informnapalm--2020-08-31--Ukraine struggles for survival: The victories and the losses.

Some trivia about Ukraine on the 29th anniversary of country ’ s Independence by George V.Pinchuk .
Ukraine struggles for survival : The victories and the losses .
Part 8 .
In winter 1918-1919 , Petlyura did not have the advantage that his predecessor , Hetman Skoropadsky , enjoyed at the beginning of his rule : peace .
Unlike in spring 1918 , in January 1919 parts of the Ukrainian People ’ s Republic were either occupied or turned into a battlefield .
Russian Bolshevik troops under the command of V. Antonov-Ovsienko and M. Shchors ( ironically , both ethnic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and the so-called White armies , led by General Anton Denikin , were making huge strides from the south and southeast .
The Ukrainian heartland was in turmoil as well .
In January 1919 , a division of the UPR Armed Forces under the command of Danylo Terpylo rebelled against Petlyura and declared its intention to help the Bolsheviks .
In fact , this division turned into a huge band of anarchist looters .
Terpylo proclaimed himself Otaman Zelenyy ( “ The Green General ” ) .
To some extent , his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) were useful because they fought both the Whites ( whom they hated as “ oppressors of the people ” ) and the Reds whom they despised for their military discipline and food requisitions .
Zelenyy showed an extraordinary talent of a military tactician : his soldiers successfully recruited thousands of Ukrainian peasants and acquired not only heavy machine guns but also artillery , armored trains , and even war ships ( making them a “ Dnipro Fleet ” ) .
In April 1919 , Zelenyy was stopped in just a few kilometers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leader , M. Grigoriev ( real name Nykyfor Servetnyk ) , who at first fought as a commander of a brigade within the Red Army , proclaimed himself Hetman of all Ukraine in May 1919 and started his crusade simultaneously against the Reds and against Petlyura ( whom he called “ a civilian , a lightweight , nothing more than an incompetent village schoolteacher ” ) .
At the hight of Grigoriev ’ s uprising in early fall 1919 , his 20,000-strong army controlled a territory in southeastern Ukraine and was about to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ army of K. Voroshilov .
It has to be mentioned that Zelenyy , Grigoriev , and a number of other rebellious anarchist leaders were radically anti-Petlyura , at times viciously attacking the troops loyal to the Ukrainian People ’ s Republic ; in any case , even if they did not directly fight the Ukrainian government , they did not help it .
And yet , they all considered themselves the defenders of the Ukrainian people .
Moreover , in their speeches and manifestos , they called themselves the Otamans of the Ukrainian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very unfortunate because millions of people in Ukraine , especially rural dwellers with a limited knowledge of the world , often had hard time telling the difference between the “ greens , ” the “ Grigorievs , ” and the regular troops of Petlyura ’ s Armed Forces .
Both Servetnyk and Terpylo fought under the Ukrainian yellow-and-blue flag with the sign of a trident , wore something resembling the Petlurite uniform , and wrote documents in Ukrainian ( albeit often with bad grammar and lots of Russisms ) .
This confusion had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because the anarchist “ Otamans ” allowed their soldiers to loot and kill Jews , Petlyura , who was erroneously thought to be their chief , gained an undeserved reputation of an anti-Semite and a pogrom perpetrator .
The Entente ( Britain and France ) gave all their support to Denikin and other White generals , not believing that Ukraine was now an independent country struggling for survival .
Germany and Austria were defeated and now were out of the geopolitical big game .
New countries appeared on the map of Europe : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In these difficult conditions , the Dyrektoria had to look for allies .
The attention of Ukrainian diplomats turned to yet another new entity on the European map , a state that called itself the Western Ukrainian People ’ s Republic .
This state was formed by the decision of the congress held by the people of Ukrainian ethnicity living on the lands of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire where Ukrainians have traditionally settled ( eastern Galitzia or Halychyna ; the Carpathian Mountains ; Transcarpathia ; northern Bukovyna ; Kholmshchyna , and Pidlyashshya @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The city of Lviv was proclaimed its capital .
The new country chose a democratic form of government , electing Dr. Eugene Petrushevych its president .
However , another new state , Poland , aggressively demanded its own part of the former Austria-controlled lands , especially Halychyna , including Lviv .
Late at night of October 31 , 1918 , the Ukrainian Sichovi Striltsi under the command of Colonel D. Vitovsky clashed with the armed units loyal to Poland in and around Lviv .
The fight was long and bloody .
Eventually , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ WUPR government move to the city of Stanislaviv .
Simultaneously , the troops of yet another new country , Romania , occupied the northern ( ethnically Ukrainian ) part of Bukovyna .
The Entente , especially France , backed Poland and Romania ; so , by January 1919 , WUPR came to the brink of disappearance .
Under these conditions , the Dyrektoria representatives met with the WUPR diplomats and made a preliminary treaty .
On January 22 , 1919 , the treaty became law in both countries , unifying them into one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the WUPR became an autonomous Western Ukraine Oblast ( Region ) .
This act of union , or Akt Zluky , was solemnly read from a huge podium on the St. Sofia Square in Kyiv .
The unification of Ukraine brought some immediate benefits .
Petlyura received some vitally important reinforcements as the Ukrainian military was supplemented by brave and strong fighters of the so-called Ukrainian Galitzian Army ( Українька Галицька Армія , UGA or GA ) .
In February 1919 , the UGA units stopped the advancement of the Polish army and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ territory under the Ukrainian jurisdiction .
In July 1919 , the UGA took Ternopil , a major city in Halychyna , and continued to march east .
However , on August 30 , 1919 , the White armies of Gen. Denikin took Kyiv and drove the Ukrainian forces back west .
For the rest of the year 1919 , the situation in a large part of Ukraine became extremely volatile .
A city or a town could be taken , sequentially , by the Petlyurites , then by the Denikinites , then by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Reds , then again by the Petlyurites and so on .
Needless to say , all that brought incredible hardships on the civilian population .
At that time , the constellation of prominent Ukrainians became illumined by yet another bright and original star – that of Nestor Ivanovych Makhno ( 1888-1934 ) .
Makhno ’ s image is almost “ larger than life , ” combining features of a revolutionary , a martyr , and a cutthroat adventure-seeker .
He was born in a village ( later town ) of Hulyay-Pole in southeastern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now Zaporizhzhya ) , the youngest of six sons of a poor peasant .
His father died when Nestor was only 1 year old , so the boy had to earn his orphan ’ s bread by hard menial work since he was little .
He worked as a shepherd ’ s help , as a house painter , and then as a “ boy ” at a local convenience store .
However , he also studied diligently at a parochial school , made top grades and became literate .
Beginning from age @ @ @ @ @ @ @ revolutionary ideas , and met a number of people who described themselves as Anarchists .
In 1906 , he and two “ Anarchists , ” wearing masks , broke into a store and demanded the owner to give money “ to the case of poor people.
” Soon , they were arrested but acquitted by the jury because no one could make a positive identification .
Since that time , Nestor Makhno was arrested many times on charges of robbery and murder , although he always claimed that he was a political dissident @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In 1910 , he was sentenced to hanging , but the sentencing was commuted to life in prison .
Makhno was released from prison in February 1917 , immediately after the fall of the Romanov dynasty .
While in prison , Makhno read extensively and deeply , becoming familiar with the works of Russian and Western European writers and philosophers .
He also met with a few real Anarchists who explained to him the views of Kropotkin , Bakunin and other leaders of their movement .
When he was released , Makhno @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a local community organizer .
He founded a group called Selyanska Spilka ( “ A Rural Dwellers ’ Union ” ) , and simultaneously became the chairman of the local Soviet of Workers ’ and Peasants ’ Deputies , even though he did not belong to any political party .
All his speeches had the same message : only those who work the land and the factories are true masters of the world .
Human beings by their nature are good , and they do not need a state , which is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in order to control the masses and to rob them of the products of their labor .
Makhno held meetings under a black flag with a sign , “ Anarchy is the Mother of All Order.
” His popularity grew by the day .
By the end of 1917 , he was the leader of a large and well-armed commune of peasants , former factory workers , and soldiers-deserters who organized themselves into battalions fighting both the Central Rada and the Red Guards .
In 1918 , Makhno lived like a vagrant , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Don river or in the Kuban , but his army continued its total war against all sides in Ukraine representing any kind of state .
By the end of 1918 , he suddenly made a deal with the Bolsheviks and became a Brigade Commander of the Red Army .
At that time , the number of his followers reached almost 80 thousand men and women , all of them armed and many of them mounted .
The Reds offered him , in exchange for their services , to help organize , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where there will be no political parties and no authoritarian power but only self-rule of peasant communes .
However , in June 1919 Makhno ’ s “ Revolutionary Insurgent Army ” rebelled against the Bolsheviks , protesting against their politics of “ War Communism , ” and Makhno was declared an outlaw .
He continued to fight both the Reds and the Whites , raiding behind their lines and doing them damage , slowing down their advancement against each other .
Makhno ’ s main weapon was the “ tachanka , ” a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and having a machine gun attached to its rear .
Tachankas were capable of fast maneuvering , so that in an open field a hundred or so of them could decimate a regiment of infantry within minutes .
Be it not for Makhno ’ s tachankas , the army of Gen. Denikin would probably take Moscow by the end of 1919 .
The insurgents-anarchists did a lot of damage to the troops loyal to the Ukrainian People ’ s Republic , too .
Yet , in fall 1919 the Dyrektoria made a truce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fought on their side , killing and capturing several thousand of the Denikin troops .
In November 1919 , Petlyura and his government were shocked by the news that Dr. Eugene Petrushevych , the leader of the former Western Ukrainian People ’ s Republic , was proclaimed a dictator and signed a deal with the Whites , according to which the UGA came under the direct command of Denikin .
The WUPR representatives explained their decision by the fact that Petlyura substantially reduced their autonomy within the Ukrainian People ’ s Republic and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ become an ally with Poland .
Actually , Petlyura had no such plans , but the decision of Petrushevych gave him the idea to begin talks with the Poles about creating a joint front against the Bolsheviks .
In April 1920 , Ukraine signed a treaty with Poland about creating such a joint front .
Meanwhile , between January and May 1920 , the UPR ’ s Armed Forces under the command of a brilliant military strategist General Mykhailo Omelyanovych-Pavlenko mounted a powerful offensive through the lands west of the Dnipro river , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ First Winter Campaign of the Army of the UPR .
It culminated on May 6 , 1920 , when the joint forces of the UPR and Poland took Kyiv .
However , things began to develop unfavorably for Ukraine again in fall 1920 .
On October 12 , the Polish government signed a treaty with Bolshevik Russia in Riga , Latvia .
The condition demanded by the Poles was that Russia would not object against the restoration of the Polish state within the borders of 1772 .
It meant that Ukraine would lose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Halychyna to the Polish state .
The Bolsheviks did not mind , so the treaty was signed , and the Polish army stopped fighting , leaving Ukraine to fight Russia alone .
Worse , on October 21 , 1920 , the entire Ukrainian army , which now found itself on the terrain of a foreign state , was interned and disarmed by the Poles , and Petlyura and other Ukrainian leaders had to emigrate .
At that time , Makhno made his insurgents part of the Red Army again .
( Little did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forces in their military operation against the Whites in Crimea , the Reds would announce him an outlaw and drive the remnant of his army all the way to Romania , forcing him to emigrate .
He died in 1934 in Paris , working as a stage mechanic at a small theater , ill with tuberculosis , penniless , and forsaken by everyone . )

Some trivia about Ukraine on the 29th anniversary of country’s Independence by George V.Pinchuk. Ukraine struggles for survival: The victories and the losses. Part 8.
In winter 1918-1919, Petlyura did not have the advantage that his predecessor, Hetman Skoropadsky, enjoyed at the beginning of his rule: peace. Unlike in spring 1918, in January 1919 parts of the Ukrainian People’s Republic were either occupied or turned into a battlefield. Russian Bolshevik troops under the command of V. Antonov-Ovsienko and M. Shchors (ironically, both ethnic Ukrainians) were advancing from the northeast, and the so-called White armies, led by General Anton Denikin, were making huge strides from the south and southeast. The Ukrainian heartland was in turmoil as well. In January 1919, a division of the UPR Armed Forces under the command of Danylo Terpylo rebelled against Petlyura and declared its intention to help the Bolsheviks. In fact, this division turned into a huge band of anarchist looters. Terpylo proclaimed himself Otaman Zelenyy (“The Green General”). To some extent, his “greens” (“Zeleni”) were useful because they fought both the Whites (whom they hated as “oppressors of the people”) and the Reds whom they despised for their military discipline and food requisitions. Zelenyy showed an extraordinary talent of a military tactician: his soldiers successfully recruited thousands of Ukrainian peasants and acquired not only heavy machine guns but also artillery, armored trains, and even war ships (making them a “Dnipro Fleet”). In April 1919, Zelenyy was stopped in just a few kilometers southeast of downtown Kyiv. Another anarchist leader, M. Grigoriev (real name Nykyfor Servetnyk), who at first fought as a commander of a brigade within the Red Army, proclaimed himself Hetman of all Ukraine in May 1919 and started his crusade simultaneously against the Reds and against Petlyura (whom he called “a civilian, a lightweight, nothing more than an incompetent village schoolteacher”). At the hight of Grigoriev’s uprising in early fall 1919, his 20,000-strong army controlled a territory in southeastern Ukraine and was about to take Kharkiv but lost to the Bolshevik army of K. Voroshilov.
It has to be mentioned that Zelenyy, Grigoriev, and a number of other rebellious anarchist leaders were radically anti-Petlyura, at times viciously attacking the troops loyal to the Ukrainian People’s Republic; in any case, even if they did not directly fight the Ukrainian government, they did not help it. And yet, they all considered themselves the defenders of the Ukrainian people. Moreover, in their speeches and manifestos, they called themselves the Otamans of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. That was very unfortunate because millions of people in Ukraine, especially rural dwellers with a limited knowledge of the world, often had hard time telling the difference between the “greens,” the “Grigorievs,” and the regular troops of Petlyura’s Armed Forces. Both Servetnyk and Terpylo fought under the Ukrainian yellow-and-blue flag with the sign of a trident, wore something resembling the Petlurite uniform, and wrote documents in Ukrainian (albeit often with bad grammar and lots of Russisms). This confusion had some fairly tragic consequences. Particularly, because the anarchist “Otamans” allowed their soldiers to loot and kill Jews, Petlyura, who was erroneously thought to be their chief, gained an undeserved reputation of an anti-Semite and a pogrom perpetrator.
The Entente (Britain and France) gave all their support to Denikin and other White generals, not believing that Ukraine was now an independent country struggling for survival. Germany and Austria were defeated and now were out of the geopolitical big game. New countries appeared on the map of Europe: Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania. In these difficult conditions, the Dyrektoria had to look for allies. The attention of Ukrainian diplomats turned to yet another new entity on the European map, a state that called itself the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic. This state was formed by the decision of the congress held by the people of Ukrainian ethnicity living on the lands of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire where Ukrainians have traditionally settled (eastern Galitzia or Halychyna; the Carpathian Mountains; Transcarpathia; northern Bukovyna; Kholmshchyna, and Pidlyashshya) on October 19, 1918. The city of Lviv was proclaimed its capital. The new country chose a democratic form of government, electing Dr. Eugene Petrushevych its president. However, another new state, Poland, aggressively demanded its own part of the former Austria-controlled lands, especially Halychyna, including Lviv. Late at night of October 31, 1918, the Ukrainian Sichovi Striltsi under the command of Colonel D. Vitovsky clashed with the armed units loyal to Poland in and around Lviv. The fight was long and bloody. Eventually, the Poles took Lviv, making the WUPR government move to the city of Stanislaviv. Simultaneously, the troops of yet another new country, Romania, occupied the northern (ethnically Ukrainian) part of Bukovyna. The Entente, especially France, backed Poland and Romania; so, by January 1919, WUPR came to the brink of disappearance.
Under these conditions, the Dyrektoria representatives met with the WUPR diplomats and made a preliminary treaty. On January 22, 1919, the treaty became law in both countries, unifying them into one Ukrainian People’s Republic, where the WUPR became an autonomous Western Ukraine Oblast (Region). This act of union, or Akt Zluky, was solemnly read from a huge podium on the St. Sofia Square in Kyiv.
The unification of Ukraine brought some immediate benefits. Petlyura received some vitally important reinforcements as the Ukrainian military was supplemented by brave and strong fighters of the so-called Ukrainian Galitzian Army (Українька Галицька Армія, UGA or GA). In February 1919, the UGA units stopped the advancement of the Polish army and began their counter-offensive, returning a large territory under the Ukrainian jurisdiction. In July 1919, the UGA took Ternopil, a major city in Halychyna, and continued to march east. However, on August 30, 1919, the White armies of Gen. Denikin took Kyiv and drove the Ukrainian forces back west. For the rest of the year 1919, the situation in a large part of Ukraine became extremely volatile. A city or a town could be taken, sequentially, by the Petlyurites, then by the Denikinites, then by some Anarchist Otaman, then by the Reds, then again by the Petlyurites and so on. Needless to say, all that brought incredible hardships on the civilian population.
At that time, the constellation of prominent Ukrainians became illumined by yet another bright and original star – that of Nestor Ivanovych Makhno (1888-1934).
Makhno’s image is almost “larger than life,” combining features of a revolutionary, a martyr, and a cutthroat adventure-seeker. He was born in a village (later town) of Hulyay-Pole in southeastern Ukraine, not far from Aleksandrovsk (now Zaporizhzhya), the youngest of six sons of a poor peasant. His father died when Nestor was only 1 year old, so the boy had to earn his orphan’s bread by hard menial work since he was little. He worked as a shepherd’s help, as a house painter, and then as a “boy” at a local convenience store. However, he also studied diligently at a parochial school, made top grades and became literate. Beginning from age 17, Nestor became fascinated with the revolutionary ideas, and met a number of people who described themselves as Anarchists. In 1906, he and two “Anarchists,” wearing masks, broke into a store and demanded the owner to give money “to the case of poor people.” Soon, they were arrested but acquitted by the jury because no one could make a positive identification. Since that time, Nestor Makhno was arrested many times on charges of robbery and murder, although he always claimed that he was a political dissident and fighter for the poor oppressed people. In 1910, he was sentenced to hanging, but the sentencing was commuted to life in prison. Makhno was released from prison in February 1917, immediately after the fall of the Romanov dynasty.
While in prison, Makhno read extensively and deeply, becoming familiar with the works of Russian and Western European writers and philosophers. He also met with a few real Anarchists who explained to him the views of Kropotkin, Bakunin and other leaders of their movement. When he was released, Makhno went home and immediately began to work as a local community organizer. He founded a group called Selyanska Spilka (“A Rural Dwellers’ Union”), and simultaneously became the chairman of the local Soviet of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies, even though he did not belong to any political party. All his speeches had the same message: only those who work the land and the factories are true masters of the world. Human beings by their nature are good, and they do not need a state, which is something invented by a few lazy parasites in order to control the masses and to rob them of the products of their labor. Makhno held meetings under a black flag with a sign, “Anarchy is the Mother of All Order.” His popularity grew by the day. By the end of 1917, he was the leader of a large and well-armed commune of peasants, former factory workers, and soldiers-deserters who organized themselves into battalions fighting both the Central Rada and the Red Guards.
In 1918, Makhno lived like a vagrant, often leaving Ukraine and hiding somewhere near the Don river or in the Kuban, but his army continued its total war against all sides in Ukraine representing any kind of state. By the end of 1918, he suddenly made a deal with the Bolsheviks and became a Brigade Commander of the Red Army. At that time, the number of his followers reached almost 80 thousand men and women, all of them armed and many of them mounted. The Reds offered him, in exchange for their services, to help organize, in the future, an independent Zaporizhian Land where there will be no political parties and no authoritarian power but only self-rule of peasant communes. However, in June 1919 Makhno’s “Revolutionary Insurgent Army” rebelled against the Bolsheviks, protesting against their politics of “War Communism,” and Makhno was declared an outlaw. He continued to fight both the Reds and the Whites, raiding behind their lines and doing them damage, slowing down their advancement against each other. Makhno’s main weapon was the “tachanka,” a carriage driven by two or three horses and having a machine gun attached to its rear. Tachankas were capable of fast maneuvering, so that in an open field a hundred or so of them could decimate a regiment of infantry within minutes. Be it not for Makhno’s tachankas, the army of Gen. Denikin would probably take Moscow by the end of 1919. The insurgents-anarchists did a lot of damage to the troops loyal to the Ukrainian People’s Republic, too. Yet, in fall 1919 the Dyrektoria made a truce with Makhno, and the insurgents briefly fought on their side, killing and capturing several thousand of the Denikin troops.
In November 1919, Petlyura and his government were shocked by the news that Dr. Eugene Petrushevych, the leader of the former Western Ukrainian People’s Republic, was proclaimed a dictator and signed a deal with the Whites, according to which the UGA came under the direct command of Denikin. The WUPR representatives explained their decision by the fact that Petlyura substantially reduced their autonomy within the Ukrainian People’s Republic and by their fear that the UPR would become an ally with Poland. Actually, Petlyura had no such plans, but the decision of Petrushevych gave him the idea to begin talks with the Poles about creating a joint front against the Bolsheviks. In April 1920, Ukraine signed a treaty with Poland about creating such a joint front. Meanwhile, between January and May 1920, the UPR’s Armed Forces under the command of a brilliant military strategist General Mykhailo Omelyanovych-Pavlenko mounted a powerful offensive through the lands west of the Dnipro river, which came to be known as the First Winter Campaign of the Army of the UPR. It culminated on May 6, 1920, when the joint forces of the UPR and Poland took Kyiv.
However, things began to develop unfavorably for Ukraine again in fall 1920. On October 12, the Polish government signed a treaty with Bolshevik Russia in Riga, Latvia. The condition demanded by the Poles was that Russia would not object against the restoration of the Polish state within the borders of 1772. It meant that Ukraine would lose Volyn, Kholmshchyna, Pidlyashshya, and Halychyna to the Polish state. The Bolsheviks did not mind, so the treaty was signed, and the Polish army stopped fighting, leaving Ukraine to fight Russia alone. Worse, on October 21, 1920, the entire Ukrainian army, which now found itself on the terrain of a foreign state, was interned and disarmed by the Poles, and Petlyura and other Ukrainian leaders had to emigrate. At that time, Makhno made his insurgents part of the Red Army again. (Little did he know that immediately after using his forces in their military operation against the Whites in Crimea, the Reds would announce him an outlaw and drive the remnant of his army all the way to Romania, forcing him to emigrate. He died in 1934 in Paris, working as a stage mechanic at a small theater, ill with tuberculosis, penniless, and forsaken by everyone.)


informnapalm--2020-09-02--Lukashenko regime uses psychological influence technology (PHOTOS, VIDEO)

The Lukashenko regime in Belarus is actively using technological means for psychological and information influence against the protesters .
This was noticed by volunteer investigators of the InformNapalm community in a video stream from Minsk , which showed a ZS-82 sound broadcasting station installed on a BRDM-2 .
This station is capable of producing sound effects at a distance of up to 6 km and simulating the sounds of heavy equipment on the move , helicopter flights , explosions , shots of various weapon types , and any other sounds that can mislead the enemy or provoke panic in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ simulations are carried out at night , when the possibility of visual observation is limited .
During the day , this equipment can be used for military propaganda – broadcasting texts or songs that should evoke certain emotions among a crowd of people .
It is known that such stations are in service with Russian units of psychological operations and were also used by Russians in the Donbas in the war against Ukraine .
Interestingly , in August 2014 , volunteers of the InformNapalm international intelligence community also spotted Russian ZS-82 stations among @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Russian Armed Forces were deploying to the borders of Ukraine .
In 2014 , these systems were also used by Russian troops to affect Ukrainian border guards and imitate the movement of large groups of armored vehicles .
• Russia Repeating Its Ukrainian Scenario of Hybrid Aggression in Belarus • Proofs of the Russian Aggression : InformNapalm releases extensive database of evidence • Volunteers gathered evidence of 32 Russian military units taking part in the invasion of Crimea • Can the “ elections ” end up with the creation of the USSR 2.0 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Russian aggression , Belarus and Ukraine in gunsight of Russian neo-imperialism ( OSINT-analysis ) • Preparation of Jumping-off Ground for Russian Air Forces in Belarus Translated by Andrii Gryganskyi .
Edited by Max Alginin .
Distribution and reprint with reference to the source are welcome !
( Creative Commons — Attribution 4.0 International — CC BY 4.0 ) InformNapalm social media pages : Facebook / Twitter

The Lukashenko regime in Belarus is actively using technological means for psychological and information influence against the protesters. This was noticed by volunteer investigators of the InformNapalm community in a video stream from Minsk, which showed a ZS-82 sound broadcasting station installed on a BRDM-2. This station is capable of producing sound effects at a distance of up to 6 km and simulating the sounds of heavy equipment on the move, helicopter flights, explosions, shots of various weapon types, and any other sounds that can mislead the enemy or provoke panic in a crowd of people. Usually, sound simulations are carried out at night, when the possibility of visual observation is limited. During the day, this equipment can be used for military propaganda – broadcasting texts or songs that should evoke certain emotions among a crowd of people.
It is known that such stations are in service with Russian units of psychological operations and were also used by Russians in the Donbas in the war against Ukraine.
Interestingly, in August 2014, volunteers of the InformNapalm international intelligence community also spotted Russian ZS-82 stations among the convoys of armored vehicles that the Russian Armed Forces were deploying to the borders of Ukraine. In 2014, these systems were also used by Russian troops to affect Ukrainian border guards and imitate the movement of large groups of armored vehicles.
Read more from InformNapalm
Translated by Andrii Gryganskyi. Edited by Max Alginin. Distribution and reprint with reference to the source are welcome! (Creative Commons — Attribution 4.0 International — CC BY 4.0) InformNapalm social media pages: Facebook / Twitter


informnapalm--2020-09-03--Russian occupation forces start fires in tinder-dry steppes of Donbas

George V. Pinchuk , a volunteer of InformNapalm international intelligence community brings to the attention of our readers the English translations of social media postings illustrating subversive actions of the Russian occupation forces .
So much for September 2 !
On September 2 , 2014 , Russia fired at us with all kinds of heavy fire from its territory , and today # 2_September_2020 , everything is on fire .
It started yesterday in a gray zone behind a demolished school building ( many “ thanks ” for the withdrawal of troops ) , and today there is a fire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are right at the Russian border .
I am not hinting at anything , but I am very interested in why does it burn exactly where the Russian snout is sticking out ?
!
In short : we are f***ed .
The photo was taken just now at the Olkhovsky dachas , in our yard .
Just now I found out that in the direction of the village of Kamyshny , behind the village of Yuganovka , there was a strong fire on the Russian side of the border .
All the locals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Russian occupation troops .
This summer was very dry , but the fires all along the line of contact in the Luhansk Oblast began to rage simultaneously !
Moreover , all the arsons were made at the moment when the wind blew from the north , from the Russian side … Believe me , as I had the opportunity to study all the habits of the wild Russian horde over the last 6 years .
Let the two senile grandpas [ Kravchuk and Fokin , the octagenarian “ representatives ” of Ukraine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
– G.P . ]
come here and grasp the real situation … UKRAINIAN JOINT OPERATION FORCES FIGHT AGAINST FIRE , WHICH COVERS 200 HECTARES OF TERRITORY Units of the Joint Forces Operation and other units of the Ukrainian Armed Forces continue to fight fires in areas of the Stanychno-Luhansk and Novoaidar districts of the Luhansk Oblast .
Also , the fight against wildfires takes place in two districts of the Donetsk Oblast , near Bakhmut and Yasynuvata .
The quantity of equipment and the numbers of the personnel involved in extinguishing and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this task .
The Armed Forces of Ukraine , the State Emergency Service , the National Guard and the police are fighting the steppe and forest fires , working side by side .
The operation is being carried out on a total of six sites , with a total area of about 200 hectares .
We are sad to report that Sergeant Artem Bondarenko , who was considered missing during the firefighting operations in Luhansk Oblast was found dead .
The body of the serviceman was found under the rubble of a dugout @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they were extinguishing the fire , which was rapidly approaching the positions , Artem was trying to evacuate military property .
The Joint Forces Command expresses its deepest condolences to the relatives and friends of the fallen soldier .
Joint Operation Forces press center also stated in a recent dramatic video of the fire-fighting effort that there are signs of intentional arson from the side of the Russian occupation forces .
These actions show their full disregard for the environment and the lives of Ukrainian citizens , fully disproving Russian propaganda talking point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ukraine ” .
Distribution and reprint with reference to the source is welcome !
( Creative Commons — Attribution 4.0 International — CC BY 4.0 ) InformNapalm social media pages : Facebook / Twitter / Telegram

George V. Pinchuk, a volunteer of InformNapalm international intelligence community brings to the attention of our readers the English translations of social media postings illustrating subversive actions of the Russian occupation forces.
By Sveta SVETIKOVA, a local resident of Stanychno-Luhansky Raion:
СТАНИЧНО-ЛУГАНСКИЙ РАЙОНВот Вам и 2 сентября!2го сентября 2014 года нас раша всеми видами тяжелой обстреляла со своей… Posted by Sveta Svetikova on Wednesday, September 2, 2020
So much for September 2!
On September 2, 2014, Russia fired at us with all kinds of heavy fire from its territory, and today #2_September_2020, everything is on fire.
It started yesterday in a gray zone behind a demolished school building (many “thanks” for the withdrawal of troops), and today there is a fire in Bolotenny and Sizom.
These villages are right at the Russian border.
I am not hinting at anything, but I am very interested in why does it burn exactly where the Russian snout is sticking out?!
In short: we are f***ed.
The photo was taken just now at the Olkhovsky dachas, in our yard.
Just now I found out that in the direction of the village of Kamyshny, behind the village of Yuganovka, there was a strong fire on the Russian side of the border.
All the locals agree that this is sabotage done by the Russian occupation troops.
This summer was very dry, but the fires all along the line of contact in the Luhansk Oblast began to rage simultaneously!
Moreover, all the arsons were made at the moment when the wind blew from the north, from the Russian side … Believe me, as I had the opportunity to study all the habits of the wild Russian horde over the last 6 years.
Let the two senile grandpas [Kravchuk and Fokin, the octagenarian “representatives” of Ukraine at the talks with the occupier troops. – G.P.] come here and grasp the real situation …
UKRAINIAN JOINT OPERATION FORCES FIGHT AGAINST FIRE, WHICH COVERS 200 HECTARES OF TERRITORY
ПІДРОЗДІЛИ ОБ’ЄДНАНИХ СИЛ ПРОТИДІЮТЬ ВОГНЯНІЙ СТИХІЇ, ЩО ОХОПИЛА 200 ГЕКТАРІВ ТЕРИТОРІЇПідрозділи зі складу Об’єднаних… Posted by Операція об'єднаних сил / Joint Forces Operation on Wednesday, September 2, 2020
Units of the Joint Forces Operation and other units of the Ukrainian Armed Forces continue to fight fires in areas of the Stanychno-Luhansk and Novoaidar districts of the Luhansk Oblast. Also, the fight against wildfires takes place in two districts of the Donetsk Oblast, near Bakhmut and Yasynuvata.
The quantity of equipment and the numbers of the personnel involved in extinguishing and localizing these fires is sufficient for accomplishing this task. The Armed Forces of Ukraine, the State Emergency Service, the National Guard and the police are fighting the steppe and forest fires, working side by side. The operation is being carried out on a total of six sites, with a total area of about 200 hectares.
Із сумом повідомляємо, що під час ліквідації пожежі на Луганщині, загинув старшина Артем Бондаренко, якого вважали… Posted by Операція об'єднаних сил / Joint Forces Operation on Thursday, September 3, 2020
We are sad to report that Sergeant Artem Bondarenko, who was considered missing during the firefighting operations in Luhansk Oblast was found dead. The body of the serviceman was found under the rubble of a dugout. According to his colleagues, while they were extinguishing the fire, which was rapidly approaching the positions, Artem was trying to evacuate military property.
The Joint Forces Command expresses its deepest condolences to the relatives and friends of the fallen soldier.
Conclusions
Joint Operation Forces press center also stated in a recent dramatic video of the fire-fighting effort that there are signs of intentional arson from the side of the Russian occupation forces. These actions show their full disregard for the environment and the lives of Ukrainian citizens, fully disproving Russian propaganda talking point of “protecting the Russian-speaking population of Ukraine”.
До ліквідації пожеж на Луганщині залучено майже 600 чоловік особового складу та 84 одиниці інженерної та автомобільної техніки До ліквідації пожеж на Луганщині залучено майже 600 чоловік особового складу та 84 одиниці інженерної та автомобільної техніки підрозділів Збройних Сил України, ДСНС України та інших складових сил оборони Об'єднаних Сил Posted by Операція об'єднаних сил / Joint Forces Operation on Wednesday, September 2, 2020
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informnapalm--2020-09-05--The ceasefire regime continue to be violated by Russian occupation forces

The Ukrainian side of the Joint Center for Control and Coordination of Ceasefire and Stabilization of the Line of Demarcation reports that despite the Additional Agreements on full and comprehensive ceasefire , which came into force on July 27 , 2020 , the illegal armed formations of the Occupied Regions of the Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts ( ORDLO ) controlled by the Russian Federation , continue to systematically violate the existing agreements and to conduct minefield laying operations in the vicinity of civilian settlements and delivering military equipment across the border away from border checkpoints .
According to the Organization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Monitoring Mission ( OSCE SMM ) report published on September 3 , 2020 , a monitoring flight by an unmanned aerial vehicle ( UAV ) over the territory not controlled by the Government of Ukraine located 23 anti-tank mines laid across a taxiway at the destroyed Donetsk International Airport .
Also , a military type truck was identified in a field approximately two and a half kilometres northwest of the village of Astakhove , Luhansk Oblast near the border with the Russian Federation , where there are no border crossing installations .
These @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the measures reached on 07/22/2020 to strengthen the ceasefire regime continue to be violated by illegal armed formations located in the ORDLO .
Translated by George V. Pinchuk .
Distribution and reprint with reference to the source is welcome !
( Creative Commons — Attribution 4.0 International — CC BY 4.0 ) InformNapalm social media pages : Facebook / Twitter / Telegram

The Ukrainian side of the Joint Center for Control and Coordination of Ceasefire and Stabilization of the Line of Demarcation reports that despite the Additional Agreements on full and comprehensive ceasefire, which came into force on July 27, 2020, the illegal armed formations of the Occupied Regions of the Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts (ORDLO) controlled by the Russian Federation, continue to systematically violate the existing agreements and to conduct minefield laying operations in the vicinity of civilian settlements and delivering military equipment across the border away from border checkpoints.
According to the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe Special Monitoring Mission (OSCE SMM) report published on September 3, 2020, a monitoring flight by an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) over the territory not controlled by the Government of Ukraine located 23 anti-tank mines laid across a taxiway at the destroyed Donetsk International Airport. Also, a military type truck was identified in a field approximately two and a half kilometres northwest of the village of Astakhove, Luhansk Oblast near the border with the Russian Federation, where there are no border crossing installations.
These cases confirm that the Minsk agreements and the measures reached on 07/22/2020 to strengthen the ceasefire regime continue to be violated by illegal armed formations located in the ORDLO.
Original Joint Forces Operation
Translated by George V. Pinchuk. Distribution and reprint with reference to the source is welcome! (Creative Commons — Attribution 4.0 International — CC BY 4.0) InformNapalm social media pages: Facebook / Twitter / Telegram


informnapalm--2020-09-05--History of Ukraine: From the communist occupation to a national renaissance and back.

Some trivia about Ukraine on the 29th anniversary of country ’ s Independence by George V.Pinchuk .
History of Ukraine : From the communist occupation to a national renaissance and back .
Part 9 .
By the end of the year 1920 , the Red Army occupied , essentially , all of what used to be the Russian imperial part of Ukraine .
Over 1.2 million troops under the general command of Leon Trotsky were dislocated there , including five armies that consisted of dozens of divisions and brigades .
In addition , the Bolshevik-occupied part of Ukraine was filled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Части особого назначения , “ Units with Special Task ” ) .
These armed units were formed to a large extent from foreigners , or , as they were officially called , “ Internationalist Warriors ” – Latvians , Hungarians , in some cases the Chinese mercenaries .
Their commanders in Ukraine were usually Communists from inner parts of Russia .
The CHON almost never fought with the remnants of the White or Petlyurite armies but , rather , were kept for policing rural areas , where they violently suppressed any popular discontent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the CHON was officially called “ Food Surplus Appraisal , ” which in fact meant complete or almost complete requisition of everything edible from peasants , including even grain reserved for seed .
Needless to say , the robbed peasants were doomed to starvation , and died by thousands .
In the case of any resistance , the CHON troops had orders to kill everyone in the rebellious village and to burn it to the ground .
In January 1921 , the government of the Ukrainian People ’ s Republic in Exile @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Tarnów , Poland , decided to prepare for a large-scale offensive against the Bolshevik occupiers ’ regime in Ukraine .
Yurko Tyutyunnyk , a General Coronet of the UPR ’ s Armed Forces , was made the commander of this operation , which came to be known as the Second Winter Campaign of the Ukrainian Army .
Georgiy Yosyfovych Tyutyunnyk was born in 1891 in the Cherkasy region of central Ukraine .
On his mother ’ s side , he was a grand-nephew of the great Ukrainian poet Taras Shevchenko .
His @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but his two older brothers were members of the SR ( Socialist Revolutionary ) Party .
They had a profound influence on young Yurko , making him a believer in a better future for the Ukrainian peasantry after a revolution against the Tzarist oppression .
However , Yurko never joined SR or any political party whatsoever , instead choosing a career in the military .
He fought bravely during WW1 and was wounded several times .
Amazingly , he also managed to pass the exams as an extern and to get his certificate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , even though he never attended classes .
With this certificate , he was admitted to a military school and graduated from it in 1915 in the rank of an Ensign .
In 1917 , he was promoted to the rank of a Lieutenant .
After the fall of the Romanov dynasty , Tyutyunnyk worked enthusiastically on the task of Ukrainization of the units of the crumbling Russian imperial army located in Ukraine .
He became an elected representative to the All-Ukrainian Military Congress and , in May 1917 , a member of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ felt that his true place was not in the parliament but among the troops .
Tyutyunnyk became one of the organizers and leaders of the reborn Ukrainian Cossack regiments .
There , he quickly went up the ranks and , by the end of 1917 , commanded a Kish ( regiment ) of light cavalry ; in February-March 1918 his Cossacks distinguished themselves in the battle with the Bolshevik army of Muravyov .
During the rule of Hetman Skoropadsky , Yurko Tyutyunnyk became one of the most active members of the anti-Hetman resistance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In November 1918 , he was arrested on the orders of Skoropadsky and sentenced to death .
However , on December 14 , when the Dyrektoria troops were fighting in the outskirts of Kyiv , Tyutyunnyk and two other inmates of the Lukianivska prison in Kyiv incited a riot and broke out of the prison , joining the street fight against the remains of the Hetman ’ s army .
Tyutyunnyk was in the middle of heavy fighting throughout the years 1919-1920 , showing extraordinary abilities as a soldier , a commander @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1919 , he was captured by Red Army troops and was about to be shot , but made a speech urging the Red soldiers to recall their Ukrainianness and to switch sides , joining Petlyura .
The speech was a success , and the unit of the Reds became part of Petlyura ’ s Black Sea division .
Later in the year , Tyutyunnyk joined the troops of Otaman Grigoriev and fought against Denikin troops , helping the “ Grigorievs ” to capture the city of Odesa .
For a short while , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that was subordinated to the Red Army commanders ; however , in May 1919 Tyutyunnyk and about 2,000 men under his command returned to the army of the UPR .
Between June 1919 and November 1920 , Yurko Tyutyunnyk commanded a two-division group within the army of the UPR and ( in winter 1920 ) served as the first deputy of General Omelyanovych-Pavlenko ( see Part 8 ) .
General Coronet Tyutyunnyk was among the few brave commanders of the Ukrainian military who defied the orders of the Poles to disarm .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ located in Halychyna ( now Poland ) went underground .
Becoming responsible for the future assault on the Bolsheviks , the general , disguised and with fake documents , went to Lviv and checked into a resort house near the city .
There , he worked around the clock to organize the headquarters of the operation and to build its detailed plan .
The idea was to have three relatively small groups of the Petlyurites cross the border with Russia and stir a massive uprising in the Ukrainian lands .
This plan did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fact , by summer 1921 , several powerful insurgent armies were quite active in the Kyiv , Cherkasy , Podillya , Volyn and other Ukrainian regions .
The biggest and best known of them was an army under the command of three brothers Chuchupak ( or “ Chuchupaka , ” according to Vasyl Shklyar ) , which fought quite successfully against the CHON in the Cherkasy region .
Their center was in the woods near the Kholodnyy Yar ravine , with its famous Motronivsky ( St. Matrone ) monastery described by Shevchenko in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Second Winter Campaign did not go as planned .
One of the reasons of its failure was the relentless work of the Bolshevik military intelligence under the command of a talented adventurer , a Communist mercenary from Italy , Arturo Frauci , known in Russia under the name of Artur Artuzov .
The Bolsheviks worked out a huge special operation under the code name “ The Syndicate , ” which coordinated the activities of their special agents masked as emissaries of the various counter-revolutionary organizations .
Several of such fake “ emissaries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other Ukrainian underground insurgent leaders , supplying them with disinformation and thus breaking their cooperation with each other .
By the time the first Petlyurite troops crossed the border ( November 1921 ) , the insurgent armies were weakened and could not mount an uprising of the expected scale and intensity .
On November 17 , 1921 , near the village of Mali Mynky , the Zhytomyr region , the last group of fighters for the Ukrainian cause was surrounded by the Bolshevik cavalry under the command of G. Kotovsky .
It was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ braves were killed , and about 500 captured .
On November 21 , after days of most barbaric torture , 359 captives were killed by machine gun fire near the village of Bazar .
Many of them died singing the national anthem of Ukraine .
Not one of them agreed to switch sides and serve the Bolsheviks .
Tyutyunnyk and a small group of the Ukrainian fighters managed to break through the Kotovsky cavalry ranks near Mali Mynky and to reach the Polish border .
In Poland , the wounded , ill , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to work on a project that was aimed at treating the veterans of the Ukrainian revolution who needed medical help .
However , his usual keen sense of danger soon betrayed him .
In late 1922 , he was contacted by “ representatives of the Ukrainian insurgency ” ( actually , Artuzov ’ s men ) , who offered him the position of the Commander-in-Chief of all Ukrainian armies fighting against the Bolsheviks .
In summer 1923 , knowing that Petlyura was planning to move to France and was not going to continue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ course , he was immediately arrested after crossing the border with the USSR .
In Moscow , he was quickly sentenced to death , but , almost miraculously , spared .
Tyutyunnyk ’ s jailers noticed that general Yurko was an absolutely fantastic storyteller with an obvious talent for acting .
This was reported to Ch .
Rakovsky , the premier of the Ukrainian Bolshevik government .
Rakovsky sent his representative who offered Tyutyunnyk to become an actor playing the “ counter-revolutionary ” “ Nationalist ” “ Petlyurite ” enemies in Soviet Ukrainian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of these “ offers he could not refuse , ” and agreed .
For several years , he was employed by the Kyiv and Odesa Cinema Studios , starring in propagandist films like “ Zvenyhora ” and “ P.K.P.
” However , in February 1929 Tyutyunnyk was again arrested and interrogated on suspicion of plotting against the Soviet government .
He was executed by firing squad on October 20 , 1930 .
Till his last breath , he continued to deny the existence of a “ network of spies ” of Petlyura @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any names .
Symon Petlyura settled in Paris in 1924 .
He remained the nominal head of the Ukrainian government in exile but slowed down as a politician .
He knew that the Bolsheviks would not let him live long .
Indeed , back in 1922 , Lenin said during a session of the Communist Party ’ s Central Committee that of all the leaders of anti-Communist forces of the war of 1918-1920 , “ unlike all these Denikins and Yudenichs , only Petlyura remains really dangerous to us , so , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can not rest.
” At about 2 p.m. of May 25 , 1926 , Petlyura walked down the Boulevard St. Michel and stopped by a bookstore at the corner with Rue Racine .
As he was browsing through titles of the books , a man approached him and fired at him seven times with a revolver .
Petlyura was driven to a hospital nearby but soon died of his wounds .
The assassin , a 39-year old Samuel Schwartzbard , was a Jew from Ukraine ( the Podillya Governorate ) who belonged to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trial , Schwartzbard testified that his motive for assassinating Petlyura was both political and personal because all members of his family ( 15 persons ) were killed in the Ukrainian city of Balta during a pogrom sanctioned by Petlyura .
This was not consistent , however , with the fact that during the pogrom that Schwartzbard referred to , the one that occurred in 1919 , Petlyura ’ s army was in 200 kilometers away from Balta and the city was , actually , controlled by the Red Army .
The prosecution also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ personally prohibited Jewish pogroms , calling the perpetrators “ bandits ” and asking the people to stop , arrest , and deliver them to swift justice .
However , all these documents , as well as testimonies about the connection between Schwartzbard and Volodin , an agent of the Russian Bolshevik intelligence services , were disregarded , and Schwartzbard was acquitted .
On May 30 , 1926 , Paris bade farewell to Symon Petliura on its knees In April 1923 , the 12th Congress of the Communist Party of the USSR declared a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Russian noun корень ( root ) .
It meant promoting the development of the national , ethnic , local languages and cultures with the goal to make masses better acquainted with the Marxist-Leninist dogmatics and the policies of the Soviet government .
In Ukraine , Korenization meant Ukrainization .
The methods used in this campaign were typical for Bolsheviks .
The Ukrainian language was introduced to schools , theaters , public offices , documentation etc .
by force .
All public servants had to take the Ukrainian language classes and to pass @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Printing of newspapers , magazines , and books in Ukrainian soared .
The Ukrainization campaign was a success .
First of all , in rural areas , peasants were much more willing to send their children to schools where subjects were taught in their native Ukrainian language .
Many adults went to schools , too .
As a result , the level of illiteracy fell dramatically , from 47 % in 1926 to 8 % in 1934 .
Simultaneously , big cities all over Ukraine conspicuously acquired a Ukrainian character .
Mill and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be called “ country bumpkins , ” and began to speak Ukrainian at work , in stores , on the streets , during all kinds of public gatherings .
For the first time in history , the carriers of the Russian language who refused to learn Ukrainian were ridiculed and sometimes publicly humiliated as “ Russificators.
” It sounds unbelievable now , but the Academy of Sciences of Ukraine did not use the Russian language at all at any of its institutions and during any of their public meetings between 1921 and 1933 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most prominent Ukrainization leaders who served as the People ’ s Commissar of Education of Ukraine in the late 1920-s , even spoke to his hosts through an official interpreter during his visits to Russia .
The Ukrainian literature and theater at the time of the Ukrainization made colossal strides .
Poetry flourished , with its huge diversity of schools raging from the Neoclassics led by Mykola Zerov to Futurists like Mykhaylo Semenko .
The literature for children and youth acquired a colorful figure of Mike Johansen , the author of breathtaking adventure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and comedies were written by playwrights like Mykola Kulish and staged by theater directors like Les Kurbas .
The Impressionist school of prose writing was colorfully represented by the unique genius of Hryhorii Kosynka .
Many novels were written by the new generation of Ukrainian writers that included Petro Panch , Andriy Holovko , Valerian Pidmohylny and others .
Ideologically , many of these rising stars were Leftists , revolutionaries , so it is a small wonder that they grouped into an organization called VAPLITE ( from Ukrainian Вільна Академія пролетарської літератури , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Literature ” ) .
But they were very far from being merely servants of the Communist regime .
All of them had very strong Ukrainian patriotic ( or Nationalist ) convictions .
Their leader , Mykola Khvylyovyy , himself a gifted and prolific writer of prose , shocked the Russian Bolshevik leadership and personally Stalin in 1928 by publishing an article titled “ AWAY FROM MOSCOW !
” There was absolutely nothing xenophobic in that article .
It merely argued that the new generation of Ukrainian writers should not parrot the Russian literary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the world literature and continue the humanistic line of the world literary classic .
At the beginning of the 1930s , the Ukrainization campaign was artificially slowed down .
Stalin feared the Ukrainian Nationalism just like Lenin did before him .
The Ukrainization activists like Skrypnyk and Khvylyovyy were harassed as “ Nationalist Deviators ” ( both committed suicide in 1934 ) .
From 1932 on , the number of Ukrainian-language newspapers , magazines , books , theater plays , motion pictures , and festivals continued to diminish .
Many Bolshevik leaders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ukrainization too seriously and close to their hearts were arrested and imprisoned or executed as “ Petlyurite spies.
” Overall , the unprecedented rise of the Ukrainian culture in the years 1923-1933 was given a sad name , “ The Executed Renaissance.
” 2.History of Ukraine : The Princes and the Kozaks 5 .
History of Ukraine : The rise of nationalism in 19th century or two Ukrainian nationalisms 6 .
History of Ukraine : The first modern Ukrainian state .
7.History of Ukraine : From Skoropadsky to Petlyura .
8.Ukraine struggles for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
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Some trivia about Ukraine on the 29th anniversary of country’s Independence by George V.Pinchuk. History of Ukraine: From the communist occupation to a national renaissance and back. Part 9.
By the end of the year 1920, the Red Army occupied, essentially, all of what used to be the Russian imperial part of Ukraine. Over 1.2 million troops under the general command of Leon Trotsky were dislocated there, including five armies that consisted of dozens of divisions and brigades. In addition, the Bolshevik-occupied part of Ukraine was filled with the so-called CHON (from Russian Части особого назначения, “Units with Special Task”). These armed units were formed to a large extent from foreigners, or, as they were officially called, “Internationalist Warriors” – Latvians, Hungarians, in some cases the Chinese mercenaries. Their commanders in Ukraine were usually Communists from inner parts of Russia. The CHON almost never fought with the remnants of the White or Petlyurite armies but, rather, were kept for policing rural areas, where they violently suppressed any popular discontent or uprising. One especially nasty task of the CHON was officially called “Food Surplus Appraisal,” which in fact meant complete or almost complete requisition of everything edible from peasants, including even grain reserved for seed. Needless to say, the robbed peasants were doomed to starvation, and died by thousands. In the case of any resistance, the CHON troops had orders to kill everyone in the rebellious village and to burn it to the ground.
In January 1921, the government of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in Exile, which at that time was located in Tarnów, Poland, decided to prepare for a large-scale offensive against the Bolshevik occupiers’ regime in Ukraine. Yurko Tyutyunnyk, a General Coronet of the UPR’s Armed Forces, was made the commander of this operation, which came to be known as the Second Winter Campaign of the Ukrainian Army.
General Coronet Tyutyunnyk,1920
Georgiy Yosyfovych Tyutyunnyk was born in 1891 in the Cherkasy region of central Ukraine. On his mother’s side, he was a grand-nephew of the great Ukrainian poet Taras Shevchenko. His parents were neither wealthy nor prominent, but his two older brothers were members of the SR (Socialist Revolutionary) Party. They had a profound influence on young Yurko, making him a believer in a better future for the Ukrainian peasantry after a revolution against the Tzarist oppression. However, Yurko never joined SR or any political party whatsoever, instead choosing a career in the military. He fought bravely during WW1 and was wounded several times. Amazingly, he also managed to pass the exams as an extern and to get his certificate of the completion of a secondary school, even though he never attended classes. With this certificate, he was admitted to a military school and graduated from it in 1915 in the rank of an Ensign. In 1917, he was promoted to the rank of a Lieutenant.
After the fall of the Romanov dynasty, Tyutyunnyk worked enthusiastically on the task of Ukrainization of the units of the crumbling Russian imperial army located in Ukraine. He became an elected representative to the All-Ukrainian Military Congress and, in May 1917, a member of the Central Rada. However, he felt that his true place was not in the parliament but among the troops. Tyutyunnyk became one of the organizers and leaders of the reborn Ukrainian Cossack regiments. There, he quickly went up the ranks and, by the end of 1917, commanded a Kish (regiment) of light cavalry; in February-March 1918 his Cossacks distinguished themselves in the battle with the Bolshevik army of Muravyov. During the rule of Hetman Skoropadsky, Yurko Tyutyunnyk became one of the most active members of the anti-Hetman resistance and a close friend of Symon Petlyura. In November 1918, he was arrested on the orders of Skoropadsky and sentenced to death. However, on December 14, when the Dyrektoria troops were fighting in the outskirts of Kyiv, Tyutyunnyk and two other inmates of the Lukianivska prison in Kyiv incited a riot and broke out of the prison, joining the street fight against the remains of the Hetman’s army.
Tyutyunnyk was in the middle of heavy fighting throughout the years 1919-1920, showing extraordinary abilities as a soldier, a commander, and a propagandist. In January 1919, he was captured by Red Army troops and was about to be shot, but made a speech urging the Red soldiers to recall their Ukrainianness and to switch sides, joining Petlyura. The speech was a success, and the unit of the Reds became part of Petlyura’s Black Sea division. Later in the year, Tyutyunnyk joined the troops of Otaman Grigoriev and fought against Denikin troops, helping the “Grigorievs” to capture the city of Odesa. For a short while, he became the commander of a division that was subordinated to the Red Army commanders; however, in May 1919 Tyutyunnyk and about 2,000 men under his command returned to the army of the UPR. Between June 1919 and November 1920, Yurko Tyutyunnyk commanded a two-division group within the army of the UPR and (in winter 1920) served as the first deputy of General Omelyanovych-Pavlenko (see Part 8).
General Coronet Tyutyunnyk was among the few brave commanders of the Ukrainian military who defied the orders of the Poles to disarm. In late fall 1920, his troops, located in Halychyna (now Poland) went underground. Becoming responsible for the future assault on the Bolsheviks, the general, disguised and with fake documents, went to Lviv and checked into a resort house near the city. There, he worked around the clock to organize the headquarters of the operation and to build its detailed plan. The idea was to have three relatively small groups of the Petlyurites cross the border with Russia and stir a massive uprising in the Ukrainian lands. This plan did not look unrealistic, because, in fact, by summer 1921, several powerful insurgent armies were quite active in the Kyiv, Cherkasy, Podillya, Volyn and other Ukrainian regions. The biggest and best known of them was an army under the command of three brothers Chuchupak (or “Chuchupaka,” according to Vasyl Shklyar), which fought quite successfully against the CHON in the Cherkasy region. Their center was in the woods near the Kholodnyy Yar ravine, with its famous Motronivsky (St. Matrone) monastery described by Shevchenko in his poem “Haidamaky.”
Unfortunately, the Second Winter Campaign did not go as planned. One of the reasons of its failure was the relentless work of the Bolshevik military intelligence under the command of a talented adventurer, a Communist mercenary from Italy, Arturo Frauci, known in Russia under the name of Artur Artuzov. The Bolsheviks worked out a huge special operation under the code name “The Syndicate,” which coordinated the activities of their special agents masked as emissaries of the various counter-revolutionary organizations. Several of such fake “emissaries” met with the Kholodnyy Yar and other Ukrainian underground insurgent leaders, supplying them with disinformation and thus breaking their cooperation with each other. By the time the first Petlyurite troops crossed the border (November 1921), the insurgent armies were weakened and could not mount an uprising of the expected scale and intensity. On November 17, 1921, near the village of Mali Mynky, the Zhytomyr region, the last group of fighters for the Ukrainian cause was surrounded by the Bolshevik cavalry under the command of G. Kotovsky. It was a massacre. More than 1,000 Ukrainian braves were killed, and about 500 captured. On November 21, after days of most barbaric torture, 359 captives were killed by machine gun fire near the village of Bazar. Many of them died singing the national anthem of Ukraine. Not one of them agreed to switch sides and serve the Bolsheviks.
Tyutyunnyk and a small group of the Ukrainian fighters managed to break through the Kotovsky cavalry ranks near Mali Mynky and to reach the Polish border. In Poland, the wounded, ill, and tired 32-year old general immediately began to work on a project that was aimed at treating the veterans of the Ukrainian revolution who needed medical help. However, his usual keen sense of danger soon betrayed him. In late 1922, he was contacted by “representatives of the Ukrainian insurgency” (actually, Artuzov’s men), who offered him the position of the Commander-in-Chief of all Ukrainian armies fighting against the Bolsheviks. In summer 1923, knowing that Petlyura was planning to move to France and was not going to continue the fight, Tyutyunnyk accepted. Of course, he was immediately arrested after crossing the border with the USSR. In Moscow, he was quickly sentenced to death, but, almost miraculously, spared. Tyutyunnyk’s jailers noticed that general Yurko was an absolutely fantastic storyteller with an obvious talent for acting. This was reported to Ch. Rakovsky, the premier of the Ukrainian Bolshevik government. Rakovsky sent his representative who offered Tyutyunnyk to become an actor playing the “counter-revolutionary” “Nationalist” “Petlyurite” enemies in Soviet Ukrainian movies. Tyutyunnyk understood that it was one of these “offers he could not refuse,” and agreed. For several years, he was employed by the Kyiv and Odesa Cinema Studios, starring in propagandist films like “Zvenyhora” and “P.K.P.” However, in February 1929 Tyutyunnyk was again arrested and interrogated on suspicion of plotting against the Soviet government. He was executed by firing squad on October 20, 1930. Till his last breath, he continued to deny the existence of a “network of spies” of Petlyura in Soviet Ukraine and did not name any names.
Georgiy Yosyfovych Tyutyunnyk after the arrest in1929
Symon Petlyura settled in Paris in 1924. He remained the nominal head of the Ukrainian government in exile but slowed down as a politician. He knew that the Bolsheviks would not let him live long. Indeed, back in 1922, Lenin said during a session of the Communist Party’s Central Committee that of all the leaders of anti-Communist forces of the war of 1918-1920, “unlike all these Denikins and Yudenichs, only Petlyura remains really dangerous to us, so, as long as he is alive, we cannot rest.”
At about 2 p.m. of May 25, 1926, Petlyura walked down the Boulevard St. Michel and stopped by a bookstore at the corner with Rue Racine. As he was browsing through titles of the books, a man approached him and fired at him seven times with a revolver. Petlyura was driven to a hospital nearby but soon died of his wounds. The assassin, a 39-year old Samuel Schwartzbard, was a Jew from Ukraine (the Podillya Governorate) who belonged to the party of Anarchists. During the trial, Schwartzbard testified that his motive for assassinating Petlyura was both political and personal because all members of his family (15 persons) were killed in the Ukrainian city of Balta during a pogrom sanctioned by Petlyura. This was not consistent, however, with the fact that during the pogrom that Schwartzbard referred to, the one that occurred in 1919, Petlyura’s army was in 200 kilometers away from Balta and the city was, actually, controlled by the Red Army. The prosecution also presented about 200 documents indicating that Petlyura personally prohibited Jewish pogroms, calling the perpetrators “bandits” and asking the people to stop, arrest, and deliver them to swift justice. However, all these documents, as well as testimonies about the connection between Schwartzbard and Volodin, an agent of the Russian Bolshevik intelligence services, were disregarded, and Schwartzbard was acquitted.
On May 30, 1926, Paris bade farewell to Symon Petliura on its knees
In April 1923, the 12th Congress of the Communist Party of the USSR declared a course towards the so-called Korenization, from the Russian noun корень (root). It meant promoting the development of the national, ethnic, local languages and cultures with the goal to make masses better acquainted with the Marxist-Leninist dogmatics and the policies of the Soviet government. In Ukraine, Korenization meant Ukrainization. The methods used in this campaign were typical for Bolsheviks. The Ukrainian language was introduced to schools, theaters, public offices, documentation etc. by force. All public servants had to take the Ukrainian language classes and to pass an exam or otherwise be sacked. Printing of newspapers, magazines, and books in Ukrainian soared.
The Ukrainization campaign was a success. First of all, in rural areas, peasants were much more willing to send their children to schools where subjects were taught in their native Ukrainian language. Many adults went to schools, too. As a result, the level of illiteracy fell dramatically, from 47% in 1926 to 8% in 1934. Simultaneously, big cities all over Ukraine conspicuously acquired a Ukrainian character. Mill and factory workers were no longer afraid to be called “country bumpkins,” and began to speak Ukrainian at work, in stores, on the streets, during all kinds of public gatherings. For the first time in history, the carriers of the Russian language who refused to learn Ukrainian were ridiculed and sometimes publicly humiliated as “Russificators.” It sounds unbelievable now, but the Academy of Sciences of Ukraine did not use the Russian language at all at any of its institutions and during any of their public meetings between 1921 and 1933. Mykola Skrypnyk, one of the most prominent Ukrainization leaders who served as the People’s Commissar of Education of Ukraine in the late 1920-s, even spoke to his hosts through an official interpreter during his visits to Russia.
The Ukrainian literature and theater at the time of the Ukrainization made colossal strides. Poetry flourished, with its huge diversity of schools raging from the Neoclassics led by Mykola Zerov to Futurists like Mykhaylo Semenko. The literature for children and youth acquired a colorful figure of Mike Johansen, the author of breathtaking adventure and travel stories. Dozens of dramas and comedies were written by playwrights like Mykola Kulish and staged by theater directors like Les Kurbas. The Impressionist school of prose writing was colorfully represented by the unique genius of Hryhorii Kosynka. Many novels were written by the new generation of Ukrainian writers that included Petro Panch, Andriy Holovko, Valerian Pidmohylny and others. Ideologically, many of these rising stars were Leftists, revolutionaries, so it is a small wonder that they grouped into an organization called VAPLITE (from Ukrainian Вільна Академія пролетарської літератури, “the Free Academy of the Proletarian Literature”). But they were very far from being merely servants of the Communist regime. All of them had very strong Ukrainian patriotic (or Nationalist) convictions. Their leader, Mykola Khvylyovyy, himself a gifted and prolific writer of prose, shocked the Russian Bolshevik leadership and personally Stalin in 1928 by publishing an article titled “AWAY FROM MOSCOW!” There was absolutely nothing xenophobic in that article. It merely argued that the new generation of Ukrainian writers should not parrot the Russian literary tradition but, rather, educate itself in the world literature and continue the humanistic line of the world literary classic.
At the beginning of the 1930s, the Ukrainization campaign was artificially slowed down. Stalin feared the Ukrainian Nationalism just like Lenin did before him. The Ukrainization activists like Skrypnyk and Khvylyovyy were harassed as “Nationalist Deviators” (both committed suicide in 1934). From 1932 on, the number of Ukrainian-language newspapers, magazines, books, theater plays, motion pictures, and festivals continued to diminish. Many Bolshevik leaders who had made the mistake of taking Ukrainization too seriously and close to their hearts were arrested and imprisoned or executed as “Petlyurite spies.” Overall, the unprecedented rise of the Ukrainian culture in the years 1923-1933 was given a sad name, “The Executed Renaissance.”
Read also:
1.History of Ukraine: The Beginnings
2.History of Ukraine: The Princes and the Kozaks
3.History of Ukraine: The Russian Captivity
4.History of Ukraine: Taras Shevchenko
5. History of Ukraine: The rise of nationalism in 19th century or two Ukrainian nationalisms
6. History of Ukraine: The first modern Ukrainian state.
7.History of Ukraine: From Skoropadsky to Petlyura.
8.Ukraine struggles for survival: The victories and the losses.
By George V. Pinchuk
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