sluggerotoole--2020-01-12--The Orange Order’s Complex Relationship With The Irish Language…

In an ever-changing world there are now few constants and certainties , however , in Northern Ireland some remain including the fact that Unionism will find itself on the wrong side of a debate and be forced into a massive climb-down .
The second certainty is that a spokesman ( it ’ s always a man ) for the Loyal Orange Institution will awkwardly enter the political arena with an ill-informed and often inaccurate intervention which will usually oppose whatever is being proposed .
Unfortunately , as both a Unionist and Orangeman , I have found myself by default on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ throughout the years , the most recent one being the topic I wanted to discuss in this article , the Irish language .
I fully support the rights of people to speak Irish and the need for Northern Ireland to protect , promote and preserve the language , this also marries up with the oath that all members of the Orange Institution take – “ Civil and Religious Liberties for all , special privileges for none ” .
The difficulty is that in some ways Orangeism is being led by Unionism and conversely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both bodies took a step back , the bigger picture would become much clearer for all .
The first issue is to correct the myth that the Irish language is a Nationalist language , it is not !
!
It is certainly a language that many Nationalists feel is very important to their culture and traditions , however by rebuking the language Orangeism is forgetting the makeup of its members and also what went before .
Some years ago at a Twelfth in Fermanagh I witnessed the late Bishhop Henry Richmond give an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ address was very much in the ethos of true Orangeism and part of his message was about reaching out – then it was to the parade ’ s commission and resident ’ s groups .
His message was well-received by most , unfortunately , however , there was one heckler in the field who shouted “ rubbish ” .
It was this one heckler who made the coverage in the local papers the next day whereas Bishop Richmond ’ s message was almost overlooked .
However , a profile on the Bishop at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ character , Bishop Richmond was an Orangeman originally from a lodge at Wattlebridge in Fermanagh , he learnt Irish at primary and secondary school and always prayed in Irish .
He was a Bishop in the Church of England and long before it became mainstream realised that the church needed to reach out to the gay population .
Bishop Richmond is just one of the many Orangemen from Fermanagh and further afield who hold views and live a life very different from the stereotypical image that Orangeism has .
I know a number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Irish , many of whom are very open about this .
Going back to 1982 in Belfast there was a lodge called “ Ireland ’ s Heritage ” LOL No 1303 and it existed within District 3 , this had the Gaelic inscription “ ‘ Oidhreacht Éireann ’ on its banner , the banner still exists to this day and it resides in an Orange hall within Belfast but the lodge itself is now defunct .
Every year during the live Twelfth broadcast on the BBC a reference is made to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1898 ) , the Rev .
Dr Richard Routledge Kane .
Dr Kane not only promoted the Irish language but was a patron of the Belfast Gaelic League founded in 1895 and signed the lodge meeting minutes in Irish ( if only this was in a museum ) .
According to the book “ Ulster and Ireland ” , Dr Kane said “ My Orangeism does not make me less proud to be an O ’ Cahan.
’ There is much more to be said of Orangesim ’ s rich history that is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of this sits easily when a spokesman for the Institution appears in the media ( usually unbeknownst to members of the Orange ) to oppose the Irish language .
There are certain things to be taken into consideration when this happens that are not widely reported on : – The statement is on behalf of the individual and not the institution .
No internal vote has ever taken place on what members feel about the Irish language lest even a discussion .
How on earth can the Grand Master or Grand Secretary speak @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ireland when they haven ’ t even discussed the subject with its members ?
– Recent messages have been more nuanced .
The leadership of the Orange has had to row back on its complete opposition to the Irish language when it emerged that many members could speak the language with some being senior within the Institution .
It may not be as noticeable to outsiders but the language has changed and even in a recent interview the Grand Master mentioned that there were Irish speaking members within the organisation .
– The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it indicates there are concerns that the if the Irish language is expanded it could discriminate against English speakers and an example is given of someone walking into a post office and demanding to speak to an Irish speaker .
Obviously , this is an outlier example which can easily be dealt with by using common sense .
I certainly feel that if the Orange has genuine concerns about these types of issues they should get involved in developing the legislation that is going to be implemented .
I actually argued in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should get involved with helping to shape how the Irish language is developed , it is futile to be shouting from the sides .
The Orange has now found itself side-lined as both the DUP and UUP have entered the Executive and by default political Unionism has approved the introduction of legislation to promote and protect the Irish language and ignored the Orange .
This is disappointing as in some ways the Orange was used by political Unionism but in many ways , the Orange was the author of its own downfall , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its history , it ignored its own Irish speaking members and found itself ill-informed and on the wrong side of the Irish language debate .
The Orange still has an opportunity to salvage some self-respect from this debacle by getting involved with developing the legislation for the Irish language and if there are concerns then these should be voiced through the correct channels .
It would also be a good time for some self-reflection on how the Institution has handled this entire process and in doing so they could show some maturity by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the Irish language .
If the Orange Intuition ’ s failure was shambolic , Unionism ’ s failure was hugely damaging .
In what should have been an example of positive and progressive Unionism , comfortable with its place in the UK extending a gesture to those who cherish the Irish language .
By doing so , they could illustrate to non-Unionists that Northern Ireland as part of the UK can work for everyone .
Unfortunately what happened was that Unionism whipped up hysteria based on its latest bogeyman the Irish Language @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of unfounded allegations were levelled against the language from how it would undermine English , make Unionists feel less British and that masses of the population faced discrimination if they did not speak the language .
These fears were never expanded on as they were generally groundless but the ILA became such a big bogeyman that Lundy was in real danger of being temporarily replaced .
Arlene Foster alluded that any gesture towards the Irish language would be akin to feeding a crocodile in that those Irish speakers would come back for more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during his time as an MLA infamously mocked the language ( curry my yogurt ) and then at the DUP party conference said they would treat Sinn Fein ’ s wish list on the Irish language like toilet paper .
The key mistake here apart from the insults was to align the language to Sinn Fein rather than treating the language as an independent entity .
Steve Aiken surprisingly said that the UUP were further to the right on the Irish language than even the DUP were .
Lord Kilclooney on Twitter has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the evils of the Irish language and even insinuated that Northern Ireland would have to have all of its street signs in Irish .
Ironically I found a wonderful short documentary on Youtube about John Taylor and his newspaper group Alpha .
In the snippet on Youtube he discusses how his company bought some rundown houses and upgraded them for single people and small families , at the time ( 1970 ’ s ) there was a campaign to introduce Irish into street names and John Taylor said he would get in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first one in Armagh city .
So he named the street where the houses were upgraded “ Faugh-A-Ballagh-Court ” which means “ clear the way ” and this Irish slogan is the motto of the Royal Irish Rangers whose barracks was close to the street and thus the street was named in Irish .
The maturity from the John Taylor of the 1970 ’ s does not chime with Lord Kilclooney of 2020 and his anti-Irish language scaremongering .
Much of what the leaders of Unionism have said regarding the Irish language was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some respects but it also represented a misconstruing of the facts , building up the threat of an Irish language act into something that defied logic .
It goes back to the age-old problem within Unionism , the fear of the unknown , building the unknown into something worse than what it is and ironically in trying to stop Irish language legislation they were undermining Northern Ireland ’ s position within the UK .
The challenge now for Unionism is to reach out to its base that it has whipped up with anti-Irish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get back into government .
For me , I would like Unionism and Protestantism to better understand its history and natural connections with the Irish language .
The Presbyterian church made it compulsory for its ministers to be able to preach in Irish within the south and west of Ireland and Scottish Reformer John Knox wrote “ Book of Common Order ” in Irish and Scottish Gaelic .
The Rev William Neilson , Presbyterian minister of Dundalk , was skilled in various languages , and in 1808 he produced the work for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Introduction to the Irish Language ” , and the next year an Irish spelling book .
Presbyterian Robert Shipboy McAdam , a collector of Irish literature and advocate of the Irish language gives his name to Cultúrlann McAdam Ó Fiaich on the Falls Road .
Currently , the wonderful Lynda Ervine , openly Unionist and Protestant is promoting the Irish language in East Belfast and runs Irish language classes that are availed of mainly by Protestants .
Lynda Ervine seems to have come to the language later in life and really illustrates the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of this was a silly tirade by Jim Wells in which he claimed that there were no words in Irish for “ United Kingdom ” , “ queen ” or “ Northern Ireland ” .
Lynda responded with “ I was taught these words & phrases in a language class on the Falls Rd .
For Jim ’ s info here they are .
UK – An Ríocht Aontaithe , Queen – Banríon , Northern Ireland – Tuaisceart Éireann ” .
Unfortunately , Jim Wells didn ’ t have the grace to admit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – another example of poor Unionist leadership .
Irish should not be made a compulsory language to learn and nobody is asking for such but I would like to see Protestant/Controlled schools introduce an introductory course of perhaps 2-3 classes to introduce young minds to the language , its cultural significance and how the language is part of our everyday vocabulary .
Pupils and students can then determine if this is something they would like to learn more about or not .
I know a number of Catholics who wish they didn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and a number of non-Catholics who would have liked the opportunity to at least explore the language .
I do think that all of us have a responsibility to call out bad behaviour in relation to the language , “ curry my yogurt ” references , “ Every word of Irish spoken is like another bullet being fired in the struggle for Irish freedom ” .
In addition to this , whilst I would never want to dictate when the Irish language should and should not be spoken , is it necessary to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is this respecting the language ?
Conversely , it might be nice to hear the First Minister speak a little Irish within the chamber as a sign of maturity and respect .
For those from my community genuinely not interested in Irish , what I think Unionism and the Loyal Orange Institution should be doing is pursuing an education strategy .
There is evidently an educational problem within Unionism and Protestantism and developing an effective strategy to deal with this would be more apt than opposing the Irish language .
Surely the Orange @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and introduce its members to the literature of Shakespeare and Dickens whilst Unionism should be looking at how it can improve the educational standards of all within NI particularly those from historically low achieving backgrounds .
Opposing the Irish language was a futile and damaging project for Unionism to embark on .
It was a failure in generosity , it was a failure in outreach , it damaged relations both with Nationalists/Others but now with grassroots ’ Unionism .
By not accommodating those from a Non-Unionist persuasion political Unionism has damaged Northern Ireland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Political Unionism has not prepared its base for the current political transition , it has failed to provide a vision , failed to face up to reality until it was put under duress and failed thus far to play a constructive and positive role on what the Irish language legislation will look like .
Unfortunately , I still fear that political Unionism is not in a position to have an honest internal debate about its past failures and how to address them , the Irish language debacle has been a failure for political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is probably just around the corner .
We are fortunate to have a unique second language on this island that is culturally rich and it has played such an important part of our shared history .
Northern Ireland is not better off with the eradication of this language , Unionism is not enhanced if the Irish language disappears and nor will Sinn Fein grow if Irish is properly protected here in Northern Ireland .
We have a unique opportunity to embrace this language and learn about its importance and cherish it within the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in five years ’ time people will wonder what all the fuss was about ?

In an ever-changing world there are now few constants and certainties, however, in Northern Ireland some remain including the fact that Unionism will find itself on the wrong side of a debate and be forced into a massive climb-down. The second certainty is that a spokesman (it’s always a man) for the Loyal Orange Institution will awkwardly enter the political arena with an ill-informed and often inaccurate intervention which will usually oppose whatever is being proposed. Unfortunately, as both a Unionist and Orangeman, I have found myself by default on the wrong side of these debates down throughout the years, the most recent one being the topic I wanted to discuss in this article, the Irish language.
I fully support the rights of people to speak Irish and the need for Northern Ireland to protect, promote and preserve the language, this also marries up with the oath that all members of the Orange Institution take – “Civil and Religious Liberties for all, special privileges for none”. The difficulty is that in some ways Orangeism is being led by Unionism and conversely Unionism is driven by Orangeism and if both bodies took a step back, the bigger picture would become much clearer for all. The first issue is to correct the myth that the Irish language is a Nationalist language, it is not!! It is certainly a language that many Nationalists feel is very important to their culture and traditions, however by rebuking the language Orangeism is forgetting the makeup of its members and also what went before.
Some years ago at a Twelfth in Fermanagh I witnessed the late Bishhop Henry Richmond give an address from the Orange platform, the address was very much in the ethos of true Orangeism and part of his message was about reaching out – then it was to the parade’s commission and resident’s groups. His message was well-received by most, unfortunately, however, there was one heckler in the field who shouted “rubbish”. It was this one heckler who made the coverage in the local papers the next day whereas Bishop Richmond’s message was almost overlooked. However, a profile on the Bishop at the same time revealed a truly fascinating character, Bishop Richmond was an Orangeman originally from a lodge at Wattlebridge in Fermanagh, he learnt Irish at primary and secondary school and always prayed in Irish. He was a Bishop in the Church of England and long before it became mainstream realised that the church needed to reach out to the gay population. Bishop Richmond is just one of the many Orangemen from Fermanagh and further afield who hold views and live a life very different from the stereotypical image that Orangeism has. I know a number of Orangemen across Fermanagh who are fluent in Irish, many of whom are very open about this. Going back to 1982 in Belfast there was a lodge called “Ireland’s Heritage” LOL No 1303 and it existed within District 3, this had the Gaelic inscription “‘Oidhreacht Éireann’ on its banner, the banner still exists to this day and it resides in an Orange hall within Belfast but the lodge itself is now defunct. Every year during the live Twelfth broadcast on the BBC a reference is made to the Grand Master of Belfast (1885 to 1898), the Rev. Dr Richard Routledge Kane. Dr Kane not only promoted the Irish language but was a patron of the Belfast Gaelic League founded in 1895 and signed the lodge meeting minutes in Irish (if only this was in a museum). According to the book “Ulster and Ireland”, Dr Kane said “My Orangeism does not make me less proud to be an O’Cahan.’
There is much more to be said of Orangesim’s rich history that is interlinked with Irish, however, none of this sits easily when a spokesman for the Institution appears in the media (usually unbeknownst to members of the Orange) to oppose the Irish language. There are certain things to be taken into consideration when this happens that are not widely reported on:
– The statement is on behalf of the individual and not the institution. No internal vote has ever taken place on what members feel about the Irish language lest even a discussion. How on earth can the Grand Master or Grand Secretary speak on behalf of 35000 members across Northern Ireland when they haven’t even discussed the subject with its members?
– Recent messages have been more nuanced. The leadership of the Orange has had to row back on its complete opposition to the Irish language when it emerged that many members could speak the language with some being senior within the Institution. It may not be as noticeable to outsiders but the language has changed and even in a recent interview the Grand Master mentioned that there were Irish speaking members within the organisation.
– The Institution’s view is confused, it indicates there are concerns that the if the Irish language is expanded it could discriminate against English speakers and an example is given of someone walking into a post office and demanding to speak to an Irish speaker. Obviously, this is an outlier example which can easily be dealt with by using common sense. I certainly feel that if the Orange has genuine concerns about these types of issues they should get involved in developing the legislation that is going to be implemented. I actually argued in a previous article for Slugger that the Orange should get involved with helping to shape how the Irish language is developed, it is futile to be shouting from the sides.
The Orange has now found itself side-lined as both the DUP and UUP have entered the Executive and by default political Unionism has approved the introduction of legislation to promote and protect the Irish language and ignored the Orange. This is disappointing as in some ways the Orange was used by political Unionism but in many ways, the Orange was the author of its own downfall, it forgot its ethos, it forgot its history, it ignored its own Irish speaking members and found itself ill-informed and on the wrong side of the Irish language debate. The Orange still has an opportunity to salvage some self-respect from this debacle by getting involved with developing the legislation for the Irish language and if there are concerns then these should be voiced through the correct channels. It would also be a good time for some self-reflection on how the Institution has handled this entire process and in doing so they could show some maturity by re-examining the organisations strong and rich links with the Irish language.
If the Orange Intuition’s failure was shambolic, Unionism’s failure was hugely damaging. In what should have been an example of positive and progressive Unionism, comfortable with its place in the UK extending a gesture to those who cherish the Irish language. By doing so, they could illustrate to non-Unionists that Northern Ireland as part of the UK can work for everyone. Unfortunately what happened was that Unionism whipped up hysteria based on its latest bogeyman the Irish Language Act (ILA), all sorts of unfounded allegations were levelled against the language from how it would undermine English, make Unionists feel less British and that masses of the population faced discrimination if they did not speak the language. These fears were never expanded on as they were generally groundless but the ILA became such a big bogeyman that Lundy was in real danger of being temporarily replaced.
Arlene Foster alluded that any gesture towards the Irish language would be akin to feeding a crocodile in that those Irish speakers would come back for more and more and more. Gregory Campbell during his time as an MLA infamously mocked the language (curry my yogurt) and then at the DUP party conference said they would treat Sinn Fein’s wish list on the Irish language like toilet paper. The key mistake here apart from the insults was to align the language to Sinn Fein rather than treating the language as an independent entity. Steve Aiken surprisingly said that the UUP were further to the right on the Irish language than even the DUP were. Lord Kilclooney on Twitter has been firing out accusation followed by accusation about the evils of the Irish language and even insinuated that Northern Ireland would have to have all of its street signs in Irish. Ironically I found a wonderful short documentary on Youtube about John Taylor and his newspaper group Alpha. In the snippet on Youtube he discusses how his company bought some rundown houses and upgraded them for single people and small families, at the time (1970’s) there was a campaign to introduce Irish into street names and John Taylor said he would get in ahead of this trend and name the first one in Armagh city. So he named the street where the houses were upgraded “Faugh-A-Ballagh-Court” which means “clear the way” and this Irish slogan is the motto of the Royal Irish Rangers whose barracks was close to the street and thus the street was named in Irish. The maturity from the John Taylor of the 1970’s does not chime with Lord Kilclooney of 2020 and his anti-Irish language scaremongering.
Much of what the leaders of Unionism have said regarding the Irish language was bluster, playing to the gallery is some respects but it also represented a misconstruing of the facts, building up the threat of an Irish language act into something that defied logic. It goes back to the age-old problem within Unionism, the fear of the unknown, building the unknown into something worse than what it is and ironically in trying to stop Irish language legislation they were undermining Northern Ireland’s position within the UK. The challenge now for Unionism is to reach out to its base that it has whipped up with anti-Irish hysteria and ultimately deserted in its desire to get back into government.
For me, I would like Unionism and Protestantism to better understand its history and natural connections with the Irish language. The Presbyterian church made it compulsory for its ministers to be able to preach in Irish within the south and west of Ireland and Scottish Reformer John Knox wrote “Book of Common Order” in Irish and Scottish Gaelic. The Rev William Neilson, Presbyterian minister of Dundalk, was skilled in various languages, and in 1808 he produced the work for which he is remembered, “An Introduction to the Irish Language”, and the next year an Irish spelling book. Presbyterian Robert Shipboy McAdam, a collector of Irish literature and advocate of the Irish language gives his name to Cultúrlann McAdam Ó Fiaich on the Falls Road.
Currently, the wonderful Lynda Ervine, openly Unionist and Protestant is promoting the Irish language in East Belfast and runs Irish language classes that are availed of mainly by Protestants. Lynda Ervine seems to have come to the language later in life and really illustrates the importance of education. One key example of this was a silly tirade by Jim Wells in which he claimed that there were no words in Irish for “United Kingdom”, “queen” or “Northern Ireland”. Lynda responded with “I was taught these words & phrases in a language class on the Falls Rd. For Jim’s info here they are. UK – An Ríocht Aontaithe, Queen – Banríon, Northern Ireland – Tuaisceart Éireann”. Unfortunately, Jim Wells didn’t have the grace to admit that what he had said was incorrect – another example of poor Unionist leadership.
Irish should not be made a compulsory language to learn and nobody is asking for such but I would like to see Protestant/Controlled schools introduce an introductory course of perhaps 2-3 classes to introduce young minds to the language, its cultural significance and how the language is part of our everyday vocabulary. Pupils and students can then determine if this is something they would like to learn more about or not. I know a number of Catholics who wish they didn’t have to learn Irish at school and a number of non-Catholics who would have liked the opportunity to at least explore the language.
I do think that all of us have a responsibility to call out bad behaviour in relation to the language, “curry my yogurt” references, “Every word of Irish spoken is like another bullet being fired in the struggle for Irish freedom”. In addition to this, whilst I would never want to dictate when the Irish language should and should not be spoken, is it necessary to speak it briefly during every debate, is this respecting the language? Conversely, it might be nice to hear the First Minister speak a little Irish within the chamber as a sign of maturity and respect.
For those from my community genuinely not interested in Irish, what I think Unionism and the Loyal Orange Institution should be doing is pursuing an education strategy. There is evidently an educational problem within Unionism and Protestantism and developing an effective strategy to deal with this would be more apt than opposing the Irish language. Surely the Orange Institution could roll out courses in English and introduce its members to the literature of Shakespeare and Dickens whilst Unionism should be looking at how it can improve the educational standards of all within NI particularly those from historically low achieving backgrounds.
Opposing the Irish language was a futile and damaging project for Unionism to embark on. It was a failure in generosity, it was a failure in outreach, it damaged relations both with Nationalists/Others but now with grassroots’ Unionism. By not accommodating those from a Non-Unionist persuasion political Unionism has damaged Northern Ireland’s position within the UK. Political Unionism has not prepared its base for the current political transition, it has failed to provide a vision, failed to face up to reality until it was put under duress and failed thus far to play a constructive and positive role on what the Irish language legislation will look like. Unfortunately, I still fear that political Unionism is not in a position to have an honest internal debate about its past failures and how to address them, the Irish language debacle has been a failure for political Unionism and the next debacle for Unionism is probably just around the corner.
We are fortunate to have a unique second language on this island that is culturally rich and it has played such an important part of our shared history. Northern Ireland is not better off with the eradication of this language, Unionism is not enhanced if the Irish language disappears and nor will Sinn Fein grow if Irish is properly protected here in Northern Ireland. We have a unique opportunity to embrace this language and learn about its importance and cherish it within the context of our rich cultural fabric, in five years’ time people will wonder what all the fuss was about?


sluggerotoole--2020-01-13--Fergus on Monday: The Magnificent Return

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sluggerotoole--2020-01-14--100 years of Irish electoral history in one great visualisation…

For most of us Nordies , southern political history happened in a flash while we were busily pre-occupied looking in @ @ @ @ @ a quiet catch up , try this wonderful visualisation from the Irish Times…


sluggerotoole--2020-01-14--#GE2020: And they’re off for the Republic’s first ever Saturday election…

And we have another election , this time it is to be the Republic ’ s first Saturday election on the eighth of February… Much of the Dublin papers have been speculating for the last week .
Mairia Cahill predicted the 7th on Nolan the day after the UK general election result which is about as close as it gets .
The 8th is a Saturday , the first time a general election has ever been called at an actual weekend ( Fridays are the norm ) .
It will also be fought on an old register ( the new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The political press corp is gathering at Aras an Uachtarain in advance of a press conference .
The threatened vote of no confidence may have played a part , but Varadkar has been under pressure to call an election for months now from FG backbenchers who want to get out to defend their seats .
It ’ s been a rough winter , but the economy is probably his best ally .
Brexit is one part eaten bread , and one part trouble to come .
The good feeling is more the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over ( it isn ’ t , quite ) .
The polls suggest there is not much in it between the two parties , and any hope of cleaning up the smaller parties in between will likely be balanced out in some level of a Green party surge .
But , after nearly four years of a confidence and supply arrangement between the Republic ’ s oldest political enemies , it ’ s a fight that can ’ t happen quick enough for some .
Note : If you are reading this in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of your voter status , check voter.ie .
If you ’ re not on the old register , you can get on the supplementary one which will open shortly after the election is officially declared by President Higgins this afternoon .
“ Irish General Election 2011 – The Count At The RDS ” by infomatique is licensed under CC BY-SA

And we have another election, this time it is to be the Republic’s first Saturday election on the eighth of February…
Much of the Dublin papers have been speculating for the last week. Mairia Cahill predicted the 7th on Nolan the day after the UK general election result which is about as close as it gets.
The 8th is a Saturday, the first time a general election has ever been called at an actual weekend (Fridays are the norm). It will also be fought on an old register (the new one comes in on the 15th).
The political press corp is gathering at Aras an Uachtarain in advance of a press conference.
The threatened vote of no confidence may have played a part, but Varadkar has been under pressure to call an election for months now from FG backbenchers who want to get out to defend their seats.
It’s been a rough winter, but the economy is probably his best ally. Brexit is one part eaten bread, and one part trouble to come. The good feeling is more the relief that it feels like it is over (it isn’t, quite).
The polls suggest there is not much in it between the two parties, and any hope of cleaning up the smaller parties in between will likely be balanced out in some level of a Green party surge.
But, after nearly four years of a confidence and supply arrangement between the Republic’s oldest political enemies, it’s a fight that can’t happen quick enough for some.
Note: If you are reading this in the Republic and aren’t sure of your voter status, check voter.ie.
If you’re not on the old register, you can get on the supplementary one which will open shortly after the election is officially declared by President Higgins this afternoon.
“Irish General Election 2011 – The Count At The RDS” by infomatique is licensed under CC BY-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-01-14--Making in progress in Northern Ireland

Making in progress in Northern Ireland

The resumption of the Assembly and Executive of Stormont is the basis for a reform of government in Northern Ireland and a change in the way our society operates .
The big question is how this can be achieved .
Holywell Trust conducted interviews with opinion leaders in Northern Ireland and the Republic asking how our society should change .
Those 35 ‘ Forward Together ’ interviews were covered extensively last year by Slugger and broadcast as podcasts .
They have this week been published on the Holywell Trust website as written transcripts .
The original interviews can also be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Eames , Denis Bradley , Naomi Long , Mark Durkan and Clare Bailey .
The interviews focus on four questions : how do we strengthen civic society ; how do we create an integrated society ; how do we address the legacy of the past ; and how do we have the conversation about the constitutional status of Northern Ireland in ways that are not threatening .
Gerard Deane , manager of the Holywell Trust , said : “ These interviewees provide a range of ideas about how we can strengthen our society @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peace .
One of the most important contributions – made by several interviewees – was the observation that we are almost mid-way through what is probably a 50 year process towards the creation of a permanently peaceful society .
This is a long haul .
“ With the resumption of government , we must make sure we learn from the past and deal with the challenges our society faces in an honest and open way .
I hope these interviews contributes to this process .
“ We are very appreciative of those funding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be realised – they include the Community Relations Council , the Executive Office ’ s Together : Building a United Community and Ireland ’ s Department of Foreign Affairs.
” Our partnership with Slugger has been immensely beneficial to this project , enabling it to reach a far wider audience .
Photo by veve is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

The resumption of the Assembly and Executive of Stormont is the basis for a reform of government in Northern Ireland and a change in the way our society operates. The big question is how this can be achieved.
Holywell Trust conducted interviews with opinion leaders in Northern Ireland and the Republic asking how our society should change. Those 35 ‘Forward Together’ interviews were covered extensively last year by Slugger and broadcast as podcasts. They have this week been published on the Holywell Trust website as written transcripts. The original interviews can also be listened to there.
Interviewees include Robin Eames, Denis Bradley, Naomi Long, Mark Durkan and Clare Bailey. The interviews focus on four questions: how do we strengthen civic society; how do we create an integrated society; how do we address the legacy of the past; and how do we have the conversation about the constitutional status of Northern Ireland in ways that are not threatening.
Gerard Deane, manager of the Holywell Trust, said: “These interviewees provide a range of ideas about how we can strengthen our society and strengthen the continuing process towards permanent peace. One of the most important contributions – made by several interviewees – was the observation that we are almost mid-way through what is probably a 50 year process towards the creation of a permanently peaceful society. This is a long haul.
“With the resumption of government, we must make sure we learn from the past and deal with the challenges our society faces in an honest and open way. I hope these interviews contributes to this process.
“We are very appreciative of those funding bodies that have enabled this important project to be realised – they include the Community Relations Council, the Executive Office’s Together: Building a United Community and Ireland’s Department of Foreign Affairs.”
Our partnership with Slugger has been immensely beneficial to this project, enabling it to reach a far wider audience.
Photo by veve is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-01-14--Micheál Martin cites Sinn Féin’s secret leadership as reason to exclude them from government…

Apparently one of Sinn Féin ’ s recently appointed Ministers was spotted last week in Debenhams in the company of Spike Murray .
The purpose appears to have been getting glad rags for the new gig .
Odd , you might think , for a colleague to take such an interest in what their public representatives might wear .
But it ’ s of a piece with SF ’ s leadership ‘ s abiding interest in almost everything they do .
Yesterday , Micheál Martin crossed swords with RTÉ ’ s redoubtable Seán O ’ Rourke in which he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sinn Féin after the forthcoming general election in the south .
He cited Sam McBride ’ s account in Burned of Máirtín Ó Muilleoir ’ s protracted correspondence and unminuted meetings ( 266-269 ) with old IRA men like Ted Howell , Martin Lynch and Padraic Wilson over an RHI fix .
As reported here in the past the problem for politicians dealing with Sinn Féin is that their elected representatives are not the final arbiters of what the party ’ s final position will be on almost anything .
This , of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , as opposed to a purely historic , journalistic problem of partial disclosure , although it is something that seems to not exercise too many in the mainstream .
It ’ s not that these behaviours were not known about or understood before , but it was Coghlin ’ s fastidious and uncompromising questioning of witnesses that brought it incontrovertibly to light .
The emergence of this ‘ inconvenient truth ’ may be one reason why Máirtin is not to be seen on the benches in Stormont in this term .
However , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the party itself .
Photo by gorartser is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA Photo by gorartser is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

Apparently one of Sinn Féin’s recently appointed Ministers was spotted last week in Debenhams in the company of Spike Murray. The purpose appears to have been getting glad rags for the new gig.
Odd, you might think, for a colleague to take such an interest in what their public representatives might wear. But it’s of a piece with SF’s leadership‘s abiding interest in almost everything they do.
Yesterday, Micheál Martin crossed swords with RTÉ’s redoubtable Seán O’Rourke in which he was adamant that he would not join with Sinn Féin after the forthcoming general election in the south.
He cited Sam McBride’s account in Burned of Máirtín Ó Muilleoir’s protracted correspondence and unminuted meetings (266-269) with old IRA men like Ted Howell, Martin Lynch and Padraic Wilson over an RHI fix.
As reported here in the past the problem for politicians dealing with Sinn Féin is that their elected representatives are not the final arbiters of what the party’s final position will be on almost anything.
This, of course, then ricochets into the contemporary, as opposed to a purely historic, journalistic problem of partial disclosure, although it is something that seems to not exercise too many in the mainstream.
It’s not that these behaviours were not known about or understood before, but it was Coghlin’s fastidious and uncompromising questioning of witnesses that brought it incontrovertibly to light.
The emergence of this ‘inconvenient truth’ may be one reason why Máirtin is not to be seen on the benches in Stormont in this term. However, we are unlikely ever to be told by the party itself.
Photo by gorartser is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA
Photo by gorartser is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-01-13--revisited : owning and running an electric car in NI

Some Slugger readers might remember , back in 2016 , that I decided to take the plunge and lease an electric car .
Recently , more attention has been paid to this topic ; BBC NI recently ran a few segments about it , and I noted at the end of one of the leader ’ s debates prior to the election that the leaders were all asked if they had plans to change to an electric car .
Then , this morning , I noticed that the Department for Infrastructure had dusted off their 5-year-old Nissan Leaf to collect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I thought it might be a good time to talk about my own experience retrospectively , and also give my idea of how I think policy in this area needs to be developed .
I did not renew my Nissan Leaf ’ s lease when it expired after two years .
Following a few longer cross-border trips which ended up taking significantly longer than they needed to , due to the lack of adequate rapid charging facilities , I found myself having difficulty justifying the significantly higher purchase price and the added inconvenience @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government has not been helpful either .
That does not change my view which is that , ultimately , we need to move to transition all transport to electric power as soon as we can .
Within my lifetime , I expect that all cars will be electric , and I think the transition will be substantially complete , certainly for passenger cars and road-based public transport , before the UK ’ s ban on new petrol and diesel cars comes into effect in 2040 .
The case for electric cars is compelling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time to time , they use significantly less energy to move the same weight the same distance , and they do not pollute from an exhaust .
They can be charged anywhere there is a plug , and the energy can come from any source that can be used to generate electricity : wind , solar , nuclear , natural gas as well as coal and oil , which is important when it comes to reducing our energy dependency .
They are based on standard , well-understood and commonplace technology , and soon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ commodities .
There is likely to be a lively market for the re-use of older EV batteries for energy storage in households and businesses .
This is important because energy storage is the key to making renewable energy viable and reliable .
But we are not there yet .
The cars are still too expensive and charging is still too inconvenient for many people .
These are problems that will eventually be solved by the market ; but governments need to become more actively involved to get the ball rolling .
We should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ solve all problems .
While they eliminate tailpipe pollution and help to decrease energy imports , they do not solve traffic congestion or road accidents , and do not encourage people to live more active or healthy lifestyles .
Particularly foolish are proposals to allow EVs to use bus lanes or provide free parking ; these ideas actively mitigate against efforts to make transportation scale effectively .
I ’ ll address this point in more detail further along .
An electric car is extremely easy to drive , much easier than a regular @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as electric motors deliver power mostly linearly throughout their RPM range ( typically via a fixed reduction gear ) .
There is no turbo lag either – full power is immediate , which is great for nipping around town , pulling out of junctions quickly and so on .
There are no downsides at all from a driving perspective .
A minor , but really nice , feature of an EV is that you can remotely start the heating or air conditioning without putting the key in the car .
This is great @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clearing condensation , or cooling the car if it has been sitting out in the sun before you start your journey .
Unfortunately electric cars remain significantly more expensive to buy at the entry level .
Looking at the Nissan website , the starting list price for the base model of the Leaf is £27,995 including grants .
By comparison , the base model of the Juke , the nearest equivalent petrol car , is £17,995 .
It ’ s a similar story over at Hyundai – the i30 or Kona can be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where the all-electric Ioniq starts at £29,450 including incentive .
At Volkswagen , the base Golf S starts at £22,080 whereas the e-Golf lists at £27,575 ( if anything , I think this tells a story of how overpriced the standard Golf is ! )
.
Generally , manufacturers equip their base electric vehicles to a higher specification than their base petrol models , so these are not like-for-like comparisons .
But it shows that you can expect to spend between £5K-£10K more to go electric .
Some advocates argue that the higher @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offset by the lower running costs .
For most people , this will not be the case .
As a very rough guide , you will save approximately £1,200/year in fuel costs and tax if you buy a base-level EV compared with buying a base-level equivalent petrol car .
This assumes that you do around 10,000 miles per year and that you charge the car at home using Economy 7 using a standard three-pin plug .
Since that is a rough figure , there are many caveats which depend on how you drive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
An electric car ’ s mileage performance drops at higher speeds , such as on the motorway .
It also drops in cold weather , for several reasons – the battery performs less efficiently in the cold , and you have to use more energy to maintain a comfortable cabin temperature .
On the other hand , when driving about town in clement weather , an EV is extremely efficient .
If you are a longer distance driver , driving a diesel car where you are routinely getting 60mpg – realistic on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an EV drops significantly to around £700/year .
Modern diesels are , of course , a bad choice if you seldom drive distances due to the DPF cleaning cycle .
It works out therefore that motorists who drive petrol cars short distances and diesel cars for longer distances are looking at 7-8 years to break even on the purchase cost .
Anyone who buys an EV expecting to save money overall will be waiting for a long time .
EVs look cheap to run from the above statistics , but this is an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is no fuel duty or full-rate VAT to pay on electricity .
On a petrol car , you ’ re paying roughly 9p/mile in taxes .
Strip away those taxes , and the gap in running costs between a petrol car and an EV is almost non-existent .
If you discount fuel taxes on diesel , diesel cars are actually cheaper to run than EVs for long-distance drivers .
As the share of the market of EVs rises , tax revenue in VAT , vehicle excise duty and fuel duty will fall .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ will eventually have to plug this hole .
It is not practically possible to apply this tax during charging , as most charging will be done from home , and may even be performed off grid via solar panels .
A mileage tax is the only mechanism which makes sense , although mechanisms to deal with charging foreign-registered cars would need to be developed .
I expect the government will introduce punitive taxes in the future for petrol and diesel cars to ensure there is sufficient incentive to switch away .
I can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this matter while EVs constitute a very small proportion of cars on the road .
But tax-free motoring won ’ t last long .
Some EV advocates claim that an electric car does not need to be serviced .
This is a matter of interpretation .
It is true that electric vehicles are inherently lower-maintenance .
An electric motor is a simple machine with much less to go wrong .
It does not need oil changes , filters , spark plugs , heaters , injectors and their cleaners , oxygen monitors , timing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these other precision components required to make fuel-based engines work .
( some electric motors do need fluid changes but only after 100,000 miles ) .
However , EVs still require regular inspections , mainly for safety reasons .
The service schedule on my Leaf still provided for full and intermediate service , and these included brake checks , CV boots/steering rack/etc , suspension checks , bearing checks , dust/pollen filter , air conditioning and so on .
Interestingly , due to regenerative braking , brake pads/discs tend to wear much more slowly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be replaced during the lifetime of the car .
Nissan currently charge £159 for a basic service on the Leaf vs £209 for their petrol cars .
This is not much of a saving , so for now I ’ m going to argue that there is no difference worth considering here .
Most of the time , typical EV drivers do not need to worry about range anxiety .
This is because the average motorist travels 30 miles a day .
If the car is charged every night , it will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , however , want the ability to travel longer distances when the need arises – a run up the coast , a trip to see relatives or friends living further away , etc .
In these cases , you need the ability to charge your car quickly during your journey .
This is where you need a reliable network of rapid chargers , which can charge you close to full capacity within 30 minutes or so .
I don ’ t think people would mind a 30-45 minute wait to charge provided they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ frequently during a long journey , since most will be stopping for a break anyway .
However , these delays can end up taking a lot longer due to the lack of available chargers .
Back when I had my EV , there were holes in the network , which was compounded by the fact that free charging encouraged freeloading and disincentivised private sector operators to establish their own networks .
On many occasions the chargers would be out of service , and due to lack of funding it often took many weeks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ESB activated fee-paid charging for rapid chargers in the south , which ( according to anecdote ) has significantly improved charger availability .
This has not yet happened in the north , most likely due to the absence of a minister .
We ’ re also lagging behind in terms of maintenance and upgrades to chargers in the north .
As I write , electric cars are moving ever-closer to the mainstream .
But we ’ re still some way away from price parity at the lower end of the market .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for EV sales , but it will be at least another couple of years before seeing EVs on the road becomes commonplace .
If the UK government wants to accelerate the uptake of EVs it should significantly increase taxes on petrol and diesel cars and use this to fund huge subsidies for EVs .
This policy is unlikely to be popular so it depends to a great extent on what kind of political capital it has .
Within our own devolved government , the first priority must be to address charger availability and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ move to make any necessary legal changes to allow fees to be introduced for electric vehicle chargers .
It also needs to look at how repairs , upgrades and expansion of the network can be funded , and take a look at the functioning of the market to see what can be done to bring in other private sector operators .
It is probably not sensible or realistic for the devolved government to introduce additional EV subsidies for the general public .
I would personally be against electric vehicles being permitted to use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
On the other hand , providing incentives or match funding to public sector/local government bodies to enable them to electrify their fleet might yield a good return and would help to normalise electric vehicles in the public eye .
Advocates of hydrogen power should be shown the door .
Where an electric vehicle charger is a relatively simple machine , equipment to produce and store hydrogen gas is not , which rules out one of the big advantages of EVs , namely the ability to charge overnight on cheaper electricity .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the input energy .
The gas can not be efficiently produced at scale ; is a dangerous , highly explosive substance .
It creates more problems than it solves , especially for private cars .
I wish our new Minister for Infrastructure well as she takes on responsibility for this matter , as well as a wide range of other , more serious matters .
I hope she is successful at making the case for charging infrastructure improvements at the Executive table , especially as this feeds in to local parties ’ stated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Northern Ireland has been a backwater on pollution and climate change for far too long , and it is high time that we put our minds to addressing this .

Some Slugger readers might remember, back in 2016, that I decided to take the plunge and lease an electric car. Recently, more attention has been paid to this topic; BBC NI recently ran a few segments about it, and I noted at the end of one of the leader’s debates prior to the election that the leaders were all asked if they had plans to change to an electric car. Then, this morning, I noticed that the Department for Infrastructure had dusted off their 5-year-old Nissan Leaf to collect the new Minister for the cameras. I thought it might be a good time to talk about my own experience retrospectively, and also give my idea of how I think policy in this area needs to be developed.
I did not renew my Nissan Leaf’s lease when it expired after two years. Following a few longer cross-border trips which ended up taking significantly longer than they needed to, due to the lack of adequate rapid charging facilities, I found myself having difficulty justifying the significantly higher purchase price and the added inconvenience. The absence of enthusiasm emanating from government has not been helpful either.
That does not change my view which is that, ultimately, we need to move to transition all transport to electric power as soon as we can. Within my lifetime, I expect that all cars will be electric, and I think the transition will be substantially complete, certainly for passenger cars and road-based public transport, before the UK’s ban on new petrol and diesel cars comes into effect in 2040.
Why electric ?
The case for electric cars is compelling. Despite disinformation campaigns which surface from time to time, they use significantly less energy to move the same weight the same distance, and they do not pollute from an exhaust. They can be charged anywhere there is a plug, and the energy can come from any source that can be used to generate electricity : wind, solar, nuclear, natural gas as well as coal and oil, which is important when it comes to reducing our energy dependency. They are based on standard, well-understood and commonplace technology, and soon their batteries can be expected to become commodities. There is likely to be a lively market for the re-use of older EV batteries for energy storage in households and businesses. This is important because energy storage is the key to making renewable energy viable and reliable.
But we are not there yet. The cars are still too expensive and charging is still too inconvenient for many people. These are problems that will eventually be solved by the market; but governments need to become more actively involved to get the ball rolling.
We should not forget that electric cars do not solve all problems. While they eliminate tailpipe pollution and help to decrease energy imports, they do not solve traffic congestion or road accidents, and do not encourage people to live more active or healthy lifestyles. Particularly foolish are proposals to allow EVs to use bus lanes or provide free parking; these ideas actively mitigate against efforts to make transportation scale effectively. I’ll address this point in more detail further along.
Driving
An electric car is extremely easy to drive, much easier than a regular car. There is no gearbox, as electric motors deliver power mostly linearly throughout their RPM range (typically via a fixed reduction gear). There is no turbo lag either – full power is immediate, which is great for nipping around town, pulling out of junctions quickly and so on. There are no downsides at all from a driving perspective.
A minor, but really nice, feature of an EV is that you can remotely start the heating or air conditioning without putting the key in the car. This is great for defrosting the windows in winter or clearing condensation, or cooling the car if it has been sitting out in the sun before you start your journey.
Buying
Unfortunately electric cars remain significantly more expensive to buy at the entry level. Looking at the Nissan website, the starting list price for the base model of the Leaf is £27,995 including grants. By comparison, the base model of the Juke, the nearest equivalent petrol car, is £17,995. It’s a similar story over at Hyundai – the i30 or Kona can be had for £17,355 or £17,505 respectively, where the all-electric Ioniq starts at £29,450 including incentive. At Volkswagen, the base Golf S starts at £22,080 whereas the e-Golf lists at £27,575 (if anything, I think this tells a story of how overpriced the standard Golf is!).
Generally, manufacturers equip their base electric vehicles to a higher specification than their base petrol models, so these are not like-for-like comparisons. But it shows that you can expect to spend between £5K-£10K more to go electric.
Running costs
Some advocates argue that the higher purchase price of an electric vehicle is offset by the lower running costs. For most people, this will not be the case.
As a very rough guide, you will save approximately £1,200/year in fuel costs and tax if you buy a base-level EV compared with buying a base-level equivalent petrol car. This assumes that you do around 10,000 miles per year and that you charge the car at home using Economy 7 using a standard three-pin plug.
Since that is a rough figure, there are many caveats which depend on how you drive and what kind of mileage you do. An electric car’s mileage performance drops at higher speeds, such as on the motorway. It also drops in cold weather, for several reasons – the battery performs less efficiently in the cold, and you have to use more energy to maintain a comfortable cabin temperature. On the other hand, when driving about town in clement weather, an EV is extremely efficient.
If you are a longer distance driver, driving a diesel car where you are routinely getting 60mpg – realistic on many modern diesels – the saving of an EV drops significantly to around £700/year. Modern diesels are, of course, a bad choice if you seldom drive distances due to the DPF cleaning cycle.
It works out therefore that motorists who drive petrol cars short distances and diesel cars for longer distances are looking at 7-8 years to break even on the purchase cost. Anyone who buys an EV expecting to save money overall will be waiting for a long time.
The EV tax timebomb
EVs look cheap to run from the above statistics, but this is an anomaly due to the fact that there is no fuel duty or full-rate VAT to pay on electricity.
On a petrol car , you’re paying roughly 9p/mile in taxes. Strip away those taxes, and the gap in running costs between a petrol car and an EV is almost non-existent. If you discount fuel taxes on diesel, diesel cars are actually cheaper to run than EVs for long-distance drivers.
As the share of the market of EVs rises, tax revenue in VAT, vehicle excise duty and fuel duty will fall. One way or another, the government will eventually have to plug this hole. It is not practically possible to apply this tax during charging, as most charging will be done from home, and may even be performed off grid via solar panels.
A mileage tax is the only mechanism which makes sense, although mechanisms to deal with charging foreign-registered cars would need to be developed. I expect the government will introduce punitive taxes in the future for petrol and diesel cars to ensure there is sufficient incentive to switch away.
I can’t see the government moving on this matter while EVs constitute a very small proportion of cars on the road. But tax-free motoring won’t last long.
Servicing costs
Some EV advocates claim that an electric car does not need to be serviced. This is a matter of interpretation. It is true that electric vehicles are inherently lower-maintenance. An electric motor is a simple machine with much less to go wrong. It does not need oil changes, filters, spark plugs, heaters, injectors and their cleaners, oxygen monitors, timing belts/chains, clutch plates/fluid or any of these other precision components required to make fuel-based engines work. (some electric motors do need fluid changes but only after 100,000 miles).
However, EVs still require regular inspections, mainly for safety reasons. The service schedule on my Leaf still provided for full and intermediate service, and these included brake checks, CV boots/steering rack/etc, suspension checks, bearing checks, dust/pollen filter, air conditioning and so on. Interestingly, due to regenerative braking, brake pads/discs tend to wear much more slowly and in many cases will not need to be replaced during the lifetime of the car.
Nissan currently charge £159 for a basic service on the Leaf vs £209 for their petrol cars. This is not much of a saving, so for now I’m going to argue that there is no difference worth considering here.
Range anxiety
Most of the time, typical EV drivers do not need to worry about range anxiety. This is because the average motorist travels 30 miles a day. If the car is charged every night, it will never run out.
Most car drivers, however, want the ability to travel longer distances when the need arises – a run up the coast, a trip to see relatives or friends living further away, etc. In these cases, you need the ability to charge your car quickly during your journey. This is where you need a reliable network of rapid chargers, which can charge you close to full capacity within 30 minutes or so.
I don’t think people would mind a 30-45 minute wait to charge provided they don’t have to do it frequently during a long journey, since most will be stopping for a break anyway. However, these delays can end up taking a lot longer due to the lack of available chargers. Back when I had my EV, there were holes in the network, which was compounded by the fact that free charging encouraged freeloading and disincentivised private sector operators to establish their own networks. On many occasions the chargers would be out of service, and due to lack of funding it often took many weeks to repair faulty chargers.
Recently, ESB activated fee-paid charging for rapid chargers in the south, which (according to anecdote) has significantly improved charger availability. This has not yet happened in the north, most likely due to the absence of a minister. We’re also lagging behind in terms of maintenance and upgrades to chargers in the north.
What next ?
As I write, electric cars are moving ever-closer to the mainstream. But we’re still some way away from price parity at the lower end of the market. I expect 2020 will be a record year for EV sales, but it will be at least another couple of years before seeing EVs on the road becomes commonplace.
If the UK government wants to accelerate the uptake of EVs it should significantly increase taxes on petrol and diesel cars and use this to fund huge subsidies for EVs. This policy is unlikely to be popular so it depends to a great extent on what kind of political capital it has.
Within our own devolved government, the first priority must be to address charger availability and reliability. The government therefore has to move to make any necessary legal changes to allow fees to be introduced for electric vehicle chargers. It also needs to look at how repairs, upgrades and expansion of the network can be funded, and take a look at the functioning of the market to see what can be done to bring in other private sector operators.
It is probably not sensible or realistic for the devolved government to introduce additional EV subsidies for the general public. I would personally be against electric vehicles being permitted to use bus lanes or to have free parking. On the other hand, providing incentives or match funding to public sector/local government bodies to enable them to electrify their fleet might yield a good return and would help to normalise electric vehicles in the public eye.
Advocates of hydrogen power should be shown the door. Where an electric vehicle charger is a relatively simple machine, equipment to produce and store hydrogen gas is not, which rules out one of the big advantages of EVs, namely the ability to charge overnight on cheaper electricity. The production process wastes a significant quantity of the input energy. The gas cannot be efficiently produced at scale; is a dangerous, highly explosive substance. It creates more problems than it solves, especially for private cars.
I wish our new Minister for Infrastructure well as she takes on responsibility for this matter, as well as a wide range of other, more serious matters. I hope she is successful at making the case for charging infrastructure improvements at the Executive table, especially as this feeds in to local parties’ stated priorities around climate change and pollution. Northern Ireland has been a backwater on pollution and climate change for far too long, and it is high time that we put our minds to addressing this.


sluggerotoole--2020-01-13--Get your tickets for the Slugger Big House Party! 2pm Saturday the 25th January 2020…

The big house on the hill is open for business again !
Join Slugger and an expert team of ex @ @ @ @ @ the parties need to do to get Stormont working .
This is a fundraising event @ @ @ @ @ Our events are great fun so if you have not attended one before this is @ @ @ @ @ and enjoy the craic !


sluggerotoole--2020-01-13--You Are Now Entering Free Derry…

You Are Now Entering Free Derry…

`` It just shows you the change that 's happened over the last few years , from it being a @ @ @ @ @ .
Derry women Danielle & Emma got married in Donegal last year .
Today their @ @ @ @ @ the city they call home .
Interview coming up on @ BBCRadioFoyle pic.twitter.com/sfR44DGxD2


sluggerotoole--2020-01-15--NI Office and Dept of Finance at odds over the financial package for new Executive

The Northern Ireland Office has announced the new financial package for the new Executive .
I did detect when I was up in Stormont on Saturday some nervousness about the exact nature of the commitments that would materialise from the British government and how much would be new money .
Today we got our answer £1 billion .
Note it ’ s the not the £2 billion extra as billed , since £1 billion is what we were getting anyway and we don ’ t know what ’ s happening with the rest of the confidence and supply money .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ parties expected .
Here is how it breaks down • A £1bn Barnett-based investment guarantee from the UK Government , which will include significant new funding to turbocharge infrastructure investment .
This guarantee will apply in all circumstances , and allow the Executive to plan new investment over a five year period .
• A rapid injection of £550m to put the Executive ’ s finances on a sustainable footing , including £200 million to resolve the nurses ’ pay dispute immediately and deliver pay parity over the next two years .
• @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ringfence £60m of capital and resource funding to deliver a Northern Ireland Graduate Entry Medical School in Derry/Londonderry , subject to Executive approval , with £45m provided by the Inclusive Future Fund announced in May 2019 .
• We will provide £50m over two years to support the rollout of ultra-low emission public transport .
• Around £245m will support the transformation of public services , including transformation across health , education and justice .
Funding release will be tied to the delivery of reform .
• The deal includes strict financial conditions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ independent Fiscal Council .
But it does not include any conditions about the raising of revenue by the Executive – that will be a matter for the Executive to decide on if it wants to release extra funds .
Responding to this the Finance Minister , Conor Murphy said ; “ My officials are in the process of fully costing what is required but , against the request of the First Minister and deputy First Minister , the British Government has gone ahead and made this announcement .
“ £1bn of this was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A further £240m was already promised as part of the Confidence and Supply agreement .
“ The bottom line is with this proposed package , our public services face a shortfall of at least £1 billion next year alone .
“ This will make it extremely difficult to fund public services.
” Mr Murphy added : “ For the legacy institutions , the proposed package adds £100m to the £150m previously committed .
This falls at least £50m short of the projected cost of £300-£400m “ The parties are working together to deliver @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This act of bad faith makes our job much more difficult .
“ As Finance Minister I can not and will not accept this and will be taking this up with the British Government.
” The response from the NI Secretary

The Northern Ireland Office has announced the new financial package for the new Executive. I did detect when I was up in Stormont on Saturday some nervousness about the exact nature of the commitments that would materialise from the British government and how much would be new money. Today we got our answer £1 billion. Note it’s the not the £2 billion extra as billed, since £1 billion is what we were getting anyway and we don’t know what’s happening with the rest of the confidence and supply money. Which falls far short of what the parties expected.
Here is how it breaks down
A £1bn Barnett-based investment guarantee from the UK Government, which will include significant new funding to turbocharge infrastructure investment. This guarantee will apply in all circumstances, and allow the Executive to plan new investment over a five year period.
A rapid injection of £550m to put the Executive’s finances on a sustainable footing, including £200 million to resolve the nurses’ pay dispute immediately and deliver pay parity over the next two years.
Alongside this, the UK Government will ringfence £60m of capital and resource funding to deliver a Northern Ireland Graduate Entry Medical School in Derry/Londonderry, subject to Executive approval, with £45m provided by the Inclusive Future Fund announced in May 2019.
We will provide £50m over two years to support the rollout of ultra-low emission public transport.
Around £245m will support the transformation of public services, including transformation across health, education and justice. Funding release will be tied to the delivery of reform.
£140m to address Northern Ireland’s unique circumstances.
The deal includes strict financial conditions such as the establishment of a new independent Fiscal Council. But it does not include any conditions about the raising of revenue by the Executive – that will be a matter for the Executive to decide on if it wants to release extra funds.
Responding to this the Finance Minister, Conor Murphy said;
“My officials are in the process of fully costing what is required but, against the request of the First Minister and deputy First Minister, the British Government has gone ahead and made this announcement. “The financial package claims to provide £2bn. “£1bn of this was already coming to the Executive. “A further £240m was already promised as part of the Confidence and Supply agreement. “The bottom line is with this proposed package, our public services face a shortfall of at least £1 billion next year alone. “This will make it extremely difficult to fund public services.” Mr Murphy added: “For the legacy institutions, the proposed package adds £100m to the £150m previously committed. This falls at least £50m short of the projected cost of £300-£400m “The parties are working together to deliver quality public services for our people. This act of bad faith makes our job much more difficult. “As Finance Minister I cannot and will not accept this and will be taking this up with the British Government.”
The response from the NI Secretary
Let’s remember MLAs have been off work 3yrs at a cost of £15m+ in salaries. There will be a new deal for NI as it leaves the EU. There is also a UK budget in spring. £2bn is biggest ever NI talks settlement & it addresses a number of key issues. Let’s get on with it… — Julian Smith MP (@JulianSmithUK) January 15, 2020


sluggerotoole--2020-01-15--Less spotted deal provisions – ‘Fiscal Council’

Lesser spotted deal provisions can be interesting when picking apart a new political settlement , especially as the underlying funds threaten to pick it apart anyway .
It has been commented upon that this is a good deal , indeed Newton Emerson used more colourful language in describing the “ identitarians ” who would turn down this deal .
Possibly extra cash , difficult issues ‘ oven ready ’ to be dealt with and significant changes to the cultural policy of our public institutions here .
I would have liked to have seen more in the way of PoC reform @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deal with its use but for it to actually be compromise then it should please none of us .
Brian Walker expertly picked apart the entire deal here .
What I picked up on as a win for responsible governance here was the commitment to establishing a “ fiscal council ” , which is mentioned scantly in the agreement text .
First under the auspices of ‘ Transparency , accountability and the functioning of the Executive : ’ • establishment of a fiscal council which would assess and report on the sustainability of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proposals .
Read in conjunction with the other proposals in this section of the agreement it is clear that the UK and Irish governments were not comfortable with the competence of how our institutions were run in the last administration ( see RHI ) .
What other state in the world ( moreover the western world ) would require basic ethical principles such as ministerial gifts being included in a government deal ?
But there it was , along with what you would expect to be the bread and butter of every civil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recording meetings .
The whole section is as follows : • Ministers and civil servants , including special advisers , each have a part to play in rebuilding the trust of citizens in the operation of a future administration .
The parties reaffirm their commitment to greater transparency and improved governance arrangements that are aimed at securing and maintaining public confidence .
This is particularly important in light of the public inquiry into the RHI scheme .
• The parties have therefore agreed to an ambitious package of measures to strengthen transparency and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in line with international best practice .
The Executive will , as a matter of urgency , produce strengthened drafts of the ministerial , civil service and special adviser codes , to be implemented immediately .
5 .
The measures agreed here include : • making clear the accountability of Ministers to the Assembly ; • publishing details of gifts and hospitality received by special advisers , • strengthening requirements for record-keeping and the protections for I for one would like to see this new fiscal council become a commission for public finances @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lasting impact , it would need to fiercely and independently report on the ongoing state of our public finances ( including the hot potatoes , i.e .
water rates ) .
Accurate figures on the costs of segregation , the cost of underinvestment and its longer term cost expectations , and the adoption of a statutory procedure that each policy would be benchmarked against as part of a government wide 10 to 20 year plan on reducing fiscal dependence .
For such a business case to be approved it should have a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being a revenue raising initiative .
The proposal has been included in the Stormont House and Fresh Start agreements but not fulfilled by previous administrations .
In 2015 , then finance minister , Arlene Foster explained to the assembly that the planned Fiscal Council would be : “ …set up with probably a small membership .
I imagine that it will be made up of around three or four people with expertise in the area .
…its terms of reference have to be agreed with Her Majesty ’ s Treasury , but that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Department.
” It will be interesting to see if it is set up by the HM government deadline ( July 2020 ) whether it will have this consultative role with the Department and wider executive or whether it will sit as more of an ombudsman style body .
The Office for Budget Responsibility comparisons were not endorsed by the minster at the time of the above assembly questions , but after RHI the Treasury might be keener to see it set up in the OBR format .
With all the wrangling and horse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Treasury , fiscal policy has crept quickly up the agenda .
Sadly , unlike other places , it never creeps up the agenda before election time which is a collective failure of all parties .
But the message of this week which has resounded loud and clear is thus ; NI must pay its way and take some fiscal responsibility !

Lesser spotted deal provisions can be interesting when picking apart a new political settlement, especially as the underlying funds threaten to pick it apart anyway. It has been commented upon that this is a good deal, indeed Newton Emerson used more colourful language in describing the “identitarians” who would turn down this deal. Possibly extra cash, difficult issues ‘oven ready’ to be dealt with and significant changes to the cultural policy of our public institutions here. I would have liked to have seen more in the way of PoC reform, there is no legal mechanism to deal with its use but for it to actually be compromise then it should please none of us.
Brian Walker expertly picked apart the entire deal here. What I picked up on as a win for responsible governance here was the commitment to establishing a “fiscal council”, which is mentioned scantly in the agreement text. First under the auspices of ‘Transparency, accountability and the functioning of the Executive:’
establishment of a fiscal council which would assess and report on the sustainability of the Executive’s finances and spending proposals.
Read in conjunction with the other proposals in this section of the agreement it is clear that the UK and Irish governments were not comfortable with the competence of how our institutions were run in the last administration (see RHI). What other state in the world (moreover the western world) would require basic ethical principles such as ministerial gifts being included in a government deal?
But there it was, along with what you would expect to be the bread and butter of every civil servant time immemorial; taking minutes and recording meetings. The whole section is as follows:
Ministers and civil servants, including special advisers, each have a part to play in rebuilding the trust of citizens in the operation of a future administration. The parties reaffirm their commitment to greater transparency and improved governance arrangements that are aimed at securing and maintaining public confidence. This is particularly important in light of the public inquiry into the RHI scheme. The parties have therefore agreed to an ambitious package of measures to strengthen transparency and governance arrangements in the Assembly and Executive in line with international best practice. The Executive will, as a matter of urgency, produce strengthened drafts of the ministerial, civil service and special adviser codes, to be implemented immediately. 5. The measures agreed here include: making clear the accountability of Ministers to the Assembly; strengthening Ministers’ responsibility for their special advisers; publishing details of Ministers’ meetings with external organisations; publishing details of gifts and hospitality received by special advisers,
meetings with external organisations, and pay;
strengthening requirements for record-keeping and the protections for
whistleblowers;
I for one would like to see this new fiscal council become a commission for public finances. To achieve this status and make a lasting impact, it would need to fiercely and independently report on the ongoing state of our public finances (including the hot potatoes, i.e. water rates). Accurate figures on the costs of segregation, the cost of underinvestment and its longer term cost expectations, and the adoption of a statutory procedure that each policy would be benchmarked against as part of a government wide 10 to 20 year plan on reducing fiscal dependence. For such a business case to be approved it should have a full cost/benefit analysis and get points for being a revenue raising initiative.
The proposal has been included in the Stormont House and Fresh Start agreements but not fulfilled by previous administrations. In 2015, then finance minister, Arlene Foster explained to the assembly that the planned Fiscal Council would be:
“…set up with probably a small membership. I imagine that it will be made up of around three or four people with expertise in the area.
…its terms of reference have to be agreed with Her Majesty’s Treasury, but that will be done in conjunction with my Department.”
It will be interesting to see if it is set up by the HM government deadline (July 2020) whether it will have this consultative role with the Department and wider executive or whether it will sit as more of an ombudsman style body. The Office for Budget Responsibility comparisons were not endorsed by the minster at the time of the above assembly questions, but after RHI the Treasury might be keener to see it set up in the OBR format.
With all the wrangling and horse trading over a financial injection from the Treasury, fiscal policy has crept quickly up the agenda. Sadly, unlike other places, it never creeps up the agenda before election time which is a collective failure of all parties. But the message of this week which has resounded loud and clear is thus; NI must pay its way and take some fiscal responsibility!


sluggerotoole--2020-01-17--Not a bad start – but the Assembly needs the people’s help with the big decisions

I err on the side of optimism .
I don ’ t know about you but I ’ m constantly frustrated at how the media comment on every cough and squeak of political debate but skate over the actual details of the policies that affect real life .
Political chatter is the easy bit ; they ’ ve being doing for decades , ever since politicians insisted they weren ’ t responsible for anything like the terrible issues of life and death which were always down to somebody else , paramilitaries or the security forces , anybody but themselves .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ much during the first two decades on the on-off Assembly when so much was reduced to the zero sum game of sectarian struggle .
It hasn ’ t gone way yet , not by any means , witness the gross elevation of “ respect “ issues when real respect was draining away .
But the times they are a- changing .
In its first full week , the Assembly has struck a spurious note of unity around being conned or tricked by Secretary of State Julian Smith into agreeing to ambitious spending plans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It is hardly impressive to admit you ’ ve been conned – unless you ’ ve been conned willingly to obtain an alibi .
But who needs an alibi before they ’ ve had a chance to do anything ?
A school child on a Stormont education programme could have told them two things : one , get the money sorted first and second , oh yes you don ’ t get it all in a single year or even two years .
Some MLAs may be in denial but I pay most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the score and indulging in the old bazaar technique of railing against the seller in order to get the price down – or in their case , up .
And party competition hasn ’ t gone away .
The DUP screwed funds out of the May government through confidence and supply ; so now a Sinn Fein finance minister , deprived of real leverage , has to scream and shout .
But it hasn ’ t been such as a bad start , at least from my remote vantage point .
The episode @ @ @ @ @ @ @ displayed the growing pains of a maturing Assembly .
After a little venting against Smith from the nationalist left , the five-party panel of left , centre and right , unionist , nationalist and Alliance united to “ get on with it.
” After proving that they can govern , they vow to return to Whitehall and ask for more , more money .
That was my overall impression .
They ’ d got it and it ’ s big advance .
The natural rhythm of parties manacled together was to head for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the music is changing .
Political debate needs to be matched by information and analysis .
An “ extra ” £ 1billion or 2 , new money , already promised , some a carryover from confidence and supply , Barnett consequentials ?
I don ’ t pretend to have it straight nor do I – and you – know if whatever it is , is the last word .
I know however that the Department of Finance ’ s explainer was absurd , merely the statement of Conor Murphy ’ s bottom line @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fuller account .
Just a tiny example .
How is the £19 billion budget for 2019-20 actually being spent ?
The new Fiscal Council the parties have been blocking for years will improve transparency but we shouldn ’ t have to wait .
Civil society , academe and the media have to make the switch from taking refuge behind the political din and face up to the tough choices themselves .
It will be no easier for some of them than the politicians .
But the politicians can not be left isolated and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inevitably disappointed .
We really are all in this together .
It was public pressure that in the end forced the Assembly ’ s return .
There should no let up .
The task has only just begun .

I err on the side of optimism. I don’t know about you but I’m constantly frustrated at how the media comment on every cough and squeak of political debate but skate over the actual details of the policies that affect real life. Political chatter is the easy bit; they’ve being doing for decades, ever since politicians insisted they weren’t responsible for anything like the terrible issues of life and death which were always down to somebody else, paramilitaries or the security forces, anybody but themselves. This habit didn’t really change much during the first two decades on the on-off Assembly when so much was reduced to the zero sum game of sectarian struggle. It hasn’t gone way yet, not by any means, witness the gross elevation of “respect “issues when real respect was draining away. But the times they are a- changing.
In its first full week, the Assembly has struck a spurious note of unity around being conned or tricked by Secretary of State Julian Smith into agreeing to ambitious spending plans before nailing down all the funding. It is hardly impressive to admit you’ve been conned – unless you’ve been conned willingly to obtain an alibi. But who needs an alibi before they’ve had a chance to do anything?
A school child on a Stormont education programme could have told them two things: one, get the money sorted first and second, oh yes you don’t get it all in a single year or even two years. Some MLAs may be in denial but I pay most of them the compliment of really knowing the score and indulging in the old bazaar technique of railing against the seller in order to get the price down – or in their case, up. And party competition hasn’t gone away. The DUP screwed funds out of the May government through confidence and supply; so now a Sinn Fein finance minister, deprived of real leverage, has to scream and shout.
But it hasn’t been such as a bad start, at least from my remote vantage point . The episode of The View I watched last night displayed the growing pains of a maturing Assembly. After a little venting against Smith from the nationalist left, the five-party panel of left, centre and right, unionist, nationalist and Alliance united to “get on with it.” After proving that they can govern, they vow to return to Whitehall and ask for more, more money. That was my overall impression. They’d got it and it’s big advance. The natural rhythm of parties manacled together was to head for the lowest common denominator. Perhaps now the music is changing.
Political debate needs to be matched by information and analysis. An “extra” £ 1billion or 2, new money, already promised, some a carryover from confidence and supply, Barnett consequentials?
I don’t pretend to have it straight nor do I – and you – know if whatever it is, is the last word.
I know however that the Department of Finance’s explainer was absurd, merely the statement of Conor Murphy’s bottom line. Civil servants should press for a fuller account. Just a tiny example. How is the £19 billion budget for 2019-20 actually being spent?
The new Fiscal Council the parties have been blocking for years will improve transparency but we shouldn’t have to wait. Civil society, academe and the media have to make the switch from taking refuge behind the political din and face up to the tough choices themselves. It will be no easier for some of them than the politicians. But the politicians cannot be left isolated and exposed to the public fury of the inevitably disappointed. We really are all in this together. It was public pressure that in the end forced the Assembly’s return. There should no let up. The task has only just begun.


sluggerotoole--2020-01-17--All parties have just two years to prove that they’re fit for government

This is not April/May 1998 .
And nor is it May 2007 .
We ’ ve all been here before and we ’ ve all been let down before .
It will take a lot – and I really do mean a lot – to persuade us that it will be different this time .
And we ’ ve already seen some of the early signs of slippage .
The DUP and Sinn Féin cooking up their own ‘ ourselves alone ’ deal to ensure Alex Maskey as Speaker rather than the SDLP ’ s Patsy McGlone ; Sinn Féin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agreement as ‘ ..a landmark opportunity , a beachhead..towards Irish unity ’ ; and Edwin Poots hinting at water rates and earning an immediate ‘ no way ’ response Michelle O ’ Neill .
This is the sort of make-it-up-as-you-go-along stuff that did so much damage in the past .
[ Emphasis added ] Yep .
But I ’ d only add this will not be the final word .
Northern Irish politics has been dogged by an eschatological obsession with ‘ how it all ends ’ .
I suspect Alex is right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an election would have been Alliance .
Whilst the SDLP had a very good day out in the two constituencies they won with handsome majorities , they did so by pulling every available activist in from everywhere else .
It takes time to build the sort of structures they need for a breakthrough .
Newton Emerson neatly up summed the dilemma facing any party that wants to take power in Stormont yesterday : He gives the perfect example in Health : The media has done a better job of explaining the need for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Bengoa report endorsed by all the executive parties .
However , public understanding of this in principle never seems to apply in practice .
In 2015 , when a decision was taken to downgrade Downpatrick ’ s Downe hospital , 15,000 people – equivalent to the town ’ s entire population – took to the streets .
No politician can ignore that kind of pressure , yet similar decisions must be replicated across Northern Ireland .
This problem is already well known in the south .
When Peter Geoghegan and I did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ polling day 2011 in the Republic we found that anxieties about hospitals where innately tied in with concerns about the condition of the road to the nearest ‘ centre of excellence ’ : In other words , to govern ( as opposed to merely administering someone else ’ s initiatives ) requires both political courage and an ability to work and communicate well across departments .
With two parties that have demonstrated a profound lack of trust , that ’ s a tall order .
But it also raises an important challenge for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do things differently , and critically what practical choices are they prepared to confront the electorate with when we come to the next election which is now only just over two years away ?

Alex Kane in Irish News this morning writes…
This is not April/May 1998. And nor is it May 2007. We’ve all been here before and we’ve all been let down before. It will take a lot – and I really do mean a lot – to persuade us that it will be different this time. And we’ve already seen some of the early signs of slippage. The DUP and Sinn Féin cooking up their own ‘ourselves alone’ deal to ensure Alex Maskey as Speaker rather than the SDLP’s Patsy McGlone; Sinn Féin junior minister Declan Kearney describing the new agreement as ‘..a landmark opportunity, a beachhead..towards Irish unity’; and Edwin Poots hinting at water rates and earning an immediate ‘no way’ response Michelle O’Neill. This is the sort of make-it-up-as-you-go-along stuff that did so much damage in the past. [Emphasis added]
Yep. But I’d only add this will not be the final word. Northern Irish politics has been dogged by an eschatological obsession with ‘how it all ends’. I suspect Alex is right that the only party looking forward to an election would have been Alliance.
Whilst the SDLP had a very good day out in the two constituencies they won with handsome majorities, they did so by pulling every available activist in from everywhere else. It takes time to build the sort of structures they need for a breakthrough.
Newton Emerson neatly up summed the dilemma facing any party that wants to take power in Stormont yesterday:
Five parties are now in the executive but the same two are back in charge. They have considerably more money to play with but apparently not enough to avoid all the difficult decisions they hoped to avoid.
He gives the perfect example in Health:
The media has done a better job of explaining the need for overall NHS reform, in line with the Bengoa report endorsed by all the executive parties. However, public understanding of this in principle never seems to apply in practice. In 2015, when a decision was taken to downgrade Downpatrick’s Downe hospital, 15,000 people – equivalent to the town’s entire population – took to the streets. No politician can ignore that kind of pressure, yet similar decisions must be replicated across Northern Ireland.
This problem is already well known in the south. When Peter Geoghegan and I did a slightly mad one-day road trip on polling day 2011 in the Republic we found that anxieties about hospitals where innately tied in with concerns about the condition of the road to the nearest ‘centre of excellence’:
…poor travel times are one of the main reasons why local folk would rather be treated in a community hospital, like in Roscommon, than take their chances on the road to a centre of excellence in Galway.
In other words, to govern (as opposed to merely administering someone else’s initiatives) requires both political courage and an ability to work and communicate well across departments. With two parties that have demonstrated a profound lack of trust, that’s a tall order.
But it also raises an important challenge for their would-be replacements. How would they do things differently, and critically what practical choices are they prepared to confront the electorate with when we come to the next election which is now only just over two years away?