation , into peace-building , into building trust , into struggling together .
And I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s so successful because there is a need , a real need of people to not to be paralyzed by their sorrow , not to be paralyzed by their hopelessness , and it provides hope for people .
15 years ago , we did it , and the first year that we founded the movement , because we felt some kind of a responsibility .
We were all combatant soldiers , warriors , and we felt responsibility for this loss .
We felt responsibility for the families on both sides , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it because it ’ s too difficult for them .
And we got a lot of hostility and attacks by the right wing in Israel , by the government .
Even each year , even the Prime Minister and the Minister of Defense are intervening and then preventing from Palestinians to get into Israel for the ceremonial .
And we get a lot of , dozens of people outside demonstrating , trying to beat up the people who are attending the ceremony .
It became some kind of the biggest event of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ annual big event for Israeli Peace Camp .
And I think the Palestinian Peace Camp that is not abiding to the BDS and the boycott and the anti normalization movement .
Mark Steiner : So there are a couple of things that people I heard talk about over the last week , since the Memorial service .
And it has to do with , how you have a Memorial service when someone argues there ’ s no moral equivalency ?
That there were one that occupy , one ’ s the occupied .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ through politically for both of you ?
Chen you need to talk about that .
Chen Alon : Yeah , first of all , I will never speak on behalf of the occupied .
So I will allow Suli to talk about this .
I can talk only from my position , from my perspective , which is an invitation for alliance against the occupation .
I mean , any activity that we are doing in Combatants For Peace , we ’ ll never forget the power balance and that it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ occupied , but we are partners , we are allies .
So there is no other way for us to be active , to take an action , to function without working together .
And I think there is something in this event , which is an opportunity , because it is the most sacred day and the most painful day to look at the bereaved families , to look at the people , to be with the people who lost their beloved ones .
It ’ s a moment that allows all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ part of the conflict to reflect .
And I think we are offering something both to the Palestinians and Israelis without forgetting the power structure .
Mark Steiner : And how would you answer that Sulaiman ?
Sulaiman Khatib : Thank you , this is very important point .
I think from my experience that in Combatants For Peace and other circles that we are allied with , the power dynamic , the structure of the power is recognized deeply and widely .
With that said , you can have some challenges sometimes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say it ’ s a very perfect picture of course .
There is a generation of oppressed people here , so that can reflect sometimes in the details of our work .
With that said , I guess Chen talks about this a few times , that we basically come together , to take responsibilities together of the actions we did , and give a model for other people to be changed and transformed as ex fighter .
I believe like the victim-hood comparing who ’ s suffering more is not really our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for any sides .
I believe as friends said , while we are really dreaming in the vision as memorial day scene for example , we have to keep one leg in the reality , which is unbalanced and the Palestinian live under the occupation and all of that , but we have also to touch the dream even a little bit so can people feel it .
Mark Steiner : Both are very important responses .
I ’ m curious from the both of your stories , and very quickly in time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you Sulaiman , if am I right ?
10 years in Israeli prison ?
Is that correct ?
Mark Steiner : You were 14 when that happened ?
Mark Steiner : Then I wanted to hear from Chen , but let me start with you .
So A , I think it would be interesting for our people viewing around the world to know why at 14 years old , you spent 10 years in prison ?
What happened ?
And B , what transformed you into you ’ re thinking to become @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
Sulaiman Khatib : Yeah .
So for the first question , let me put this .
The illegal situation where I live in West Bank , it ’ s under military Israeli rule , which is not even the normal Israeli law and not the international law .
So let ’ s say , when I was 14 , I was drawn to arm struggle , Che Guevara , Arafat style .
I was coordinating a leading group of kids , to throw stones and cocktail Molotov by attack to Israelis .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Israelis and they were slightly one dead .
So I ended up being the angst prisoner for some time , a little bit pre the first Intifada .
With that said , if Israeli did the same , he will go to the rehabitation center .
It ’ s a different story because it ’ s a military rule .
That ’ s a direct reason .
As Chen mentioned , we ’ re victims of the system basically .
With that said , for me , that deep experience , the sacred @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been active also in jail inside the Fatah movement at that time among many other prisoners , with the solidarity action we did specifically the hunger strike .
The food hunger strike was a huge transformative experience for many prisoners .
We learned this from the Irish experience actually back in the days , because that ’ s the most practical experience that you can experience the power of nonviolence .
It ’ s very harsh .
It ’ s harder than violence .
You need a lot of patience , not to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did the hunger strike , food hunger strike for 16 days .
17 days was my longest time with other prisoners , and of course I also read books about other revolutions in the world and I also read Hebrew , I read the narratives .
For me as I said , you can really have a longer conversations of a theory of change and I don ’ t believe in all these books of theory of change .
I really believe of my journey and our journey also later on in Combatants @ @ @ @ @ @ @ part for me , specifically to add to the experience having Israeli partners , to humanize the enemy is the first condition to be transformed .
Mark Steiner : That ’ s a very difficult and very powerful move .
Chen , how about you ?
What was it between the first and second Intifada that moved you to change ?
Chen Alon : Yeah , I mean , we always talk about transformation as a one point .
It wasn ’ t an epiphany for both of us .
Chen Alon : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but I can mark few steps along the journey that were transformative for me .
And one of them was , Suli mentioned that he was a boy , a child under occupation .
Another word , another way to define it , is that Suli lived and still living , is living under military regime .
I mean the occupation is a military regime .
I ’ m a citizen of Israel , a democratic state , and most of my life I experienced democratic life and experience .
But when I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I was accepted to the Repertory Theater .
I was a professional actor there and I played in very humanistic , left-wing , some of them , even American plays from the ’ 30s or Awake and Sing of Clifford Odets , about the depression , the big depression , economic crisis of 1929 , and I was in the repertory theater .
A citizen , a proud citizen of a democratic state , playing a very radical left play about changing the system and being revolutionary against the capitalist system of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the Bronx .
Then at the same , very same night , I ’ m taking off my three parts suit , putting on my major uniform and driving 40 minutes , and I ’ m in Gaza , a commander of a checkpoint in Gaza .
So at the same night , imagine that .
I mean , as a professional actor , I ’ m delivering a message to the Israeli audience about changing the system , and 40 minutes afterwards , I ’ m a commander of the military @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million and a half people in Gaza Strip .
So this is something that you do it once , you do it twice , you do it a few times and you say , “ What is this split ?
Am I a citizen ?
Am I serving a democratic state and its backyard is a military regime ?
I can not accept that .
For 20 years , 30 years , we are now celebrating 53 years of the occupation .
It had to be stopped years ago and it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that was the first crack , the first split that I couldn ’ t integrate and I decided on one .
I had these two characters inside me .
I decided to be loyal to the citizen of a democratic state and take responsibility over that .
Mark Steiner : Very well said , both of you .
I appreciate that .
Let me conclude with this that , A , I ’ m curious why you think given that the peace movement is not the majority inside of Israel itself .
Why @ @ @ @ @ @ @ particular alternative memorial service , that keep trying to shut it down , not letting people come , having them attacked and not letting Palestinians come in to participate , and B , the question is now as well is how is this regarded among Palestinians ?
I ’ m very curious .
And the final part you both answer quickly , is where do you think this goes from here ?
Let me start with you Chen , about the Israeli government and its response .
And Sulaiman I ’ m very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among Palestinian people themselves .
Chen Alon : I ’ ll be very short and very clear .
They are terrified of this ceremony .
They are terrified of this event because it ’ s amazingly effective .
It ’ s like going through the pain of people .
The clear pain becomes a clear insight that the wars have been created by human beings and they should be stopped by human beings .
So people come to the ceremony , they see human beings in front of them and they realize that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from , is useless and there is another way .
There is another way and they see it on stage .
That is why the government is so afraid of it because it ’ s an insight which provides an image or embodiment of the vision , of how it will be after the occupation will abrupt to an end .
Chen Alon : Yeah , so let me say this .
We are not talking about as it is , we said two equal similar sides .
So with the cultural differences @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , with the needs of both sides are different , if even I ’ m studying this Nonviolence Communication by Marshall Rosenberg , it ’ s being about all the people have the same needs but not all the time .
With that in mind , my expectation from Palestinian under the occupation is different a bit from the Israelis at this moment .
With that said , I guess it ’ s much more challenging for Palestinian to accept the Memorial Day ceremony together with the Israelis and in generally the idea @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is still under details of the occupation , all the human rights abused of the occupation every day .
So of course it ’ s much more challenging .
My mom in order to get the olive tree is to my family in the olive harvest , she needs Israeli permit .
And I go to my village in area C where the army ’ s just around the door , around the corner every day , 24 hours , seven days a week .
So honestly , there is a huge difference @ @ @ @ @ @ @ believe deep down in my heart , both peoples want just to live normally .
And as Mandela spoke about , people learn to hate as they could learn to love .
Most of our people are normal people and they really , if they ’ re given a chance , they will show their morality and their love and our indigenous tradition here as Middle East has enough space of forgiveness and love here .
With that said , in the road , in the journey , we do face a lot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , whether Palestinian here or Palestinian in [ inaudible 00:32:22 ] .
And the truth is , we need internal work in Combatants For Peace , to make the Memorial Day ceremony also more accommodated also to the Palestinian ears and eyes and heart .
And that ’ s a big challenge within us , among us .
We don ’ t agree on everything anyway .
So it ’ s a bit more of ease to Israeli Jewish American organizations to sponsor the Memorial Day .
With that said , I believe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Gaza this year , watch the Memorial Day and in the Palestinian Territory and refugee camps .
I really appreciate that .
This gave me a lot of hope , and also I will come on the challenges personally .
I feel definitely is appreciated .
The criticism because , it ’ s hard to sell hope , you know ?
And that ’ s what ’ s our job actually is really , and that ’ s what I learned about revolution in jail is how to convince people that nonviolence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and sell hope for our population , both sides .
Mark Steiner : Well I know this has been a fascinating conversation .
I wish we had some more time , maybe one day we will .
But before I say anything else , I want to thank you both , Sulaiman Khatib and Chen Alon for the work you do and for showing the courage to stand up for peace the way you do in a very dangerous place , and that this 15th annual alternative Memorial service between Palestinians and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s been a pleasure to have you both here , and as someone who wrote a poem about 48 years ago , about refugees creating new refugees , about this occupation , that your spirit is one I hope that can take hold .
I really appreciate you both taking the time to Real News today , and I look forward to other conversations and staying in touch .
Sulaiman Khatib : Thanks for having us .
Mark Steiner : Thank you both very much .
And I ’ m Mark @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Thank you all so much for joining us .
Let us know what you think .
And of course during this pandemic , please stay safe , stay home , chill out , take care .

The alternative memorial service organized by peace organizations in Israel/Palestine challenges the racist official memorial services of the State of Israel in which only Israeli casualties are remembered.
Story Transcript
This is a rush transcript and may contain errors. It will be updated.
Mark Steiner: Welcome to The Real News. I’m Mark Steiner. Good to have you with us. On Monday, April 27th, 200,000 people participated in a memorial service. The tens of thousands of Palestinians and the thousands of Israelis who have been killed in the ongoing conflict or about the occupation. On this same day every year, the state of Israel holds an official memorial service known Yom Hazikaron, to commemorate the Israelis killed in war or killed by the Palestinian resistance.
What you just saw and what I refer to is the Israel Palestinian Memorial Service, that for the last 15 years, remember those killed on both sides, and hears from families of the fallen calling for peace. Each year it’s attacked and shackled by the judiciary and the Israeli Government. This year because of the corona pandemic, it was held virtually. It dwarfed the Israeli event, bringing together Palestinians and Israelis, Jews, Muslims and Christians to tell their stories of their loved ones, the ones they lost and their desires for peace. It was seen around the world.
Two organizations were key to making this event a reality. Combatants for Peace made up of Israeli and Palestinian veterans of war and those Palestinians imprisoned by Israelis, and Parents Circle Families Forum, a Palestinian and Israeli association of those who suffer the trauma of losing loved ones in these conflicts. Events were held in Tel Aviv, Israel and Ramallah, Palestine, and seen across the globe as I said. And here are two more segments from that Memorial service. Let’s watch together. One, a brief testimony by Yusra Mahfoud, about how she lost her son, Alaa and brief testimony about Tal Kfir Schurr who lost her sister Yael.
Yusra Mahfoud: [foreign language 00:02:24] Name of the merciful a law. I am [inaudible 00:02:28]. My family is from the village of near Yazur, near Jaffa, which was uprooted in 1948. I was born in ’61 in Nablus where I grew up.
[foreign language 00:02:43] As I sat on the porch, we heard shouts from the street and before we could understand what was happening, I saw the teacup that Alaa held shattering and blood began to splash all over. But the soldiers delayed the ambulance from going to the hospital and during this precious time, my son continued to lose blood. [foreign language 00:00:03:08].
Tal Kfir Schurr: [foreign language 00:03:16] Yael is my little sister. After she died, as the author, Uzi Weil wrote, “To wake up in the morning was like tearing apart iron.” I repeat the report in the official Memorial website, “Yael was murdered in a terrorist attack, in the year 2003. She was almost 22 years old and left her parents and sister behind.” [foreign language 00:03:46] I want us to see as well that around us, such disasters have happened and continue to happen. Our duty is to prevent them.
Mark Steiner: We are joined by two activists who were part of that Memorial and who helped start it. Sulaiman Khatib is a Palestinian peace and nonviolence spiritual activist from Ramallah, a former political prisoner who spent 10 years in jail in Israel from the age of 14 years old. And Chen Alon, is an Israeli peace activist from Tel Aviv. A former soldier, participated in suppressing the first Intifada and then refused during the second Intifada. And they both joined us today. Welcome both of you to The Real News.
Sulaiman Khatib: Thank you.
Chen Alon: Thank you.
Mark Steiner: Let me begin this way, with both of you telling your story here, I mean before we get into the Memorial Service that we just saw. I’m curious Sulaiman, what drew you to Combatants For Peace and how did that happen?
Sulaiman Khatib: Thank you Mark for having us here, me and my friend Chen Alon and as you can see, now we are close friends can and myself as co-founders of Combatants For Peace, among other friends from both sides that were part of the Israeli army or part of the Palestinian Resistance, ex prisoners and activists. So for me, joining and creating actually Combatants For Peace and activists circles that we try to create here, is a natural part of my path as a freedom seeker.
I started when I was 13, 14 years old. I’ve been active all my life, so I always grew up to be able to human with good values of protecting our homeland and the freedom of people and fairness and justice for everybody. It took from me long, long years of real experience on the ground, in jail, of hunger strikes and reading about Martin Luther King in the US, since we talk about the American and Nelson Mandela and other experiences. And even getting to know the narrative of the other, what we call, as I grew up with the Palestinian narrative, and I also studied the Israeli narrative. I studied Hebrew in jail.
So I just want to mention that jail, in my personal experience, in our community experience is a very important part of our life. So I’ve been active also in jail as a political prisoner, even I was a teenager and in jail. So my transformation happened through years in jail and experience and I just want to say it’s not easy. We talk a lot about it, Chen and myself, how hard emotionally and spiritually and mentally to start doubting one side narrative, especially if you come from the oppressed side, where you believe you are just the victim, which is the comfortable belief to be.
So moving from this comfortable space to questioning and to be open to the other, supposedly the enemy, as Chen mentioned before when we started this conversation about the radical intimacy, is a huge step that takes a long, long journey. So for me, I came out of jail and believe that there is no military solution for our conflict, and also a big believer of nonviolence and a joint nonviolence as path for freedom and dignity for our peoples in both sides. And at the end also, there is no freedom for this side or that side alone. It’s integrated like the liberation of both sides. I believe in this in my heart and the fact that we have partners in both sides give me more hope when we try to create a space, a new narrative to write a new narrative by our actions in the ground.
Mark Steiner: And Chen, talk a bit about why you became a member? How that started? What moved you to do this?
Chen Alon: My story is actually a mirror picture of Suli’s story as he mentioned that we are in this path, in this journey for more than 15 years now. So as a child who grew up to third generation of the Holocaust, it was not a question for me that I want to join the army, that I want to protect the only shelter that the Jews have around the world. So I just waited to join the army, and when I joined the army, it was the beginning of the first Intifada. So my fantasy or my dream or my wish to protect my state and the shelter was actually police missions in the first Intifada, the first Palestinian uprising.
So that was the first clash that I had, but still the fuel of the Holocaust was so strong, I mean, from my father to his father, my grandfather. So I became an officer. I volunteered for an additional year in the army, but these were the four years of the first Intifada. Then 10 years in reserve duty, I became a major of a tank, I was a commander of a tank platoon and most of the activities that we did along these years were actually occupation. And there was a crack inside me that, this is not the protection of Israel occupying three million Palestinians, and I couldn’t integrate these two ideas of wanting to protect my people and occupying other people and preventing human rights for so many years.
So then I decided to refuse to serve the occupation. It was 2002, and after campaigning to the Israeli society addressing the message of the occupation as the destruction of Israel, we heard about the Suli’s group, about the group of ex prisoners, and we realized that we cannot bring an end to the occupation alone or by ourselves. We have who to cross the line and actually become allies with these refuseniks, with these people who are refused to the suicide attacks, to the violence struggle, the armed struggle. People who are credited as Suli was 10 years in jail for resisting the occupation. And now we joined forces in 2005, and we’ve decided to go along these two paths. One is the peace and the dialogue and the reconciliation and the re-humanization, and the other one is the path of developing a community which struggles non-violently against the occupation.
Mark Steiner: So this leads me to a couple of personal questions, but let me ask you something else first. I want to come back to the Memorial, but I want to come back to both of your stories. So I’m curious with the alternative Memorial service is held, it’s the 15th year that it’s been held. 200,000 people were watching, as I said earlier, across the globe and numerous Jewish organizations in the US and Palestinian American organizations supported this effort. People watching it everywhere. So I mean, from the beginning of this 15 years ago to now, what has this Memorial service meant? What do you think comes of it? Sulaiman you can start then we’ll go to Chen.
Sulaiman Khatib: Thank you. Firstly I want to highlight that Chen, my friend, is more involved even in organizing the Memorial Day. For me, I see this sacred event that we organize once a year, which started 15 years ago by having 50 people just as a dream, is part of the philosophy that in one side we refuse and resist the current system. In the other side we try to create a new reality and a new narrative by making different events through the year actually, and one of the main events that so important and so challenging and so controversial in all our communities is a joint Memorial Day, the Palestinian Israeli Memorial Day. And it’s very challenging for many people because of the board dynamic, because we recognize that while we are right now, the Palestinians and the Israelis are not in the same place. So we have recognize that.
With that said, to show empathy to the enemy, is something challenging even if we talk about the Irish experience, or white Christian, so it’s not really just for Jewish and Palestinian Arab, it’s very unique for us. It’s everywhere in every conflict that where people come together after losing their loved one, and spiritually on an ongoing conflict. It’s not [inaudible 00:13:07] conflict. So this is beyond, for me personally, it’s beyond imagination that our communities, some of our people could agree to come together and create a transformative experience by sharing sorrows and hope in the same moments together.
This gives me a lot of hope and a lot of successful, not even just by the numbers of people that growing every year, rather by that deep spiritual change that happened to people that moving from fear to trust, and to show up for a minute, for a short time, for one hour a year, that how sharing power and sharing sorrow and sharing pain and everything else as a human, in humanizing each other, how this place could be, look like if we really got to reconciliation deeply with each other and recognize each other and the narratives are having a place to go exist next to each other.
Mark Steiner: So Chen, I was thinking about what Sulaiman was saying, and a couple of things popped in my head. One was the Israeli government and population seems to be more of a council of Trent that it ever was about this issue, and maybe moving further to the right. So I’m curious from both your perspectives, but let me start with you Chen, what this event means and how it’s received by Israel and what effect you think it’s having?
Chen Alon: So first of all, as Suli mentioned, I actually directed, I am directing, I’m a theater director and I’ve directed all the ceremonies since 2006.
Mark Steiner: Let me just say something Chen. Well done.
Chen Alon: Thanks. It’s even more surprising as we started 15 years ago with 70, 80 people in a French theater in the South of Tel Aviv and we dreamt of doubling the number in the next year, but it started with 70 people. Last year we had 9,000 people in the HaYarkon Park in Tel Aviv, and this year because of the corona virus, we had to go online only and we had 200,000 people joining us. So except from using the word success because I don’t think it’s a success, it’s just we are actually providing something that a lot of people need and is not to be stuck in the mechanism of bereaving and sorrowing and justifying the next war.
What we are actually doing in this evening is that it’s a Memorial ceremony, like a lot of other Memorial ceremonies in Israel on that day, on that evening. But what we are doing is that we are allowing people, Israelis and Palestinians, and by the way thousands of people around the world, to experience what we’ve experienced. And it’s the transformation of trauma, transformation of bereaving, of sorrow, of very negative feelings that how you can be stuck in them, or you can transform them into reconciliation, into peace-building, into building trust, into struggling together. And I think that’s the reason that it’s so successful because there is a need, a real need of people to not to be paralyzed by their sorrow, not to be paralyzed by their hopelessness, and it provides hope for people.
15 years ago, we did it, and the first year that we founded the movement, because we felt some kind of a responsibility. We were all combatant soldiers, warriors, and we felt responsibility for this loss. We felt responsibility for the families on both sides, that weren’t able to produce it because it’s too difficult for them. And we got a lot of hostility and attacks by the right wing in Israel, by the government. Even each year, even the Prime Minister and the Minister of Defense are intervening and then preventing from Palestinians to get into Israel for the ceremonial. And we get a lot of, dozens of people outside demonstrating, trying to beat up the people who are attending the ceremony. It became some kind of the biggest event of the Israeli Peace Camp, and the only annual big event for Israeli Peace Camp. And I think the Palestinian Peace Camp that is not abiding to the BDS and the boycott and the anti normalization movement.
Mark Steiner: So there are a couple of things that people I heard talk about over the last week, since the Memorial service. And it has to do with, how you have a Memorial service when someone argues there’s no moral equivalency? That there were one that occupy, one’s the occupied. So how has that kind of worked through politically for both of you? Chen you need to talk about that.
Chen Alon: Yeah, first of all, I will never speak on behalf of the occupied. So I will allow Suli to talk about this. I can talk only from my position, from my perspective, which is an invitation for alliance against the occupation. I mean, any activity that we are doing in Combatants For Peace, we’ll never forget the power balance and that it’s not balanced between the occupiers and the occupied, but we are partners, we are allies.
So there is no other way for us to be active, to take an action, to function without working together. And I think there is something in this event, which is an opportunity, because it is the most sacred day and the most painful day to look at the bereaved families, to look at the people, to be with the people who lost their beloved ones.
It’s a moment that allows all the people who feel responsibility and feel part of the conflict to reflect. And I think we are offering something both to the Palestinians and Israelis without forgetting the power structure.
Mark Steiner: And how would you answer that Sulaiman?
Sulaiman Khatib: Thank you, this is very important point. I think from my experience that in Combatants For Peace and other circles that we are allied with, the power dynamic, the structure of the power is recognized deeply and widely. With that said, you can have some challenges sometimes. I don’t want to say it’s a very perfect picture of course. There is a generation of oppressed people here, so that can reflect sometimes in the details of our work.
With that said, I guess Chen talks about this a few times, that we basically come together, to take responsibilities together of the actions we did, and give a model for other people to be changed and transformed as ex fighter. I believe like the victim-hood comparing who’s suffering more is not really our game and it’s not helpful for any sides. I believe as friends said, while we are really dreaming in the vision as memorial day scene for example, we have to keep one leg in the reality, which is unbalanced and the Palestinian live under the occupation and all of that, but we have also to touch the dream even a little bit so can people feel it.
Mark Steiner: Both are very important responses. I’m curious from the both of your stories, and very quickly in time we have, but I mean, you Sulaiman, if am I right? 10 years in Israeli prison? Is that correct?
Sulaiman Khatib: Right-
Mark Steiner: You were 14 when that happened?
Sulaiman Khatib: Yep.
Mark Steiner: Then I wanted to hear from Chen, but let me start with you. So A, I think it would be interesting for our people viewing around the world to know why at 14 years old, you spent 10 years in prison? What happened? And B, what transformed you into you’re thinking to become parts of things like Combatants For Peace?
Sulaiman Khatib: Yeah. So for the first question, let me put this. The illegal situation where I live in West Bank, it’s under military Israeli rule, which is not even the normal Israeli law and not the international law. So let’s say, when I was 14, I was drawn to arm struggle, Che Guevara, Arafat style. I was coordinating a leading group of kids, to throw stones and cocktail Molotov by attack to Israelis. With a friend, we stopped two Israelis and they were slightly one dead. So I ended up being the angst prisoner for some time, a little bit pre the first Intifada.
With that said, if Israeli did the same, he will go to the rehabitation center. It’s a different story because it’s a military rule. That’s a direct reason. As Chen mentioned, we’re victims of the system basically. With that said, for me, that deep experience, the sacred time in jail, I’ve been active also in jail inside the Fatah movement at that time among many other prisoners, with the solidarity action we did specifically the hunger strike.
The food hunger strike was a huge transformative experience for many prisoners. We learned this from the Irish experience actually back in the days, because that’s the most practical experience that you can experience the power of nonviolence. It’s very harsh. It’s harder than violence. You need a lot of patience, not to eat. I was 15 when we did the hunger strike, food hunger strike for 16 days. 17 days was my longest time with other prisoners, and of course I also read books about other revolutions in the world and I also read Hebrew, I read the narratives.
For me as I said, you can really have a longer conversations of a theory of change and I don’t believe in all these books of theory of change. I really believe of my journey and our journey also later on in Combatants For Peace. This is the central part for me, specifically to add to the experience having Israeli partners, to humanize the enemy is the first condition to be transformed.
Mark Steiner: That’s a very difficult and very powerful move. Chen, how about you? What was it between the first and second Intifada that moved you to change?
Chen Alon: Yeah, I mean, we always talk about transformation as a one point. It wasn’t an epiphany for both of us.
Mark Steiner: Right, right.
Chen Alon: It’s a long journey, but I can mark few steps along the journey that were transformative for me. And one of them was, Suli mentioned that he was a boy, a child under occupation. Another word, another way to define it, is that Suli lived and still living, is living under military regime. I mean the occupation is a military regime. I’m a citizen of Israel, a democratic state, and most of my life I experienced democratic life and experience. But when I was in … I graduated acting school, I was accepted to the Repertory Theater.
I was a professional actor there and I played in very humanistic, left-wing, some of them, even American plays from the ’30s or Awake and Sing of Clifford Odets, about the depression, the big depression, economic crisis of 1929, and I was in the repertory theater. A citizen, a proud citizen of a democratic state, playing a very radical left play about changing the system and being revolutionary against the capitalist system of … I was playing a young revolutionist from the Bronx. Then at the same, very same night, I’m taking off my three parts suit, putting on my major uniform and driving 40 minutes, and I’m in Gaza, a commander of a checkpoint in Gaza.
So at the same night, imagine that. I mean, as a professional actor, I’m delivering a message to the Israeli audience about changing the system, and 40 minutes afterwards, I’m a commander of the military regime, of a dictatorship of a million and a half people in Gaza Strip. So this is something that you do it once, you do it twice, you do it a few times and you say, “What is this split? Am I a citizen? Am I serving a democratic state and its backyard is a military regime? I cannot accept that.
For 20 years, 30 years, we are now celebrating 53 years of the occupation. It had to be stopped years ago and it’s our responsibility to stop it. So that was the first crack, the first split that I couldn’t integrate and I decided on one. I had these two characters inside me. I decided to be loyal to the citizen of a democratic state and take responsibility over that.
Mark Steiner: Very well said, both of you. I appreciate that. Let me conclude with this that, A, I’m curious why you think given that the peace movement is not the majority inside of Israel itself. Why the Israeli government is terrified of this particular alternative memorial service, that keep trying to shut it down, not letting people come, having them attacked and not letting Palestinians come in to participate, and B, the question is now as well is how is this regarded among Palestinians? I’m very curious. And the final part you both answer quickly, is where do you think this goes from here?
Let me start with you Chen, about the Israeli government and its response. And Sulaiman I’m very curious what you think about the responses among Palestinian people themselves.
Chen Alon: I’ll be very short and very clear. They are terrified of this ceremony. They are terrified of this event because it’s amazingly effective. It’s like going through the pain of people. The clear pain becomes a clear insight that the wars have been created by human beings and they should be stopped by human beings. So people come to the ceremony, they see human beings in front of them and they realize that this pain that both sides is suffering from, is useless and there is another way. There is another way and they see it on stage. That is why the government is so afraid of it because it’s an insight which provides an image or embodiment of the vision, of how it will be after the occupation will abrupt to an end.
Yeah so-
Mark Steiner: Sulaiman, please go ahead.
Chen Alon: Yeah, so let me say this. We are not talking about as it is, we said two equal similar sides. So with the cultural differences, with where we are right now, with the needs of both sides are different, if even I’m studying this Nonviolence Communication by Marshall Rosenberg, it’s being about all the people have the same needs but not all the time. With that in mind, my expectation from Palestinian under the occupation is different a bit from the Israelis at this moment.
With that said, I guess it’s much more challenging for Palestinian to accept the Memorial Day ceremony together with the Israelis and in generally the idea of working together while the daily life is still under details of the occupation, all the human rights abused of the occupation every day. So of course it’s much more challenging. My mom in order to get the olive tree is to my family in the olive harvest, she needs Israeli permit. And I go to my village in area C where the army’s just around the door, around the corner every day, 24 hours, seven days a week. So honestly, there is a huge difference here.
With that said, I believe deep down in my heart, both peoples want just to live normally. And as Mandela spoke about, people learn to hate as they could learn to love. Most of our people are normal people and they really, if they’re given a chance, they will show their morality and their love and our indigenous tradition here as Middle East has enough space of forgiveness and love here. With that said, in the road, in the journey, we do face a lot of challenges of opposition from many Palestinians, whether Palestinian here or Palestinian in [inaudible 00:32:22]. And the truth is, we need internal work in Combatants For Peace, to make the Memorial Day ceremony also more accommodated also to the Palestinian ears and eyes and heart. And that’s a big challenge within us, among us. We don’t agree on everything anyway.
So it’s a bit more of ease to Israeli Jewish American organizations to sponsor the Memorial Day. With that said, I believe we’ve seen thousands of Palestinians in Gaza this year, watch the Memorial Day and in the Palestinian Territory and refugee camps. I really appreciate that. This gave me a lot of hope, and also I will come on the challenges personally. I feel definitely is appreciated. The criticism because, it’s hard to sell hope, you know? And that’s what’s our job actually is really, and that’s what I learned about revolution in jail is how to convince people that nonviolence works and together with our Israeli partners, and sell hope for our population, both sides.
Mark Steiner: Well I know this has been a fascinating conversation. I wish we had some more time, maybe one day we will. But before I say anything else, I want to thank you both, Sulaiman Khatib and Chen Alon for the work you do and for showing the courage to stand up for peace the way you do in a very dangerous place, and that this 15th annual alternative Memorial service between Palestinians and Israelis just continues until it wins.
It’s been a pleasure to have you both here, and as someone who wrote a poem about 48 years ago, about refugees creating new refugees, about this occupation, that your spirit is one I hope that can take hold. I really appreciate you both taking the time to Real News today, and I look forward to other conversations and staying in touch.
Chen Alon: Thanks, thanks a lot.
Sulaiman Khatib: Thanks for having us.
Mark Steiner: Thank you both very much. And I’m Mark Steiner here for The Real News Network. Thank you all so much for joining us. Let us know what you think. And of course during this pandemic, please stay safe, stay home, chill out, take care.
Production: Genevieve Montinar, Will Arenas, Andrew Corkery
Studio: Will Arenas
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therealnews--2020-05-08--Climate Crisis: False Techtopia, Tariffs Accounting, Orphan Wells, And The Dead Cow

Welcome back to TRNN ’ s Climate Crisis News Roundup .
In recent weeks , this column has focused heavily on the intersection between COVID-19 and the climate crisis , and that will continue as the pandemic sweeps through the world .
But climate change and the politics of surrounding this important issue are still happening outside of the context of COVID-19 , and we will use this space to tell those stories , too .
If you have a story you think deserves a spot in the roundup or story pitches in general , get in touch with me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Twitter at @ SteveAHorn .
You can read the previous edition here .
A new study published in the journal Nature Climate Change has concluded that the decades of United Nations climate summit negotiations and internationally agreed targets agreed upon , have had a key fatal flaw : being based upon technologies not yet proven at scale , all of which never actually scaled up over time .
Titled “ The co-evolution of technological promises , modelling , policies and climate change targets , ” the study was published on April 20 by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Markusson .
The researchers break up the history of UN summit climate target creation into five different eras , all of which emphasized different techtopian sales pitches offered by dignitaries in striking the international climate agreements .
The effect : The climate crisis has worsened over time and international accords have been agreed upon based on false premises .
“ For forty years , climate action has been delayed by technological promises .
Contemporary promises are equally dangerous , ” the authors said in a press release .
“ Our work exposes how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ effective policy options becoming available in the future , and thereby enabled a continued politics of prevarication and inadequate action.
” The study points to technologies promised during the first climate summit in Rio De Janeiro to bring down global greenhouse gas emissions , including technology that would enhance energy efficiency , growth and preservation of carbon sinks , and expand nuclear power .
All except carbon sinks have proven questionable as climate solutions , while the expansion of available carbon sinks has not actually happened .
Fast forward to today , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ materialization , one day , of commercial-scale negative emissions technology .
In some places , such as California , the goal is to reach “ net zero ” emissions by 2050 .
Climate policy elites concede that achieving this will require , short of radical and fairly immediate action on climate change , geoengineering .
Geoengineering is a controversial attempt to reverse engineer the climate crisis recently covered here in an investigation at The Real News .
Yet McLaren and Markusson ultimately argue for an entirely new paradigm for taking climate action .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ new technologies is unwise , ” they said in the press release .
“ Instead , cultural , social and political transformation is essential to enable widespread deployment of both behavioural and technological responses to climate change.
” Their paper came just a couple weeks before the release of a May 4 study concluding that in the next 50 years , 3.5 billion people live in environments that could , in a worst case scenario , become uninhabitable from scalding hot annual average temperatures of more than 84°F .
Today , only a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this type of climate .
In effect , this means climate refugees could become more of a stark reality in the decades ahead .
In another study about international politics , University of California Berkeley economist Joseph Shapiro concludes that the international trade system has myriad hidden subsidies for fossil fuels that do not exist for cleaner forms of energy .
Thus , the international tariff system worsens the climate crisis , Shapiro surmises .
Titled “ The Environmental Bias of Trade Policy , ” the May 4 paper says that the “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ several hundred billion dollars annually.
” “ It ’ s rare to find a systematic pattern that happens in many countries with broadly similar magnitude , but that ’ s what happens here , ” said Shapiro in a press release .
“ This suggests that when countries go negotiate their trade policies , there is scope for that to have important large effects on the environment.
” The paper calls for international deals and tariffs to incorporate “ carbon intensity ” of products into the price of the goods sold on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he argues , of undoing the current bias in the other direction and to create a “ carbon tariff , ” or what some call a “ carbon tax ” when applied domestically .
Legislation proposed by California Senator Ben Allen has attempted to achieve similar aims in legislation about retail products sold in the state , though the Assembly Committee on Revenue and Taxation voted it down 5-1 during the 2019 legislative session .
econimate , which produces animated videos breaking down complex economic issues into simple terms , has created @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Given the study is rife with economic models and jargon , the video helps cut through the noise and explains the implications of Shapiro ’ s findings .
History is repeating itself with fracking in the United States both as it relates to the boom-bust economic cycle and now the prospect of thousands upon thousands of abandoned wells dotting the country ’ s landscape .
In previous generations of conventional oil and gas drilling in the U.S. , once a field was tapped out or not profitable , companies were left with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ oil.Those wells were expensive to disassemble , so for companies that went totally bust , that meant abandoning the wells as “ orphans.
” In turn , clean up fell to the state and federal government to solve .
Upwards of 3 million such wells exist today in the U.S. and they still have negative health , emissions , and groundwater impacts in communities nationwide .
Today , the issue of “ orphan wells ” will likely arise again soon , with many companies likely to shutter their fracking operations as the global @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Given fracking sites are industrial wastelands , with a toxic stew of chemicals injected into shale basins to extract the gas trapped in shale rock , some are already calling for the federal government to act and ensure the cleanup happens in a just and timely manner .
One of those calls comes in an April 29 policy brief written by the Center for American Progress titled , “ How Congress Can Help Energy States Weather the Oil Bust During the Coronavirus Pandemic.
” “ The oil bust will saddle state , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ growing number of abandoned oil and gas wells without a solvent owner to clean up the mess , ” they write in the brief .
“ Hundreds of thousands of these orphan wells are already scattered throughout the country—a dangerous , toxic legacy of prior market crashes and inadequate bonding policies that leaves taxpayers holding the bag for cleanup costs .
Decaying wells leak methane gas , contaminate groundwater , and are safety hazards for wildlife and communities alike.
” CAP has called for the creation of a $ 2 billion orphan well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which they say could create 14,000-24,000 jobs .
The Interstate Oil and Gas Compact Commission ( IOGCC ) , a federally sanctioned interstate compact of the 31 oil and gas producing states—which functions more like a lobbying organ—has also requested stimulus package dollars for hiring laid off oil and gas industry workers to plug orphaned wells .
In the only commercially viable shale basin in the world outside of the United States , Argentina ’ s Vaca Muerta ( Spanish for “ Dead Cow ” ) Shale , the field ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Like in the U.S. , the shale oil and gas industry there was already having a hard time staying economically viable before the COVID-19 pandemic began .
But COVID-19 has brought the industry to its knees in Argentina .
“ The reality is that Vaca Muerta is not viable today and so it should be urgently re-evaluated as an energy project in Argentina , ” Jorge Lapeña , former Argentine energy minister , wrote in a Spanish language op-ed on April 20 .
Argentina had banked its financial future on fracking the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gas on the exports market .
In 2018 , the International Monetary Fund gave the country the biggest loan in its history at $ 57 billion , which is now an increasingly large debt obligation owed by the country .
And fracking may not be there for the rescue , journalist Nick Cunningham—who recently reported on the Argentine fracking boom here at The Real News—explained in a recent piece published by the North American Congress on Latin America .
“ The fate of the Vaca Muerta will take a back seat in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a climax and the government scrambles to shield the public from overlapping debt , public health , and economic crises , ” wrote Cunningham .
“ But the multi-year failed bet on fracking should not be forgotten .
When reviewing its bailout program in 2018 , the IMF concluded that Argentina ’ s debt appeared sustainable—a conclusion at least partially based on the assumption that oil and gas exports would increase.
” The Buenos Aires Times reported that to stay economically afloat , the Vaca Muerta would need $ 20 billion in investments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happen , Lapeña put it bluntly , calling the Vaca Muerta “ dead in the water ” economically .
That ’ s it for this week .
Be safe out there , and if you can , under almost all circumstances , stay at home .
Thank you for reading and please come back next week for another edition of the Climate Crisis News Roundup .

Welcome back to TRNN’s Climate Crisis News Roundup. In recent weeks, this column has focused heavily on the intersection between COVID-19 and the climate crisis, and that will continue as the pandemic sweeps through the world. But climate change and the politics of surrounding this important issue are still happening outside of the context of COVID-19, and we will use this space to tell those stories, too.
If you have a story you think deserves a spot in the roundup or story pitches in general, get in touch with me at steve@therealnews.com or on Twitter at @SteveAHorn. You can read the previous edition here.
False Techtopianism
A new study published in the journal Nature Climate Change has concluded that the decades of United Nations climate summit negotiations and internationally agreed targets agreed upon, have had a key fatal flaw: being based upon technologies not yet proven at scale, all of which never actually scaled up over time.
Titled “The co-evolution of technological promises, modelling, policies and climate change targets,” the study was published on April 20 by Lancaster University professors Duncan McLaren and Nils Markusson.
The researchers break up the history of UN summit climate target creation into five different eras, all of which emphasized different techtopian sales pitches offered by dignitaries in striking the international climate agreements. The effect: The climate crisis has worsened over time and international accords have been agreed upon based on false premises.
“For forty years, climate action has been delayed by technological promises. Contemporary promises are equally dangerous,” the authors said in a press release. “Our work exposes how such promises have raised expectations of more effective policy options becoming available in the future, and thereby enabled a continued politics of prevarication and inadequate action.”
The study points to technologies promised during the first climate summit in Rio De Janeiro to bring down global greenhouse gas emissions, including technology that would enhance energy efficiency, growth and preservation of carbon sinks, and expand nuclear power. All except carbon sinks have proven questionable as climate solutions, while the expansion of available carbon sinks has not actually happened.
Fast forward to today, and global temperature agreements still depend on the materialization, one day, of commercial-scale negative emissions technology. In some places, such as California, the goal is to reach “net zero” emissions by 2050. Climate policy elites concede that achieving this will require, short of radical and fairly immediate action on climate change, geoengineering. Geoengineering is a controversial attempt to reverse engineer the climate crisis recently covered here in an investigation at The Real News.
Yet McLaren and Markusson ultimately argue for an entirely new paradigm for taking climate action.
“Putting our hopes in yet more new technologies is unwise,” they said in the press release. “Instead, cultural, social and political transformation is essential to enable widespread deployment of both behavioural and technological responses to climate change.”
Their paper came just a couple weeks before the release of a May 4 study concluding that in the next 50 years, 3.5 billion people live in environments that could, in a worst case scenario, become uninhabitable from scalding hot annual average temperatures of more than 84°F. Today, only a handful of humans in desert regions experience this type of climate. In effect, this means climate refugees could become more of a stark reality in the decades ahead.
Tariffs Climate Accounting
In another study about international politics, University of California Berkeley economist Joseph Shapiro concludes that the international trade system has myriad hidden subsidies for fossil fuels that do not exist for cleaner forms of energy. Thus, the international tariff system worsens the climate crisis, Shapiro surmises.
Titled “The Environmental Bias of Trade Policy,” the May 4 paper says that the “global implicit subsidy to CO2 emissions totals several hundred billion dollars annually.”
“It’s rare to find a systematic pattern that happens in many countries with broadly similar magnitude, but that’s what happens here,” said Shapiro in a press release. “This suggests that when countries go negotiate their trade policies, there is scope for that to have important large effects on the environment.”
The paper calls for international deals and tariffs to incorporate “carbon intensity” of products into the price of the goods sold on the market. That would be a way, he argues, of undoing the current bias in the other direction and to create a “carbon tariff,” or what some call a “carbon tax” when applied domestically. Legislation proposed by California Senator Ben Allen has attempted to achieve similar aims in legislation about retail products sold in the state, though the Assembly Committee on Revenue and Taxation voted it down 5-1 during the 2019 legislative session.
econimate, which produces animated videos breaking down complex economic issues into simple terms, has created a video about Shapiro’s study. Given the study is rife with economic models and jargon, the video helps cut through the noise and explains the implications of Shapiro’s findings.
Abandoned Fracking Wells
History is repeating itself with fracking in the United States both as it relates to the boom-bust economic cycle and now the prospect of thousands upon thousands of abandoned wells dotting the country’s landscape.
In previous generations of conventional oil and gas drilling in the U.S.,once a field was tapped out or not profitable, companies were left with the physical wells that no longer produced oil.Those wells were expensive to disassemble, so for companies that went totally bust, that meant abandoning the wells as “orphans.” In turn, clean up fell to the state and federal government to solve. Upwards of 3 million such wells exist today in the U.S. and they still have negative health, emissions, and groundwater impacts in communities nationwide.
Today, the issue of “orphan wells” will likely arise again soon, with many companies likely to shutter their fracking operations as the global price of oil sinks to rock bottom. Given fracking sites are industrial wastelands, with a toxic stew of chemicals injected into shale basins to extract the gas trapped in shale rock, some are already calling for the federal government to act and ensure the cleanup happens in a just and timely manner. One of those calls comes in an April 29 policy brief written by the Center for American Progress titled, “How Congress Can Help Energy States Weather the Oil Bust During the Coronavirus Pandemic.”
“The oil bust will saddle state, tribal, and federal governments with a growing number of abandoned oil and gas wells without a solvent owner to clean up the mess,” they write in the brief. “Hundreds of thousands of these orphan wells are already scattered throughout the country—a dangerous, toxic legacy of prior market crashes and inadequate bonding policies that leaves taxpayers holding the bag for cleanup costs. Decaying wells leak methane gas, contaminate groundwater, and are safety hazards for wildlife and communities alike.”
CAP has called for the creation of a $2 billion orphan well cleanup fund as part of the stimulus, which they say could create 14,000-24,000 jobs. The Interstate Oil and Gas Compact Commission (IOGCC), a federally sanctioned interstate compact of the 31 oil and gas producing states—which functions more like a lobbying organ—has also requested stimulus package dollars for hiring laid off oil and gas industry workers to plug orphaned wells.
Argentina’s Dead Cow
In the only commercially viable shale basin in the world outside of the United States, Argentina’s Vaca Muerta (Spanish for “Dead Cow”) Shale, the field’s production has died down to almost zero. Like in the U.S., the shale oil and gas industry there was already having a hard time staying economically viable before the COVID-19 pandemic began.
But COVID-19 has brought the industry to its knees in Argentina.
“The reality is that Vaca Muerta is not viable today and so it should be urgently re-evaluated as an energy project in Argentina,” Jorge Lapeña, former Argentine energy minister, wrote in a Spanish language op-ed on April 20.
Argentina had banked its financial future on fracking the dead cow and selling the oil and gas on the exports market. In 2018, the International Monetary Fund gave the country the biggest loan in its history at $57 billion, which is now an increasingly large debt obligation owed by the country. And fracking may not be there for the rescue, journalist Nick Cunningham—who recently reported on the Argentine fracking boom here at The Real News—explained in a recent piece published by the North American Congress on Latin America.
“The fate of the Vaca Muerta will take a back seat in the coming weeks as the debt negotiations reach a climax and the government scrambles to shield the public from overlapping debt, public health, and economic crises,” wrote Cunningham. “But the multi-year failed bet on fracking should not be forgotten. When reviewing its bailout program in 2018, the IMF concluded that Argentina’s debt appeared sustainable—a conclusion at least partially based on the assumption that oil and gas exports would increase.”
The Buenos Aires Times reported that to stay economically afloat, the Vaca Muerta would need $20 billion in investments per year. With that unlikely to happen, Lapeña put it bluntly, calling the Vaca Muerta “dead in the water” economically.
That’s it for this week. Be safe out there, and if you can, under almost all circumstances, stay at home. Thank you for reading and please come back next week for another edition of the Climate Crisis News Roundup.
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therealnews--2020-05-08--Stir Crazy! Episode #31: Cancel Corporate Media

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therealnews--2020-05-09--Women In Prisons Say They’re Being Punished For Speaking Out About COVID-19 Risks

Women say they ’ re being punished for contacting people outside about their living conditions .
Activists are planning an @ @ @ @ @ Correctional Facility in response .

Women say they’re being punished for contacting people outside about their living conditions. Activists are planning an action May 23 at Jessup Correctional Facility in response.
Story Transcript
This is a rough transcript. It will be updated shortly
Eddie Conway :Welcome to this episode of Rattling the Bars. I’m Eddie Conway coming to youfrom Baltimore for The Real News Network. We have been looking at theCOVID–19 impact on prisoners around the country. We want to focus for aminute on what’s happening here in Maryland. There’s been reports that… the lastofficial report we got was that there was 50 some cases in the men’s prison andover 30 some cases in the women’s prison. So to kind of help us get anunderstanding of what’s happening in this state, we are joined by Monica Cooperand Nicole Hanson, and they both lead organizations as part of a larger coalitionthat’s addressing the issue of COVID-19 in the prison system. Thanks for joiningme, Monica and Nicole.
Nicole Hanson:Thanks for having me.
Monica Cooper:Thanks for having me.
Eddie Conway :Give me an overview of what’s happening in the prison systems now. This is likein May. So what’s the latest in terms of the numbers and in terms of status?Nicole, can you kind of bring us up to date with that?
Nicole Hanson:To be honest with you, Eddie, in terms of the numbers we’re getting what theDepartment is putting out, right? But we know those numbers cannot be right.We know that there is no testing happening, especially in the women’s facilities,both local and state. So we just don’t understand how any numbers, any accuratenumbers could come out if there is no testing happening in either the women’slocal jails around the state and specifically in the women’s state institution, whichis MCIW, which is the Maryland’s only women’s prison.
Unfortunately, all we know is that we get reports every day that women are showing signs,they’re showing symptoms, and we know that the state institutions are thensending our women into what they’re calling an infirmary. We know that thoseinfirmaries are not equipped with updated medical equipment or even updatedmedical staff. We know that they’re a infirmary. And the whole institution ingeneral does not have medical personnel who are equipped to deal with such apandemic.
And so when you ask me for numbers, all we can do is use what we call participatory researchand just report that. Every day, women are calling saying, “My bunk buddy justwent to the infirmary. My bunk buddy wasn’t tested. I wasn’t tested.” We knowthat at this moment in the women’s state prison, they’re not even allowed to callout. So we can’t even get updated information about who even went out. Weknow that the only time that a woman is testing where they can account for anynumber is once they have to leave the institution. And the only way that ourwomen can even leave the institution is if they’ve already shown all three signs ofCOVID and that their symptoms have gotten so worse that the Department isafraid, and so they call 911. They’re not even using the normal protocols, which acorrectional officer would then drive somebody to the hospital. They are refusingto even be close to our women at this moment.
So those numbers are false because we know that no testing is happening in our institutions. Sowe don’t have the updated numbers that we would like. All we have is womencalling us every day. I think we get about five calls a day. I know at least I alonefrom the local women’s detention center, I get about 15 to 25 calls a day from thewomen saying, “Somebody in here is infected with COVID. They’re not givingus the proper masks or gloves, and they’re just cramming us together and doingnothing.” So that’s all we have.
Eddie Conway :Monica, you want to add something to that? One of the things that strikes meabout this is, because we are having problems finding those numbers also, iswho’s responsible for releasing those numbers and who can hold themaccountable to demand numbers? Monica, you want to first, you want to jump inand then either one of you all can address the responsibility angle?
Monica Cooper:Yeah. I would think that the Secretary Green, who is Rob Green, who’s theSecretary of Corrections, would be the person who would be mainly heldresponsible for what those individual institutions do under his watch. Then if youwant to go up the chain even higher, it would be Governor Hogan, becauseGovernor Hogan has executive office and the Department of Corrections andPublic Safety falls under his purview. So the highest on the chain I believe wouldbe Governor Hogan, and then you would go to Rob Green, then you go to thenext level, the individual wardens of their institution.
A lot of them are given leeway to try to address this COVID in a way in which they see fit. If ainstitution doesn’t have a correctional staff, they can say, “Well because we areshort on staff, we’re not going to give you showers or because we’re short onstaff, we’re not going to do these things.”
But I had mentioned before, and this is not a knock on the unions at all, actually or anyrepresentative of the union, but one of the things that I mentioned, one of theissues is that they are short on staff and when you have a crisis or an emergency,no correctional staff should be able to take a day off because we need all handson deck. Everybody is fearful, full of anxiety, the correctional staff may havefamily members and loved ones at home and children that they care for, andelderly persons they care for and the like. The people who are incarcerated havefamily members, friends and loved ones that also care about them and is full ofanxiety. But I do know that that is a part of the issue, is the correctional staffing.
If I can, I’m reminded that during the Freddie Gray uprising, no officer was able to take a vacationday, any type of leave. All hands was on deck. And I believe that’s one of thethings that have to happen in corrections. Yeah, as Nicole stated, they arerefusing to take women out unless they half dead, which is, it’s wrong. But interms of who do you think that we can get to to make them spit that data out, thenthose are the people who, in my mind, that you need to get to or call to say thatwe want transparency. We want to actually see the numbers, because as Nicolesaid, if they were doing testing, we would see that the numbers are far higher.
We shouldn’t have to know about the numbers once somebody dies or once somebody is so severethat they are in a hospital. It’s clear that these women that they continue to put…I’m going to speak particularly about the women, but it’s clear that men andwomen that they’re putting in isolation should have been transferred to hospital.But instead what they’re doing is when you show any signs, they throw you inisolation and leave you there. They peek on you and if by some chance you looklike you’re half dead, then they’ll call 911, but when you start to show signs,testing is not even something that they are considering, honestly.
Eddie Conway :Nicole, because like I mentioned at the beginning, both organizations that you allrepresent are part of a larger coalition. And I believe the ACLU is involved inthat. Nicole, are they in the position to actually call Green and get the actualnumbers and keep a update? Is anybody pressing him to do that?
Nicole Hanson:The people who are in the best position to get those numbers from Green are ourstate–elected officials. This morning, they had a briefing today, right? And wewere told that some serious questions was asked at that briefing, but what we’regoing to continue to do is get the information, the participatory information thatwe’re getting from the institutions to our judiciary committee. Because what isapparent is that on Thursdays, the Department of Corrections meet with theJudiciary Committee on a regular basis.
What we’re going to do is make sure that we are connecting with the elected officials, our allies,on that committee, getting them the real live information that we’re getting fromthe institutions. I believe that they are the ones who are in the best position to askSecretary Green for real data.
But I will remind you, Mr. Conway, that the Department of Corrections in Maryland has a realhistory of not reporting the real number. This is nothing new for the Departmentof Corrections. They put together a fancy PowerPoint slide and they present it tothe elected officials. The elected officials will ask them questions and they are notheld accountable. The Department of Corrections for decades has been allowedto not be accountable for the individuals in their institutions and what ishappening in their institutions.
So I think this is the time to continue to push on our state–elected officials, specifically for theones who sit on the judiciary and the Judicial Proceedings Committee in theSenate and force them to hold the Department accountable and to tell them whatthey’re doing. We’re not talking about fancy PowerPoints or colorful graphs. Wewant real numbers. We want real data, especially on what’s happening to ourwomen. Because, the Department of Corrections, in many ways, could get scaredof the men. They’re strong, physically, in build. Mentally, the men will sticktogether, and the men will do what it takes to get what they want.
The women are not as physically capable or mentally. It’s hard for women, you know what Imean? So the way that men will stand up inside a institution is not the same waythat women will stand up in a institution. It happened to Dorsey Run. DorseyRun, the men refuse to allow them to bring in any more people in their dorm thatwas from another dorm that had signs of COVID. Those men stood up. Theystood in front of their [inaudible 00:12:26] and they refused to allow thosecorrections officers to usher in any more of incarcerated citizens.
That’s not the same in the women’s institution. Right? A light really needs to be shined on what ishappening in the women’s institution because they’re not able to protectthemselves in a way in which the men are, right? Our women are being held for24–hour lockdown. At one point, it was 23 and one. Now, it’s 24–hour lockdown.Monica will tell you, the women who want to call or tell what’s happening arebeing targeted by the warden. They come to their cells and threaten to take awaytheir good time if they keep reporting what’s happening.
Monica said this weeks ago. We need to see what is happening in that institution. Otherinstitutions are allowing Skype visits, right? So people can actually see theirloved ones. They can see their family members. They can feel that they’re okay.They know that they’re okay because they see them. The women are not allowedthis. They can barely call us. Their mail is being monitored.
So we are requesting that our State, the House Speaker and the Senate President do a real visit inthat women’s institution and not allow the wardens to lockdown the institutionand just walk them through, but make her, take them to the infirmary, take themto the solitary unit and talk to our women to find out what is actually happeningbehind those walls.
[crosstalk 00:14:22]–
Eddie Conway :Let me do a followup… Okay. Go ahead.
Nicole Hanson:The last thing I will say is the Governor issued a order for the nursing home, tomake sure that nursing homes have testing, right? Our prisons are similar to thestructure of a nursing home. You have many people who are over the age of 60.The close quarters are similar, people living right next to each other. So to ordertesting to our nursing homes and not order testing to our prisons, which aresimilar, physically similar in terms of the population of the people there, it reallybothers us.
Eddie Conway :What’s the status in the local jails for women, the bail situation? How are thejudges treating people now that there’s pending trial or that kind of stuff? Do youhave any information on how women are being treated on that level in this state,in this city?
Monica Cooper:Terrible. They’re being treated terrible. I’ve been working with Nicole and OutFor Justice and fielding the calls for them, and I’m getting a pretty good ideaabout how things are functioning with the women over at detention booking. Itseems that charges that would normally be considered a petty fight between agirlfriend and associates, they are holding them with no bail. I believe that thejudges have taken a position the same as Governor Hogan where his initialposition was we feel like the people who are incarcerated and locked up rightnow, they are safer inside.
I believe that they are intentionally holding those people inside knowing that they should bereconned, out on their own recon, or at least at home on home monitor fightingtheir court cases. Yeah. And it’s repetitious. It’s the same thing, the same thing,the same thing. Some people over there for some technical VOPs, stuff thatwould normally have… they would be home on that.
[crosstalk 00:16:37], there are some judges that’s deciding that we’re going to keep them on theinside rather than allow them to go back out in the community. They’re not goingto have… A lot of these cases are not even going to be heard until August andlater on in the year, so why not allow those women to be out of that environmentwhere you lessen the chance of them catching COVID and spreading the disease?That’s one of the things that I had seen working with Nicole and Out For Justice.
Eddie Conway :Nicole, you mentioned during your last answer about women being punished forspeaking out, losing their good time credit. Explain that. What happened? Do youhave any direct information on people that should have been released, so on?
Nicole Hanson:Yeah. In the state institutions, they monitor their calls a lot, especially the womenright now. Because the warden, Warden Chippendale, she knows that she is notrunning her institution properly. She hasn’t run that institution properly in the last10 years. So she does not want her dirty laundry aired.
So the women who are calling us, right… Monica got a call from a woman and then we were toldthat the warden came straight to that woman’s cell and told her, “You better stoplying over that phone. We can hear what you’re saying.” I have a woman rightnow that we have investigated and found out that they have taken 600 good daysfrom her. Now, she’s a woman who has mental health issues. She’s always askingto see a therapist. If you talk about that you’re feeling like you want to killyourself, in the women’s institution, you got to write a letter stating that you wantto kill yourself and that is the way in which you will see somebody.
We got a woman right now that we got documentation where the warden’s information is on it,that they took 600 good days from this woman all from different little smallissues. She complained that she wanted to see a therapist. She complained thatshe wanted to see a doctor. She complained that she didn’t get her medicine. Andso what they do with our loved ones that suffer from mental health issues, theythrow them in a shoot and then they give them a ticket. Okay?
We have a similar situation where another woman was given the same infraction and they didn’teven proceed with her case and in fact, in order for her to come home, they wentinside the system and gave this other lady her good days back. But this womanthat we have, who has been sitting in jail for the last nine years on a paroleviolation, she got locked up with a first degree assault. She violated probation ona technical because her room was dirty. The judge gave her all her [inaudible00:19:59]. She has literally done almost nine year of parole violation.
She could have been home. She is one of the people who needs to be home right now, but theDepartment has taken away 600 or so good time credits from her. Right? Thereare other cases where they’re threating, “If you keep saying stuff, if you keepsaying things, you’re not going to come out correct.”
So this is what they’re doing. They’re imposing fear in our women. I haven’t gotten a piece of mailfrom MCIW since this COVID crisis started. And as your listeners may notknow, but my organization led the fight, or was a co–lead on a fight for women’sfree release. We ensured that the Department had to fund a separate brick andmortar privileged facility for women that had not been available to women forover 10 years.
So we always got constant… was getting constant communication from the women at the stateprison. And since COVID has started, I have not received one letter, Eddie, fromour women behind those walls. And so either nobody’s working in the mailroom,or they are not sending these women’s letters to us.
On a local side, though, the women can write us. They let us know what’s happening. LikeMonica said, we found that most of the women, specifically Black and Brownwomen, are given no bails for offenses that would otherwise they would be homeable to fight their case, or even the charges would be dismissed at the time oftrial.
We’re even seeing sentencing disparities at the local institution, right? You’ll have one womanbeing charged with armed robbery and carjacking and another White womanbeing charged with unlawful use of a motor vehicle. The same situation. Thewomen were taking drugs. They used the John’s car. The John gave them the car,but they took too long to go get the drugs. So the John got scared and called thepolice and said that the car was stolen. Same scenario. A White woman ischarged with a misdemeanor, unlawful use of a motor vehicle, where a Blackwoman is charged with carjacking, armed robbery and a host of other offenses.
In one degree, we know that in Baltimore, polices typically charge up for Black and Brown folksand start at the lowest that they can for White folks. But then we have to alsolook at the State’s Attorney’s Office and see… Now, when you see these cases,now, what are you going to do to ensure justice for our people?
So we have been working closely with the State’s Attorney’s Office, Free Trial, and the Office ofPublic Defender to urge them to use every tool in their tool box that they can useto get our people home. Because even though the judge gives a no bail, our state’sattorney, she has the ability to recall anyone she wants, especially those low leveloffenses and she says that that’s what she’s doing, right? She has the ability to notobject to the Office of Public Defenders or Free Trial’s recommendations forrelease. She can do that. Her line attorneys can do that.
When you think about pre–trial… And I’m not at all a proponent for home detention. Homedetention is another form of jail. It’s still putting our people in cages. Butunfortunately, this is the only option that our people are given to be free. Soinstead of judges looking at the case and saying, “Oh, this person could go homeon their own recon,” these judges are only recommending home detention. Andthese are folks that we know are indigent. Right now, not a lot of people are ableto go to work. Right? So how are these judges expecting our people to pay forhome detention and we’re hearing that you, the court may not start up untilSeptember, December, who knows?
So our loved ones are forced to have to figure out, “Do I get food or do I pay for my family to getfree?” Free Trial can also deem one eligible for the State’s free home detention,right? So if you are indigent, the Free Trial of the State, you could go on theState’s home detention. But what’s happening here locally, Eddie, is that they’renot working. It is often social workers and… We only have one woman that’sworking in Free Trial. Her name is Ms. Boone. She’s overloaded with these cases.
So when the Governor said, “Urge their release,” he should be backing that up with, one, atimeline, and two, he should be putting some money in the budget to employmore state workers like social workers, because those caseworkers are the oneswho are going to help to facilitate the release of people on the state level, right?And not just employing them, but giving them the proper medical equipment tomake them feel safe to go in those institutions. They are our loved ones, too,right? The social workers, Free Trial folks, they are our loved ones. And if theydon’t feel safe, they’re not going to come to work.
So the State needs to ensure that they got the proper medical equipment and make them feel safeto come in a institution and work, because people have been sitting in jail for fourand five weeks and the judge has already ordered them to come home. But theState has not… People are not working. They’re refusing to come to work and goto the jails to interact with our loved ones.
So we’ve been working with a group called Balt, facilitating the fees for as many people as wecan for home detention. Monica, MJP is helping us with fielding those calls, andalso providing transportation to and from the home detention office, helping ourloved ones go to and from the market, the family and friends of thoseincarcerated.
So this is a disaster. It’s a nightmare. What COVID has exposed is all of the things that we knewabout the system. You know, Eddie, you talk about it all the time, you know,about the system. I know I’m not saying anything that you don’t already know.But what COVID has really done is really opened up, just kind of lifted theblinds on the penal system and show how screwed up, how unorganized and howdysfunctional the system is. And it is really impacting our Black and Brownwomen in ways that you all can’t even imagine.
Eddie Conway :That brings me to my next question. Monica, what are the unique problems forwomen in the prison system in the local jails? Are you aware, are their pregnantwomen in there that’s at high risk? Exactly what are the risk factors and who’s atthe most risks?
Monica Cooper:May the 23rd down, we’re going to be in the Jessup area. What we’re going to dois we’re going to participate in this caravan of freedom. We want every andanybody to come down there. We have a flyer that has a list of things that wewould like to see that we know that will help the people on the inside. One, wedemand testing for everybody, the staff as well as the people inside. We demandtransparency. Women over 60 should be released. People with underlyingconditions should be released. And if you’re minimal pre–release status, youreally should be released.
So we have a whole list of demands there and that’s going to be Saturday, May 23rd at 2 PMdown in the Jessup region. I’ll make sure that you guys have that flyer so peoplewho are listening can also participate.
In terms of pregnant women, there’s always some woman or some women that are pregnant thatare behind the walls. I don’t necessarily have all those numbers. We have acolleague, Kim Haven, that we work with that work more with the pregnantpopulation. But I will say that besides women that are pregnant, some of the mostvulnerable are women like Barbara Hampton. Barbara Hampton has stage fourcancer. Barbara Hampton has had her commutation papers on Governor Hogan’sdesk for about three years.
We have [inaudible 00:29:28] been in there for 42 years, 60 years of age, just trying to recoverfrom COVID. She was so bad off that they had to rush her to the hospital, 911.She’s vulnerable. She’s been there 42 years. It’s time. We have both these elderlyand our aging, the aging population. We just had a brother that just passed awayafter being inside for 38 years. He died. He just recently died.
Eddie Conway :Yes. Parker [crosstalk 00:29:56]–
Monica Cooper:So we have…
Eddie Conway :I know. Okay.
Monica Cooper:Yeah. So we have people who are and should be deemed eligible for release. It’stime we make-
Eddie Conway :Okay. We are almost out of time here.
Nicole Hanson:Eddie, we do have a pregnant woman that’s over at the local jail. We forwardedthat information to Kim. We’ll give that to you, but we have some reports ofpregnant women.
Eddie Conway :Okay. We’ll come back and revisit this next week, because we need to follow upon this and find out what’s going on still. Okay?
Monica Cooper:Thank you.
Eddie Conway :Okay. Thank you both for joining me. Thank you for joining this episode ofRattling the Bars for The Real News Network.
Studio: Cameron Granadino
Production: Cameron Granadino, Ericka Blount Danois
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therealnews--2020-05-09--Largest Public Utility To Outsource Hundreds Of Jobs Amid Covid-19


therealnews--2020-05-09--As Oil Price Plummets, Call to Nationalize Industry Rises

The price of oil dropped below zero, prompting new subsidies from the Federal Reserve. Progressive voices in the U.S. and Canada have a different idea: nationalization as a way to wind down the sector, tackle the climate crisis and create a just economic transition.
Production: Shir Hever, Steve Horn
Post-Production: Oscar León
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