therealnews--2020-06-04--Creeping Authoritarianism Threatens Free Speech And The Free Press

This is a rush transcript and may contain errors .
It will be updated .
Marc Steiner : Welcome to The Real News .
This is Marc Steiner , and it ’ s great to have you all with us once again .
Every day , there are new signs that our right to free speech , that freedom of the press we hold so dear , our right to assembly , our rights to protest and speak our minds , are being undermined and threatened by the Trump administration and state governments around the country .
Last Thursday , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eliminate legal immunity for social media companies like Twitter , who he ’ s angry at .
It seems to be completely illegal .
Since the 2016 election , our guests , as you ’ ll find out in a moment pointed out in her Atlantic article , that the anti-protest legislation has grown exponentially , over a hundred bills introduced , 23 passed , inside of state legislatures .
Armed protesters are treated with kid gloves and lauded by the President , when he talks about shooting looters and calling out the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the wake of the death of George Floyd .
We ’ re joined today by Nora Benevidez to discuss the threat towards civil liberties or democracy , and how we address it .
She ’ s director of the US Free Expression Programs for Penn National here , which is part of Penn International , and joins us to talk about these issues that we all face .
Nora , welcome to The Real News .
Good to have you with us .
Nora Benavidez : Hi , Marc .
Thank you .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ talk to you .
So let ’ s open this tweet that you had that was put out by The Atlantic about your article .
The tweet was , “ The First Amendment is no good if it is used protect one side of the political spectrum , but disregarded by the other.
” So let ’ s talk a bit about what we ’ re facing in a larger scale here .
I mean , your piece , [ inaudible 00:01:34 ] it ’ s weighed on the state legislatures , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in some levels , when stopping protests .
But the reality is that there ’ s this overarching push at this moment that leaks out , or a real threat , to what we ’ ve come to expect to be our every day rights .
So outline that for us , in terms of your work .
Nora Benavidez : Absolutely .
Well , it ’ s great to be here .
You know , I think one of the things we ’ re seeing is that there is sort of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seen as criminal , but only if you ’ re exercising it and promoting certain views .
I thought back at the very , very beginning of these protests and the movement in the wake of the killing of George Floyd .
I thought through how anti-lockdown protests were viewed , and the way they were treated back in April and in May , and how different we ’ re seeing law enforcement reactions now .
And of course , there are always these counterarguments where people say , “ Well , there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the protests that are happening , and a lot of the protesters are marching and exercising protected First Amendment rights .
And they ’ re being met with tear gas , rubber bullets , journalists are being attacked and sought out by law enforcement , and arrested , in these sweeps to pull them away from reporting .
And I think that , when we compare it with what happened during the anti-lockdown protest , we ’ ve seen generally very little that law enforcement did to crack down , or even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during that phase .
And so , it just seems to point to , at a higher level .
We can get into the legislation and the trends that we ’ ve seen in our PEN America report .
But at a very high level protest is criminal , if you ’ re promoting certain views .
And if you are dissenting , if you are black , Indigenous or another person of color , so much of what we ’ ve witnessed is this really targeted assault on First Amendment rights .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ start with this one piece , because I think it ’ s emblematic of what were the dangers that we ’ re facing at the moment .
I mean , and this is not the heart of your discussion .
I just want to start here , and we ’ ll get into the heart of what you ’ ve been talking about and writing about , and with the report that PEN released .
But when you see President Trump attacking Twitter , after they fact checked him , and saying that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he ’ s going to limit their right to not be held liable for things that are said on Twitter , which is , it resists section 230 of the Communications Decency Act , which he ’ s trying to use , but it ’ s actually the opposite of that .
And so , when you see that , because it becomes , it ends up becoming this popular will of the people who support him , that he speaks to with this .
And therein lies the danger to me , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ authoritarian tendency .
Marc Steiner : And I don ’ t like to use the word “ fascist , ” because that ’ s supposed to be specific about a political regime , but there ’ s increasing authoritarian tendencies .
And I think this is , that ’ s why this , to me , is so dangerous , because of how it ’ s happening , and where it ’ s coming from .
Nora Benavidez : Absolutely .
I mean , we live in a democracy , or we purport @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us , and where they represent and participate in democracy , by representing our views .
And we ’ re now in this phase of a completely undermined authority .
We have a leader that is targeting truth , I think , that is targeting , then , the ability for people to promote ideas , and to really just connect with each other in that marketplace of ideas .
That ’ s what our platforms and social media do .
They open up space for people and in the President ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ limit , or decide what is allowed on those sites , it ’ s really just kind of a double down of tactics we ’ ve seen him display over the last several years , and even before his presidency .
As President , we know , for example , that part of what he ’ s done is target reporters , when he dislikes their coverage .
He removes people from press briefings .
The administration generally has a antagonistic view , where they denigrate reporters and coverage , which somehow portrays @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not like .
That really is this permeating tone towards anything that is dissenting , that anything that tries to unearth a story that the administration and leaders do not want , they try to censor it , which is frankly Authoritarianism 101 .
That is sort of that precursor step that we ’ ve seen in other contexts .
As an organization that monitors that slow , slow step away from democracy , we ’ ve been really troubled by the issues and the practices , and frankly , the rhetoric in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I think , is just one example , where I ’ m not even sure it ’ s exactly enforceable as an executive order , but it also just begs the question of , what are our leaders doing ?
And it ’ s hard .
I really think that Trump is succeeding in trying to create his own narrative , a narrative that undermines truth , and really undermines our shared ability to agree on things , which is , I actually think , at the heart of it , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and I are not able to connect over the most basic issues , the most basic truths and the foundation of society , we ’ re not going to be able to vote on our candidates that are running for office .
We ’ re not going to be able to then think about what we actually believe in , because everything is suffering from a lack of , and an undermined , credibility .
Marc Steiner : I want to talk about how some of the things are connected here , that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wrote about in your article in the Atlantic , and also the PEN Report .
Marc Steiner : But let me start with PEN International and PEN America for a moment .
I mean , this is an organization that has been , that over the decades , has been fighting for freedom of speech and freedom of the press across the globe .
And I ’ m very curious , and I think many of our viewers would be very curious , about the conversations that may be taking place with you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this country and around the world , when you all of a sudden have to focus on the United States .
I mean , when the organization first was set up , it was wanting to focus on all authoritarian regimes around the country , around the world and what was happening , but those focal points are here in our country , allegedly the world ’ s greatest democracy .
And that , to me , is just very telling , and extremely chilling .
Nora Benavidez : Well , we were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ corny it sounds , we were founded almost a hundred years ago , and it was right after World War One .
I remember writers really came together all over the world , concerned about how words would be used , how words could be weaponized , whether that is censorship of writers and opinions , or the use of propaganda .
And frankly , everything that those writers and our founders were concerned about , I think , we ’ re seeing play out again and again and again .
And it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and those issues , whether it ’ s disinformation , whether it is dissent and dissidence , it ’ s .
Frankly , the same issues .
And so , I ’ m very proud , frankly , to be able to defend free expression .
From our membership base , we see people who are just exhausted by the assault on truth .
And we want to engage with them as much as possible , to try to bring together and create a moment of solidarity where we can .
Because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s a very painful , painful moment .
Marc Steiner : Let ’ s just dive into some of that .
I mean , one of the things you talk about a lot in your article , and the PEN Report , have to do with all the laws that have been enacted around the country by state legislatures over the last several years , that really limit protests and speech .
And you ’ re seeing it now also being played out in the demonstrations that we ’ re seeing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they ’ re getting , even to the nonviolent protest .
So I mean , so what exactly has been happening in these last four years that may be flying under the radar , that most of us don ’ t see around the country ?
Nora Benavidez : Well , it ’ s a great question .
I remember from the outset of the report , we ’ ve known that targeting of activists is often an issue .
And certainly , we ’ re building on years of looking at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kinds of voices get silenced .
But I noticed , in a very informal way , slowly , that I was seeing more and more and more bills being proposed across our country that are trying to limit protest rights .
Frankly , from the outset , we did not want to assume that that was politically motivated .
And we started by analyzing bills introduced across the country in 2015 .
Frankly , in 2015 and 2016 , there were very few bills proposed at all that would limit protest rights .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s election and his becoming President , and then many state legislatures flipping and turning red , where they were Republican majority , we saw a surge of dozens and dozens of bills proposed at the state level , that really seemed inspired by recent protests .
What we ’ ve found is that there are over a hundred bills , 116 total , that have been proposed over the last five years , all of which target our protest rights .
And often legislators are pretty candid in saying that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ events , targeting protests , which really begs the question of , “ Well , what is their role , and why are they introducing these other than , or if only to , chill our First Amendment rights ?
” Marc Steiner : I mean , and it ’ s not something to just take lightly .
I mean , one of the things that ’ s pointed out by PEN is that since this has been happening , 14 protestors and one journalist were arrested , under the provisions being passed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so this is just beginning .
And when you tie that to the President of United States , saying in a Tweet , that Minneapolis protestors were thugs and what he said in his other places , “ knock the crap out of demonstrators , ” but then talking about the very good people that were walking in armed to state capitals .
I mean the juxtaposition of those things , is glaring , at best .
Nora Benavidez : Well , let me break … I agree .
I totally agree .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of things that we observed .
Nora Benavidez : Some of the key findings , if you will .
Again , we really wanted to start by assuming it was not politically motivated , and not really targeting certain protest movements .
But unfortunately , out of the 116 bills that we analyzed , the great majority are really introduced in the wake of highway protests that are led by black activists and Black Lives Matter , and then bills that criminalize protests around pipeline or other construction sites , which we know @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And so , when you look at the totality of these bills , that is over 60 bills , for example , that just criminalize minority-led movements .
And it really seems to highlight that protests happen , and then legislators introduce bills to target those protesters .
Over and over again , we ’ ve really seen this conclusion in all of our findings , that protests happen .
And then , especially in the states where there are massive demonstrations , Minnesota , Missouri , North Dakota , those also then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are getting introduced .
And frankly , not all of these bills pass .
That is something that we try to reiterate over and over in the report .
Out of 116 bills , only 23 have become law , and only two of those have been challenged legally .
And so what we ’ re facing is a few things .
I think , one , we ’ re seeing that it ’ s really hard to challenge these bills .
So many of them are kind of okay constitutionally , that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re just not sure how they ’ ll get applied .
We also see that given that so many bills get introduced , even if they don ’ t become law , I think there is this effort on the part of legislators to just create that narrative , that protest is criminal .
So many of these bills are redrawing the line of what ’ s acceptable or lawful protest .
So if you are in a protest of more than 15 people , that could potentially in some states now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as unlawful conduct .
That is absolutely antithetical to our First Amendment .
It ’ s antithetical to years of cases and precedent where we know that our rights , to march , to demonstrate , are all protected by the First Amendment .
And so , when we see bills getting introduced , dozens of them , that let ’ s say , criminalize people marching on a highway , well , one , we ’ ve seen legislators admit that they introduced these to target protestors .
We already have criminal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ highway obstruction as a misdemeanor charge .
And so it ’ s just creating this chilling effect , targeting protesters , and targeting specific protestors .
Marc Steiner : So you have that in concert with a couple of things going on here .
And I think they ’ re connected .
I mean , when you have a Donald Trump calling out the US Army in Washington , DC , and threatening to do so in States and the argument being played out now , whether or not that ’ s even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t it legal , with Posse Comitatus , or is it the Insurrection Act of 1807 , 1871 , and how those two play , how those play into this , what that legal argument might mean , and you see that happening , and actually , these cases being challenged .
And now , over one third of the federal judgeships have been named by the most right wing conservative legal minds in this country , given the names of Donald Trump , who appoints them to a court , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mean , there ’ s a real intersection here , I think , that I think Americans need to be aware of .
Nora Benavidez : Absolutely .
And a colleague of mine equated it to voter suppression , that this happens slowly .
That over time , the whittling away of our constitutional rights is something that happens often when we ’ re busy , when we ’ re marching , for example , or where , in the middle of a pandemic , we are not able to actually go to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voice concern or upset or hold our legislators accountable .
And so , under that cover of , frankly , the pandemic and everything we ’ re seeing here , it really kind of , at least leads me to be concerned that , over the next several years , we ’ re going to continue seeing this assault on the right to protest .
I ’ ve already noticed that at least one governor has talked about the need to introduce bills to continue to target protesters in 2021 .
And so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a very surreal , prescient way , looking at what we ’ re doing now , and will that lead to potential future efforts to crack down on protesters ?
And so , we need to be vigilant and think through what are the consequences , if we don ’ t have legislators that are really representing us ?
Because there are some actually fantastic legislators , some that we mentioned in the report that have been marching with protestors , that say , “ If this bill passed , I would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Those are the things that we need to be spotlighting , highlighting with our colleagues , highlighting with allies .
I think the other element , though , in all of this , is that narrative piece that I ’ ve brought up .
We ’ re seeing more disinformation than ever surrounding the protests , where there is so much confusion already surrounding , do I attend a protest ?
What are the ramifications in a pandemic context ?
And what we ’ re seeing are people , bad actors promoting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out where protests are not happening .
We ’ re seeing photos and videos taken from years ago , or in different countries .
And they ’ re being appropriated and made to seem like those are protests happening now and they ’ re violent .
And so , it ’ s really this perfect storm , where we ’ re confused .
People are upset , wanting to come out , and come together .
And yet is just this , we ’ re riddled with a false and misleading narrative that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And we need to unpack that .
And frankly , I think it ’ s a misconception so much of the time , where journalists doing their job should not be arrested .
Protesters who are peaceful , who are even filming other protesters , and begging them to not be violent , those people should not be arrested .
And yet the kind of online narrative that we ’ re seeing is just that this is , it warrants the kind of over militarized reaction from local , state and federal law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just finally ask you this , then , Nora .
I ’ m curious , what are PEN or other groups going to , or what are you doing , in terms of countering this ?
And what are you suggesting people do , and organizations do ?
Nora Benavidez : Well , one , I think , frankly , please read the report .
Because I have seen a dearth of information and resources that actually point out these lopsided First Amendment rights .
If we know that legislators are doing this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ better positioned in 2021 to fight these types of proposals .
And where there will be proposals , because I am sure they will crop up in 2021 , we ’ re ready to fight back against them , but we want to do that with local partners .
And so , in the various states that we ’ ve seen bills introduced , we ’ re monitoring the situation , we ’ re looking at , how can we maximize that redo and the recrafting of a narrative here , that protest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ engaging with legislators , trying to educate them about that , educating them about the very serious costs of introducing bills that are unconstitutional , and then working with our allies in various cities and States .
Right now , I think there ’ s a moment where , frankly , I ’ m glad our report is out in the world , but there are much bigger issues .
And we ’ re trying to listen and hear from our partners , hear what people are wanting and needing .
And I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and policy issues , we ’ re ready to fight back , and try to challenge those problematic and unconstitutional bills .
Marc Steiner : It ’ s been a really interesting conversation .
We ’ ve been talking with Nora Benavidez , who is the Director of US Free Expression Programs with PEN , and talking about that new report that came out , that we will be linking to , as well , because it ’ s something we all have to read and understand , and know where we ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ restrictions on the right to protest .
All of it should take a look at that and read it and think about it .
And once again , Nora Benevidez , thank you so much for joining us .
It ’ s a pleasure to have you with us .
Marc Steiner : And I ’ m Marc Steiner here for The Real News Network .
Let us know what you think .
Take care .

Trump’s rhetoric and actions aren’t the only threat to democracy—state legislatures are also pushing for limits on the right to protest.
Story Transcript
This is a rush transcript and may contain errors. It will be updated.
Marc Steiner: Welcome to The Real News. This is Marc Steiner, and it’s great to have you all with us once again.
Every day, there are new signs that our right to free speech, that freedom of the press we hold so dear, our right to assembly, our rights to protest and speak our minds, are being undermined and threatened by the Trump administration and state governments around the country. Last Thursday, Trump signed an executive order that would eliminate legal immunity for social media companies like Twitter, who he’s angry at. It seems to be completely illegal.
Since the 2016 election, our guests, as you’ll find out in a moment pointed out in her Atlantic article, that the anti-protest legislation has grown exponentially, over a hundred bills introduced, 23 passed, inside of state legislatures. Armed protesters are treated with kid gloves and lauded by the President, when he talks about shooting looters and calling out the US army to stop protesters, in the wake of the death of George Floyd.
We’re joined today by Nora Benevidez to discuss the threat towards civil liberties or democracy, and how we address it. She’s director of the US Free Expression Programs for Penn National here, which is part of Penn International, and joins us to talk about these issues that we all face. Nora, welcome to The Real News. Good to have you with us.
Nora Benavidez: Hi, Marc. Thank you.
Marc Steiner: Always a pleasure to talk to you. So let’s open this tweet that you had that was put out by The Atlantic about your article. The tweet was, “The First Amendment is no good if it is used protect one side of the political spectrum, but disregarded by the other.” So let’s talk a bit about what we’re facing in a larger scale here.
I mean, your piece, [inaudible 00:01:34] it’s weighed on the state legislatures, which is where the rubber meets the road, in some levels, when stopping protests. But the reality is that there’s this overarching push at this moment that leaks out, or a real threat, to what we’ve come to expect to be our every day rights. So outline that for us, in terms of your work.
Nora Benavidez: Absolutely. Well, it’s great to be here. You know, I think one of the things we’re seeing is that there is sort of a narrative shift. And protest is seen as criminal, but only if you’re exercising it and promoting certain views.
I thought back at the very, very beginning of these protests and the movement in the wake of the killing of George Floyd. I thought through how anti-lockdown protests were viewed, and the way they were treated back in April and in May, and how different we’re seeing law enforcement reactions now.
And of course, there are always these counterarguments where people say, “Well, there’s violence,” but most of the protests that are happening, and a lot of the protesters are marching and exercising protected First Amendment rights. And they’re being met with tear gas, rubber bullets, journalists are being attacked and sought out by law enforcement, and arrested, in these sweeps to pull them away from reporting.
And I think that, when we compare it with what happened during the anti-lockdown protest, we’ve seen generally very little that law enforcement did to crack down, or even try to limit what people were doing during that phase. And so, it just seems to point to, at a higher level.
We can get into the legislation and the trends that we’ve seen in our PEN America report. But at a very high level protest is criminal, if you’re promoting certain views. And if you are dissenting, if you are black, Indigenous or another person of color, so much of what we’ve witnessed is this really targeted assault on First Amendment rights.
Marc Steiner: So I want to start with this one piece, because I think it’s emblematic of what were the dangers that we’re facing at the moment. I mean, and this is not the heart of your discussion. I just want to start here, and we’ll get into the heart of what you’ve been talking about and writing about, and with the report that PEN released.
But when you see President Trump attacking Twitter, after they fact checked him, and saying that they have unchecked power, and that he’s going to limit their right to not be held liable for things that are said on Twitter, which is, it resists section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, which he’s trying to use, but it’s actually the opposite of that.
And so, when you see that, because it becomes, it ends up becoming this popular will of the people who support him, that he speaks to with this. And therein lies the danger to me, is that we are facing this serious authoritarian tendency.
Nora Benavidez: Absolutely.
Marc Steiner: And I don’t like to use the word “fascist,” because that’s supposed to be specific about a political regime, but there’s increasing authoritarian tendencies. And I think this is, that’s why this, to me, is so dangerous, because of how it’s happening, and where it’s coming from.
Nora Benavidez: Absolutely. I mean, we live in a democracy, or we purport to, where our elected officials represent us, and where they represent and participate in democracy, by representing our views. And we’re now in this phase of a completely undermined authority.
We have a leader that is targeting truth, I think, that is targeting, then, the ability for people to promote ideas, and to really just connect with each other in that marketplace of ideas. That’s what our platforms and social media do.
They open up space for people and in the President’s moves to yet again, try to limit, or decide what is allowed on those sites, it’s really just kind of a double down of tactics we’ve seen him display over the last several years, and even before his presidency.
As President, we know, for example, that part of what he’s done is target reporters, when he dislikes their coverage. He removes people from press briefings. The administration generally has a antagonistic view, where they denigrate reporters and coverage, which somehow portrays the administration in ways that it does not like.
That really is this permeating tone towards anything that is dissenting, that anything that tries to unearth a story that the administration and leaders do not want, they try to censor it, which is frankly Authoritarianism 101. That is sort of that precursor step that we’ve seen in other contexts.
As an organization that monitors that slow, slow step away from democracy, we’ve been really troubled by the issues and the practices, and frankly, the rhetoric in this country. And the executive order, I think, is just one example, where I’m not even sure it’s exactly enforceable as an executive order, but it also just begs the question of, what are our leaders doing?
And it’s hard. I really think that Trump is succeeding in trying to create his own narrative, a narrative that undermines truth, and really undermines our shared ability to agree on things, which is, I actually think, at the heart of it, the underpinning of our democracy.
If you and I are not able to connect over the most basic issues, the most basic truths and the foundation of society, we’re not going to be able to vote on our candidates that are running for office. We’re not going to be able to then think about what we actually believe in, because everything is suffering from a lack of, and an undermined, credibility.
Marc Steiner: I want to talk about how some of the things are connected here, that are happening to us, that you wrote about in your article in the Atlantic, and also the PEN Report.
Nora Benavidez: Yeah.
Marc Steiner: But let me start with PEN International and PEN America for a moment. I mean, this is an organization that has been, that over the decades, has been fighting for freedom of speech and freedom of the press across the globe. And I’m very curious, and I think many of our viewers would be very curious, about the conversations that may be taking place with you, among you now, here in this country and around the world, when you all of a sudden have to focus on the United States.
I mean, when the organization first was set up, it was wanting to focus on all authoritarian regimes around the country, around the world and what was happening, but those focal points are here in our country, allegedly the world’s greatest democracy. And that, to me, is just very telling, and extremely chilling.
Nora Benavidez: Well, we were founded, I think back at how corny it sounds, we were founded almost a hundred years ago, and it was right after World War One. I remember writers really came together all over the world, concerned about how words would be used, how words could be weaponized, whether that is censorship of writers and opinions, or the use of propaganda.
And frankly, everything that those writers and our founders were concerned about, I think, we’re seeing play out again and again and again. And it’s been almost a hundred years, and those issues, whether it’s disinformation, whether it is dissent and dissidence, it’s. Frankly, the same issues. And so, I’m very proud, frankly, to be able to defend free expression.
From our membership base, we see people who are just exhausted by the assault on truth. And we want to engage with them as much as possible, to try to bring together and create a moment of solidarity where we can. Because I think it’s just, it’s a very painful, painful moment.
Marc Steiner: Let’s just dive into some of that. I mean, one of the things you talk about a lot in your article, and the PEN Report, have to do with all the laws that have been enacted around the country by state legislatures over the last several years, that really limit protests and speech.
And you’re seeing it now also being played out in the demonstrations that we’re seeing, with the kind of violent reaction that they’re getting, even to the nonviolent protest. So I mean, so what exactly has been happening in these last four years that may be flying under the radar, that most of us don’t see around the country?
Nora Benavidez: Well, it’s a great question. I remember from the outset of the report, we’ve known that targeting of activists is often an issue. And certainly, we’re building on years of looking at how journalists are targeted, and what kinds of voices get silenced. But I noticed, in a very informal way, slowly, that I was seeing more and more and more bills being proposed across our country that are trying to limit protest rights.
Frankly, from the outset, we did not want to assume that that was politically motivated. And we started by analyzing bills introduced across the country in 2015. Frankly, in 2015 and 2016, there were very few bills proposed at all that would limit protest rights.
Then, in 2017, following Trump’s election and his becoming President, and then many state legislatures flipping and turning red, where they were Republican majority, we saw a surge of dozens and dozens of bills proposed at the state level, that really seemed inspired by recent protests.
What we’ve found is that there are over a hundred bills, 116 total, that have been proposed over the last five years, all of which target our protest rights. And often legislators are pretty candid in saying that they introduce these bills, inspired by recent events, targeting protests, which really begs the question of, “Well, what is their role, and why are they introducing these other than, or if only to, chill our First Amendment rights?”
Marc Steiner: I mean, and it’s not something to just take lightly. I mean, one of the things that’s pointed out by PEN is that since this has been happening, 14 protestors and one journalist were arrested, under the provisions being passed for these various state governments. And so this is just beginning.
And when you tie that to the President of United States, saying in a Tweet, that Minneapolis protestors were thugs and what he said in his other places, “knock the crap out of demonstrators,” but then talking about the very good people that were walking in armed to state capitals. I mean the juxtaposition of those things, is glaring, at best.
Nora Benavidez: Well, let me break … I agree. I totally agree. And let me break down a couple of things that we observed.
Marc Steiner: Please.
Nora Benavidez: Some of the key findings, if you will. Again, we really wanted to start by assuming it was not politically motivated, and not really targeting certain protest movements. But unfortunately, out of the 116 bills that we analyzed, the great majority are really introduced in the wake of highway protests that are led by black activists and Black Lives Matter, and then bills that criminalize protests around pipeline or other construction sites, which we know are motivated by Dakota pipeline protests.
And so, when you look at the totality of these bills, that is over 60 bills, for example, that just criminalize minority-led movements. And it really seems to highlight that protests happen, and then legislators introduce bills to target those protesters.
Over and over again, we’ve really seen this conclusion in all of our findings, that protests happen. And then, especially in the states where there are massive demonstrations, Minnesota, Missouri, North Dakota, those also then have the highest number of bills that are getting introduced. And frankly, not all of these bills pass.
That is something that we try to reiterate over and over in the report. Out of 116 bills, only 23 have become law, and only two of those have been challenged legally. And so what we’re facing is a few things.
I think, one, we’re seeing that it’s really hard to challenge these bills. So many of them are kind of okay constitutionally, that they might pass muster. And we’re just not sure how they’ll get applied.
We also see that given that so many bills get introduced, even if they don’t become law, I think there is this effort on the part of legislators to just create that narrative, that protest is criminal.
So many of these bills are redrawing the line of what’s acceptable or lawful protest. So if you are in a protest of more than 15 people, that could potentially in some states now be seen as a riot, or as unlawful conduct.
That is absolutely antithetical to our First Amendment. It’s antithetical to years of cases and precedent where we know that our rights, to march, to demonstrate, are all protected by the First Amendment. And so, when we see bills getting introduced, dozens of them, that let’s say, criminalize people marching on a highway, well, one, we’ve seen legislators admit that they introduced these to target protestors.
We already have criminal statutes on the books. We have highway obstruction as a misdemeanor charge. And so it’s just creating this chilling effect, targeting protesters, and targeting specific protestors.
Marc Steiner: So you have that in concert with a couple of things going on here. And I think they’re connected. I mean, when you have a Donald Trump calling out the US Army in Washington, DC, and threatening to do so in States and the argument being played out now, whether or not that’s even legal, is it legal or isn’t it legal, with Posse Comitatus, or is it the Insurrection Act of 1807, 1871, and how those two play, how those play into this, what that legal argument might mean, and you see that happening, and actually, these cases being challenged.
And now, over one third of the federal judgeships have been named by the most right wing conservative legal minds in this country, given the names of Donald Trump, who appoints them to a court, and the Senate approves them. So I mean, there’s a real intersection here, I think, that I think Americans need to be aware of.
Nora Benavidez: Absolutely. And a colleague of mine equated it to voter suppression, that this happens slowly.
That over time, the whittling away of our constitutional rights is something that happens often when we’re busy, when we’re marching, for example, or where, in the middle of a pandemic, we are not able to actually go to our state capital, potentially, and voice concern or upset or hold our legislators accountable.
And so, under that cover of, frankly, the pandemic and everything we’re seeing here, it really kind of, at least leads me to be concerned that, over the next several years, we’re going to continue seeing this assault on the right to protest.
I’ve already noticed that at least one governor has talked about the need to introduce bills to continue to target protesters in 2021. And so it’s sort of like, in a very surreal, prescient way, looking at what we’re doing now, and will that lead to potential future efforts to crack down on protesters?
And so, we need to be vigilant and think through what are the consequences, if we don’t have legislators that are really representing us?
Because there are some actually fantastic legislators, some that we mentioned in the report that have been marching with protestors, that say, “If this bill passed, I would have been thrown in jail and prosecuted.”
Those are the things that we need to be spotlighting, highlighting with our colleagues, highlighting with allies. I think the other element, though, in all of this, is that narrative piece that I’ve brought up.
We’re seeing more disinformation than ever surrounding the protests, where there is so much confusion already surrounding, do I attend a protest? What are the ramifications in a pandemic context? And what we’re seeing are people, bad actors promoting fake protests, encouraging people to come out where protests are not happening.
We’re seeing photos and videos taken from years ago, or in different countries. And they’re being appropriated and made to seem like those are protests happening now and they’re violent. And so, it’s really this perfect storm, where we’re confused.
People are upset, wanting to come out, and come together. And yet is just this, we’re riddled with a false and misleading narrative that what’s happening is criminal. And we need to unpack that. And frankly, I think it’s a misconception so much of the time, where journalists doing their job should not be arrested.
Protesters who are peaceful, who are even filming other protesters, and begging them to not be violent, those people should not be arrested. And yet the kind of online narrative that we’re seeing is just that this is, it warrants the kind of over militarized reaction from local, state and federal law enforcement.
Marc Steiner: Let me just finally ask you this, then, Nora. I’m curious, what are PEN or other groups going to, or what are you doing, in terms of countering this? And what are you suggesting people do, and organizations do?
Nora Benavidez: Well, one, I think, frankly, please read the report. Because I have seen a dearth of information and resources that actually point out these lopsided First Amendment rights.
If we know that legislators are doing this, we are that much more, better positioned in 2021 to fight these types of proposals. And where there will be proposals, because I am sure they will crop up in 2021, we’re ready to fight back against them, but we want to do that with local partners.
And so, in the various states that we’ve seen bills introduced, we’re monitoring the situation, we’re looking at, how can we maximize that redo and the recrafting of a narrative here, that protest is not inherently criminal? That means engaging with legislators, trying to educate them about that, educating them about the very serious costs of introducing bills that are unconstitutional, and then working with our allies in various cities and States.
Right now, I think there’s a moment where, frankly, I’m glad our report is out in the world, but there are much bigger issues. And we’re trying to listen and hear from our partners, hear what people are wanting and needing. And I think when it comes to the legislative and policy issues, we’re ready to fight back, and try to challenge those problematic and unconstitutional bills.
Marc Steiner: It’s been a really interesting conversation. We’ve been talking with Nora Benavidez, who is the Director of US Free Expression Programs with PEN, and talking about that new report that came out, that we will be linking to, as well, because it’s something we all have to read and understand, and know where we’re going, arresting dissent, legislative restrictions on the right to protest.
All of it should take a look at that and read it and think about it. And once again, Nora Benevidez, thank you so much for joining us. It’s a pleasure to have you with us.
Nora Benavidez: Thanks, Marc.
Marc Steiner: And I’m Marc Steiner here for The Real News Network. Let us know what you think. Take care.
Studio: Will Arenas
Production: Will Arenas
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therealnews--2020-06-05--Cities Gain Momentum To Defund Police, Remove Them From Schools

On June 3 , Derek Chauvin , who pinned down George Floyd and kneeled into his neck for almost nine minutes , had his charges upgraded from third to second degree murder .
The three additional Minneapolis Police Department ( MPD ) officers involved in Floyd ’ s death were newly charged with aiding and abetting murder .
That has not stopped the cities across the country from taking to the streets to protest against police killing of George Floyd .
This time , charging police involved in the death of a black man will not be enough .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” said Markia Smith , who marched in Baltimore this week .
“ And rebuild from the top.
” Protesters are calling for fundamental changes in the relationship between law enforcement and communities they serve and large scale changes such as defunding the police to free up resources for schools and social services : “ Funding should be going to making people better , not suppressing and oppressing them , ” Smith added .
This week , Minneapolis Ward 3 Councilman Steve Fletcher tweeted , “ several of us on the council @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it would take to disband the MPD and start fresh with a community-oriented , non-violent public safety and outreach capacity.
” The Minneapolis Public School board terminated its $ 1.1 million contract with the MPD .
“ We can not continue to be in partnership with an organization that has the culture of violence and racism that the Minneapolis police department has historically demonstrated , ” school board member Nelson Inz told The Guardian .
On Thursday , Portland Public Schools Superintendent Guadalupe Guerrero announced via Twitter additional investments in student supports like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” the use of school police .
Districts in Arizona , Colorado , Illinois , Minnesota , New York , North Carolina , Oregon , Washington and Wisconsin are reportedly weighing similar moves .
Cities like Los Angeles and New York—whose repression of protests has been especially brutal—have faced calls to reduce their police budgets .
After a week of protests , Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti announced cuts of more than $ 250 million to the Los Angeles Police Department ’ s $ 1.86 billion budget to fund schools , jobs and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ M. Stringer requested $ 1.1 billion in cuts to the New York Police Department ’ s $ 6 billion annual budget over four years .
“ Breaking down structural racism in New York City will require long-term , lasting change—and that must include reducing the NYPD ’ s budget.
” Stringer said in a press release .
“ It is unconscionable that services for Black and Brown New Yorkers are on the chopping block while the NYPD ’ s budget remains almost entirely untouched.
” The economic downturn sparked by COVID-19 resulted in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in April alone , Reuters reported .
Such disparities are especially stark in Baltimore , which spends the most per capita on police among large cities .
For the 2020 fiscal year the city budgeted $ 536 million for the Baltimore Police Department ( BPD ) versus $ 278 million for public education .
Mayor Jack Young—who had a poor showing in preliminary results from Maryland ’ s June 2 Democratic primary , has yet to indicate whether he will shift funds from the police budget to schools or other social services .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ only Baltimore ’ s mayor currently has the power to appropriate funds .
A proposed City Charter amendment would give that power to the council .
A Baltimore City High School student among the thousands who took part in Monday ’ s youth-led protest in Baltimore—who requested not to be named— said the city ’ s priorities “ need to change immediately , ” noting many of Baltimore ’ s aging school buildings lack adequate climate control .
“ So many kids don ’ t have air conditioning in their schools , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the police don ’ t need more funding because they are going to use that to buy more guns and kill Black people , ” the student said .
The official statement from organizers of the massive Baltimore protest , identifying themselves collectively as The Youth , called for “ a complete decolonization of the state on every level , ” and criticized Maryland ’ s Republican Gov .
Larry Hogan , who has continually denied funding to city schools .
On May 8 , Hogan vetoed a proposal to increase funding for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kirwan Commission .
State-commissioned analysis found Baltimore ’ s schools are underfunded by hundreds of millions of dollars annually .
High School sophomore Mychaell Farmer , who helped organize Monday ’ s youth march in Baltimore , said she believes now is the time for schools to reevaluate their relationship with police : “ For me personally , I think we should .
I wouldn ’ t want to support a group that targets a group of people , ” Farmer said .
“ If them speaking up will cost them their jobs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meant to be.
” In 2016 , two Baltimore officers were charged with assault after a video emerged of them attacking a student .
In the wake of the incident , The Real News hosted a debate between the Baltimore police union and members of the Baltimore Algebra Project , a youth-run organization tutoring and advocacy organization that works to end the school to prison pipeline .
In an email , a spokesperson for the Baltimore City Schools declined to say whether the system is considering ending its relationship with law enforcement .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ controversial .
The school system has a memorandum of understanding ( MOU ) with BPD , and spends $ 7 million annually on its own police force in Baltimore City Schools .
“ All of us should be reevaluating the role of police inside school buildings , ” Dana Vickers Shelley , executive director of the ACLU of Maryland , said in an email .
“ Black children are overpoliced .
Of the 14,000 complaints made against youth of color filed from FY 2017-2019 , 90 % of complaints against Black children are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police and school resource officers ) .
” “ There must be safe spaces for our children to learn and prepare for success , ” the ACLU ’ s Shelley said .
“ The school system must focus instead on restorative practices , and securing supports for wraparound services , counselors , social workers , and school psychologists.
” In a statement , Baltimore City Schools did note a recent update to its policies regarding police in schools to prevent the arrest of students for incidents that did not occur on school grounds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Through restorative practices and other classroom and in-school strategies that maintain a positive learning environment and afford students opportunities to learn from their mistakes , ” the Baltimore City Public Schools statement read .
In 2019 , the Baltimore School board rejected a plan to arm police during the school day .
In March of 2020 , a Republican lawmaker in Annapolis reintroduced the proposal .

On June 3, Derek Chauvin, who pinned down George Floyd and kneeled into his neck for almost nine minutes, had his charges upgraded from third to second degree murder. The three additional Minneapolis Police Department (MPD) officers involved in Floyd’s death were newly charged with aiding and abetting murder.
That has not stopped the cities across the country from taking to the streets to protest against police killing of George Floyd. This time, charging police involved in the death of a black man will not be enough.
“We need to demolish the entire system,” said Markia Smith, who marched in Baltimore this week. “And rebuild from the top.”
Protesters are calling for fundamental changes in the relationship between law enforcement and communities they serve and large scale changes such as defunding the police to free up resources for schools and social services: “Funding should be going to making people better, not suppressing and oppressing them,” Smith added.
This week, Minneapolis Ward 3 Councilman Steve Fletcher tweeted, “several of us on the council are working on finding out, what it would take to disband the MPD and start fresh with a community-oriented, non-violent public safety and outreach capacity.” The Minneapolis Public School board terminated its $1.1 million contract with the MPD.
“We cannot continue to be in partnership with an organization that has the culture of violence and racism that the Minneapolis police department has historically demonstrated,” school board member Nelson Inz told The Guardian. On Thursday, Portland Public Schools Superintendent Guadalupe Guerrero announced via Twitter additional investments in student supports like social workers and counselors and “discontinuing” the use of school police. Districts in Arizona, Colorado, Illinois, Minnesota, New York, North Carolina, Oregon, Washington and Wisconsin are reportedly weighing similar moves.
Cities like Los Angeles and New York—whose repression of protests has been especially brutal—have faced calls to reduce their police budgets. After a week of protests, Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti announced cuts of more than $250 million to the Los Angeles Police Department’s $1.86 billion budget to fund schools, jobs and healthcare. New York City Comptroller Scott M. Stringer requested $1.1 billion in cuts to the New York Police Department’s $6 billion annual budget over four years.
“Breaking down structural racism in New York City will require long-term, lasting change—and that must include reducing the NYPD’s budget.” Stringer said in a press release. “It is unconscionable that services for Black and Brown New Yorkers are on the chopping block while the NYPD’s budget remains almost entirely untouched.” The economic downturn sparked by COVID-19 resulted in the layoffs of 469,000 public school employees in April alone, Reuters reported.
Such disparities are especially stark in Baltimore, which spends the most per capita on police among large cities. For the 2020 fiscal year the city budgeted $536 million for the Baltimore Police Department (BPD) versus $278 million for public education.
Mayor Jack Young—who had a poor showing in preliminary results from Maryland’s June 2 Democratic primary, has yet to indicate whether he will shift funds from the police budget to schools or other social services. While the council can cut spending, only Baltimore’s mayor currently has the power to appropriate funds. A proposed City Charter amendment would give that power to the council.
A Baltimore City High School student among the thousands who took part in Monday’s youth-led protest in Baltimore—who requested not to be named— said the city’s priorities “need to change immediately,” noting many of Baltimore’s aging school buildings lack adequate climate control.
“So many kids don’t have air conditioning in their schools, and we need to fix that. Obviously the police don’t need more funding because they are going to use that to buy more guns and kill Black people,” the student said.
The official statement from organizers of the massive Baltimore protest, identifying themselves collectively as The Youth, called for “a complete decolonization of the state on every level,” and criticized Maryland’s Republican Gov. Larry Hogan, who has continually denied funding to city schools. On May 8, Hogan vetoed a proposal to increase funding for public schools, formulated by the bipartisan Kirwan Commission. State-commissioned analysis found Baltimore’s schools are underfunded by hundreds of millions of dollars annually.
High School sophomore Mychaell Farmer, who helped organize Monday’s youth march in Baltimore, said she believes now is the time for schools to reevaluate their relationship with police: “For me personally, I think we should. I wouldn’t want to support a group that targets a group of people,” Farmer said. “If them speaking up will cost them their jobs maybe it the job isn’t meant to be.”
In 2016, two Baltimore officers were charged with assault after a video emerged of them attacking a student. In the wake of the incident, The Real News hosted a debate between the Baltimore police union and members of the Baltimore Algebra Project, a youth-run organization tutoring and advocacy organization that works to end the school to prison pipeline.
In an email, a spokesperson for the Baltimore City Schools declined to say whether the system is considering ending its relationship with law enforcement.
Police presence in schools in Baltimore remains controversial. The school system has a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with BPD, and spends $7 million annually on its own police force in Baltimore City Schools.
“All of us should be reevaluating the role of police inside school buildings,” Dana Vickers Shelley, executive director of the ACLU of Maryland, said in an email. “Black children are overpoliced. Of the 14,000 complaints made against youth of color filed from FY 2017-2019, 90% of complaints against Black children are filed by the police (including school police and school resource officers).”
“There must be safe spaces for our children to learn and prepare for success,” the ACLU’s Shelley said. “The school system must focus instead on restorative practices, and securing supports for wraparound services, counselors, social workers, and school psychologists.”
In a statement, Baltimore City Schools did note a recent update to its policies regarding police in schools to prevent the arrest of students for incidents that did not occur on school grounds, “except in exigent circumstances.”
“Through restorative practices and other classroom and in-school strategies that maintain a positive learning environment and afford students opportunities to learn from their mistakes,” the Baltimore City Public Schools statement read.
In 2019, the Baltimore School board rejected a plan to arm police during the school day.
In March of 2020, a Republican lawmaker in Annapolis reintroduced the proposal.
Related
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therealnews--2020-06-05--Stir Crazy! Episode #47: The Streets Are Watching

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Dr. Gerald Horne holds the John J. and Rebecca Moores Chair of History and African American Studies at the University of Houston. His research has addressed issues of racism in a variety of relations involving labor, politics, civil rights, international relations and war. Dr. Horne has also written extensively about the film industry. His latest book is The Counter-Revolution of 1776: Slave Resistance and the Origins of the United States of America. Dr. Horne received his Ph.D. in history from Columbia University and his J.D. from the University of California, Berkeley and his B.A. from Princeton University.


therealnews--2020-06-05--Police Brutality Protesters Met With More Brutality: Is Martial Law Next?

Police across the US have met protesters with violence , tear gas , and rubber bullets .
We speak with @ @ @ @ @ by police in Denver , and Tawanda Jones , who has led peaceful anti-brutality protests @ @ @ @ @ in custody .

Host & Producer
Stephen Janis is an award winning investigative reporter turned documentary filmmaker. His first feature film, The Friendliest Town was distributed by Gravitas Ventures and won an award of distinction from The Impact Doc Film Festival, and a humanitarian award from The Indie Film Fest. He is the co-host and creator of The Police Accountability Report on The Real News Network, which has received more than 10,000,000 views on YouTube. His work as a reporter has been featured on a variety of national shows including the Netflix reboot of Unsolved Mysteries, Dead of Night on Investigation Discovery Channel, Relentless on NBC, and Sins of the City on TV One.
He has co-authored several books on policing, corruption, and the root causes of violence including Why Do We Kill: The Pathology of Murder in Baltimore and You Can’t Stop Murder: Truths about Policing in Baltimore and Beyond. He is also the co-host of the true crime podcast Land of the Unsolved. Prior to joining The Real News, Janis won three Capital Emmys for investigative series working as an investigative producer for WBFF. Follow him on Twitter.


therealnews--2020-06-06--Climate Crisis: Black Lives Matter, Looting Puerto Rico, And California’s Environmental Racism

Welcome back to TRNN ’ s Climate Crisis News Roundup .
In recent weeks , this column has focused heavily on the intersection between COVID-19 and the climate crisis , and that will continue as the pandemic sweeps through the world .
Add to that the recent police killing of George Lloyd in Minneapolis and eruption of protests across the country and it ’ s an understatement to say that we live in some crazy , scary and perhaps history-changing times .
So this week will focus a bit less on COVID-19 but even more so on issues directly impacting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that bind racial justice and economic justice with tackling the climate crisis and environmental issues .
If you have a story you think deserves a spot in the roundup or story pitches in general , get in touch with me at [ email protected ] or on Twitter at @ SteveAHorn .
You can read the previous edition here .
The police killing of George Floyd has shifted news coverage in the United States from all issues—including the COVID-19 pandemic , which continues to kill people and killed 2,952 between June 2-4—back to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Built on the backs of enslaved people from the African continent and on the conquest of Native lands , this legacy has always been a touchy topic for U.S. climate movements .
That ’ s because the country ’ s professionally funded environmental movement is overwhelmingly white , and environmental conservation itself in the U.S. has its roots in ugly racism .
Yet with thousands of people in the streets protesting , led by a genuine upswell of grassroots fury , professional climate groups have cautiously weighed in .
One of those environmental @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the group pushing for a national Green New Deal .
“ As a Minneapolis police officer was choking George Floyd to death , George Floyd cried out ‘ I can ’ t breathe , ” the group wrote in an email .
“ That ’ s the same cry thousands of kids — mostly black and brown — yell out every day because they ’ ve developed asthma from breathing polluted air from coal plants and refineries .
It ’ s the same cry that hundreds of thousands of people infected with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trying to fight for their lives when they don ’ t have access to the healthcare they need.
” Sunrise ’ s statement called for “ a society where everyone , no matter the color of their skin or how much money they have or where they are from has basic rights to clean air and water , good jobs , a safe home and neighborhood , and the healthcare they need.
” Earther Managing Editor Brian Kahn focused his attention on the institution of policing itself and how it overlaps with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impacts of climate change , like COVID-19 , have hit people of color first and foremost .
“ It ’ s impossible to disentangle the various threads of environmental racism and its ties with policing , ” he wrote .
“ The history of redlining and police-enforced segregation has led to massive hotter neighborhoods and more people with chronic health problems tied to air pollution.
” Militarized policing , often in response to protests of the very fossil fuel infrastructure fueling the climate crisis , has only poured gasoline on the fire of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ COVID-19 and racism .
Kahn pointed to the 2016 protests at the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation .
“ Peaceful indigenous-led protests at Standing Rock trying to stop the Dakota Access Pipeline were met with militarized violence , including violence perpetrated by the same sheriff ’ s department that ’ s now violently going after protesters in Minneapolis , under the guise of defending private property that is destroying the climate , ” he explained , drawing parallels between the police shooting in Minneapolis and multi-state coordinated response of police and sheriffs coming in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ down protests .
Dakota Access is a pipeline owned by Energy Transfer Partners .
Their CEO Kelcy Warren is a major donor to President Donald Trump , a president who wears his racism openly and whose father Fred Trump may have been arrested at a KKK rally .
The militarized response at Standing Rock wasn ’ t a one-off , but a model promoted openly by the National Sheriffs Association .
In the case of Standing Rock , police and sheriffs units flooded North Dakota from across the country to violently quell the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ illuminating parallel to today , where many of those participating in protests nationwide have faced accusations of being “ out-of-state agitators.
” I also reported here at The Real News last year that statehouses nationwide have since passed copy-paste model legislation lobbied for by the fossil fuel industry allowing for criminalization of protests of pipelines and other “ critical infrastructure.
” Much of that infrastructure—including in places such as Chicago , Detroit , Houston , and the San Francisco Bay Area—sits in close proximity to communities of color .
Put another way , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ put downs of social movements against climate change-causing infrastructure now exists .
Those who care about the climate crisis would do well to study history , both recent and past , to inform their viewpoint on the current moment .
The California Geologic Energy Management Division ( CalGEM , formerly known as the Division of Oil , Gas , and Geothermal Resources , or DOGGR ) held its final public hearing on June 2 on oil well “ setback ” regulations , or rules on how far wells must be located from places @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country ’ s seventh most prolific oil producer , with much of its drilling taking place close to homes , places of worship , schools .
and other community gathering places .
The public comments from the pre-rulemaking hearings and written comments submitted to CalGEM will shape the final rule , if the agency chooses to issue one .
The state is one of the few without setback rules .
The lack of regulation has had devastating impacts in particular to Latino communities , and has led to health impacts such as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nausea , nosebleeds and a possible increase in cancer risk , ” the group STAND-LA explains .
A new large-scale study funded by the California Air Resources Board published on June 3 has also concluded that those living close to oil wells in the state also birthed babies with low birth weights .
The study examined birth records for 3 million births between 2005-2016 occurring within a 6.2 mile radius of at least one oil well .
“ The study found that , in rural areas , pregnant people who lived within 0.62 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ highest producing wells were 40 % more likely to have low birth weight babies and 20 % more likely to have babies who were small for their gestational age compared to people living farther away from wells or near inactive wells only , ” reads a press release for the study .
“ Among term births , babies were 1.3 ounces ( 36 grams ) smaller , on average , than those of their counterparts.
” At the June 2 hearing , Matt Leonard , Director of Special Projects for the climate justice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a 2500-foot setback .
“ It ’ s clear that the CEOs and companies that drive the oil industry don ’ t care about these communities and they don ’ t care about workers , ” said Leonard .
He further advocated for a “ just transition ” for a cleaner energy future which helps industry workers into justice-based next career steps .
These disproportionate impacts motivated Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi to introduce AB 345 in 2019 , which would have implemented a setback rule by January 1 , 2020 .
But as The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chairwoman Lorena Gonzalez—a former union attorney who has received tens of thousands of dollars in industry donations—unilaterally yanked the bill from the agenda last year and made it a two-year bill .
She also changed the scope of the bill .
The changed bill called for CalGEM to “ to consider ” a 2500-foot setback by the July 1 , 2022 deadline and have a setback of an undefined distance by that date .
The legislation , in effects , puts an end date on the CalGEM process .
The deadline exists because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that certain protections and processes are included in the regulations , such as setbacks or community input , that otherwise might be excluded by the agency , ” Kerry Jacob , Communications Director for Muratsuchi , explained via email .
In a June 3 webinar convened by California environmental justice groups , Muratsuchi also linked the disproportionate impacts of COVID-19 due to exposure to toxic airborne pollutants among people of color to oil drilling in California in making the case for AB 345 .
“ I think so many of the recent developments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or whether it ’ s the recent murder of George Floyd , it ’ s exposing so many of the socioeconomic inequities in our country and in our society , ” said Muratsuchi .
“ And I truly and strongly believe that this environmental justice cause of oil drilling in the backyards of children and families of low-income communities of color , this is part of the institutional racism we are fighting now.
” The city of Arvin , located about 100 miles north of Los Angeles , has a 300-foot setback @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there are Latino .
Estela Escoto , president of Community for a Better Arvin , said that even that distance has proven helpful for halting some of the most severe industrial impacts .
“ Here in Arvin , oil wells are near schools , playgrounds and the only clinic we have in the city , ” said Escoto .
“ Day after day , all the children and young people and the community are exposed to pollutants.
” California ’ s Democratic Governor Gavin Newsom has vocally denounced racism in the days since @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he also approved 24 fracking wells for Aera Energy , a 50-50 joint venture between Shell Oil and ExxonMobil , at the peak of COVID-19 in early April .
Newsom also has offered the industry a suite of regulatory rollbacks in response to the economic crisis it faces in the coronavirus era , as we reported here a couple weeks ago .
David Braun , the Oakland-based cofounder of Americans Against Fracking and the California environmental nonprofit Rootskeeper , said there is a “ Grand Canyon gulf between his words and actions ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s decision to draw out the regulatory process on setbacks .
The reality , Braun opined , is that Newsom is committing “ environmental racism ” by neglecting to take on California ’ s oil industry .
Over the last week , media and police have emphasized the difference between nonviolent protesters and the ‘ outside agitators ’ they say are responsible for the property damage and arson that ’ s occurred in some cities .
It ’ s created a moment of linguistic reflection for many , asking a bigger question : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
As a case in point , the recent bipartisan COVID-19 stimulus packages passed by Congress served as one of the most massive wealth transfers to corporations in U.S. history , while over 40 million people have now filed for unemployment .
Puerto Rico , knows looting well , as it ’ s been subject of U.S. colonialism for decades .
That process of colonization accelerated in the aftermath of Hurricane Maria , the climate change-fueled megastorm which killed 3,057 people and obliterated the archipelago ’ s electricity grid in 2017 .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Puerto Rico ’ s government and the United States government used the post-Maria crisis to push through a “ disaster capitalism ” form of looting , linking up with the mainland United States ’ fracking industry to ship liquefied natural gas ( LNG ) to the colonial periphery .
One of the main beneficiaries of this arrangement is billionaire Wes Edens , whose company New Fortress Energy received a permit from the Trump administration last year to move LNG by rail to export terminals , where the fracked gas is then shipped to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Edens is also the owner of the National Basketball Association team the Milwaukee Bucks and the English Premier League soccer team Aston Villa .
He is also now the owner of the USA Today Network of newspapers .
The New Republic ’ s Kate Aronoff reported that Edens is under consideration to land another key electricity contract in Puerto Rico .
That ’ s because on top of Hurricane Maria , in January this year the archipelago fell victim to a category 6.4 earthquake , again badly damaging sections of the electric grid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Puerto Rico Electric Power Authority stated a need to build temporary electricity generating capacity .
And who was ready to cash in ?
None other than Edens .
“ On its quarterly earnings call in early May , New Fortress Energy announced that it had been shortlisted by PREPA ” for the contract , reported Aronoff .
UTIER , the utility sector workers union in Puerto Rico , denounced the shortlisting decision .
In a letter shared with The Real News , the union wrote that it was a false pretext @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for an exorbitant cost of up to $ 1.2 billion .
“ We object to the spending of hundreds of millions of dollars of taxpayer funds to lease temporary generation and specifically request that the Board provide oversight and investigate plans to move forward with this highly dubious scheme , ” wrote UTIER .
“ Clearly , it would be far more effective to repair the…plant , at a cost of about $ 25M and use any available funding for energy efficiency , conservation and demand response programs and onsite solar and [ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to spend $ 70 million per month on temporary generation.
” Under pressure by UTIER , it appears the contract is now on hold by PREPA .
This isn ’ t Edens ’ first foray attempt at profiting from public spending .
In 2015 , under his ownership , the Milwaukee Bucks successfully lobbied the Wisconsin Legislature to mandate that state taxpayers provide $ 250 million for the team ’ s new arena .
The city ’ s west side , meanwhile , which is overwhelmingly Black demographically , has a severely underfunded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the community barely have a place to play basketball and other recreational sports .
The 2020 Democratic National Convention is scheduled to take place in that arena .
So , to go back to where this started , Aronoff wryly referred to Edens ’ activity in Puerto Rico as a “ terrible incident of looting.
” That looting clearly extends far beyond the archipelago .

Welcome back to TRNN’s Climate Crisis News Roundup. In recent weeks, this column has focused heavily on the intersection between COVID-19 and the climate crisis, and that will continue as the pandemic sweeps through the world. Add to that the recent police killing of George Lloyd in Minneapolis and eruption of protests across the country and it’s an understatement to say that we live in some crazy, scary and perhaps history-changing times.
So this week will focus a bit less on COVID-19 but even more so on issues directly impacting environmental and climate justice, or ties that bind racial justice and economic justice with tackling the climate crisis and environmental issues.
If you have a story you think deserves a spot in the roundup or story pitches in general, get in touch with me at steve@therealnews.com or on Twitter at @SteveAHorn. You can read the previous edition here.
Black Lives Matter
The police killing of George Floyd has shifted news coverage in the United States from all issues—including the COVID-19 pandemic, which continues to kill people and killed 2,952 between June 2-4—back to the country’s original sin.
Built on the backs of enslaved people from the African continent and on the conquest of Native lands, this legacy has always been a touchy topic for U.S. climate movements. That’s because the country’s professionally funded environmental movement is overwhelmingly white, and environmental conservation itself in the U.S. has its roots in ugly racism. Yet with thousands of people in the streets protesting, led by a genuine upswell of grassroots fury, professional climate groups have cautiously weighed in.
One of those environmental justice-oriented statements came from the Sunrise Movement, the group pushing for a national Green New Deal.
“As a Minneapolis police officer was choking George Floyd to death, George Floyd cried out ‘I can’t breathe,” the group wrote in an email. “That’s the same cry thousands of kids — mostly black and brown — yell out every day because they’ve developed asthma from breathing polluted air from coal plants and refineries. It’s the same cry that hundreds of thousands of people infected with COVID have gasped out as they are trying to fight for their lives when they don’t have access to the healthcare they need.”
Sunrise’s statement called for “a society where everyone, no matter the color of their skin or how much money they have or where they are from has basic rights to clean air and water, good jobs, a safe home and neighborhood, and the healthcare they need.”
Earther Managing Editor Brian Kahn focused his attention on the institution of policing itself and how it overlaps with the climate crisis. He wrote that the impacts of climate change, like COVID-19, have hit people of color first and foremost.
“It’s impossible to disentangle the various threads of environmental racism and its ties with policing,” he wrote. “The history of redlining and police-enforced segregation has led to massive hotter neighborhoods and more people with chronic health problems tied to air pollution.”
Militarized policing, often in response to protests of the very fossil fuel infrastructure fueling the climate crisis, has only poured gasoline on the fire of the intertwined crises of climate change, COVID-19 and racism. Kahn pointed to the 2016 protests at the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation.
“Peaceful indigenous-led protests at Standing Rock trying to stop the Dakota Access Pipeline were met with militarized violence, including violence perpetrated by the same sheriff’s department that’s now violently going after protesters in Minneapolis, under the guise of defending private property that is destroying the climate,” he explained, drawing parallels between the police shooting in Minneapolis and multi-state coordinated response of police and sheriffs coming in from across the country to violently put down protests.
Dakota Access is a pipeline owned by Energy Transfer Partners. Their CEO Kelcy Warren is a major donor to President Donald Trump, a president who wears his racism openly and whose father Fred Trump may have been arrested at a KKK rally.
The militarized response at Standing Rock wasn’t a one-off, but a model promoted openly by the National Sheriffs Association. In the case of Standing Rock, police and sheriffs units flooded North Dakota from across the country to violently quell the protest movement. It serves as an illuminating parallel to today, where many of those participating in protests nationwide have faced accusations of being “out-of-state agitators.”
I also reported here at The Real News last year that statehouses nationwide have since passed copy-paste model legislation lobbied for by the fossil fuel industry allowing for criminalization of protests of pipelines and other “critical infrastructure.” Much of that infrastructure—including in places such as Chicago, Detroit, Houston, and the San Francisco Bay Area—sits in close proximity to communities of color.
Put another way, the legal basis for violent, militarized put downs of social movements against climate change-causing infrastructure now exists. Those who care about the climate crisis would do well to study history, both recent and past, to inform their viewpoint on the current moment.
California’s Environmental Racism
The California Geologic Energy Management Division (CalGEM, formerly known as the Division of Oil, Gas, and Geothermal Resources, or DOGGR) held its final public hearing on June 2 on oil well “setback” regulations, or rules on how far wells must be located from places like schools or homes. California is the country’s seventh most prolific oil producer, with much of its drilling taking place close to homes, places of worship, schools. and other community gathering places. The public comments from the pre-rulemaking hearings and written comments submitted to CalGEM will shape the final rule, if the agency chooses to issue one.
The state is one of the few without setback rules. The lack of regulation has had devastating impacts in particular to Latino communities, and has led to health impacts such as “headaches, upper respiratory illness, nausea, nosebleeds and a possible increase in cancer risk,” the group STAND-LA explains.
A new large-scale study funded by the California Air Resources Board published on June 3 has also concluded that those living close to oil wells in the state also birthed babies with low birth weights. The study examined birth records for 3 million births between 2005-2016 occurring within a 6.2 mile radius of at least one oil well.
“The study found that, in rural areas, pregnant people who lived within 0.62 miles (1 kilometer) of the highest producing wells were 40% more likely to have low birth weight babies and 20% more likely to have babies who were small for their gestational age compared to people living farther away from wells or near inactive wells only,” reads a press release for the study. “Among term births, babies were 1.3 ounces (36 grams) smaller, on average, than those of their counterparts.”
At the June 2 hearing, Matt Leonard, Director of Special Projects for the climate justice group 350.org, spoke in support of a 2500-foot setback.
“It’s clear that the CEOs and companies that drive the oil industry don’t care about these communities and they don’t care about workers,” said Leonard. He further advocated for a “just transition” for a cleaner energy future which helps industry workers into justice-based next career steps.
These disproportionate impacts motivated Assemblymember Al Muratsuchi to introduce AB 345 in 2019, which would have implemented a setback rule by January 1, 2020. But as The Real News Network reported, Assembly Appropriations Chairwoman Lorena Gonzalez—a former union attorney who has received tens of thousands of dollars in industry donations—unilaterally yanked the bill from the agenda last year and made it a two-year bill.
She also changed the scope of the bill. The changed bill called for CalGEM to “to consider” a 2500-foot setback by the July 1, 2022 deadline and have a setback of an undefined distance by that date. The legislation, in effects, puts an end date on the CalGEM process.
Amended language from AB 345. Image courtesy of California Legislative Information
The deadline exists because “the legislature wants to make sure that certain protections and processes are included in the regulations, such as setbacks or community input, that otherwise might be excluded by the agency,” Kerry Jacob, Communications Director for Muratsuchi, explained via email.
In a June 3 webinar convened by California environmental justice groups, Muratsuchi also linked the disproportionate impacts of COVID-19 due to exposure to toxic airborne pollutants among people of color to oil drilling in California in making the case for AB 345.
“I think so many of the recent developments, whether it’s the coronavirus, or whether it’s the recent murder of George Floyd, it’s exposing so many of the socioeconomic inequities in our country and in our society,” said Muratsuchi. “And I truly and strongly believe that this environmental justice cause of oil drilling in the backyards of children and families of low-income communities of color, this is part of the institutional racism we are fighting now.”
The city of Arvin, located about 100 miles north of Los Angeles, has a 300-foot setback. Many of the 21,000 people living there are Latino. Estela Escoto, president of Community for a Better Arvin, said that even that distance has proven helpful for halting some of the most severe industrial impacts.
“Here in Arvin, oil wells are near schools, playgrounds and the only clinic we have in the city,” said Escoto. “Day after day, all the children and young people and the community are exposed to pollutants.”
California’s Democratic Governor Gavin Newsom has vocally denounced racism in the days since the killing of George Floyd. Yet he also approved 24 fracking wells for Aera Energy, a 50-50 joint venture between Shell Oil and ExxonMobil, at the peak of COVID-19 in early April. Newsom also has offered the industry a suite of regulatory rollbacks in response to the economic crisis it faces in the coronavirus era, as we reported here a couple weeks ago.
David Braun, the Oakland-based cofounder of Americans Against Fracking and the California environmental nonprofit Rootskeeper, said there is a “Grand Canyon gulf between his words and actions” as it applies to his administration’s decision to draw out the regulatory process on setbacks. The reality, Braun opined, is that Newsom is committing “environmental racism” by neglecting to take on California’s oil industry.
Looting Puerto Rico
Over the last week, media and police have emphasized the difference between nonviolent protesters and the ‘outside agitators’ they say are responsible for the property damage and arson that’s occurred in some cities. It’s created a moment of linguistic reflection for many, asking a bigger question: Who’s really doing the looting?
As a case in point, the recent bipartisan COVID-19 stimulus packages passed by Congress served as one of the most massive wealth transfers to corporations in U.S. history, while over 40 million people have now filed for unemployment.
Puerto Rico, knows looting well, as it’s been subject of U.S. colonialism for decades.
That process of colonization accelerated in the aftermath of Hurricane Maria, the climate change-fueled megastorm which killed 3,057 people and obliterated the archipelago’s electricity grid in 2017. As previously covered by The Real News, Puerto Rico’s government and the United States government used the post-Maria crisis to push through a “disaster capitalism” form of looting, linking up with the mainland United States’ fracking industry to ship liquefied natural gas (LNG) to the colonial periphery.
One of the main beneficiaries of this arrangement is billionaire Wes Edens, whose company New Fortress Energy received a permit from the Trump administration last year to move LNG by rail to export terminals, where the fracked gas is then shipped to Puerto Rico and other Carribean countries. Edens is also the owner of the National Basketball Association team the Milwaukee Bucks and the English Premier League soccer team Aston Villa. He is also now the owner of the USA Today Network of newspapers. The New Republic’s Kate Aronoff reported that Edens is under consideration to land another key electricity contract in Puerto Rico.
That’s because on top of Hurricane Maria, in January this year the archipelago fell victim to a category 6.4 earthquake, again badly damaging sections of the electric grid. While the grid was under repair, the Puerto Rico Electric Power Authority stated a need to build temporary electricity generating capacity. And who was ready to cash in? None other than Edens.
“On its quarterly earnings call in early May, New Fortress Energy announced that it had been shortlisted by PREPA” for the contract, reported Aronoff.
UTIER, the utility sector workers union in Puerto Rico, denounced the shortlisting decision. In a letter shared with The Real News, the union wrote that it was a false pretext used to enrich the natural gas industry for an exorbitant cost of up to $1.2 billion.
“We object to the spending of hundreds of millions of dollars of taxpayer funds to lease temporary generation and specifically request that the Board provide oversight and investigate plans to move forward with this highly dubious scheme,” wrote UTIER. “Clearly, it would be far more effective to repair the…plant, at a cost of about $25M and use any available funding for energy efficiency, conservation and demand response programs and onsite solar and [battery energy storage systems], than to spend $70 million per month on temporary generation.”
Under pressure by UTIER, it appears the contract is now on hold by PREPA.
This isn’t Edens’ first foray attempt at profiting from public spending. In 2015, under his ownership, the Milwaukee Bucks successfully lobbied the Wisconsin Legislature to mandate that state taxpayers provide $250 million for the team’s new arena. The city’s west side, meanwhile, which is overwhelmingly Black demographically, has a severely underfunded public parks system where young kids and the community barely have a place to play basketball and other recreational sports. The 2020 Democratic National Convention is scheduled to take place in that arena.
So, to go back to where this started, Aronoff wryly referred to Edens’ activity in Puerto Rico as a “terrible incident of looting.” That looting clearly extends far beyond the archipelago.
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therealnews--2020-06-08--Stir Crazy! Episode #48: The Revolution Is Being Televised

Visual Producer (former)
Raised in southern New Jersey outside Philadelphia, and now residing in Baltimore Maryland, Andrew Corkery worked as a Visual Producer / Editor/ Researcher for the Real News Network. Prior to that he worked for nearly four years as Video Editor for CBS 3 Eyewitness News, and an Investigative Journalist for Spirit News both in Philadelphia. He graduated from Rider University in Lawrenceville, New Jersey in May of 2014 with a Bachelor's degree in Digital Media. While in college Andrew completed a media education and co op work program at CAPA London, working as a researcher and video editor for COAST, a digital strategy and brand film content production company.
Andrew maintains a relentlessly keen interest in all things geopolitics in almost every corner of the globe. He has since applied this passion and interest to his creative and investigative work as a producer, editor, journalist and videographer. One of his most impactful pieces focused on a story outlining how to combat Islamophobia in communities across the world, articulating the differences between Radical Islamists and the vast majority of people who follow Islam, while showing the many layers of nuance, both in politics and religion more broadly. That Story, "Islam in the Riverwards: PART 1 AND 2," along with "Being Black in Bridesburg", a story highlighting the impacts and legacy of racial injustice in a largely white community within Philadelphia, were both published in Spirit News and later featured in write ups from The Philadelphia Inquirer and Philadelphia Magazine.
With Andrew's career expanding experience of living and working abroad in mind, he recognizes the importance of staying connected to the world. The cornerstones of Andrew's work can always be found in uncovering the expansive impact of global events and political issues, while relating them to people's everyday lives, through the mediums of online video, film and writing. Finally, Andrew is currently the Lead Singer and Member Manager of a successful original alternative rock band called Shadowplay, based in Mt. Laurel, NJ, founded in 2008 at Lenape High School. The band has since performed over 200 shows, including performances at such festivals as SXSW, and opening up for bands like Tracy Guns, Weitz and The Parlor Mob.