themoscowtimes--2020-07-23--Melting Arctic Permafrost Threatens Russian Energy Firms’ Bottom Line – Morgan Stanley

Rapidly melting Arctic permafrost poses the greatest threat to major Russian energy producers ’ infrastructure and financial indicators , according to a new Morgan Stanley report obtained by the Vedomosti business daily .
Gazprom , Novatek , Alrosa and Norilsk Nickel — whose fuel tank leaked after sinking into thawing permafrost in May , resulting in a major environmental disaster — stand to lose the most from the phenomenon that releases carbon gases and further fuels global warming .
“ Climate change in permafrost areas , which account for about 60 % of Russian territory , leads to the release @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dioxide , reduces soil stability and creates risks for infrastructure , ” Vedomosti quoted Morgan Stanley as saying Thursday .
The investment banking company noted that average temperatures in Russia have risen at 2.5 times the global rate since 1960 while Arctic temperatures have risen at 3-4 times the global rate since 2000 .
This heat reduces the bearing capacity of structural foundations in key hydrocarbon production regions by 25-75 % compared to 1965 .
Around 90 % of Russia ’ s gas and diamonds , 30 % of its oil and all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ areas covered by a thick layer of permafrost .
This means that these companies could feel the impact of climate change in the near future , according to Morgan Stanley ’ s analytical report .
Gazprom ’ s forecasted free cash flow for 2022 , for example , risks being cut from $ 8.4 billion to $ 4 billion , while Nornickel 's predicted 2022 dividends could halve to $ 1.1 billion .

Rapidly melting Arctic permafrost poses the greatest threat to major Russian energy producers’ infrastructure and financial indicators, according to a new Morgan Stanley report obtained by the Vedomosti business daily. Gazprom, Novatek, Alrosa and Norilsk Nickel — whose fuel tank leaked after sinking into thawing permafrost in May, resulting in a major environmental disaster — stand to lose the most from the phenomenon that releases carbon gases and further fuels global warming.
news Rare Snowmelt Floods Power Station in Russian Far North Read more
“Climate change in permafrost areas, which account for about 60% of Russian territory, leads to the release of large amounts of methane and carbon dioxide, reduces soil stability and creates risks for infrastructure,” Vedomosti quoted Morgan Stanley as saying Thursday. The investment banking company noted that average temperatures in Russia have risen at 2.5 times the global rate since 1960 while Arctic temperatures have risen at 3-4 times the global rate since 2000. This heat reduces the bearing capacity of structural foundations in key hydrocarbon production regions by 25-75% compared to 1965.


themoscowtimes--2020-07-23--Relatives of Murdered Chechen Dissident in Austria Claim Responsibility, ‘Repent’ to Kadyrov

Two ethnic Chechens were arrested after the body of Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov ’ s reported “ personal foe ” Mamikhan Umarov , 43 , was found in Vienna on July 4 .
Suspicions immediately fell on the southern Russian region ’ s longtime ruler as it was the fourth attack and third murder of a Kadyrov critic in Europe .
The extended family of a Chechen dissident murdered in Austria earlier this month has claimed responsibility for his killing and attempted to absolve the Russian region ’ s Kremlin-backed leader .
In a video address published Wednesday , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ themselves as Umarov ’ s relatives said they “ had to stop ” him from leveling “ unforgivable insults , ” according to a translation by the Kavkazskiy Uzel ( Caucasus Knot ) news website .
The men “ admitted that they did not control their fugitive relative and so they had to stop him according to the ancient Chechen customs in order to remove the stigma from their family.
” The family apologized to Kadyrov and “ repented before all Chechens for the unforgivable insults he had inflicted on the whole people.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Umarov political asylum after he fled Chechnya in 2005 .
Some time before his death , Umarov went public with anti-Kadyrov YouTube videos , one of which dared Kadyrov to find him and kill him .
Kadyrov , who denies ordering the string of killings across Europe , accused his critics of being paid by and then killed by foreign intelligence agencies .
He warned other Chechen bloggers critical of Russia and his own rule of a similar fate .
The Caucasus Knot cited a senior Chechen figure in Austria as dismissing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The relatives were forced to take the blame for the murder of the blogger , ” Khusein Iskhanov , the head of the Chechen separatist diaspora ’ s cultural association in Austria , told the outlet .
“ The authorities are trying to expose the political murder as some sort of domestic conflict.
” The attacks come amid growing concern over the security of Chechen dissidents living in Europe and elsewhere .
Chechens have fled into exile in recent years over disagreements with Kadyrov , the region 's second major wave of emigration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ separatist wars with Russia in the 1990s .
Critics accuse Kadyrov , a close ally of President Vladimir Putin , of carving out a state within a state and committing human rights abuses .

Two ethnic Chechens were arrested after the body of Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov’s reported “personal foe” Mamikhan Umarov, 43, was found in Vienna on July 4. Suspicions immediately fell on the southern Russian region’s longtime ruler as it was the fourth attack and third murder of a Kadyrov critic in Europe.
The extended family of a Chechen dissident murdered in Austria earlier this month has claimed responsibility for his killing and attempted to absolve the Russian region’s Kremlin-backed leader.
In a video address published Wednesday, a group of around a dozen men identifying themselves as Umarov’s relatives said they “had to stop” him from leveling “unforgivable insults,” according to a translation by the Kavkazskiy Uzel (Caucasus Knot) news website.
The men “admitted that they did not control their fugitive relative and so they had to stop him according to the ancient Chechen customs in order to remove the stigma from their family.”
The family apologized to Kadyrov and “repented before all Chechens for the unforgivable insults he had inflicted on the whole people.”
Austria was reported to have granted Umarov political asylum after he fled Chechnya in 2005. Some time before his death, Umarov went public with anti-Kadyrov YouTube videos, one of which dared Kadyrov to find him and kill him.
Kadyrov, who denies ordering the string of killings across Europe, accused his critics of being paid by and then killed by foreign intelligence agencies. He warned other Chechen bloggers critical of Russia and his own rule of a similar fate.
The Caucasus Knot cited a senior Chechen figure in Austria as dismissing the video address as “absurd.”
“The relatives were forced to take the blame for the murder of the blogger,” Khusein Iskhanov, the head of the Chechen separatist diaspora’s cultural association in Austria, told the outlet. “The authorities are trying to expose the political murder as some sort of domestic conflict.”
The attacks come amid growing concern over the security of Chechen dissidents living in Europe and elsewhere. Chechens have fled into exile in recent years over disagreements with Kadyrov, the region's second major wave of emigration after the first wave triggered by two separatist wars with Russia in the 1990s.
Critics accuse Kadyrov, a close ally of President Vladimir Putin, of carving out a state within a state and committing human rights abuses.


themoscowtimes--2020-07-23--A Wave of Sexual Harassment Claims Is Rocking Russia’s Independent Media

As her shift at Russia ’ s investigative Novaya Gazeta newspaper was coming to an end on a late Monday afternoon last January , Elizaveta Kirpanova stopped by a senior reporter ’ s office to catch up .
Kirpanova , a 23-year-old reporter who had just completed her first year at the respected paper , was working on a topic her elder colleague knew well , and she figured she could ask for some pointers .
Soon , though , the discussion turned to a story that was on everyone ’ s minds at the time : the recent resignation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chief editor Ivan Kolpakov after he groped a colleague ’ s wife at a staff party .
Resulting in a public figure ’ s resignation over claims of sexual misconduct , the case became Russia ’ s first # MeToo moment .
It also riled the country ’ s small community of independent journalists , who mostly fell on different sides of a generational divide .
The young guard felt it was appropriate Kolpakov had left his post ; veterans either thought the punishment was too harsh , or that what he had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speaking out sharply against Kolpakov ’ s actions .
As she stood to leave , the senior reporter asked if he could give her a hug to clear the tension .
“ I hugged him for a second and started to pull back , but he ’ s holding me , ” Kirpanova recalled in an interview last week .
“ So I push him away and say , jokingly , ‘ Now you are starting to harass me.
’ ” Her colleague shut the office door and grabbed Kirpanova ’ s face @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says , ‘ This is what harassment is ’ and kisses me on the lips , ” Kirpanova recounted .
“ After that I don ’ t really remember what happened .
I ran out into the corridor and yelled something vulgar .
My heart was beating really fast .
I gathered my things and left the newsroom.
” Eighteen months later , Kirpanova is sharing her story publicly for the first time .
She decided to come forward after dozens of young women and men began airing their stories of harassment — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flood — on social media last week about men who work or used to work in Russian independent media .
If Kolpakov ’ s resignation was Russia ’ s first # MeToo moment , last week ’ s wave of accusations signaled the arrival of the movement in the country in full force , resulting in three men leaving their jobs .
In the aftermath , many independent journalists who spoke to The Moscow Times over the past week stressed that the stories are coming out of Russia ’ s independent media circles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been thinking and talking about the issue since the advent of # MeToo .
The stories have since prompted soul-searching inside independent newsrooms over what , if anything , needs to change .
In their wake , Novaya Gazeta on July 14 announced that , already back in March , it had created a new policy to manage sexual harassment complaints .
The paper last week sent the document to two dozen other newsrooms that have since been deciding whether or not to follow suit .
Yet what Novaya Gazeta did not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prompted by several cases of harassment within the paper ’ s own walls , the details of which have not been previously reported .
Nor did the paper say that , although in the end a large majority of its newsroom voted in favor of the new policy , it was the paper ’ s younger journalists — most of whom were women — who pushed the new policy through against initial resistance from the paper ’ s older guard .
Last January , as Kirpanova processed what had happened , she turned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The supervisor suggested she bring it up with the paper ’ s two deputy chief editors .
“ They asked me if I wanted him fired , and I said no , ” Kirpanova said .
“ I am not a backer of punitive measures .
I am more for educational measures.
” The deputy chief editors spoke with the correspondent and told Kirpanova that he had assured them nothing like that would happen again .
Although Kirpanova “ would shoot past him like a bullet ” whenever she saw him , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a year .
After Novaya Gazeta ’ s holiday party in late December 2019 , however , a small group of mostly young colleagues , including Kirpanova , gathered in the office after returning from a nearby bar .
The paper ’ s longtime chief editor Dmitry Muratov , who had recently returned to the post after a two-year absence , joined them .
The conversation soon turned to feminism and workplace harassment , and the younger colleagues present recalled that Muratov , 58 , was not convinced that Novaya Gazeta had such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Others opened up too .
“ I heard what turned out to be news to me , and in my view quite serious , ” Muratov told The Moscow Times .
“ People did not feel safe.
” During the period he was away from the newsroom , Muratov said about two dozen new journalists had joined a staff that had worked at the paper for 15 to 20 years .
“ This is a new generation with a different understanding of their boundaries , ” Muratov said .
“ I took it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and a victim , but a clash of generations.
” By the end of the evening , Muratov had authorized the younger staff to come up with a policy on sexual harassment .
The group invited others in the newsroom to join them .
According to one of the group ’ s members , Lilit Sarkisyan , 21 , in the end a dozen young people signed on : 11 women and one man .
The generational divide in Russia over the question of sexual harassment was especially visible during last week ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , triggered after Violeta Er , a 25-year-old hairdresser , shared the story of her experience of an abusive relationship on Twitter on July 12 .
Soon , the floodgates opened and the stories — ranging from emotional abuse to rape — poured in .
The accusations concerned men , most of whom worked , or had previously worked , in Russia ’ s independent media outlets , and were told by people who mostly ran in the tight-knit social circle .
“ These stories were happening here in parallel to the conversation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one did anything about them , ” said Valentina Dekhtyarenko , 23 , who works for exiled oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovsky 's Open Russia pro-democracy movement and shared over 20 allegations on her Twitter page .
“ There was a huge silence that had been growing over the years and it finally ended.
” Not everyone took the stories seriously .
“ When will these sluts calm down already ?
” Ksenia Larina , a 57-year-old journalist at the liberal-leaning Ekho Moskvy radio station , wrote on Twitter .
“ How much longer are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
” A similar dynamic had been visible inside Novaya Gazeta when the working group tasked with developing the sexual harassment policy began introducing first drafts to the newsroom in February , according to Muratov and younger staffers .
Resistance to introducing rules ranged from views that sexual harassment did not exist in the newsroom , to concerns that people would need permission to express affection , to the view — also shared by some older women staffers — that women should just say no and stand up for themselves .
“ In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even have the time to react , ” Kirpanova said .
“ It all happened so fast.
” “ Ideally , ” she added , “ you would ask for permission each time , yes.
” To the group ’ s surprise , the regulations — which Novaya Gazeta showed The Moscow Times — ended up passing in March by a wide margin .
Members credited a lecture by Anna Rivina , director of the women ’ s rights organization Nasiliyu.net ( “ No to Violence ” ) Center , whom they invited @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Taking as their goal guaranteeing a “ safe working atmosphere , ” the regulations define sexual harassment as “ attention of a sexual nature , including not only sexual coercion , but also touching without consent , lustful gestures and comments about appearance with a sexual connotation , which put a person in an awkward or humiliating position.
” The document also enshrines the formation of an “ ethical committee ” that will review claims of sexual harassment — or psychological abuse — within 21 days of the complaints being submitted .
Consisting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the paper ’ s ombudsman and four people elected every two years — two women and two men , each set containing one member 34 or younger , the other over 34 .
The paper ’ s chief editor , director and anyone who was previously seen as violating the regulations are barred from balloting .
As a result of last week ’ s wave of complaints , a top editor and a photographer of the MBKh Media news website resigned , while Russia ’ s biggest state-owned bank Sberbank opened an investigation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of whom had also formerly worked in independent media outlets .
One of the two has since resigned .
“ These cases are the tip of the iceberg , ” said Rivina of Nasiliyu.net , noting that the response to the complaints represents a sea change in Russian society .
“ What is happening in the so-called liberal crowd proves that this is everywhere , ” she added .
“ This is a very important test for all of society.
” In conversations with independent journalists , many emphasized that , in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and few independent media outlets are left , there is a feeling that you don ’ t go after your own .
Some expressed concerns that this article would feed the fire for the Kremlin ’ s propagandists , who have already published a series of hit pieces about bad behavior among Russia ’ s opposition .
Many also said that “ family ” culture has also cultivated the idea in their workplaces that everything can be mediated without rules .
Such was the case at the independent Dozhd television channel , two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s most prominent hosts , Pavel Lobkov , 53 , of harassment , told The Moscow Times .
They were two of three men who first posted their allegations on Twitter .
In an interview on Ekho Moskvy last week , Dozhd chief editor Tikhon Dzyadko apologized for Lobkov ’ s actions and announced the host would be taking a one-week long vacation .
For his part , Lobkov apologized in a Facebook post , explaining that he had grown up in a time “ when we considered this harassment a cute @ @ @ @ @ @ @ roles and no one goes beyond certain boundaries that were established in the process of communication.
” “ Everyone joked about it .
‘ Oh , it ’ s just Pasha , ’ ” said one of the men , who recently left the channel , using a diminutive for Pavel .
The young man described an open culture of Lobkov groping young men and joking with them about sex in an open-plan newsroom , as colleagues , including senior staff , looked on .
He accused Lobkov of once going so far @ @ @ @ @ @ @ while kissing his neck and whispering about sex in his ear — in full view of everyone present .
At the time , the young man didn ’ t complain .
“ There were never any instruments for how to complain about something like this , ” he said .
“ There is no internal ethics code.
” Some older journalists came to Lobkov ’ s defense , noting that he does not hold the rank of senior editor and did not have the power to fire or promote the young journalists at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , however , the problem did not just lie in his job title .
“ He doesn ’ t have legal power , but he is the face of the channel , ” the young man said .
“ It ’ s impossible to complain about him in that environment.
” For Alexander Skrylnikov , 25 , the situation meant leaving the channel after a four-month internship came to an end in 2014 rather than staying on in a staff position , which had been informally offered to him when he first started @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be better to leave than stick around and keep dealing with that , ” said Skrylnikov , who now works at MBKh Media , explaining that Lobkov would often kiss his neck or grope him in full view of everyone .
Skrylnikov never made a formal complaint .
“ What can you do if you don ’ t even understand your rights ?
” he said .
Last week , Novaya Gazeta sent its new regulations to Syndicate 100 , an association of independent outlets that includes Dozhd , Ekho Moskvy and Meduza @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would be implementing a version of the regulations , chief editor Dzyadko said : “ If Dozhd ever develops regulations , it will be done inside the newsroom.
” The channel ’ s general director Natalya Sindeyeva , meanwhile , did not respond to multiple requests for comment .
Alexei Venediktov , chief editor of Ekho Moskvy , who himself was recently accused of harassment , likewise did not respond to multiple requests for comment on whether the radio station is considering instituting a sexual harassment policy in light of recent events .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Novaya Gazeta ’ s example — at least to a degree .
Galina Timchenko , CEO of Meduza who drew criticism when she reinstated chief editor Kolpakov less than six months after his resignation , told The Moscow Times that the outlet was already planning a similar system , also with an elected ethics committee .
She said the plan is for the new regulations to be in force by mid-September .
At MBKh Media , which was rocked by accusations last week but is not part of Syndicate 100 , chief editor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ethics committee , saying it reminded her of the “ Comrades ’ court of Soviet times.
” But she added : “ Rules of relations have been approved , with which all employees will be familiarized in the near future.
” All of these outlets , as well as Novaya Gazeta , were instrumental in a 2018 campaign to boycott State Duma lawmaker Leonid Slutsky , who was accused of sexually harassing at least five female journalists .
A parliamentary ethics commission dismissed the claims and Slutsky continues to serve in Russia ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one editor is happy the regulations were developed .
Asking to remain anonymous , she told The Moscow Times that the same man who harassed Kirpanova had also targeted her .
Like in Kirpanova ’ s case , the editor went into the male correspondent ’ s office with a work question .
Meduza editor Kolpakov ’ s case had only just made the news , and so the story naturally came up in conservation .
As the editor turned to leave , the correspondent laughed at her “ youthful progressiveness ” and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week .
The editor said she held her ground and asked the correspondent if he was worried about what could happen if she reported him .
According to the editor , he replied : “ I have a doctor ’ s note saying I ’ m impotent , so no one will believe you anyway.
” The editor recalled cursing at him , threatening him with serious consequences , and said the correspondent seemed to take her seriously at that point .
“ Not all girls in such a situation can stand up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ And I might not have been able to if he were my boss or a person who I would treat with special reverence.
” Katerina Fomina , 28 , said she wished harassment had been taken more seriously when she worked at Novaya Gazeta .
She left the paper officially in 2018 after six years , partly over a complaint of sexual misconduct that she said was never resolved .
The incident happened in late November 2017 , just six weeks after The New York Times broke the story about Hollywood producer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fomina was in her editor ’ s office , sitting on a chair with her legs curled up under her , her backside hanging off the side , as she waited for the editor to read a draft of a story .
That ’ s when Leonid Nikitinsky , a 66-year-old columnist at the paper and a member of the Presidential Human Rights Council , opened the door , walked up to her and spanked her .
“ He said , ‘ You were sitting so nicely I couldn ’ t just walk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week .
When reached by phone early Tuesday evening , Nikitinsky confirmed the story .
“ Yes , I spanked her on her bottom as a joke , because that was very accepted in the years when I grew up , ” he said .
“ I apologized to her 150 times .
I said , ‘ I didn ’ t mean anything by it , when I was young , this was seen as normal.
’ Why she became upset with me , I don ’ t understand.
” Asked if his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three years since , Nikitinsky said , “ No , because I ’ m sorry , but I am nearly 70 , ” adding : “ I just understand now that young people and women are different and I no longer do these things.
” Muratov , who was the chief editor at the time , expressed deep regret at Fomina ’ s departure , saying that the situation had informed his view of the need for regulations when the subject came up again this winter .
But while Muratov called Nikitinsky ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he rejected the suggestion that they could be viewed as harassment , pointing to the fact that Fomina was not Nikitinsky ’ s subordinate in the newsroom structure .
For Fomina , however , the act itself was an expression of hierarchy , a gesture that showed her that she was just “ a little girl in this newspaper , not an experienced journalist.
” At the time , discussions about harassment had only just begun in Russia , and Fomina recalled that even her friends assured her that Nikitinsky was old @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ It ’ s this idea that it has to be about sex , not about how the victim feels , ” she said .
“ If my case had been seen as harassment back then , ” Fomina added , “ perhaps these other cases wouldn ’ t have happened .
”

Читайте русскую версию здесь. As her shift at Russia’s investigative Novaya Gazeta newspaper was coming to an end on a late Monday afternoon last January, Elizaveta Kirpanova stopped by a senior reporter’s office to catch up. Kirpanova, a 23-year-old reporter who had just completed her first year at the respected paper, was working on a topic her elder colleague knew well, and she figured she could ask for some pointers. Soon, though, the discussion turned to a story that was on everyone’s minds at the time: the recent resignation of the Meduza news website’s chief editor Ivan Kolpakov after he groped a colleague’s wife at a staff party. Resulting in a public figure’s resignation over claims of sexual misconduct, the case became Russia’s first #MeToo moment. It also riled the country’s small community of independent journalists, who mostly fell on different sides of a generational divide. The young guard felt it was appropriate Kolpakov had left his post; veterans either thought the punishment was too harsh, or that what he had done was not abuse. Kirpanova remembers speaking out sharply against Kolpakov’s actions. As she stood to leave, the senior reporter asked if he could give her a hug to clear the tension. “I hugged him for a second and started to pull back, but he’s holding me,” Kirpanova recalled in an interview last week. “So I push him away and say, jokingly, ‘Now you are starting to harass me.’” Her colleague shut the office door and grabbed Kirpanova’s face with both hands. “Then he says, ‘This is what harassment is’ and kisses me on the lips,” Kirpanova recounted. “After that I don’t really remember what happened. I ran out into the corridor and yelled something vulgar. My heart was beating really fast. I gathered my things and left the newsroom.”
news Russian Opposition Media Editor Quits Amid Wave of Harassment Claims Read more
Eighteen months later, Kirpanova is sharing her story publicly for the first time. She decided to come forward after dozens of young women and men began airing their stories of harassment — first in a trickle, then a flood — on social media last week about men who work or used to work in Russian independent media. If Kolpakov’s resignation was Russia’s first #MeToo moment, last week’s wave of accusations signaled the arrival of the movement in the country in full force, resulting in three men leaving their jobs. In the aftermath, many independent journalists who spoke to The Moscow Times over the past week stressed that the stories are coming out of Russia’s independent media circles precisely because these are the people who have been thinking and talking about the issue since the advent of #MeToo. The stories have since prompted soul-searching inside independent newsrooms over what, if anything, needs to change. In their wake, Novaya Gazeta on July 14 announced that, already back in March, it had created a new policy to manage sexual harassment complaints. The paper last week sent the document to two dozen other newsrooms that have since been deciding whether or not to follow suit. Yet what Novaya Gazeta did not say publicly was that the policy was prompted by several cases of harassment within the paper’s own walls, the details of which have not been previously reported. Nor did the paper say that, although in the end a large majority of its newsroom voted in favor of the new policy, it was the paper’s younger journalists — most of whom were women — who pushed the new policy through against initial resistance from the paper’s older guard. Clash of generations Last January, as Kirpanova processed what had happened, she turned to her immediate supervisor for advice. The supervisor suggested she bring it up with the paper’s two deputy chief editors. “They asked me if I wanted him fired, and I said no,” Kirpanova said. “I am not a backer of punitive measures. I am more for educational measures.” The deputy chief editors spoke with the correspondent and told Kirpanova that he had assured them nothing like that would happen again. Although Kirpanova “would shoot past him like a bullet” whenever she saw him, the issue was put to rest for nearly a year. After Novaya Gazeta’s holiday party in late December 2019, however, a small group of mostly young colleagues, including Kirpanova, gathered in the office after returning from a nearby bar. The paper’s longtime chief editor Dmitry Muratov, who had recently returned to the post after a two-year absence, joined them. The conversation soon turned to feminism and workplace harassment, and the younger colleagues present recalled that Muratov, 58, was not convinced that Novaya Gazeta had such problems.
Elizaveta Kirpanova said a colleague kissed her on the lips, saying: “This is what harassment is.” Evan Gershkovich / MT
Kirpanova shared her story. Others opened up too. “I heard what turned out to be news to me, and in my view quite serious,” Muratov told The Moscow Times. “People did not feel safe.” During the period he was away from the newsroom, Muratov said about two dozen new journalists had joined a staff that had worked at the paper for 15 to 20 years. “This is a new generation with a different understanding of their boundaries,” Muratov said. “I took it not as a clash between an aggressor and a victim, but a clash of generations.” By the end of the evening, Muratov had authorized the younger staff to come up with a policy on sexual harassment. The group invited others in the newsroom to join them. According to one of the group’s members, Lilit Sarkisyan, 21, in the end a dozen young people signed on: 11 women and one man. Changing views The generational divide in Russia over the question of sexual harassment was especially visible during last week’s wave of accusations on social media, triggered after Violeta Er, a 25-year-old hairdresser, shared the story of her experience of an abusive relationship on Twitter on July 12. Soon, the floodgates opened and the stories — ranging from emotional abuse to rape — poured in. The accusations concerned men, most of whom worked, or had previously worked, in Russia’s independent media outlets, and were told by people who mostly ran in the tight-knit social circle. “These stories were happening here in parallel to the conversation starting around #MeToo, but no one did anything about them,” said Valentina Dekhtyarenko, 23, who works for exiled oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovsky's Open Russia pro-democracy movement and shared over 20 allegations on her Twitter page. “There was a huge silence that had been growing over the years and it finally ended.” Not everyone took the stories seriously. “When will these sluts calm down already?” Ksenia Larina, a 57-year-old journalist at the liberal-leaning Ekho Moskvy radio station, wrote on Twitter. “How much longer are they going to wave their panties around?”
Dmitry Muratov, Novaya Gazeta’s chief editor, entrusted a group of young colleagues with the development of the paper's new sexual harassment policy. Mikhail Dzhaparidze / TASS
A similar dynamic had been visible inside Novaya Gazeta when the working group tasked with developing the sexual harassment policy began introducing first drafts to the newsroom in February, according to Muratov and younger staffers. Resistance to introducing rules ranged from views that sexual harassment did not exist in the newsroom, to concerns that people would need permission to express affection, to the view — also shared by some older women staffers — that women should just say no and stand up for themselves. “In my case, I didn’t even have the time to react,” Kirpanova said. “It all happened so fast.” “Ideally,” she added, “you would ask for permission each time, yes.” To the group’s surprise, the regulations — which Novaya Gazeta showed The Moscow Times — ended up passing in March by a wide margin. Members credited a lecture by Anna Rivina, director of the women’s rights organization Nasiliyu.net (“No to Violence”) Center, whom they invited to the newsroom before the vote. Taking as their goal guaranteeing a “safe working atmosphere,” the regulations define sexual harassment as “attention of a sexual nature, including not only sexual coercion, but also touching without consent, lustful gestures and comments about appearance with a sexual connotation, which put a person in an awkward or humiliating position.” The document also enshrines the formation of an “ethical committee” that will review claims of sexual harassment — or psychological abuse — within 21 days of the complaints being submitted. Consisting of five people, the committee includes the paper’s ombudsman and four people elected every two years — two women and two men, each set containing one member 34 or younger, the other over 34. The paper’s chief editor, director and anyone who was previously seen as violating the regulations are barred from balloting. Test for society As a result of last week’s wave of complaints, a top editor and a photographer of the MBKh Media news website resigned, while Russia’s biggest state-owned bank Sberbank opened an investigation into two of its employees, both of whom had also formerly worked in independent media outlets. One of the two has since resigned. “These cases are the tip of the iceberg,” said Rivina of Nasiliyu.net, noting that the response to the complaints represents a sea change in Russian society. “What is happening in the so-called liberal crowd proves that this is everywhere,” she added. “This is a very important test for all of society.” In conversations with independent journalists, many emphasized that, in a country where press freedom is under threat and few independent media outlets are left, there is a feeling that you don’t go after your own. Some expressed concerns that this article would feed the fire for the Kremlin’s propagandists, who have already published a series of hit pieces about bad behavior among Russia’s opposition. Many also said that “family” culture has also cultivated the idea in their workplaces that everything can be mediated without rules.
Such was the case at the independent Dozhd television channel, two men who accused one of the channel’s most prominent hosts, Pavel Lobkov, 53, of harassment, told The Moscow Times. They were two of three men who first posted their allegations on Twitter. In an interview on Ekho Moskvy last week, Dozhd chief editor Tikhon Dzyadko apologized for Lobkov’s actions and announced the host would be taking a one-week long vacation. For his part, Lobkov apologized in a Facebook post, explaining that he had grown up in a time “when we considered this harassment a cute game in which the participants know their roles and no one goes beyond certain boundaries that were established in the process of communication.” “Everyone joked about it. ‘Oh, it’s just Pasha,’” said one of the men, who recently left the channel, using a diminutive for Pavel. The young man described an open culture of Lobkov groping young men and joking with them about sex in an open-plan newsroom, as colleagues, including senior staff, looked on. He accused Lobkov of once going so far as sticking his hand up his shirt while kissing his neck and whispering about sex in his ear — in full view of everyone present. At the time, the young man didn’t complain. “There were never any instruments for how to complain about something like this,” he said. “There is no internal ethics code.” Some older journalists came to Lobkov’s defense, noting that he does not hold the rank of senior editor and did not have the power to fire or promote the young journalists at the channel. For the two men, however, the problem did not just lie in his job title. “He doesn’t have legal power, but he is the face of the channel,” the young man said. “It’s impossible to complain about him in that environment.” For Alexander Skrylnikov, 25, the situation meant leaving the channel after a four-month internship came to an end in 2014 rather than staying on in a staff position, which had been informally offered to him when he first started. “I just figured it would be better to leave than stick around and keep dealing with that,” said Skrylnikov, who now works at MBKh Media, explaining that Lobkov would often kiss his neck or grope him in full view of everyone. Skrylnikov never made a formal complaint. “What can you do if you don’t even understand your rights?” he said. Comrades’ court Last week, Novaya Gazeta sent its new regulations to Syndicate 100, an association of independent outlets that includes Dozhd, Ekho Moskvy and Meduza, among others. Asked if Dozhd would be implementing a version of the regulations, chief editor Dzyadko said: “If Dozhd ever develops regulations, it will be done inside the newsroom.” The channel’s general director Natalya Sindeyeva, meanwhile, did not respond to multiple requests for comment. Alexei Venediktov, chief editor of Ekho Moskvy, who himself was recently accused of harassment, likewise did not respond to multiple requests for comment on whether the radio station is considering instituting a sexual harassment policy in light of recent events. Other outlets, however, are following Novaya Gazeta’s example — at least to a degree. Galina Timchenko, CEO of Meduza who drew criticism when she reinstated chief editor Kolpakov less than six months after his resignation, told The Moscow Times that the outlet was already planning a similar system, also with an elected ethics committee. She said the plan is for the new regulations to be in force by mid-September. At MBKh Media, which was rocked by accusations last week but is not part of Syndicate 100, chief editor Veronika Kutsyllo rejected the creation of an ethics committee, saying it reminded her of the “Comrades’ court of Soviet times.” But she added: “Rules of relations have been approved, with which all employees will be familiarized in the near future.”
Pavel Lobkov, left, at Dozhd's annual birthday party with its general director Natalya Sindeyeva, center, in 2017. Sergei Fadeichev / TASS
All of these outlets, as well as Novaya Gazeta, were instrumental in a 2018 campaign to boycott State Duma lawmaker Leonid Slutsky, who was accused of sexually harassing at least five female journalists. A parliamentary ethics commission dismissed the claims and Slutsky continues to serve in Russia’s parliament. At Novaya Gazeta, one editor is happy the regulations were developed. Asking to remain anonymous, she told The Moscow Times that the same man who harassed Kirpanova had also targeted her. Like in Kirpanova’s case, the editor went into the male correspondent’s office with a work question. Meduza editor Kolpakov’s case had only just made the news, and so the story naturally came up in conservation. As the editor turned to leave, the correspondent laughed at her “youthful progressiveness” and slapped her backside, she recalled this week. The editor said she held her ground and asked the correspondent if he was worried about what could happen if she reported him. According to the editor, he replied: “I have a doctor’s note saying I’m impotent, so no one will believe you anyway.” The editor recalled cursing at him, threatening him with serious consequences, and said the correspondent seemed to take her seriously at that point. “Not all girls in such a situation can stand up for themselves,” she said. “And I might not have been able to if he were my boss or a person who I would treat with special reverence.” Fits and starts Katerina Fomina, 28, said she wished harassment had been taken more seriously when she worked at Novaya Gazeta. She left the paper officially in 2018 after six years, partly over a complaint of sexual misconduct that she said was never resolved. The incident happened in late November 2017, just six weeks after The New York Times broke the story about Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein’s sexual misconduct. Fomina was in her editor’s office, sitting on a chair with her legs curled up under her, her backside hanging off the side, as she waited for the editor to read a draft of a story. That’s when Leonid Nikitinsky, a 66-year-old columnist at the paper and a member of the Presidential Human Rights Council, opened the door, walked up to her and spanked her. “He said, ‘You were sitting so nicely I couldn’t just walk by,’” Fomina recalled last week. When reached by phone early Tuesday evening, Nikitinsky confirmed the story. “Yes, I spanked her on her bottom as a joke, because that was very accepted in the years when I grew up,” he said. “I apologized to her 150 times. I said, ‘I didn’t mean anything by it, when I was young, this was seen as normal.’ Why she became upset with me, I don’t understand.”


themoscowtimes--2020-07-23--Russia's Coronavirus Cases Approach 800K Amid Lifted Lockdown

The last time Russia reported fewer than 6,000 cases was on April 29 .
The highest number of new cases @ @ @ @ @ western Siberian region of Khanty-Mansiysk and Sverdlovsk in the Urals .
Russia 's fatality rate @ @ @ @ @ other badly-hit countries , raising speculation that Moscow could be underreporting figures .
Russian authorities @ @ @ @ @ June ahead of a massive World War II military parade in Moscow and a nationwide @ @ @ @ @ now allow President Vladimir Putin to stay in power until 2036 .
Both events were @ @ @ @ @ .
Moscow plans to open cinemas and theaters on Aug. 1 .
In the capital @ @ @ @ @ stores and on public transport but not in the streets .
Several institutes in Russia @ @ @ @ @ vaccine .
Last week the Russian Defense Ministry said it had developed a `` safe @ @ @ @ @ on a group of volunteers .
The trials are ongoing , and the Defense Ministry @ @ @ @ @ fully completed in the coming weeks .

The highest number of new cases were in Moscow and St. Petersburg.
Russia's fatality rate has remained low compared to other badly-hit countries, raising speculation that Moscow could be underreporting figures.
Russian authorities began easing anti-virus measures in June ahead of a massive World War II military parade in Moscow and a nationwide vote on constitutional reforms that now allow President Vladimir Putin to stay in power until 2036.
Both events were initially postponed due the epidemic.
Moscow opened cinemas and theaters on Aug. 1. In the capital, masks are mandatory in stores and on public transport but not in the streets.
Several institutes in Russia are working on a coronavirus vaccine.
The Russian Defense Ministry has said it developed a "safe" vaccine following clinical trials on a group of volunteers.
The trials are ongoing, and the Defense Ministry expects clinical trials to be fully completed in the coming weeks.
AFP contributed reporting to this article.


themoscowtimes--2020-07-24--Barred Belarus Opposition Candidate Flees to Moscow

Belarussian leader Alexander Lukashenko is running for a sixth term in the Aug. 9 election and his regime has cracked down on the opposition ahead of the ballot , detaining protesters and would-be candidates .
A Belarussian opposition politician barred from presidential elections has fled to Moscow fearing arrest , his campaign team told AFP on Friday .
Valery Tsepkalo , who was not allowed to register as a candidate , has `` gone to Moscow with his children , fearing for his safety , '' Alexei Urban , a spokesman for the former diplomat , told AFP .
His @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Belarus to help the campaign of the leading rival to Lukashenko standing in the polls , Svetlana Tikhanovskaya .
Veronika Tsepkalo told Belarussian Tut.by news site that she and her husband decided he should leave with their children after they received `` information from reliable sources that they plan to detain my husband on spurious grounds . ''
She said that two days previously prosecutors had visited their children 's school and asked teachers to write statements .
`` As I understand , they have launched the process of depriving me of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` That 's why we took the decision to get Valery and the children out of Belarus because we see a real threat and danger . ''
Lukashenko , a former collective farm director , has ruled the ex-Soviet country since 1994 , suppressing and jailing opposition figures and holding elections not ruled free and fair by European observers .

Belarussian leader Alexander Lukashenko is running for a sixth term in the Aug. 9 election and his regime has cracked down on the opposition ahead of the ballot, detaining protesters and would-be candidates.
A Belarussian opposition politician barred from presidential elections has fled to Moscow fearing arrest, his campaign team told AFP on Friday.
Valery Tsepkalo, who was not allowed to register as a candidate, has "gone to Moscow with his children, fearing for his safety," Alexei Urban, a spokesman for the former diplomat, told AFP.
Tsepkalo told Belarussian news site Tut.by in a telephone interview that he left after friends in law enforcement agencies warned "an order had gone out for my arrest."
Tsepkalo said he planned to give news conferences in Russia, Ukraine, Western Europe and the United States to expose "the true nature of the Belarussian regime."
His wife, Veronika Tsepkalo, is remaining in Belarus to help the campaign of the leading rival to Lukashenko standing in the polls, Svetlana Tikhanovskaya.
Veronika Tsepkalo spoke at an election rally in the northern Belarussian town of Glubokoye on Friday.
She said her family received warnings that the authorities were seeking to remove their two young children, who started school this year, by claiming she was a "bad mother."
"Of course we had no choice. We took this decision in five minutes," she said of her husband's departure from Russia with the children.
Lukashenko "will use any grounds to put dissenters in prison," she said.
Lukashenko, a former collective farm director, has ruled the ex-Soviet country since 1994, suppressing and jailing opposition figures and holding elections not ruled free and fair by European observers.


themoscowtimes--2020-07-24--Armenian-Azeri Brawl Erupts in Moscow Amid Border Clashes

The latest fighting between Azerbaijan and Armenia broke out along the two countries ’ shared border , claiming at least 17 lives and marking the deadliest confrontations between the sides since the “ April War ” of 2016 .
A mass brawl erupted between ethnic Armenians and Azerbaijanis in the Russian capital of Moscow overnight following clashes on the border between two ex-Soviet republics , according to media reports .
Unnamed law enforcement sources told the state-run TASS news agency that more than 20 ethnic Armenians and Azeris got into a fight in southeastern Moscow late Thursday .
At least @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police told the agency .
Moscow news outlets also published eyewitness footage of groups of men beating up drivers and damaging cars with Armenian license plates .
A member of the Armenian diaspora in Russia said his compatriots began patrolling the streets of Moscow after one of his acquaintances was stabbed and wounded .
The incidents follow claims by Armenia ’ s ambassador to Russia this week that Azeri-owned markets and shopping malls obstructed or refused the sale of Armenian products .
The market and shopping mall owners denied the reports .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a conflict over Azerbaijan 's southwestern separatist region of Nagorno-Karabakh , which was seized by ethnic Armenians in a 1990s war that claimed 30,000 lives .
The most recent flare-up in fighting began on July 12 , with both sides accusing the other of starting the shelling that has continued sporadically for several days .

The latest fighting between Azerbaijan and Armenia broke out along the two countries’ shared border, claiming at least 17 lives and marking the deadliest confrontations between the sides since the “April War” of 2016.
A mass brawl erupted between ethnic Armenians and Azerbaijanis in the Russian capital of Moscow overnight following clashes on the border between two ex-Soviet republics, according to media reports.
Unnamed law enforcement sources told the state-run TASS news agency that more than 20 ethnic Armenians and Azeris got into a fight in southeastern Moscow late Thursday.
At least 13 people were detained overnight, Moscow police told the agency.
Moscow news outlets also published eyewitness footage of groups of men beating up drivers and damaging cars with Armenian license plates. A member of the Armenian diaspora in Russia said his compatriots began patrolling the streets of Moscow after one of his acquaintances was stabbed and wounded.
The incidents follow claims by Armenia’s ambassador to Russia this week that Azeri-owned markets and shopping malls obstructed or refused the sale of Armenian products. The market and shopping mall owners denied the reports.
The rivals have been locked for decades in a conflict over Azerbaijan's southwestern separatist region of Nagorno-Karabakh, which was seized by ethnic Armenians in a 1990s war that claimed 30,000 lives.
The most recent flare-up in fighting began on July 12, with both sides accusing the other of starting the shelling that has continued sporadically for several days.
AFP contributed reporting to this article.


themoscowtimes--2020-07-24--Russia to Resume Flights With Britain, Turkey, Tanzania From Aug. 1

Russia grounded nearly all international flights in late March to slow the coronavirus outbreak , allowing only special flights evacuating Russians from abroad and other flights authorized by the government .
Its borders remain closed to most foreign citizens despite the resumed flights .
Russia plans to restart international flights to Britain , Turkey and Tanzania on Aug. 1 more than four months after closing its borders due to the coronavirus pandemic .
Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin announced that , starting Aug. 1 , international flights will be able to operate from airports in Moscow , St. Petersburg and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Deputy Prime Minister Tatyana Golikova said Russians will be able to travel to and from Britain , Turkey and Tanzania starting Aug. 1 .
Golikova said foreigners arriving in Russia will need to present negative coronavirus test results taken within the past 72 hours to be allowed entry .
Transport Minister Yevgeny Dietrikh added that Russia is in talks with 30 other countries on resuming flights .
Russia has not yet reopened its borders to all foreigners .
Officials previously said that Russia would adhere to the principles of reciprocity in reopening its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need to accept Russian citizens in order for Russia to accept theirs .
A monthly letter sent to airports by Russia ’ s aviation authority earlier in July said it has extended its ban on international flights until Aug. 1 due to the pandemic .

Russia grounded nearly all international flights in late March to slow the coronavirus outbreak, allowing only special flights evacuating Russians from abroad and other flights authorized by the government. Its borders remain closed to most foreign citizens despite the resumed flights.
Russia plans to restart international flights to Britain, Turkey and Tanzania on Aug. 1 more than four months after closing its borders due to the coronavirus pandemic.
Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin announced that, starting Aug. 1, international flights will be able to operate from airports in Moscow, St. Petersburg and Rostov-on-Don, news agencies reported Friday.
Deputy Prime Minister Tatyana Golikova said Russians will be able to travel to and from Britain, Turkey and Tanzania starting Aug. 1.
Golikova said foreigners arriving in Russia will need to present negative coronavirus test results taken within the past 72 hours to be allowed entry.
Transport Minister Yevgeny Dietrikh added that Russia is in talks with 30 other countries on resuming flights.
Russia has not yet reopened its borders to all foreigners.
Officials previously said that Russia would adhere to the principles of reciprocity in reopening its airspace, meaning that other countries would need to accept Russian citizens in order for Russia to accept theirs.
A monthly letter sent to airports by Russia’s aviation authority earlier in July said it has extended its ban on international flights until Aug. 1 due to the pandemic.


themoscowtimes--2020-07-24--St. Petersburg Pneumonia Cases Surge Tenfold Amid Coronavirus

The surge comes as St. Petersburg ’ s health authorities began reporting a drop in new coronavirus infections from 300 per day earlier in July to fewer than 200 this week .
In June , city officials recorded a 10-year spike in deaths amid persisting questions over Russia ’ s relatively low Covid-19 mortality rate compared to other hard-hit countries .
Russia ’ s second-largest city St. Petersburg has registered 10 times the number of community-acquired pneumonia cases in May 2020 than it did in May 2019 , according to official data .
According to its statistics office , St. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this May , or 9.9 times more than last May .
Overall , its 20,537 community-acquired pneumonia cases in January-May were almost three times higher than the number of cases in January-May 2019 .
Health officials linked the surge in community-acquired pneumonia to the coronavirus outbreak , saying the infection is the main complication from Covid-19 .
“ Not all patients with community-acquired pneumonia had Covid-19 confirmed by lab tests , ” St. Petersburg ’ s health committee told the local Fontanka.ru news website .
St. Petersburg has moved to lift Covid-19 restrictions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ restaurants and shopping malls from Monday .
The city is Russia ’ s third-most affected locale amid the pandemic , with 30,281 confirmed cases and 1,908 deaths as of Friday .
Russia has officially confirmed more than 800,000 cases , the world ’ s fourth-highest number of infections , with its daily caseload dropping to fewer than 6,000 in recent weeks .

The surge comes as St. Petersburg’s health authorities began reporting a drop in new coronavirus infections from 300 per day earlier in July to fewer than 200 this week. In June, city officials recorded a 10-year spike in deaths amid persisting questions over Russia’s relatively low Covid-19 mortality rate compared to other hard-hit countries.
Russia’s second-largest city St. Petersburg has registered 10 times the number of community-acquired pneumonia cases in May 2020 than it did in May 2019, according to official data.
According to its statistics office, St. Petersburg recorded 9,560 cases of community-acquired pneumonia this May, or 9.9 times more than last May.
Overall, its 20,537 community-acquired pneumonia cases in January-May were almost three times higher than the number of cases in January-May 2019.
Health officials linked the surge in community-acquired pneumonia to the coronavirus outbreak, saying the infection is the main complication from Covid-19.
“Not all patients with community-acquired pneumonia had Covid-19 confirmed by lab tests,” St. Petersburg’s health committee told the local Fontanka.ru news website.
St. Petersburg has moved to lift Covid-19 restrictions since early June and plans to reopen restaurants and shopping malls from Monday.
The city is Russia’s third-most affected locale amid the pandemic, with 30,281 confirmed cases and 1,908 deaths as of Friday.
Russia has officially confirmed more than 800,000 cases, the world’s fourth-highest number of infections, with its daily caseload dropping to fewer than 6,000 in recent weeks.


themoscowtimes--2020-07-24--Russia Jails Air Traffic Controllers Over Total Chief Death

The CEO of the French oil giant was killed along with two pilots and a flight attendant when his private jet crashed into a snowplow on takeoff from Moscow 's Vnukovo Airport in October 2014 .
Russia on Thursday handed three air traffic controllers jail terms for the deaths of Total CEO Christophe de Margerie and crew members in a collision with a snowplow in Moscow .
Snowplow driver Vladimir Martynenko was accused of driving his vehicle while drunk into the path of the Falcon jet departing for Paris .
He and his superior Vladimir Ledenev were sentenced in 2017 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but both were freed in an amnesty .
Three air traffic controllers — senior employee Roman Dunayev , as well as Alexander Kruglov and Nadezhda Arkhipova — went on trial accused of violating safety rules .
Moscow 's Solntsevsky district court sentenced Arkhipova to 5 years , Kruglov to 5.5 years and Dunayev to 6 years in a type of open prison with less harsh conditions than a penal colony , the court spokeswoman said .
Arkhipova was immediately freed in an amnesty , she added .
Defense lawyer for Dunayev , Igor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do n't agree with this sentence , we think it is unlawful and baseless . ''
`` We will appeal , '' Chernetsky said , while lawyers for the other defendants told Russian news agencies they would also appeal .
The defendants were sentenced to terms in `` settlement colonies , '' a type of compulsory labor with more freedom of movement and concessions such as the right to wear ordinary clothes .
The air traffic controllers denied having any part in causing the accident and received public support from the aviation community @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impose sentences of up to six years and two months in a penal colony .
The Russian Air Traffic Controllers ' Trade Union said in a statement sent to AFP after the ruling that `` the sentence should be thrown out and our comrades acquitted and released .
That 's what truth and justice requires . ''
Earlier in an open letter to the transport ministry , the trade union said the air traffic controllers were simply `` in the wrong place at the wrong time . ''
The flight control staff `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ while the accident was caused by the drunken ground staff , the union said .

The CEO of the French oil giant was killed along with two pilots and a flight attendant when his private jet crashed into a snowplow on takeoff from Moscow's Vnukovo Airport in October 2014.
Russia on Thursday handed three air traffic controllers jail terms for the deaths of Total CEO Christophe de Margerie and crew members in a collision with a snowplow in Moscow.
Snowplow driver Vladimir Martynenko was accused of driving his vehicle while drunk into the path of the Falcon jet departing for Paris.
He and his superior Vladimir Ledenev were sentenced in 2017 to four and three-and-a-half years in prison but both were freed in an amnesty.
Three air traffic controllers — senior employee Roman Dunayev, as well as Alexander Kruglov and Nadezhda Arkhipova — went on trial accused of violating safety rules.
Moscow's Solntsevsky district court sentenced Arkhipova to 5 years, Kruglov to 5.5 years and Dunayev to 6 years in a type of open prison with less harsh conditions than a penal colony, the court spokeswoman said.
Arkhipova was immediately freed in an amnesty, she added.
Defense lawyer for Dunayev, Igor Chernetsky, told AFP that "we don't agree with this sentence, we think it is unlawful and baseless."
"We will appeal," Chernetsky said, while lawyers for the other defendants told Russian news agencies they would also appeal.
The defendants were sentenced to terms in "settlement colonies," a type of compulsory labor with more freedom of movement and concessions such as the right to wear ordinary clothes.
The air traffic controllers denied having any part in causing the accident and received public support from the aviation community.
The International Transport Workers' Federation called their prosecution a "shocking move."
Prosecutors had asked the judge to impose sentences of up to six years and two months in a penal colony.
The Russian Air Traffic Controllers' Trade Union said in a statement sent to AFP after the ruling that "the sentence should be thrown out and our comrades acquitted and released. That's what truth and justice requires."
Earlier in an open letter to the transport ministry, the trade union said the air traffic controllers were simply "in the wrong place at the wrong time."
The flight control staff "acted strictly in accordance with instructions" while the accident was caused by the drunken ground staff, the union said.