therealnews--2020-05-21--The Proposed Nile Dam Is A Wedge Between Egypt, Ethiopia, And Sudan

This is a rush transcript and may contain errors .
It will be updated .
Mike Pompeo : Our mission set is not to impose a solution on this , but rather to get the three countries to come together around a solution that each of them acknowledges works for the concerns of all three nations .
We have been heartened in the context of those conversations to watch each of those countries recognize the needs and concerns of the other two countries .
It ’ s been a very professional discussion .
Kim Brown : Welcome to The Real @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
That was US Secretary of state Mike Pompeo on Tuesday , May 12th talking about the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam , a project dam the Blue Nile .
Now on that very day , Ethiopian Prime Minister , Abiy Ahmed proposed to Sudan to sign an agreement to start filling the dam in July of this year .
But Sudan ’ s Prime Minister , Abdalla Hamdok , refused to sign .
He said that a partial agreement that excludes Egypt is a bad idea and insisted that the negotiations about the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Now Egypt , especially under President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi , has been staunchly opposed to the dam from the very beginning , even threatened to go to war over it , fearing that the dam would reduce the amount of water that reaches Egypt through the Nile River and potentially cause an agricultural disaster .
Joining us today to discuss this is [ Khalid Ahmed 00:01:21 ] , he teaches political science at the African Studies Department at the University of Toronto .
He worked at the United Nations in Sudan in 2007 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Khalid , thank you so much for being here .
Khalid Ahmed : Thanks for the invitation .
Kim Brown : So let ’ s remind our viewers that Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for his efforts to bring peace to East Africa , but his attempt to sign a partial agreement with Sudan and exclude Egypt regarding this dam project seems like a rather aggressive move .
So what is your interpretation about the latest actions here ?
Khalid Ahmed : Well , let @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a historical and a contemporary perspective .
Africa in general , and the world actually , in general , is in dire need of energy and water resources .
And Africa is no exception .
It is said that by United Nation report that South Korea , on its own , produces more electricity than an entire African continent .
And that goes to tell you how challenging it is in Africa to really have and maintain resources of water and electricity .
And this is what this dam is exactly .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ populous country .
There ’ s a 102 million people and Ethiopia is the second largest populous country in Africa with 115 million people .
Now they rely heavily on the water , especially Egypt .
It relies over 90 % of the river water for all its water consumption in Egypt .
So for it , the river Nile is a life and death situation .
On the other hand , for the Ethiopians , it is an matter of national pride that they ’ re finally doing something good for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , over 90 % of its water from the Nile , 87 % of the Nile water comes from Ethiopia .
So the Ethiopians want to make sure that they utilize this water for their own economic and social benefits .
One of the things that the Ethiopians , for example , need is electricity .
Out of the 115 million Ethiopian , 78 million does not have electricity in Ethiopia .
And that ’ s a huge percentage .
Now the dam is supposed to produce water and electricity , electricity that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need .
And Ethiopia is planning to sell it to neighboring countries .
It ’ s going to be the largest dam in Africa once its complete , and the most powerful one as well .
Egypt is really worried about the effect of the dam on its own share of water , and that is why they are having a very aggressive attitude towards Ethiopia , trying to make sure this dam is not built at the expense of the Egyptian people .
However , the historical part of this , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speaks with such authority on the Nile and intervenes in such dams , is the 1929 agreement that the British has signed with the Egyptians allowing them a veto right over all construction of dams on the river Nile .
Now , it also guaranteed that they will continue to have their share of water from the Nile and nothing is going to interrupt that .
Now Ethiopia was not part of that deal and it wasn ’ t a signatory to it .
And that ’ s where most of the problem @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if not all the 11 countries in the Nile basin , believe that this agreement is unfair to them and that it creates more problems than solutions .
Kim Brown : So why do you think Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok refused to sign a bilateral agreement with Ethiopia ?
Khalid Ahmed : That ’ s a good question , because to understand it , we have to go back a little bit in history and realize , or not too long ago in history actually , and recap some of the negotiation processes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Particularly in the United States where the Treasury Department in Washington has reached a partial agreement back in February with Sudan , with the absence of Ethiopia , but the presence of Sudan and Egypt .
And that agreement , partial agreement , was initialed by Egypt but Sudan refused to , at the time , to initial that agreement because of the absence of Ethiopia .
In other words , Sudan maintains that it is very important to have the three countries initial and sign and reach a conclusion to this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be resolved by only having two countries out of the three reaching partial and separate agreements .
And the same thing happened on May 13th when the Ethiopians support Sudan and ask them to sign a partial agreement without the presence of Egypt this time .
Sudan also refused to do that .
The reason for that is Sudan is trying to make sure that this agreement is long lasting and it embodies durable mechanisms in it in order to prevent any future problems that could come out of it , if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mandates and provisions .
But what also Sudan is want to make sure is that , it wants to make sure that all the technical aspects of the agreement has been maintained and discussed thoroughly before the dam starts being filled in July .
Particularly , they ’ re looking at mechanisms such as the data sharing , the safety of the dam , mechanisms for dispute resolution and so forth .
And Sudan is trying to make sure that all three countries get to a conclusion and get to a better idea @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go about this dam and how to benefit the most equitably between all three of them .
Kim Brown : Do you think the prime minister is promoting values of solidarity with Egypt and also concerns about the environment ?
Or is he more worried about trying to avoid a war with Egypt ?
Khalid Ahmed : Okay , that ’ s a good question .
When Sudan refused the initial agreement back in February , it was accused of taking sides … That it was taking side with Ethiopia against Egypt .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ approach Sudan for a side agreement , a partial agreement without Egypt and it refused , it was also accused that it might be taking side or solidarity with Egyptians .
However , that ’ s not really what Sudan is trying to do .
What Sudan is really trying to do is try to mediate an agreement between the three countries to reach a conclusive one that would actually guarantee that all aspects of the dam have been discussed thoroughly and agreed upon by all three countries .
For example , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the mechanisms , and also , more importantly , the environmental and social implications of the dam .
That needs to be clearly studied or agreed upon before July , before the rainy season starts in July , and before the filling up of the dam starts .
Ethiopia , on the hand , believes that these are issues that shouldn ’ t be a precondition to signing the agreement and they should be dealt with at a latter time .
Kim Brown : In your opinion , or in your estimation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or corporate players that are , perhaps , meddling or interfering or jockeying for position in regards to interest as it relates to this project ?
Khalid Ahmed : Well , yes and no .
On the one hand , you will have all the 11 countries on the Nile basin , and these countries has historically been demanding the change to the Egypt [ inaudible 00:09:41 ] over the Nile and Nile resources , and the amount of share that it has .
And they have reached , in 2010 , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actually reached an agreement that Egypt refused to sign because Egypt thought that it would diminish its veto right and its control over the Nile .
And they have been demanding an equitable share distribution of water between all these countries , because as I mentioned in the beginning of my conversation today , that water and energy resources are the most sought after in Africa .
And they ’ re much needed for sustainable development projects .
And if the Nile River doesn ’ t come to [ inaudible 00:10:24 ] , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sudan and Ethiopia , I think we will see a lot of problems in the future arising again .
So I think you ’ re right , it ’ s not just between the three countries , but it is between all the 11 countries that share the Nile .
Kim Brown : Well , this is an incredibly fascinating topic .
We know that the Nile provides so much water and resources to literally hundreds of millions of people on the African continent .
Khalid Ahmed : Yes , you ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million people rely on the river Nile , which is the longest in Africa and the second longest in the world .
That means the river Nile actually is utilized and used by 280 million Africans who make up a quarter of the African population .
And that ’ s a large number and that ’ s definitely a huge issue that ’ s going to need to be resolved in the near future .
Kim Brown : It ’ s so incredibly important that we are keeping tabs on what ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the African continent .
We ’ ve been speaking today with Khalid Ahmed , he is a professor .
He teaches political science at the African Studies Department at the University of Toronto .
He worked at the United Nations in Sudan in 2007 .
He ’ s been joining us today from Canada .
Khalid , we appreciate your time today as always .
Thank you .
Khalid Ahmed : Thank you for having me .
Kim Brown : And thank you for watching The Real News Network .

The plan to build a giant hydroelectric dam on the Nile River is a cornerstone in Ethiopia’s economic development strategy, but is fiercely opposed by President Abdel Fatah Al-Sisi in Egypt.
Story Transcript
This is a rush transcript and may contain errors. It will be updated.
Mike Pompeo: Our mission set is not to impose a solution on this, but rather to get the three countries to come together around a solution that each of them acknowledges works for the concerns of all three nations. We have been heartened in the context of those conversations to watch each of those countries recognize the needs and concerns of the other two countries. It’s been a very professional discussion.
Kim Brown: Welcome to The Real News, I’m Kim Brown. That was US Secretary of state Mike Pompeo on Tuesday, May 12th talking about the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, a project dam the Blue Nile. Now on that very day, Ethiopian Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed proposed to Sudan to sign an agreement to start filling the dam in July of this year. But Sudan’s Prime Minister, Abdalla Hamdok, refused to sign. He said that a partial agreement that excludes Egypt is a bad idea and insisted that the negotiations about the dam should also include environmental implications.
Now Egypt, especially under President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, has been staunchly opposed to the dam from the very beginning, even threatened to go to war over it, fearing that the dam would reduce the amount of water that reaches Egypt through the Nile River and potentially cause an agricultural disaster. Joining us today to discuss this is [Khalid Ahmed 00:01:21], he teaches political science at the African Studies Department at the University of Toronto. He worked at the United Nations in Sudan in 2007. He joins us today from Toronto. Khalid, thank you so much for being here.
Khalid Ahmed: Thanks for the invitation.
Kim Brown: So let’s remind our viewers that Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for his efforts to bring peace to East Africa, but his attempt to sign a partial agreement with Sudan and exclude Egypt regarding this dam project seems like a rather aggressive move. So what is your interpretation about the latest actions here?
Khalid Ahmed: Well, let’s put this into a perspective, a historical and a contemporary perspective. Africa in general, and the world actually, in general, is in dire need of energy and water resources. And Africa is no exception. It is said that by United Nation report that South Korea, on its own, produces more electricity than an entire African continent. And that goes to tell you how challenging it is in Africa to really have and maintain resources of water and electricity. And this is what this dam is exactly.
Now, Egypt is the third largest populous country. There’s a 102 million people and Ethiopia is the second largest populous country in Africa with 115 million people. Now they rely heavily on the water, especially Egypt. It relies over 90% of the river water for all its water consumption in Egypt. So for it, the river Nile is a life and death situation. On the other hand, for the Ethiopians, it is an matter of national pride that they’re finally doing something good for the country because even though Egyptians use it, over 90% of its water from the Nile, 87% of the Nile water comes from Ethiopia.
So the Ethiopians want to make sure that they utilize this water for their own economic and social benefits. One of the things that the Ethiopians, for example, need is electricity. Out of the 115 million Ethiopian, 78 million does not have electricity in Ethiopia. And that’s a huge percentage. Now the dam is supposed to produce water and electricity, electricity that’s even beyond Ethiopia’s need. And Ethiopia is planning to sell it to neighboring countries. It’s going to be the largest dam in Africa once its complete, and the most powerful one as well.
Egypt is really worried about the effect of the dam on its own share of water, and that is why they are having a very aggressive attitude towards Ethiopia, trying to make sure this dam is not built at the expense of the Egyptian people. However, the historical part of this, and the one that would explain why Egypt speaks with such authority on the Nile and intervenes in such dams, is the 1929 agreement that the British has signed with the Egyptians allowing them a veto right over all construction of dams on the river Nile.
Now, it also guaranteed that they will continue to have their share of water from the Nile and nothing is going to interrupt that. Now Ethiopia was not part of that deal and it wasn’t a signatory to it. And that’s where most of the problem comes from, that 11 countries, if not all the 11 countries in the Nile basin, believe that this agreement is unfair to them and that it creates more problems than solutions.
Kim Brown: So why do you think Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok refused to sign a bilateral agreement with Ethiopia?
Khalid Ahmed: That’s a good question, because to understand it, we have to go back a little bit in history and realize, or not too long ago in history actually, and recap some of the negotiation processes that took place between the three countries. Particularly in the United States where the Treasury Department in Washington has reached a partial agreement back in February with Sudan, with the absence of Ethiopia, but the presence of Sudan and Egypt. And that agreement, partial agreement, was initialed by Egypt but Sudan refused to, at the time, to initial that agreement because of the absence of Ethiopia.
In other words, Sudan maintains that it is very important to have the three countries initial and sign and reach a conclusion to this issue. It’s never going to be resolved by only having two countries out of the three reaching partial and separate agreements. And the same thing happened on May 13th when the Ethiopians support Sudan and ask them to sign a partial agreement without the presence of Egypt this time. Sudan also refused to do that. The reason for that is Sudan is trying to make sure that this agreement is long lasting and it embodies durable mechanisms in it in order to prevent any future problems that could come out of it, if not all three have agreed to its mandates and provisions.
But what also Sudan is want to make sure is that, it wants to make sure that all the technical aspects of the agreement has been maintained and discussed thoroughly before the dam starts being filled in July. Particularly, they’re looking at mechanisms such as the data sharing, the safety of the dam, mechanisms for dispute resolution and so forth. And Sudan is trying to make sure that all three countries get to a conclusion and get to a better idea and a better agreement on how to go about this dam and how to benefit the most equitably between all three of them.
Kim Brown: Do you think the prime minister is promoting values of solidarity with Egypt and also concerns about the environment? Or is he more worried about trying to avoid a war with Egypt?
Khalid Ahmed: Okay, that’s a good question. When Sudan refused the initial agreement back in February, it was accused of taking sides … That it was taking side with Ethiopia against Egypt. And now, again, when Ethiopia approach Sudan for a side agreement, a partial agreement without Egypt and it refused, it was also accused that it might be taking side or solidarity with Egyptians. However, that’s not really what Sudan is trying to do. What Sudan is really trying to do is try to mediate an agreement between the three countries to reach a conclusive one that would actually guarantee that all aspects of the dam have been discussed thoroughly and agreed upon by all three countries.
For example, as I mentioned earlier, the data sharing and the mechanisms, and also, more importantly, the environmental and social implications of the dam. That needs to be clearly studied or agreed upon before July, before the rainy season starts in July, and before the filling up of the dam starts. Ethiopia, on the hand, believes that these are issues that shouldn’t be a precondition to signing the agreement and they should be dealt with at a latter time.
Kim Brown: In your opinion, or in your estimation, are there any non-African state players or corporate players that are, perhaps, meddling or interfering or jockeying for position in regards to interest as it relates to this project?
Khalid Ahmed: Well, yes and no. On the one hand, you will have all the 11 countries on the Nile basin, and these countries has historically been demanding the change to the Egypt [inaudible 00:09:41] over the Nile and Nile resources, and the amount of share that it has. And they have reached, in 2010, a cooperative framework agreement. Six of them actually reached an agreement that Egypt refused to sign because Egypt thought that it would diminish its veto right and its control over the Nile.
And they have been demanding an equitable share distribution of water between all these countries, because as I mentioned in the beginning of my conversation today, that water and energy resources are the most sought after in Africa. And they’re much needed for sustainable development projects. And if the Nile River doesn’t come to [inaudible 00:10:24], all 11, not just Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia, I think we will see a lot of problems in the future arising again. So I think you’re right, it’s not just between the three countries, but it is between all the 11 countries that share the Nile.
Kim Brown: Well, this is an incredibly fascinating topic. We know that the Nile provides so much water and resources to literally hundreds of millions of people on the African continent.
Khalid Ahmed: Yes, you’re right. And in fact, 280 million people rely on the river Nile, which is the longest in Africa and the second longest in the world. That means the river Nile actually is utilized and used by 280 million Africans who make up a quarter of the African population. And that’s a large number and that’s definitely a huge issue that’s going to need to be resolved in the near future.
Kim Brown: It’s so incredibly important that we are keeping tabs on what’s going on with this extremely valuable resource for the African continent. We’ve been speaking today with Khalid Ahmed, he is a professor. He teaches political science at the African Studies Department at the University of Toronto. He worked at the United Nations in Sudan in 2007. He’s been joining us today from Canada. Khalid, we appreciate your time today as always. Thank you.
Khalid Ahmed: Thank you for having me.
Kim Brown: And thank you for watching The Real News Network.
Production: Genevieve Montinar, Will Arenas
Studio: Will Arenas
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therealnews--2020-05-21--Stir Crazy! Episode #39: No One Will Save Us But Us

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Visual Producer (former)
Raised in southern New Jersey outside Philadelphia, and now residing in Baltimore Maryland, Andrew Corkery worked as a Visual Producer / Editor/ Researcher for the Real News Network. Prior to that he worked for nearly four years as Video Editor for CBS 3 Eyewitness News, and an Investigative Journalist for Spirit News both in Philadelphia. He graduated from Rider University in Lawrenceville, New Jersey in May of 2014 with a Bachelor's degree in Digital Media. While in college Andrew completed a media education and co op work program at CAPA London, working as a researcher and video editor for COAST, a digital strategy and brand film content production company.
Andrew maintains a relentlessly keen interest in all things geopolitics in almost every corner of the globe. He has since applied this passion and interest to his creative and investigative work as a producer, editor, journalist and videographer. One of his most impactful pieces focused on a story outlining how to combat Islamophobia in communities across the world, articulating the differences between Radical Islamists and the vast majority of people who follow Islam, while showing the many layers of nuance, both in politics and religion more broadly. That Story, "Islam in the Riverwards: PART 1 AND 2," along with "Being Black in Bridesburg", a story highlighting the impacts and legacy of racial injustice in a largely white community within Philadelphia, were both published in Spirit News and later featured in write ups from The Philadelphia Inquirer and Philadelphia Magazine.
With Andrew's career expanding experience of living and working abroad in mind, he recognizes the importance of staying connected to the world. The cornerstones of Andrew's work can always be found in uncovering the expansive impact of global events and political issues, while relating them to people's everyday lives, through the mediums of online video, film and writing. Finally, Andrew is currently the Lead Singer and Member Manager of a successful original alternative rock band called Shadowplay, based in Mt. Laurel, NJ, founded in 2008 at Lenape High School. The band has since performed over 200 shows, including performances at such festivals as SXSW, and opening up for bands like Tracy Guns, Weitz and The Parlor Mob.


therealnews--2020-05-21--What Impact Has Coronavirus Had On Policing?

Host
Jacqueline Luqman is a host and producer for TRNN. With more than 20 years as an activist in Washington, DC, Jacqueline focuses on examining the impact of current events and politics on Black, POC, and other marginalized communities in the US and around the world, providing a specific race and class analysis at the root of these issues. She is Editor-In-Chief and a co-host of the social media program Coffee, Current Events & Politics in Luqman Nation with her husband, and is active in the faith-focused progressive/left activist community.


therealnews--2020-05-21--‘Students Have Fallen Off The Face Of The Planet’

This is a rush transcript and may contain errors .
It will be updated .
Jaisal Noor : Welcome to The Real News .
I ’ m Jaisal Noor .
With schools closed due to COVID-19 , teaching that was once done in a classroom has been moved online .
This transition poses special challenges in districts where public policy has created wealth and opportunity gaps across racial and class lines .
Nationally , approximately 4 in 10 low income , African American and Latino households lack broadband access , according to Pew Research , and over 40 % of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and one in three didn ’ t have access to a computer at home , a new May 2020 report found .
Now joining us to discuss this is Franca [ Mollerpaz 00:00:45 ] .
She ’ s a teacher in Baltimore City and a member of the Baltimore Teachers ’ Union , and Kimberly Vasquez , a student and a member of SOMOS , a student group here in Baltimore .
Thank you both for joining us .
Jaisal Noor : So Kimberly , I wanted to start with you .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ online learning has impacted you and impacted your classmates .
Kimberly Vasque… : This has impacted me because now I find myself having to use the internet much more .
And personally , my family has the Internet Essentials package that Comcast provides and the package offers that ’ s 25 megabytes per second with upload speed and the download speed is three megabytes per second , which is honestly really low when it comes to video conferencing .
And I always get shut off just because the bandwidth isn ’ t strong @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also know that other colleagues have been using hotspot in order to complete homework assignments .
Jaisal Noor : And Franca , So you ’ re a teacher in Baltimore City .
How has this impacted what you do on a daily basis ?
Franca Mollerpa… : Yeah , I think it ’ s really important to know that these were things that were affecting students all the time .
So this was always something that was impacting students and you can really see the breakdowns by race .
So we knew that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ internet , greater than Black and Hispanic students in the city .
But at the time , before coronavirus and these shutdowns , I teach at Baltimore city college , I ’ ve been teaching for 10 years , and we were able to use our library , the resources we had , to really ensure that students were going to be able to do the work that they needed to do .
But now that they don ’ t have the access to that , or even public libraries to be able @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s relying on their home infrastructure .
And what that looks like is that I ’ ll hold a digital classroom with a handful of students in it .
Students who were incredibly committed to school , always working really hard on their assignments , would never miss a day , have fallen off the face of the planet for now .
And I haven ’ t seen them in weeks .
And that is really , really scary when you ’ re thinking these are students who really , really want to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
Also , recently the ESAL office released some data around dropouts , especially impacting ESAL students .
Jaisal Noor : And those are students where English as their second language ?
Franca Mollerpa… : Exactly .
So students who are learning English , they ’ re immigrant students , or at least those that are in high school are usually immigrant students , and they have almost one in two drop out rates already .
So now if we ’ re thinking about all of these students that we know are very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fear in me and the community of how many students are we losing each day that we ’ re never going to get back ?
And I think that is really , really frightening when we ’ re thinking about what are going to be the consequences of that in the future .
Jaisal Noor : And what you just described is especially important in a district like Baltimore where enrollment is declining overall but the population of speakers that aren ’ t English native speakers are one of the few populations that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something that the district needs to take very seriously .
So Kimberly talk about what kind of things you ’ ve been doing at home to help adapt these challenges you face now ?
Kimberly Vasque… : Well , as you may know , SOMOS is in a group called The Digital Equity Coalition , and this was made up from 70 plus organizations , students , and teachers .
And also , I want to thank Councilman Zee Cohen and City Council President Brandon Scott for their continuous support through this fight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are in need .
Through this coalition and testimonies , including mine and a fellow colleague of mine , Sashir [ Amoreo 00:00:05:34 ] , our Mayor Jackie Young approved $ 3 million from the Youth fund to provide internet access and devices to students in the city .
Baltimore schools has been giving out their own school devices , as well as even purchased 12,200 devices from the $ 3 million we ’ ve received , which I think is really impactful because I know many students who only have one device @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even more so it becomes into a challenge of who has priority over their schoolwork , as well as when it comes to parents and they ’ re working at home , do you prioritize the parent who needs to provide for their family or the student who has to pass their classes ?
Jaisal Noor : And Franca , we know that even before , something you alluded to even before the pandemic , there was a huge deficit in the funding that Baltimore City got .
It was something like $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decades .
As an educator , are you worried that the pandemic is going to exacerbate the existing gap between the have and have nots ?
Franca Mollerpa… : I think there ’ s no doubt that that ’ s going to take place and we ’ ve all been doing the best we can to try to help families sort of get through this period of time and help get students online .
It does mean , alluding to what Kimberly just said , schools have handed out every piece of technology @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help get them online .
And so whenever school resume again , all these schools that also had a technological deficit , schools that are functioning with three laptop cards , having to do all this online testing that takes them months because they have only three cards of computers to get things done .
All of those reserves of electronics are going to be seriously depleted and so we need to be thinking what ’ s going to happen with schools when we resume to make sure we ’ re supporting them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they made for families , but then making sure that we ’ re helping to get them back online .
Jaisal Noor : And Kimberly , let ’ s end with you .
So right now in Washington , D.C. , Senators are considering a bill called The Heroes Act , which right now the House version has $ 4 billion to expand broadband across the country for families that can ’ t afford it .
What is your message to policy makers , to lawmakers , that have a chance to sign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you think that they should support this ?
Why or why not ?
Kimberly Vasque… : Yes .
I think that they should support this because many students are relying , not even students , a lot of people through this pandemic are relying on internet access .
And I think having access to the internet right now could honestly impact how a student takes into consideration school , especially if the access isn ’ t easy , then it might disencourage a lot of people .
And I don ’ t want @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city , especially since it ’ s a high poverty rate city .
I know Baltimore City isn ’ t the only city struggling with this and I really want for there to be a change , especially since the United Nations stated that internet is a basic human right in one of their reports .
Jaisal Noor : And we know a lot of countries guarantee internet access or are working to build towards that , and like so many other things , the United States is far behind in ensuring those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you both for joining us .
Franca Mollerpaz is a teacher in Baltimore City .
Kimberly Vasquez is a student and a member of SOMOS , a student group that has been working to raise money and to get money into Baltimore City schools and especially to help bridge this divide when it comes to access for technology .
Thank you both for joining us .
Jaisal Noor : And thank you for joining us at the Real News Network .

Remote learning has created huge barriers to learning for low income communities of color, where four in ten families lack high speed internet access.
Story Transcript
This is a rush transcript and may contain errors. It will be updated.
Jaisal Noor: Welcome to The Real News. I’m Jaisal Noor. With schools closed due to COVID-19, teaching that was once done in a classroom has been moved online. This transition poses special challenges in districts where public policy has created wealth and opportunity gaps across racial and class lines. Nationally, approximately 4 in 10 low income, African American and Latino households lack broadband access, according to Pew Research, and over 40% of Baltimore City households lack broadband internet access, and one in three didn’t have access to a computer at home, a new May 2020 report found. Now joining us to discuss this is Franca [Mollerpaz 00:00:45]. She’s a teacher in Baltimore City and a member of the Baltimore Teachers’ Union, and Kimberly Vasquez, a student and a member of SOMOS, a student group here in Baltimore. Thank you both for joining us.
Franca Mollerpa…: Thank you.
Jaisal Noor: So Kimberly, I wanted to start with you. Talk about how this switch to virtual online learning has impacted you and impacted your classmates.
Kimberly Vasque…: This has impacted me because now I find myself having to use the internet much more. And personally, my family has the Internet Essentials package that Comcast provides and the package offers that’s 25 megabytes per second with upload speed and the download speed is three megabytes per second, which is honestly really low when it comes to video conferencing. And I always get shut off just because the bandwidth isn’t strong enough for my laptop. And I also know that other colleagues have been using hotspot in order to complete homework assignments.
Jaisal Noor: And Franca, So you’re a teacher in Baltimore City. How has this impacted what you do on a daily basis?
Franca Mollerpa…: Yeah, I think it’s really important to know that these were things that were affecting students all the time. So this was always something that was impacting students and you can really see the breakdowns by race. So we knew that White students had greater access to broadband internet, greater than Black and Hispanic students in the city. But at the time, before coronavirus and these shutdowns, I teach at Baltimore city college, I’ve been teaching for 10 years, and we were able to use our library, the resources we had, to really ensure that students were going to be able to do the work that they needed to do. But now that they don’t have the access to that, or even public libraries to be able to use, that means everything’s relying on their home infrastructure. And what that looks like is that I’ll hold a digital classroom with a handful of students in it.
Students who were incredibly committed to school, always working really hard on their assignments, would never miss a day, have fallen off the face of the planet for now. And I haven’t seen them in weeks. And that is really, really scary when you’re thinking these are students who really, really want to be engaged and yet where are they? Also, recently the ESAL office released some data around dropouts, especially impacting ESAL students.
Jaisal Noor: And those are students where English as their second language?
Franca Mollerpa…: Exactly. So students who are learning English, they’re immigrant students, or at least those that are in high school are usually immigrant students, and they have almost one in two drop out rates already. So now if we’re thinking about all of these students that we know are very disconnected from broadband it puts really the fear in me and the community of how many students are we losing each day that we’re never going to get back? And I think that is really, really frightening when we’re thinking about what are going to be the consequences of that in the future.
Jaisal Noor: And what you just described is especially important in a district like Baltimore where enrollment is declining overall but the population of speakers that aren’t English native speakers are one of the few populations that are actually rising. So that is something that the district needs to take very seriously. So Kimberly talk about what kind of things you’ve been doing at home to help adapt these challenges you face now?
Kimberly Vasque…: Well, as you may know, SOMOS is in a group called The Digital Equity Coalition, and this was made up from 70 plus organizations, students, and teachers. And also, I want to thank Councilman Zee Cohen and City Council President Brandon Scott for their continuous support through this fight to get internet access to families who are in need. Through this coalition and testimonies, including mine and a fellow colleague of mine, Sashir [Amoreo 00:00:05:34], our Mayor Jackie Young approved $3 million from the Youth fund to provide internet access and devices to students in the city. Baltimore schools has been giving out their own school devices, as well as even purchased 12,200 devices from the $3 million we’ve received, which I think is really impactful because I know many students who only have one device but they have three siblings or sometimes even more so it becomes into a challenge of who has priority over their schoolwork, as well as when it comes to parents and they’re working at home, do you prioritize the parent who needs to provide for their family or the student who has to pass their classes?
Jaisal Noor: And Franca, we know that even before, something you alluded to even before the pandemic, there was a huge deficit in the funding that Baltimore City got. It was something like $4 billion over the past couple of decades. As an educator, are you worried that the pandemic is going to exacerbate the existing gap between the have and have nots?
Franca Mollerpa…: I think there’s no doubt that that’s going to take place and we’ve all been doing the best we can to try to help families sort of get through this period of time and help get students online. It does mean, alluding to what Kimberly just said, schools have handed out every piece of technology that they could give to students to help get them online. And so whenever school resume again, all these schools that also had a technological deficit, schools that are functioning with three laptop cards, having to do all this online testing that takes them months because they have only three cards of computers to get things done. All of those reserves of electronics are going to be seriously depleted and so we need to be thinking what’s going to happen with schools when we resume to make sure we’re supporting them and acknowledging the work and sacrifice that they made for families, but then making sure that we’re helping to get them back online.
Jaisal Noor: And Kimberly, let’s end with you. So right now in Washington, D.C., Senators are considering a bill called The Heroes Act, which right now the House version has $4 billion to expand broadband across the country for families that can’t afford it. What is your message to policy makers, to lawmakers, that have a chance to sign this into law right now? Do you think that they should support this? Why or why not?
Kimberly Vasque…: Yes. I think that they should support this because many students are relying, not even students, a lot of people through this pandemic are relying on internet access. And I think having access to the internet right now could honestly impact how a student takes into consideration school, especially if the access isn’t easy, then it might disencourage a lot of people. And I don’t want to see more dropout rates in our city, especially since it’s a high poverty rate city. I know Baltimore City isn’t the only city struggling with this and I really want for there to be a change, especially since the United Nations stated that internet is a basic human right in one of their reports.
Jaisal Noor: And we know a lot of countries guarantee internet access or are working to build towards that, and like so many other things, the United States is far behind in ensuring those basic rights. I want to thank you both for joining us. Franca Mollerpaz is a teacher in Baltimore City. Kimberly Vasquez is a student and a member of SOMOS, a student group that has been working to raise money and to get money into Baltimore City schools and especially to help bridge this divide when it comes to access for technology. Thank you both for joining us.
Franca Mollerpa…: Thank you.
Jaisal Noor: And thank you for joining us at the Real News Network.
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therealnews--2020-05-23--Can Sex Workers Survive COVID-19 When The Government Won’t Give Aid?

Host & Producer
Taya Graham is an award-winning investigative reporter who has covered U.S. politics, local government, and the criminal justice system. She is the host of TRNN's "Police Accountability Report," and producer and co-creator of the award-winning podcast "Truth and Reconciliation" on Baltimore's NPR affiliate WYPR. She has written extensively for a variety of publications including the Afro American Newspaper, the oldest black-owned publication in the country, and was a frequent contributor to Morgan State Radio at a historic HBCU. She has also produced two documentaries, including the feature-length film "The Friendliest Town." Although her reporting focuses on the criminal justice system and government accountability, she has provided on the ground coverage of presidential primaries and elections as well as local and state campaigns. Follow her on Twitter.


therealnews--2020-05-22--Stir Crazy! Episode #40: Hero Pay? More Like Zero Pay!


therealnews--2020-05-22--Inside America’s Cash-Hungry Plainclothes Police Units

This is a rush transcript and may contain errors .
It will be updated .
Taya Graham : Hello .
My name is Taya Graham and welcome to the Police Accountability Report .
As I never get tired of saying , the point of this show is to hold police accountable .
To do so , we don ’ t just focus on the behavior of bad cops , but we examine the underlying political economy that makes police malfeasance possible .
Today , we ’ re going to be focusing on these specialized units that use military-style tactics that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s war on drugs .
But we ’ re not just going to talk about what they do .
We ’ re going to speak with an insider , who will reveal some startling revelations , in what makes these types of cops tick .
We will also be joined by an LA-based cop watcher and get her perspective on the growth of specialized police units .
But before I get started , I want you watching to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct or brutality , please share it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to investigate .
Please reach out to us .
You can email us tips privately at [ email protected ] and share your evidence of police misconduct .
Of course , you can message me directly at [ inaudible 00:01:03 ] Baltimore on Facebook and Twitter , and please like , share and comment .
You know , I read your comments and appreciate it .
Now , that ’ s out of the way .
If there is any dominant symbol of our evolution towards a more aggressive and militarized policing , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ m talking about groups of plain-clothed , police officers who have prosecuted this country ’ s war on drugs , conducted risky , no-knock warrants and been at the forefront of asset forfeiture , taking property without due process .
It ’ s a style of policing that can lead to destructive consequences .
Take for example , Baltimore ’ s Gun Trace Task Force , a group of now nine officers who robbed residents , dealt drugs and stole overtime .
Last week we witnessed a tragic example of how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ death of Brianna Taylor .
Taylor was home with her boyfriend in Louisville , Kentucky , when a plain-clothed narcotics unit executed a no-knock warrant .
The police used a battering ram to break down the door and stormed in the house , without announcing who they were .
In the ensuing mayhem , Taylor ’ s boyfriend , Kenneth Walker fired a single shot , striking one of these police officers .
You can see it on the screen in the leg .
The cops returned fire , striking Taylor eight times @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but that wasn ’ t the end of the story .
It turns out , the man police were hunting had already been arrested at another location .
Despite the fact there was no evidence , either Taylor or her boyfriend had sold drugs , police raided the home .
In fact , the only evidence police used to justify the no-knock warrant was the suspicion that the suspect had used her address to ship illegal narcotics .
It ’ s worth noting that the state of Kentucky has a Stand Your Ground @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a person has the right to defend themselves .
Since both Taylor ’ s neighbors and her lawyers say police did not announce their presence before storming into the house , many civil rights activists have questioned why Walker has been charged with attempted murder .
Technically , the Kentucky law does not apply to force use against police officers , but there ’ s a caveat .
If police don ’ t announce themselves , as alleged in this case , then the use of force against them is considered warranted , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kentucky Attorney General ’ s Office , who is now handling the case , why Walker is still facing charges .
Of course , the execution of no-knock warrants is not an uncommon practice .
According to a report from the Louisville Courier , the use of no-knock warrants has risen dramatically in the past 40 years .
In fact , the newspaper reported that there were on average , 3000 per year , and now that total is approaching 60,000 annually .
What this says about the state of our constitutional rights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ link between the imperative driving , plain-clothed policing that we have uncovered and the use of tactics that endanger all of us , that is even more troubling .
As you know , on the show , we always try to dig deeper into every story we report .
We attempt to unearth previously unreported facts and speak to people who are willing to reveal the truth about American policing .
Today is no exception because we have an in-depth interview from a person who actually used to run one of these units @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
His name is Neil Franklin , and he ’ s a former State Police Commander , who ran a plain-clothed drug interdiction unit for years .
In 2018 , Franklin agreed to sit down with my reporting partner , Stephen Janis to discuss what drives these ad-hoc units and how things like money actually steer their investigations .
For the first time today , we are airing what he told us to discuss the interview .
I ’ m joined by Stephen to give us an overview of what he said and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you for joining us .
Stephen Janis : Thanks for having me .
I appreciate it .
Taya Graham : Now , before we play the interview , Neil , who has been a guest before on our show , has had an interesting career .
Can you tell us about it ?
Stephen Janis : Yeah .
Along with being the head of a narcotics unit for the State Police , he was also a commander in the Baltimore City Police department and he headed up their training division , so he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experience in law enforcement .
Taya Graham : Steven .
Now , before we play the key clips , what was the topic of the interview and why were we speaking to him and what were you trying to learn ?
Stephen Janis : Well , at that point , we were investigating a Worcester County drug unit in Worcester County , which is in Maryland ’ s lower Eastern shore , who had been harassing Kelvin Sewell , a police officer in Pocomoke City .
He was trying to Institute community policing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unannounced and raiding people ’ s homes and stirring up problems for Kelvin Sewell and the black community .
We had been looking into them and wanting to learn more about how these units operated , and we found out a lot of interesting things from him .
Neil Franklin : Drug task forces and the way they operate , it was interesting .
They ’ re interesting entities , because they ’ re not governed by one jurisdiction .
They ’ re not governed by a Mayor ’ s office .
They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They ’ re not governed by a County Executive .
They ’ re this Willy-nilly group of folks who have come together to do whatever they want to do , and tie it to drug enforcement .
They seized a lot of money .
They seized a lot of cash .
It ’ s a lot of money .
It ’ s a lot of cars , motorcycles , homes , boats , you name it .
There ’ s no direct accountability over top of that .
A lot of times @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to go after , or what target to go after , what person to go after .
We were making that decision upon the value of their assets .
We ’ d do financial workups on people , and that ’ s how we would target a lot of these folks .
Do they own their property ?
Yeah , we looked at liens .
Do they own their cars ?
We look at liens , motorcycles , boats , whatever else they had .
Then we ’ d start to do the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ d hear somebody undercover saying , “ That ’ s going to be my next undercover car.
” Taya Graham : Stephen , what is your reaction to Neil ’ s assertion , drug units would run financial workups to determine who to investigate ?
What does that tell us about the other ways we ’ ve discussed policing on past shows ?
Stephen Janis : Well , I think what it says to me is that the need and search for profit and the profit incentive , completely warps policing to its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when Neil told me this , I was stunned about how naked it was , how they didn ’ t even make any excuses or pretense as in terms of why they were investigating .
Also I think , for once and for all , completely undermines any of the impetus for the war on drugs , that the war on drugs is nothing but an industry based on exploiting communities and extracting wealth from communities that can least afford it .
Taya Graham : Now , as we always like to do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t just talk to insiders and experts , but rather , seek out the opinions and perspectives of people on the front lines of citizen journalism , who are holding police accountable through their own YouTube channels , and tireless reporting .
Today , we ’ re joined by Laura Shark , an LA cop watcher .
Who ’ s been following the police department and recording their interactions for several years .
Laura , thank you so much for joining us today .
Laura Shark : Thank you for having me .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ been , watching drug enforcement units ?
What have you seen and recorded ?
Laura Shark : I ’ ve seen a lot of videos about the [ inaudible 00:08:19 ] raids and how tragic they can turn out with the no-knock raids .
Taya Graham : Now , we spoke to a former commander of a drug enforcement unit and he said their primary motive was financial .
Do you think this is a common imperative of drug units who benefit from asset forfeiture ?
Laura Shark : Yes .
I believe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police for profit , basically .
What I ’ ve read into and what I ’ ve witnessed , I mean , it just , it does seem linked .
Then that gives them incentive to pick a victim , basically .
Taya Graham : Laura , you have a video here where you caught on camera part of the process we ’ re talking about , taking property from people who are charged with a crime .
Can you describe the scene for us ?
Laura Shark : I ’ m on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Los Angeles Police Department and they ’ re arresting two females for prostitution , soliciting sex .
I ’ m not sure the legal term really , but , and they are taking their property , which was a lot of money .
It dawned on me that , I mean , aside , there ’ s obviously the drug raids and that asset forfeiture part , but there ’ s also street police for profits where , it ’ s like , essentially in my opinion , the police are the pimps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ secondary pen .
They ’ re collecting money and they ’ re accepting that money that these women made and whatever their struggles are , it it gets pretty dark .
I also talked to a prostitute later on and ask them straight up , “ Do they keep your money ?
” She said , “ They ’ re not supposed to , but it just depends on the cop , but usually yeah .
Or , they demand sexual favors.
” I mean , that ’ s a whole different issue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with forfeiture .
Taya Graham : Laura , let ’ s go to your video from May 4th .
Can you describe for us what we ’ re seeing here ?
Laura Shark : We were listening to the scanner .
We heard them say , “ Officer ’ s still , in a fight .
We see a female deputy running .
They were saying something about [ inaudible 00:10:29 ] .
We could see she had something in her hand and Tom Zebra started yelling , “ Leave him alone.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just stops in her tracks .
She went back to her unit , I assume to put whatever she got back .
They weren ’ t done with them until we showed up basically .
I didn ’ t see the suspect right away .
I saw three deputies on the ground , behind a bush .
Then we were pushed back by Deputy Gomez , to film .
He threatened to arrest us , if we didn ’ t abide by his words .
Basically too , when they try to claim @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re just trying to get you out of the area .
But there was a point where , and I ’ m pointing the direction of three deputies , when all of a sudden they sit this man up and it was horrific .
It really shocked me .
I really wasn ’ t expecting that .
I ’ ve seen , I mean , I ’ ve recorded obviously many , many , many , many police contacts , but that literally was like , I was speechless .
I mean @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was just holding back tears because of the state of this man ’ s face was just so disfigured .
It was like , is he even human ?
It was just , and then , I ’ ve actually recorded these deputies many times , so I almost feel like they knew me , I know them , and I was angry .
I was very angry .
Taya Graham : What kind of hostility have you endured as a cop watcher , just for recording the actions of law enforcement .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ I first started , I feel like even though I mentioned Tom Zebra , he ’ s been doing this for over a decade .
In my mind , I thought he had already set the mold for police departments , but come to find out still most police departments weren ’ t used to the concept .
They weren ’ t telling me to stop necessarily , but they ’ ve pushed me back as far as I could .
Their hostility , there were a lot , they were very rude @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I stayed with that department because I was so shocked by their response to me , I just focused in , on them , LAPD Harbor Division and you slowly but surely it ’ s like , “ Hi Laura , hi , Laura.
” They get used to me , but , I ’ ve been to many other departments and basically what they do , is just put up tape and get you out of their hair .
Taya Graham : Do you think your work and the work of others @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how law enforcement operates ?
For example , when you were shooting this video , the officers noticed you and it altered their behavior , correct ?
Laura Shark : Yes .
For [ inaudible 00:12:58 ] we saw that the female deputy running up to stopping in her tracks .
It was something that I remember , Tom Zebra have seen .
He ’ s like , “ What does it mean OC ?
We were running up and he said , “ They ’ re going to go get OC , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I remember him saying that .
I remember seeing the deputy , but at that point already , I was trying to focus on where the suspect was .
But yeah , I mean , when it comes to changing the actions of the officers , it happens a lot .
I mean , it happens to the point where , because even , again , the LAPD , they recognize me .
As soon as I ’ m starting to walk up , it ’ s like all of a sudden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , go ahead .
I ’ m like , “ Well , why do you have to stop him to begin ?
” Situations like that , where I feel like the difference is that they know they can ’ t … I guess technically , they do what they want , but they know that my video will be available right away and it ’ s harder for them to cover their tracks when they don ’ t have enough time .
I mean , I ’ m going a little bit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t really feel like I ’ m going to change the police , to be honest .
That has never been my intention , to change police .
I feel like that ’ s a pipe dream .
They have , I mean , there might be organizations or people out there that can take on such a task , but me , I ’ m more focused on the citizens , the public and educating on your rights .
This is what happens with police every day .
Taya Graham : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the link between policing and profit can not be ignored .
Both our guests , Neil Franklin , and Laura Shark , document in some detail , how the process of law enforcement is fueled , at least in part , by the search for cash , that this link has evolved hand in hand with the interminable war on drugs , and the rise of aggressive policing can not be discounted .
It ’ s a fusion of the power to search and seize with the allure of personal and private @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I mean , let ’ s face it .
As Neil pointed out , officers could literally drive the cars they confiscated in drug rates .
They were actually allowed to partake in these so-called spoils of the war , and in this case , the war on drugs .
How in any practical sense , could this incentivizing of law enforcement , not end badly ?
How can any society sacrifice its civil rights to the altar of profit acquired to punishment ?
How can we expect reform if plainclothes officers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ barely supervised , to execute dangerous , no-knock warrants , based upon the flimsiest of evidence ?
These are questions that deserve answers , but let ’ s be clear .
Just looking at the facts , that the risk of no-knock warrants are real and often lead to tragic consequences .
Consider the case of Aiyana Jones .
It was 10 years ago , this May , that a SWAT team officer shot and killed the seven-year old girl in her Detroit home during a no-knock warrant .
Officers stormed into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a murder suspect , but they had the wrong address .
The officers first launched a flash grenade into the living room before busting through the front door .
In the ensuing chaos , Officer Joseph Weekley fired a single shot from his AR-15 , killing the young girl , who was sitting on the couch , in the arms of her grandmother .
At first , Officer Weekley said Aiyana ’ s grandmother had grabbed the gun , prompting it to discharge unintentionally , but evidence later showed that the story @ @ @ @ @ @ @ manslaughter .
After three trials , the charges against Weekley were dropped .
What has received less attention , is that this case also fits the profile of policing for profit .
While the connection is less direct , it shows how the intersection between money and law enforcement , policing and propaganda , work hand in hand to justify these types of raids .
That ’ s because Officer Weekley was a frequent star of the reality TV show produced by the A & E channel , called The First 48 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was called the brain as one of many heroic officers solving homicide on the streets of Detroit .
The program heavily touted the efficacy of the Detroit police department on a national network , which netted hundreds of millions of dollars in profit annually .
But in reality , The First 48 was part of the heavily problematic propaganda we have discussed frequently on the show .
Hours of programming in the innards of police investigations , bolstered by advertising .
In other words , once again , monetizing the criminal justice system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ motivated by safety and service .
It is such a profitable enterprise apparently , according to CBS Detroit , that one of the crew members who filmed the botched raid , actually lie to investigators , to protect Officer Weekley , and was then charged herself , a stark and direct link between cash , corruption , justice , and profits , that clearly raises questions about the imperative driving American policing .
I mean , think about it .
All the so-called performers in these shows work for free .
In other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ channels reap profits from mining human tragedy for entertainment fodder , the only people who foot the bill is us .
That ’ s because all the officer ’ s depicted in the so-called surfeit of a reality TV , are still being paid by the cities , which employ them .
As far as we know , there is no compensation that goes to the communities , which pay the cop salaries or health benefits or their pensions .
No , that burden falls on the same poor families in Detroit , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policing that is often questionable in its efficacy and usefulness , but also foot the bill when things go wrong .
It is in some sense , hard to understand , but also revealing .
Obscenely profitable entertainment companies , creating hours of cop- aganda , without paying a dime to communities that actually fund it .
How much clearer of a picture can we paint about what ails law enforcement and how far does this process from monetizing injustice have to go before our political leaders say enough ?
To emphasize how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to end the show on a story that I reported on , but whose consequences live with me to this day .
It was the story of Lawrence Christian .
He was a lifelong steelworker who retired 10 years ago and it was hoping to live out his days in an affordable housing row home in Baltimore .
But one day a courier showed up at his door with a package addressed to a man he didn ’ t know .
When he refused to accept it , the supposed postal worker threw @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a specialized unit of plain- clothed officers stormed into his house and arrested him for drug dealing .
Lawrence Christ… : I come downstairs , open the door and he said , “ I have a package .
I have a package for Nigel Williams.
” I said , “ Nigel Williams don ’ t live there.
” “ What ’ s your name ?
” I said , “ My name ’ s Lawrence Christian.
” Then he say , “ Well , that ’ s your address on it .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ it and he ’ ll pick it up later.
” I said , “ F , no.
” Taya Graham : The charges turned out to be false and baseless and they were dropped , but it was too late for Lawrence .
As he told us in 2015 , the landlord used the alleged crime to evict him from his home before he went to trial .
So , Lawrence was homeless , a man who worked his whole life , a father and grandfather , forced onto the streets by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ listen .
Lawrence Christ… : It ’ s terrible .
It ’ s really terrible .
I feel like I ’ ve been tossed away for something I didn ’ t do .
Taya Graham : Since we spoke to him , Lawrence has disappeared .
We ’ ve not been able to connect with him or speak with relatives who might put us in touch .
He has , in some sense , vanished .
For that reason , I will make an appeal here and now , that Lawrence , if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who knows him is watching , please reach out to us .
Please let us know .
As with all the people we speak with as journalists , you are not forgotten and we will not forget the story you shared with us or the life you lived .
That is my promise to you , and to everyone that comes on this show .
I want to thank my guests , Laura Shark for her incredible work , documenting police in LA and across the country .
Laura , thank you for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Laura Shark : Thanks for having me .
I really enjoyed this .
Taya Graham : I want to thank intrepid reporter , Stephen Janis for his investigative reporting , writing and editing .
Thank you , Stephen .
Stephen Janis : Thanks for having me .
Let ’ s continue this conversation .
Taya Graham : Of course , I have to thank friend of the show , NOLA D. for her support and for introducing me to Laura .
Thank you Nola D. and I want you watching to know , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ misconduct or brutality , please share it with us and we might be able to investigate .
Please reach out to us .
You can email us tips privately at [ email protected ] and share your evidence of police misconduct .
You can also message us at Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram or at EyesonPolice on Twitter .
Of course , you can message me directly at [ inaudible 00:21:42 ] Baltimore on Twitter and Facebook , and please like , share and comment .
I read your comments , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can .
My name is Taya Graham .
I ’ m your host for the Police Accountability Report .
Please , be safe out there .

Breonna Taylor, an EMT, was shot eight times in a botched no-knock drug raid. PAR interviews an ex-cop who tells the truth about drug raids, warrants, and asset forfeiture, and speaks with cop watcher Laura Shark.
Story Transcript
This is a rush transcript and may contain errors. It will be updated.
Taya Graham: Hello. My name is Taya Graham and welcome to the Police Accountability Report. As I never get tired of saying, the point of this show is to hold police accountable. To do so, we don’t just focus on the behavior of bad cops, but we examine the underlying political economy that makes police malfeasance possible. Today, we’re going to be focusing on these specialized units that use military-style tactics that have come to define our country’s war on drugs. But we’re not just going to talk about what they do. We’re going to speak with an insider, who will reveal some startling revelations, in what makes these types of cops tick. We will also be joined by an LA-based cop watcher and get her perspective on the growth of specialized police units. But before I get started, I want you watching to know that if you have evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate.
Please reach out to us. You can email us tips privately at Tara@therealnews.com and share your evidence of police misconduct. Of course, you can message me directly at [inaudible 00:01:03] Baltimore on Facebook and Twitter, and please like, share and comment. You know, I read your comments and appreciate it. Now ,that’s out of the way. If there is any dominant symbol of our evolution towards a more aggressive and militarized policing, it’s the specialized unit. I’m talking about groups of plain-clothed, police officers who have prosecuted this country’s war on drugs, conducted risky, no-knock warrants and been at the forefront of asset forfeiture, taking property without due process. It’s a style of policing that can lead to destructive consequences. Take for example, Baltimore’s Gun Trace Task Force, a group of now nine officers who robbed residents, dealt drugs and stole overtime. Last week we witnessed a tragic example of how these units have transformed policing with the death of Brianna Taylor.
Taylor was home with her boyfriend in Louisville, Kentucky, when a plain-clothed narcotics unit executed a no-knock warrant. The police used a battering ram to break down the door and stormed in the house, without announcing who they were. In the ensuing mayhem, Taylor’s boyfriend, Kenneth Walker fired a single shot, striking one of these police officers. You can see it on the screen in the leg. The cops returned fire, striking Taylor eight times, killing her on the scene, but that wasn’t the end of the story. It turns out, the man police were hunting had already been arrested at another location. Despite the fact there was no evidence, either Taylor or her boyfriend had sold drugs, police raided the home. In fact, the only evidence police used to justify the no-knock warrant was the suspicion that the suspect had used her address to ship illegal narcotics.
It’s worth noting that the state of Kentucky has a Stand Your Ground Law, meaning when under threat, a person has the right to defend themselves. Since both Taylor’s neighbors and her lawyers say police did not announce their presence before storming into the house, many civil rights activists have questioned why Walker has been charged with attempted murder. Technically, the Kentucky law does not apply to force use against police officers, but there’s a caveat. If police don’t announce themselves, as alleged in this case, then the use of force against them is considered warranted, which is why we have asked the Kentucky Attorney General’s Office, who is now handling the case, why Walker is still facing charges. Of course, the execution of no-knock warrants is not an uncommon practice. According to a report from the Louisville Courier, the use of no-knock warrants has risen dramatically in the past 40 years.
In fact, the newspaper reported that there were on average, 3000 per year, and now that total is approaching 60,000 annually. What this says about the state of our constitutional rights is troubling, but it is the link between the imperative driving, plain-clothed policing that we have uncovered and the use of tactics that endanger all of us, that is even more troubling. As you know, on the show, we always try to dig deeper into every story we report. We attempt to unearth previously unreported facts and speak to people who are willing to reveal the truth about American policing. Today is no exception because we have an in-depth interview from a person who actually used to run one of these units. What he told us is revelatory. His name is Neil Franklin, and he’s a former State Police Commander, who ran a plain-clothed drug interdiction unit for years.
In 2018, Franklin agreed to sit down with my reporting partner, Stephen Janis to discuss what drives these ad-hoc units and how things like money actually steer their investigations. For the first time today, we are airing what he told us to discuss the interview. I’m joined by Stephen to give us an overview of what he said and what it means. Stephen, thank you for joining us.
Stephen Janis: Thanks for having me. I appreciate it.
Taya Graham: Now, before we play the interview, Neil, who has been a guest before on our show, has had an interesting career. Can you tell us about it?
Stephen Janis: Yeah. Along with being the head of a narcotics unit for the State Police, he was also a commander in the Baltimore City Police department and he headed up their training division, so he’s had a broad swath of experience in law enforcement.
Taya Graham: Steven. Now, before we play the key clips, what was the topic of the interview and why were we speaking to him and what were you trying to learn?
Stephen Janis: Well, at that point, we were investigating a Worcester County drug unit in Worcester County, which is in Maryland’s lower Eastern shore, who had been harassing Kelvin Sewell, a police officer in Pocomoke City. He was trying to Institute community policing. They kept coming into town, unannounced and raiding people’s homes and stirring up problems for Kelvin Sewell and the black community. We had been looking into them and wanting to learn more about how these units operated, and we found out a lot of interesting things from him.
Neil Franklin: Drug task forces and the way they operate, it was interesting. They’re interesting entities, because they’re not governed by one jurisdiction. They’re not governed by a Mayor’s office. They’re not governed by the Governor. They’re not governed by a County Executive. They’re this Willy-nilly group of folks who have come together to do whatever they want to do, and tie it to drug enforcement. They seized a lot of money. They seized a lot of cash. It’s a lot of money. It’s a lot of cars, motorcycles, homes, boats, you name it. There’s no direct accountability over top of that. A lot of times, we were deciding upon what car to go after, or what target to go after, what person to go after. We were making that decision upon the value of their assets. We’d do financial workups on people, and that’s how we would target a lot of these folks. Do they own their property? Yeah, we looked at liens. Do they own their cars? We look at liens, motorcycles, boats, whatever else they had. Then we’d start to do the work up. Many times you’d hear somebody undercover saying, “That’s going to be my next undercover car.”
Taya Graham: Stephen, what is your reaction to Neil’s assertion, drug units would run financial workups to determine who to investigate? What does that tell us about the other ways we’ve discussed policing on past shows?
Stephen Janis: Well, I think what it says to me is that the need and search for profit and the profit incentive, completely warps policing to its core. I think I, even when Neil told me this, I was stunned about how naked it was, how they didn’t even make any excuses or pretense as in terms of why they were investigating. Also I think, for once and for all, completely undermines any of the impetus for the war on drugs, that the war on drugs is nothing but an industry based on exploiting communities and extracting wealth from communities that can least afford it.
Taya Graham: Now, as we always like to do on this show, we don’t just talk to insiders and experts, but rather, seek out the opinions and perspectives of people on the front lines of citizen journalism, who are holding police accountable through their own YouTube channels, and tireless reporting. Today, we’re joined by Laura Shark, an LA cop watcher. Who’s been following the police department and recording their interactions for several years. Laura, thank you so much for joining us today.
Laura Shark: Thank you for having me.
Taya Graham: What has your experience been, watching drug enforcement units? What have you seen and recorded?
Laura Shark: I’ve seen a lot of videos about the [inaudible 00:08:19] raids and how tragic they can turn out with the no-knock raids.
Taya Graham: Now, we spoke to a former commander of a drug enforcement unit and he said their primary motive was financial. Do you think this is a common imperative of drug units who benefit from asset forfeiture?
Laura Shark: Yes. I believe there’s a big problem with police for profit, basically. What I’ve read into and what I’ve witnessed, I mean, it just, it does seem linked. Then that gives them incentive to pick a victim, basically.
Taya Graham: Laura, you have a video here where you caught on camera part of the process we’re talking about, taking property from people who are charged with a crime. Can you describe the scene for us?
Laura Shark: I’m on Figaro in Los Angeles, recording the Los Angeles Police Department and they’re arresting two females for prostitution, soliciting sex. I’m not sure the legal term really, but, and they are taking their property, which was a lot of money. It dawned on me that, I mean, aside, there’s obviously the drug raids and that asset forfeiture part, but there’s also street police for profits where, it’s like, essentially in my opinion, the police are the pimps. They’re just like a secondary pen. They’re collecting money and they’re accepting that money that these women made and whatever their struggles are, it it gets pretty dark. I also talked to a prostitute later on and ask them straight up, “Do they keep your money?”
She said, “They’re not supposed to, but it just depends on the cop, but usually yeah. Or, they demand sexual favors.” I mean, that’s a whole different issue, but it still falls in line with forfeiture.
Taya Graham: Laura, let’s go to your video from May 4th. Can you describe for us what we’re seeing here?
Laura Shark: We were listening to the scanner. We heard them say, “Officer’s still, in a fight. We see a female deputy running. They were saying something about [inaudible 00:10:29]. We could see she had something in her hand and Tom Zebra started yelling, “Leave him alone.” Then all of a sudden, she just stops in her tracks. She went back to her unit, I assume to put whatever she got back. They weren’t done with them until we showed up basically. I didn’t see the suspect right away. I saw three deputies on the ground, behind a bush. Then we were pushed back by Deputy Gomez, to film. He threatened to arrest us, if we didn’t abide by his words. Basically too, when they try to claim a crime scene, it means they’re just trying to get you out of the area. But there was a point where, and I’m pointing the direction of three deputies, when all of a sudden they sit this man up and it was horrific. It really shocked me.
I really wasn’t expecting that. I’ve seen, I mean, I’ve recorded obviously many, many, many, many police contacts, but that literally was like, I was speechless. I mean, I based, Oh, I was just holding back tears because of the state of this man’s face was just so disfigured. It was like, is he even human? It was just, and then, I’ve actually recorded these deputies many times, so I almost feel like they knew me, I know them, and I was angry. I was very angry.
Taya Graham: What kind of hostility have you endured as a cop watcher, just for recording the actions of law enforcement.
Laura Shark: In very beginning when I first started, I feel like even though I mentioned Tom Zebra, he’s been doing this for over a decade. In my mind, I thought he had already set the mold for police departments, but come to find out still most police departments weren’t used to the concept. They weren’t telling me to stop necessarily, but they’ve pushed me back as far as I could. Their hostility, there were a lot, they were very rude, very cynical. Then, because I stayed with that department because I was so shocked by their response to me, I just focused in, on them, LAPD Harbor Division and you slowly but surely it’s like, “Hi Laura, hi, Laura.” They get used to me, but, I’ve been to many other departments and basically what they do, is just put up tape and get you out of their hair.
Taya Graham: Do you think your work and the work of others like you, has any effect on how law enforcement operates? For example, when you were shooting this video, the officers noticed you and it altered their behavior, correct?
Laura Shark: Yes. For [inaudible 00:12:58] we saw that the female deputy running up to stopping in her tracks. It was something that I remember, Tom Zebra have seen. He’s like, “What does it mean OC? We were running up and he said, “They’re going to go get OC,” and I’m running up. I remember him saying that. I remember seeing the deputy, but at that point already, I was trying to focus on where the suspect was. But yeah, I mean, when it comes to changing the actions of the officers, it happens a lot. I mean, it happens to the point where, because even, again, the LAPD, they recognize me. As soon as I’m starting to walk up, it’s like all of a sudden the stops over. Okay. Okay, go ahead. I’m like, “Well, why do you have to stop him to begin?” Situations like that, where I feel like the difference is that they know they can’t … I guess technically, they do what they want, but they know that my video will be available right away and it’s harder for them to cover their tracks when they don’t have enough time.
I mean, I’m going a little bit above your question, but I don’t really feel like I’m going to change the police, to be honest. That has never been my intention, to change police. I feel like that’s a pipe dream. They have, I mean, there might be organizations or people out there that can take on such a task, but me, I’m more focused on the citizens, the public and educating on your rights. This is what happens with police every day.
Taya Graham: It’s clear once again, that the link between policing and profit can not be ignored. Both our guests, Neil Franklin, and Laura Shark, document in some detail, how the process of law enforcement is fueled, at least in part, by the search for cash, that this link has evolved hand in hand with the interminable war on drugs, and the rise of aggressive policing can not be discounted. It’s a fusion of the power to search and seize with the allure of personal and private gain, driving it behind the scenes. I mean, let’s face it. As Neil pointed out, officers could literally drive the cars they confiscated in drug rates. They were actually allowed to partake in these so-called spoils of the war, and in this case, the war on drugs. How in any practical sense, could this incentivizing of law enforcement, not end badly? How can any society sacrifice its civil rights to the altar of profit acquired to punishment?
How can we expect reform if plainclothes officers are allowed to roam the country, barely supervised, to execute dangerous, no-knock warrants, based upon the flimsiest of evidence? These are questions that deserve answers, but let’s be clear. Just looking at the facts, that the risk of no-knock warrants are real and often lead to tragic consequences. Consider the case of Aiyana Jones. It was 10 years ago, this May, that a SWAT team officer shot and killed the seven-year old girl in her Detroit home during a no-knock warrant. Officers stormed into the house, carrying assault rifles, searching for a murder suspect, but they had the wrong address. The officers first launched a flash grenade into the living room before busting through the front door. In the ensuing chaos, Officer Joseph Weekley fired a single shot from his AR-15, killing the young girl, who was sitting on the couch, in the arms of her grandmother.
At first, Officer Weekley said Aiyana’s grandmother had grabbed the gun, prompting it to discharge unintentionally, but evidence later showed that the story was untrue and Weekley was charged with manslaughter. After three trials, the charges against Weekley were dropped. What has received less attention, is that this case also fits the profile of policing for profit. While the connection is less direct, it shows how the intersection between money and law enforcement, policing and propaganda, work hand in hand to justify these types of raids. That’s because Officer Weekley was a frequent star of the reality TV show produced by the A&E channel, called The First 48, that showed, depicted Weekley, who was called the brain as one of many heroic officers solving homicide on the streets of Detroit. The program heavily touted the efficacy of the Detroit police department on a national network, which netted hundreds of millions of dollars in profit annually.
But in reality, The First 48 was part of the heavily problematic propaganda we have discussed frequently on the show. Hours of programming in the innards of police investigations, bolstered by advertising. In other words, once again, monetizing the criminal justice system, that’s supposed to be motivated by safety and service. It is such a profitable enterprise apparently, according to CBS Detroit, that one of the crew members who filmed the botched raid, actually lie to investigators, to protect Officer Weekley, and was then charged herself, a stark and direct link between cash, corruption, justice, and profits, that clearly raises questions about the imperative driving American policing.
I mean, think about it. All the so-called performers in these shows work for free. In other words, while the multi-billion dollar cable channels reap profits from mining human tragedy for entertainment fodder, the only people who foot the bill is us. That’s because all the officer’s depicted in the so-called surfeit of a reality TV, are still being paid by the cities, which employ them. As far as we know, there is no compensation that goes to the communities, which pay the cop salaries or health benefits or their pensions. No, that burden falls on the same poor families in Detroit, who must not only pay for the policing that is often questionable in its efficacy and usefulness, but also foot the bill when things go wrong. It is in some sense, hard to understand, but also revealing.
Obscenely profitable entertainment companies, creating hours of cop- aganda, without paying a dime to communities that actually fund it. How much clearer of a picture can we paint about what ails law enforcement and how far does this process from monetizing injustice have to go before our political leaders say enough? To emphasize how consequential these strategies are, I want to end the show on a story that I reported on, but whose consequences live with me to this day. It was the story of Lawrence Christian. He was a lifelong steelworker who retired 10 years ago and it was hoping to live out his days in an affordable housing row home in Baltimore. But one day a courier showed up at his door with a package addressed to a man he didn’t know.
When he refused to accept it, the supposed postal worker threw the package at him. Shortly thereafter, a specialized unit of plain- clothed officers stormed into his house and arrested him for drug dealing.
Lawrence Christ…: I come downstairs, open the door and he said, “I have a package. I have a package for Nigel Williams.” I said, “Nigel Williams don’t live there.” “What’s your name?” I said, “My name’s Lawrence Christian.” Then he say, “Well, that’s your address on it. Why don’t you sign for it and he’ll pick it up later.” I said, “F, no.”
Taya Graham: The charges turned out to be false and baseless and they were dropped, but it was too late for Lawrence. As he told us in 2015, the landlord used the alleged crime to evict him from his home before he went to trial. So, Lawrence was homeless, a man who worked his whole life, a father and grandfather, forced onto the streets by the war on drugs. Let’s listen.
Lawrence Christ…: It’s terrible. It’s really terrible. I feel like I’ve been tossed away for something I didn’t do.
Taya Graham: Since we spoke to him, Lawrence has disappeared. We’ve not been able to connect with him or speak with relatives who might put us in touch. He has, in some sense, vanished. For that reason, I will make an appeal here and now, that Lawrence, if you are watching, or if someone who knows him is watching, please reach out to us. Please let us know. As with all the people we speak with as journalists, you are not forgotten and we will not forget the story you shared with us or the life you lived. That is my promise to you, and to everyone that comes on this show. I want to thank my guests, Laura Shark for her incredible work, documenting police in LA and across the country. Laura, thank you for your time and for your work.
Laura Shark: Thanks for having me. I really enjoyed this.
Taya Graham: I want to thank intrepid reporter, Stephen Janis for his investigative reporting, writing and editing. Thank you, Stephen.
Stephen Janis: Thanks for having me. Let’s continue this conversation.
Taya Graham: Of course, I have to thank friend of the show, NOLA D. for her support and for introducing me to Laura. Thank you Nola D. and I want you watching to know, that if you have evidence of police misconduct or brutality, please share it with us and we might be able to investigate. Please reach out to us. You can email us tips privately at Tara@therealnews.com and share your evidence of police misconduct. You can also message us at Police Accountability Report on Facebook or Instagram or at EyesonPolice on Twitter. Of course, you can message me directly at [inaudible 00:21:42] Baltimore on Twitter and Facebook, and please like, share and comment. I read your comments, appreciate them and answer questions whenever I can. My name is Taya Graham. I’m your host for the Police Accountability Report. Please, be safe out there.
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therealnews--2020-05-22--‘Children Are Infected, Inmates Are Dying’

This is a rush transcript and may contain errors .
It will be updated .
Ashley Watson : There are children who are infected .
There are inmates who are dying .
There are people who are under his care and custody who are in trouble .
Jaisal Noor : Maryland Governor , Larry Hogan , has earned praise for his response to the COVID-19 outbreak .
Speaker 3 : You are one of the governors in America who ’ s fighting hard to keep your states in a good place when it comes to the coronavirus outbreak .
Jaisal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s more to the story .
Ashley Watson : People from the outside are only seeing what CNN and other agencies are broadcasting in the news .
But Hogan has not done what he ’ s supposed to done for this state .
Jaisal Noor : For weeks , members of Maryland ’ s biggest public sector union have warned of a lack of testing and personal protective equipment .
The Maryland affiliate of the American Federation of State , County and Municipal Employees , AFSCME , staged a socially distance car @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demand more testing in the state ’ s hospitals , prisons , and juvenile facilities .
Ashley Watson , a case manager at a juvenile detention center , says the lack of PPE and safety protocols are putting her co-workers and young people at risk .
Ashley Watson : We don ’ t have the necessary tools to keep us safe so we ’ re bringing in the virus at several facilities and giving it to the youth because we ’ re the only ones coming and going .
Jaisal Noor : The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ announced increased testing across the state , but the union says their workers have yet to get access .
One day later he announced all staff and detainees will be tested , but critics say testing inside jails and prisons should have happened weeks ago .
Patrick Moran is the president of AFSCME Maryland , which has 25,000 members .
Patrick Moran : 70 % of the people that have the virus in the prisons are the employees themselves , so it is clear .
There was a 12 % uptick in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He has a moral obligation as an employer to make sure that his own employees are healthy and safe and he ’ s fallen down on the job .
Jaisal Noor : The union says they have reason to be skeptical of Hogan ’ s assurances .
Hogan was praised in a widely-covered announcement that he had secured 500,000 tests from South Korea on April 20th .
A month later , Moran says his members have yet to see the tests .
The governor ’ s office declined to comment for this story @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jaisal Noor , in Baltimore .

Maryland’s largest public sector union staged a socially-distanced protest to demand more PPE, testing, and safer working conditions.
Story Transcript
This is a rush transcript and may contain errors. It will be updated.
Ashley Watson: There are children who are infected. There are inmates who are dying. There are people who are under his care and custody who are in trouble.
Jaisal Noor: Maryland Governor, Larry Hogan, has earned praise for his response to the COVID-19 outbreak.
Speaker 3: You are one of the governors in America who’s fighting hard to keep your states in a good place when it comes to the coronavirus outbreak.
Jaisal Noor: But frontline workers say there’s more to the story.
Ashley Watson: People from the outside are only seeing what CNN and other agencies are broadcasting in the news. But Hogan has not done what he’s supposed to done for this state.
Jaisal Noor: For weeks, members of Maryland’s biggest public sector union have warned of a lack of testing and personal protective equipment. The Maryland affiliate of the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, AFSCME, staged a socially distance car caravan in Baltimore on May 19th to demand more testing in the state’s hospitals, prisons, and juvenile facilities. Ashley Watson, a case manager at a juvenile detention center, says the lack of PPE and safety protocols are putting her co-workers and young people at risk.
Ashley Watson: We don’t have the necessary tools to keep us safe so we’re bringing in the virus at several facilities and giving it to the youth because we’re the only ones coming and going.
Jaisal Noor: The same day of the protest, Hogan announced increased testing across the state, but the union says their workers have yet to get access. One day later he announced all staff and detainees will be tested, but critics say testing inside jails and prisons should have happened weeks ago. Patrick Moran is the president of AFSCME Maryland, which has 25,000 members.
Patrick Moran: 70% of the people that have the virus in the prisons are the employees themselves, so it is clear. There was a 12% uptick in the last week in the prisons alone. He has a moral obligation as an employer to make sure that his own employees are healthy and safe and he’s fallen down on the job.
Jaisal Noor: The union says they have reason to be skeptical of Hogan’s assurances. Hogan was praised in a widely-covered announcement that he had secured 500,000 tests from South Korea on April 20th. A month later, Moran says his members have yet to see the tests. The governor’s office declined to comment for this story. With Cameron Granadino, this is Jaisal Noor, in Baltimore.
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