sluggerotoole--2020-08-07--The Forgotten Troubles 1920-1922: The Derry Riots 1920…

On 12th August 1969 Derry City exploded into violence and running battles that would eventually become known as the Battle of The Bogside after the Annual Relief of the City Parade held by the Apprentice Boys .
This rioting lasted for three days and is widely seen as the start of the Troubles or Northern Ireland conflict .
What is less well known , however , is that almost fifty years previously , in June 1920 Derry saw a far bloodier spate of communal rioting and confrontation between Unionists and Nationalists ; a full week of bloodshed which would result @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It has become known as the Derry Riots although it was more akin to outright civil war played out in the same streets and alleyways that would become so prominent in 1969 .
The Riots were a culmination of tensions within the Derry area which had been simmering for some time .
By 1920 Derry City had a population of around 40,000 , of whom 56 % were Catholic and 44 % Protestant .
( 1 ) While the West Bank of Derry is overwhelmingly Catholic and Nationalist today , in 1920 it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still predominantly Nationalist .
Derry City had a Sinn Fein M.P , Eoin MacNeill who had been elected at the 1918 election defeating Robert Anderson the Irish Unionist candidate by 315 votes although the Derry Corporation was held by Unionism .
( 2 ) This would change in January 1920 when elections to the corporation took place .
Nationalists and Republicans took victory by a majority of 21 to 19 and duly elected a Nationalist Mayor of Derry , Hugh C. O ’ Doherty .
O ’ Doherty was an Independent Nationalist and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Parliamentary Party over their acceptance of partition in 1916 .
This victory was a hammer blow for the Unionists of Derry who had seen for the first time Nationalism holding power within the Corporation .
To Unionists the city was of massive symbolic importance , of course being the location of the siege in 1689 , in which Protestant Williamites had held out against the Catholic Jacobite army , and which was , and is , commemorated every year by the Apprentice Boys .
Their fears were hardly assuaged when the new Mayor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Is it not time that you reconsidered your position in relation to your countrymen ; that you came to the conclusion that you owe your allegiance to this land of your birth , and that you should no longer play the part expected of you by English politicians but join with your fellow-countrymen in demanding that the government of this country shall be by Irishmen in the sole interests of Ireland.
” He finished his speech by stating : ‘ Ireland ’ s right to determine her own destiny will come about whether @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not ’ .
( 3 ) The first IRA volunteer to be killed in Derry was Dan McGandy , a local Postman .
McGandy , it is alleged , was surprised by the British Army whilst in the process of removing grenades to transport across the city .
He was found drowned one week later , IRA volunteers and his family maintained he had been purposely drowned in the Foyle after a struggle with British Soldiers .
( 4 ) This had occurred within one week of Hugh C. O ’ Doherty being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the RIC carried out extensive raids across the city recovering a quantity of ammunition , revolvers and hand grenades .
These raids were carried out in the Nationalist areas of the city and despite assumptions that these weapons were Republican it was the case that some of the weaponry was actually part of the Ancient Order of Hibernian ( AOH ) arsenal .
The AOH – a Catholic only fraternal organisation that supported the Irish Parliamentary Party – for the most part formed the bulk of the Catholic ex-Servicemen Association which would play @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( 5 ) The newly elected Mayor would also cause some controversy when he refused to attend any function where the Royal Toast was to be made .
He also proposed that the flying of any flags from the Council would cease so that the citizens could identify with the new Council .
Added to that , he also voted for a Sinn Fein motion to remove Lord French , the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , as a freeman of the city , principally for his actions during the Easter Rising declaring him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city .
Such was the tension within the City that the St. Patrick ’ s Day Parade was cancelled and in April the city was awash with military fearful of a surge in Republican activity in the area over the Easter period .
Armed troops were posted throughout the city and approach roads .
On 14th April large crowds gathered in Derry to celebrate the release of prisoners from Mountjoy prison in Dublin after a mass hunger strike by prisoners there .
The crowd almost immediately began to attack the RIC and military @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two companies of the Dorset Regiment being despatched to disperse the rioters .
These soldiers opened fire on the crowd with blanks , dispersing the majority although a few remained .
The Dorsets then fired live ammunition at those remaining who had been singing songs and flying flags .
Three civilians were wounded , one an ex-serviceman .
( 6 ) The dispersed crowd made its way into Bishop Street and the interface with the Fountain , a Protestant enclave where rioting commenced between rival Nationalist and Unionist factions .
A number of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ soldiers and RIC received injuries .
Worse was to come in May when after skirmishes a Unionist group entered Bridge Street firing revolvers before being driven back by a Police charge .
However as the Police charge occurred , a shot rang out and Detective Sergeant Denis Moroney fell mortally wounded .
He was the first policeman to be killed in Ulster and his death was believed to have been caused by an IRA sniper .
However IRA members told the BMH that they had not been involved .
It is possible the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with their faces blackened and others with masks also took control of Carlisle Bridge , the forerunner to the Craigavon Bridge .
All those intending to pass were harassed and some were beaten .
This violence went on sporadically for weeks in the city .
( 7 ) Rioting and confrontation occurred on 18th June in the Waterside area of the city .
The Londonderry Sentinel held Sinn Fein responsible for the outbreak of violence and the injuring of civilians : “ The Trouble originated with an unprovoked attack on a Unionist on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ neighbourhood of Cross Street , in the Waterside .
Yesterday morning large parts of armed Sinn Feiners at the head of John Street fired a bullet that hit a Mrs. Moore ” .
( 8 ) The next day saw an explosion of violence .
After some skirmishes in the Bishop Street area of Derry , Unionist snipers took up tactical positions and began firing into the Nationalist neighbourhoods .
The violence was organised by the Ulster Volunteer Force ( UVF ) who had reformed in the city .
The Unionist mob eventually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city centre firing at a Nationalist crowd who had gathered curiously to watch .
The Derry Journal reported : “ While these horrifying scenes were being enacted the shooting had attracted a large crowd to the Diamond .
There angry interchanges between rival parties led to some exciting incidents with one of the four armed Policemen on duty phoned for assistance ” .
( 9 ) Liam Brady also remembered the IRA receiving information that an attack was imminent the day before the outbreak : “ On Thursday June , 18th , 1920 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Republican Officer that the Dorset Regiment were handing over rifles and ammunition to a certain section of the Unionists so as to create trouble and if possible a civil and religious war .
The Republican Officer thought that the story was too fantastic and dismissed it as such.
” ( 10 ) The firing into Catholic neighbourhoods soon began to cause casualties .
James McVeigh was the first person to be killed in the shooting .
He had been standing at the corner of Bishop Street and Long Tower when struck by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : “ A bullet struck poor McVeigh in the throat , the poor man staggered a couple of yards towards Mullan ’ s public house on the other side of the street where he fell bleeding profusely from the wound in his neck .
He lay dying in a pool of blood for ten minutes , no one daring due to the tremendous fire , to approach him as he lay dying in agony ” .
( 11 ) A local man named Robert Rankin was eventually charged with his murder .
( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tower Street attempted to leave his home he was shot dead by a Unionist sniper in his doorway .
One bullet struck his hand , the other his stomach , disembowelling him .
( 13 ) Others were more fortunate as the bullets meant for them missed their target .
Edwin Price who had served in the 36th Ulster Division during the War was killed when caught up in the violence .
He had been visiting his brother in Derry when shot outside the Diamond Hotel .
Price was struck in the stomach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gallagher was also shot dead by a Unionist sniper as he made his way along Clarendon Street .
He managed to drag himself to the nearby infirmary but was died soon after .
( 14 ) Patrick Mallet of Daenery Street was shot in the abdomen as he was walking up Long Tower Street and died a few days later from his injuries whilst Thomas McLaughlin was shot and killed at Fahan Street .
The fatal gunshot had been fired from the Diamond area whilst McLaughlin had made a dash through Butcher Gate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Eventually , the Unionist gunmen were pushed back into the Fountain by a detachment of the Dorset Regiment which had been dispatched and arrived at the scene around 11pm .
However , a second Unionist mob had also attacked Bridge Street , Carlisle Road and Long Tower whilst Nationalist crowds gathered in Waterloo Place holding up pedestrians .
Unionists were beaten and two were shot and wounded .
Some shops in William Street were also set on fire .
Elsewhere in Ferryquay Street groups of women became engaged in hand to hand fighting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Michael Sheerin , two local IRA Volunteers were walking in the Bishop Street area when they heard gunfire as Sheerin recalled : “ In June 1920 , I remember walking up Bishop Street with Alfie McCallion one evening .
We heard a volley of shots coming from Fountain Street into Bishop Street .
We were walking towards the scene of the shooting and when we arrived we heard some people had been killed and wounded .
We decided to exploit the situation and to mobilise the unit .
It assembled that night in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proceeded to St. Columb ’ s College ” .
( 17 ) At St. Columb ’ s College the IRA were welcomed by the Dean and President as local Volunteer Michael Sheerin remembered : “ On our arrival at the College we were welcomed by the Dean , Fr .
James McGlinchy , and the President , Dr. McShane .
Both these priests were in the Sinn Fein organisation and were two fine Irish priests.
” ( 18 ) The next day was generally quiet although James Doherty of Tyrconnell Street was shot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whilst attending the wake of victim Thomas Farren .
Doherty was standing outside the door when two men fired shots and he fell mortally wounded , dying within ten minutes .
On Monday the IRA had marched from the Bogside to St. Columb ’ s College which was situated in Bishop Street .
Accompanied by a large group of Catholic ex-Servicemen this essentially pan- Nationalist grouping took up positions within the school in an attempt to disperse the Unionist snipers .
“ On Monday morning around 11am Patrick Shiels , a Republican officer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ group of armed men , numbering around 12 .
Three had rifles , the rest revolvers .
When they got to Butchers Gate , each man fired a shot in the direction of the Diamond where armed Orangemen had installed themselves .
Believing they were under attack by a large number of IRA , the Orangemen , without returning fire retreated up Bishop Street , over London Street and back into the Fountain ” .
( 19 ) More civilian fatalities occurred as the fighting continued over the next few days .
James @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dead in separate incidents .
James O ’ Kane was also shot and fatally wounded during rioting .
Ten-year-old George Caldwell was shot by a Unionist sniper as he popped his head out of a window in Nazareth House whilst Joseph McGlinchey , aged 15 and son of former Irish Volunteer Commandant Charles was also shot dead by a Unionist sniper .
The son of the Governor of the Apprentice Boys ( the Protestant organisation that traditionally paraded in Derry to commemorate the siege of 1689 ) , Howard McKay was taken by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Road area of the city on his way to his father ’ s home at Braehead Road , put against a wall , blindfolded then shot dead .
A large crowd had gathered at the scene where it is believed the IRA carried out his execution-style murder .
James Dobbin , also a Unionist was shot in John Street and thrown into the River Foyle .
Medical evidence at his inquest suggested his back was broken , he had scalp wounds and a large bullet exit wound on his back .
( 20 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resembled a war zone .
Unionist snipers had been operating from Walker ’ s Pillar , Bishop Street , Magazine Street and the Protestant Cathedral .
These were key tactical positions which had given a great view of the city for potential snipers .
By midweek the IRA had displaced most of the Unionist snipers whilst the Catholic ex-servicemen patrolled and defended Nationalist areas .
Despite this Catholic families had been forced from their homes in Carlisle Road , Abercorn Road and Harding Street .
For the most part Protestant homes were untouched @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the British military had regained some control of the situation although Republicans claimed the Army had only intervened when the IRA had begun to gain the upper hand in the fighting .
As it was 20 people lay dead , fifteen Catholics and five Protestants .
The IRA and Catholic ex-Servicemen had dispersed when word of the troop dispatch from Belfast had arrived .
Indeed the IRA ’ s hasty disappearance was ‘ not edifying ’ according to one IRA man A Royal Navy destroyer also held anchor in the Foyle .
( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the city although the week ’ s fighting was the most intense the city had seen .
The Riots in Derry in 1920 did not occur in a vacuum and the first six months of 1920 had seen tensions in the city simmering before exploding into a bloody conflict by the end of June .
These tensions were underpinned by the developing Political situation and the looming partition of Ireland .
Derry in this period was however not a Republican city and the IRA found it difficult to operate in the area @ @ @ @ @ @ @ led to an upsurge in both support for the IRA and the UVF .
Both sides had been involved in ferocious street fighting .
The level of violence witnessed in June 1920 would only be rivalled by the extreme communal violence witnessed in the early 1970s , after Internment and Bloody Sunday .
Indeed a ‘ Protestant exodus ’ occurred from the Cityside area of Derry at this time .
( 22 ) Despite the Nationalist majority in Derry , despite the Nationalist majority Corporation which was still pledging allegiance to the Dail @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sinn Fein MP Derry City was still subsumed into the Northern Irish state .
The Boundary Commission in 1925 cemented partition and saw Derry become a city of discrimination and Gerrymandering with Unionists in control .
The Derry riots of 100 years ago maybe forgotten now , overshadowed by our more recent conflict but for one week in June 1920 Derry was at the forefront of the War of Independence .
• R. Lynch , The Northern IRA and the Early Years of Partition .
• Okan Ozseker , Forging the Border : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 1911-1940 • Okan Ozseker , Forging the Border : Donegal and Derry in Times of Revolution , 1911-1940 • For more information on those killed see here , http : //www.irishmedals.ie/Civilians-Killed-WOI.php • For more information on the Protestant exodus see here

On 12th August 1969 Derry City exploded into violence and running battles that would eventually become known as the Battle of The Bogside after the Annual Relief of the City Parade held by the Apprentice Boys. This rioting lasted for three days and is widely seen as the start of the Troubles or Northern Ireland conflict.
What is less well known, however, is that almost fifty years previously, in June 1920 Derry saw a far bloodier spate of communal rioting and confrontation between Unionists and Nationalists; a full week of bloodshed which would result in the deaths of twenty civilians.
It has become known as the Derry Riots although it was more akin to outright civil war played out in the same streets and alleyways that would become so prominent in 1969. The Riots were a culmination of tensions within the Derry area which had been simmering for some time.
Derry in 1920
By 1920 Derry City had a population of around 40,000, of whom 56% were Catholic and 44% Protestant. (1) While the West Bank of Derry is overwhelmingly Catholic and Nationalist today, in 1920 it was a largely mixed area, although still predominantly Nationalist.
Derry City had a Sinn Fein M.P, Eoin MacNeill who had been elected at the 1918 election defeating Robert Anderson the Irish Unionist candidate by 315 votes although the Derry Corporation was held by Unionism.(2)
This would change in January 1920 when elections to the corporation took place. Nationalists and Republicans took victory by a majority of 21 to 19 and duly elected a Nationalist Mayor of Derry, Hugh C. O’Doherty. O’Doherty was an Independent Nationalist and Solicitor who had broken with the Irish Parliamentary Party over their acceptance of partition in 1916.
This victory was a hammer blow for the Unionists of Derry who had seen for the first time Nationalism holding power within the Corporation. To Unionists the city was of massive symbolic importance, of course being the location of the siege in 1689, in which Protestant Williamites had held out against the Catholic Jacobite army, and which was, and is, commemorated every year by the Apprentice Boys.
Their fears were hardly assuaged when the new Mayor ended his inaugural speech declaring,
“Is it not time that you reconsidered your position in relation to your countrymen; that you came to the conclusion that you owe your allegiance to this land of your birth, and that you should no longer play the part expected of you by English politicians but join with your fellow-countrymen in demanding that the government of this country shall be by Irishmen in the sole interests of Ireland.”
He finished his speech by stating:
‘Ireland’s right to determine her own destiny will come about whether the Protestants in Ulster like it or not’. (3)
Rising Tensions
The first IRA volunteer to be killed in Derry was Dan McGandy, a local Postman. McGandy, it is alleged, was surprised by the British Army whilst in the process of removing grenades to transport across the city. He was found drowned one week later, IRA volunteers and his family maintained he had been purposely drowned in the Foyle after a struggle with British Soldiers. (4)
This had occurred within one week of Hugh C. O’Doherty being elected Mayor and added to that, the RIC carried out extensive raids across the city recovering a quantity of ammunition, revolvers and hand grenades.
These raids were carried out in the Nationalist areas of the city and despite assumptions that these weapons were Republican it was the case that some of the weaponry was actually part of the Ancient Order of Hibernian (AOH) arsenal. The AOH – a Catholic only fraternal organisation that supported the Irish Parliamentary Party – for the most part formed the bulk of the Catholic ex-Servicemen Association which would play a prominent role in future months. (5)
The newly elected Mayor would also cause some controversy when he refused to attend any function where the Royal Toast was to be made. He also proposed that the flying of any flags from the Council would cease so that the citizens could identify with the new Council. Added to that, he also voted for a Sinn Fein motion to remove Lord French, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, as a freeman of the city, principally for his actions during the Easter Rising declaring him an enemy of the citizens of the city.
Escalating Conflict
Such was the tension within the City that the St. Patrick’s Day Parade was cancelled and in April the city was awash with military fearful of a surge in Republican activity in the area over the Easter period. Armed troops were posted throughout the city and approach roads.
On 14th April large crowds gathered in Derry to celebrate the release of prisoners from Mountjoy prison in Dublin after a mass hunger strike by prisoners there. The crowd almost immediately began to attack the RIC and military with stones and other missiles leading to two companies of the Dorset Regiment being despatched to disperse the rioters.
These soldiers opened fire on the crowd with blanks, dispersing the majority although a few remained. The Dorsets then fired live ammunition at those remaining who had been singing songs and flying flags. Three civilians were wounded, one an ex-serviceman. (6)
The dispersed crowd made its way into Bishop Street and the interface with the Fountain, a Protestant enclave where rioting commenced between rival Nationalist and Unionist factions. A number of properties were destroyed and a number of soldiers and RIC received injuries.
Worse was to come in May when after skirmishes a Unionist group entered Bridge Street firing revolvers before being driven back by a Police charge. However as the Police charge occurred, a shot rang out and Detective Sergeant Denis Moroney fell mortally wounded.
He was the first policeman to be killed in Ulster and his death was believed to have been caused by an IRA sniper. However IRA members told the BMH that they had not been involved. It is possible the AOH fired the fatal shot.
Unionists with their faces blackened and others with masks also took control of Carlisle Bridge, the forerunner to the Craigavon Bridge. All those intending to pass were harassed and some were beaten. This violence went on sporadically for weeks in the city. (7)
Civil War on the Streets
Rioting and confrontation occurred on 18th June in the Waterside area of the city. The Londonderry Sentinel held Sinn Fein responsible for the outbreak of violence and the injuring of civilians:
“The Trouble originated with an unprovoked attack on a Unionist on Friday night by Sinn Feiners in the neighbourhood of Cross Street ,in the Waterside. Yesterday morning large parts of armed Sinn Feiners at the head of John Street fired a bullet that hit a Mrs. Moore”. (8)
The next day saw an explosion of violence. After some skirmishes in the Bishop Street area of Derry, Unionist snipers took up tactical positions and began firing into the Nationalist neighbourhoods.
The violence was organised by the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) who had reformed in the city. The Unionist mob eventually proceeded into the Diamond area of the city centre firing at a Nationalist crowd who had gathered curiously to watch. The Derry Journal reported:
“While these horrifying scenes were being enacted the shooting had attracted a large crowd to the Diamond. There angry interchanges between rival parties led to some exciting incidents with one of the four armed Policemen on duty phoned for assistance”. (9)
Liam Brady also remembered the IRA receiving information that an attack was imminent the day before the outbreak:
“On Thursday June, 18th, 1920, a Protestant gentleman sent word to a Republican Officer that the Dorset Regiment were handing over rifles and ammunition to a certain section of the Unionists so as to create trouble and if possible a civil and religious war. The Republican Officer thought that the story was too fantastic and dismissed it as such.” (10)
The firing into Catholic neighbourhoods soon began to cause casualties. James McVeigh was the first person to be killed in the shooting. He had been standing at the corner of Bishop Street and Long Tower when struck by a bullet. The Derry Journal reported:
“A bullet struck poor McVeigh in the throat, the poor man staggered a couple of yards towards Mullan’s public house on the other side of the street where he fell bleeding profusely from the wound in his neck. He lay dying in a pool of blood for ten minutes, no one daring due to the tremendous fire, to approach him as he lay dying in agony”.(11)
A local man named Robert Rankin was eventually charged with his murder. (12)
When Thomas Farren of Long Tower Street attempted to leave his home he was shot dead by a Unionist sniper in his doorway. One bullet struck his hand, the other his stomach, disembowelling him. (13) Others were more fortunate as the bullets meant for them missed their target.
Edwin Price who had served in the 36th Ulster Division during the War was killed when caught up in the violence. He had been visiting his brother in Derry when shot outside the Diamond Hotel. Price was struck in the stomach and died of internal haemorrhage.
John Gallagher was also shot dead by a Unionist sniper as he made his way along Clarendon Street. He managed to drag himself to the nearby infirmary but was died soon after. (14)
Patrick Mallet of Daenery Street was shot in the abdomen as he was walking up Long Tower Street and died a few days later from his injuries whilst Thomas McLaughlin was shot and killed at Fahan Street. The fatal gunshot had been fired from the Diamond area whilst McLaughlin had made a dash through Butcher Gate towards Fahan Street. (15)
Eventually, the Unionist gunmen were pushed back into the Fountain by a detachment of the Dorset Regiment which had been dispatched and arrived at the scene around 11pm.
However, a second Unionist mob had also attacked Bridge Street, Carlisle Road and Long Tower whilst Nationalist crowds gathered in Waterloo Place holding up pedestrians. Unionists were beaten and two were shot and wounded. Some shops in William Street were also set on fire. Elsewhere in Ferryquay Street groups of women became engaged in hand to hand fighting. (16)
Alfie McCallion and Michael Sheerin, two local IRA Volunteers were walking in the Bishop Street area when they heard gunfire as Sheerin recalled:
“In June 1920, I remember walking up Bishop Street with Alfie McCallion one evening. We heard a volley of shots coming from Fountain Street into Bishop Street. We were walking towards the scene of the shooting and when we arrived we heard some people had been killed and wounded. We decided to exploit the situation and to mobilise the unit. It assembled that night in Shamrock Hall. The unit paraded and proceeded to St. Columb’s College”. (17)
At St. Columb’s College the IRA were welcomed by the Dean and President as local Volunteer Michael Sheerin remembered:
“On our arrival at the College we were welcomed by the Dean, Fr. James McGlinchy, and the President, Dr. McShane. Both these priests were in the Sinn Fein organisation and were two fine Irish priests.” (18)
The next day was generally quiet although James Doherty of Tyrconnell Street was shot dead by a Unionist gunman at 5:30am whilst attending the wake of victim Thomas Farren. Doherty was standing outside the door when two men fired shots and he fell mortally wounded, dying within ten minutes.
The Violence Continues
On Monday the IRA had marched from the Bogside to St. Columb’s College which was situated in Bishop Street. Accompanied by a large group of Catholic ex-Servicemen this essentially pan- Nationalist grouping took up positions within the school in an attempt to disperse the Unionist snipers.
As Liam Brady recalled:
“On Monday morning around 11am Patrick Shiels, a Republican officer came marching up Waterloo Place with a group of armed men, numbering around 12. Three had rifles, the rest revolvers. When they got to Butchers Gate, each man fired a shot in the direction of the Diamond where armed Orangemen had installed themselves. Believing they were under attack by a large number of IRA, the Orangemen, without returning fire retreated up Bishop Street, over London Street and back into the Fountain”. (19)
More civilian fatalities occurred as the fighting continued over the next few days. James Doherty and Eliza Moore were both shot dead in separate incidents. James O’Kane was also shot and fatally wounded during rioting.
Ten-year-old George Caldwell was shot by a Unionist sniper as he popped his head out of a window in Nazareth House whilst Joseph McGlinchey, aged 15 and son of former Irish Volunteer Commandant Charles was also shot dead by a Unionist sniper.
The son of the Governor of the Apprentice Boys (the Protestant organisation that traditionally paraded in Derry to commemorate the siege of 1689), Howard McKay was taken by a Nationalist mob in the Lone Moor Road area of the city on his way to his father’s home at Braehead Road, put against a wall, blindfolded then shot dead.
A large crowd had gathered at the scene where it is believed the IRA carried out his execution-style murder.
James Dobbin, also a Unionist was shot in John Street and thrown into the River Foyle. Medical evidence at his inquest suggested his back was broken, he had scalp wounds and a large bullet exit wound on his back. (20)
Much of Derry by this stage resembled a war zone. Unionist snipers had been operating from Walker’s Pillar, Bishop Street, Magazine Street and the Protestant Cathedral. These were key tactical positions which had given a great view of the city for potential snipers.
By midweek the IRA had displaced most of the Unionist snipers whilst the Catholic ex-servicemen patrolled and defended Nationalist areas. Despite this Catholic families had been forced from their homes in Carlisle Road, Abercorn Road and Harding Street. For the most part Protestant homes were untouched.
By the end of the week the British military had regained some control of the situation although Republicans claimed the Army had only intervened when the IRA had begun to gain the upper hand in the fighting. As it was 20 people lay dead, fifteen Catholics and five Protestants.
The IRA and Catholic ex-Servicemen had dispersed when word of the troop dispatch from Belfast had arrived. Indeed the IRA’s hasty disappearance was ‘not edifying’ according to one IRA man A Royal Navy destroyer also held anchor in the Foyle. (21)
However an uneasy peace held in the city although the week’s fighting was the most intense the city had seen.
Conclusion
The Riots in Derry in 1920 did not occur in a vacuum and the first six months of 1920 had seen tensions in the city simmering before exploding into a bloody conflict by the end of June. These tensions were underpinned by the developing Political situation and the looming partition of Ireland.
Derry in this period was however not a Republican city and the IRA found it difficult to operate in the area. However the outbreak of sectarian violence led to an upsurge in both support for the IRA and the UVF. Both sides had been involved in ferocious street fighting.
The level of violence witnessed in June 1920 would only be rivalled by the extreme communal violence witnessed in the early 1970s, after Internment and Bloody Sunday. Indeed a ‘Protestant exodus’ occurred from the Cityside area of Derry at this time. (22)
Despite the Nationalist majority in Derry, despite the Nationalist majority Corporation which was still pledging allegiance to the Dail right up until 1923 and despite a Sinn Fein MP Derry City was still subsumed into the Northern Irish state. The Boundary Commission in 1925 cemented partition and saw Derry become a city of discrimination and Gerrymandering with Unionists in control.
The Derry riots of 100 years ago maybe forgotten now, overshadowed by our more recent conflict but for one week in June 1920 Derry was at the forefront of the War of Independence.
References:
R. Lynch, The Northern IRA and the Early Years of Partition. See 1918 Election Results here https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Londonderry_City_(UK_Parliament_constituency) Okan Ozseker, Forging the Border: Donegal and Derry in Times of Revolution , 1911-1940 Liam Brady BMH Witness Statement, No. 676 R. Gallagher, Violence and Nationalist Politics in Derry 1920-1923 A. Grant, Derry The Irish Revolution 1912-1923 A. Grant, Derry The Irish Revolution 1912-1923 Okan Ozseker, Forging the Border: Donegal and Derry in Times of Revolution , 1911-1940 Derry Journal 26th June 1920 Liam Brady BMH Witness Statement, No. 676 Derry Journal 26th June 190 For more information on those killed see here, http://www.irishmedals.ie/Civilians-Killed-WOI.php A. Grant, Derry The Irish Revolution 1912-1923 http://www.irishmedals.ie/Civilians-Killed-WOI.php http://www.irishmedals.ie/Civilians-Killed-WOI.php A. Grant, Derry The Irish Revolution 1912-1923 Michael Sheerin BMH WS # 803 Michael Sheerin BMH WS # 803 Liam Brady BMH Witness Statement, No. 676 R. Gallagher, Violence and Nationalist Politics in Derry 1920-1923 Michael Sheerin BMH Witness Statement, No. 803 For more information on the Protestant exodus see here


sluggerotoole--2020-08-08--#InConversation Podcast with Michael McCoy.  From the Ormeau Road to Tokyo and other tales…

Michael is a regular in the comments , I thought to myself a chat with a Belfast guy who now lives in Japan would make a great podcast .
Originally from the Ormeau Road in Belfast , Michael McCoy has lived in Japan for the past 30 years where he works as an executive coach .
In this conversation , we discuss growing up in Belfast in the 1970s as well as getting his take on Brexit and what we need to do to stimulate the local economy .
Michael works with a lot of Japanese corporations so he is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how companies like Honda , Toyota etc view Brexit and the risks to divestment out of the UK .
We also get his views on the future of Northern Ireland , and the advice he would local politicians and leaders .
This is the podcast where I at last worked out how to use my new fancy microphone , so I hope listeners appreciate the newfound audio quality .
Let me know what you think of the chat in the comments .
You can subscribe to Slugger Podcasts on Apple Podcasts | Google @ @ @

Michael is a regular in the comments, I thought to myself a chat with a Belfast guy who now lives in Japan would make a great podcast.
Originally from the Ormeau Road in Belfast, Michael McCoy has lived in Japan for the past 30 years where he works as an executive coach. In this conversation, we discuss growing up in Belfast in the 1970s as well as getting his take on Brexit and what we need to do to stimulate the local economy.
Michael works with a lot of Japanese corporations so he is able to give us the perspective of how companies like Honda, Toyota etc view Brexit and the risks to divestment out of the UK.
We also get his views on the future of Northern Ireland, and the advice he would local politicians and leaders.
This is the podcast where I at last worked out how to use my new fancy microphone, so I hope listeners appreciate the newfound audio quality.
Let me know what you think of the chat in the comments.
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You can subscribe to Slugger Podcasts on Apple Podcasts | Google Podcasts or Spotify


sluggerotoole--2020-08-08--A passion for social justice: Tribute to Anne MOORE

Anne Moore will be remembered for her passion for social justice .
I met Anne during my employment as a policy officer for the Alliance Party as I sought out the views of a valued stakeholder , NICVA , where she served as public affairs officer .
Anne and I had plenty of enjoyable conversations and discussions on official as well as unofficial business matters—we would frequently diverge to global and philosophical perspectives .
I regret that we didn ’ t continue such conversations as our careers evolved .
It was a delight when recently our jobs converged on issues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ each other at Sketrick House , Newtownards , where she was representing Save the Children and my wife and I were attending a regular meeting in our roles as a health service user and carer .
Thankfully Northern Ireland is a compact enough place for serendipitous encounters .
My last encounter with Anne was perhaps poetically as my first—at a work event hosted by NICVA at their offices at Duncairn Gardens .
The discussion was about “ fake news ” and misinformation .
During the question and answer session , Anne directed her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ John , you were talking about the 1930s [ and this ] reminded me of the case of so many of the old Bolsheviks were imprisoned , and during the purge they were prepared to stay in prison and go to their deaths , rather than acknowledge that maybe their lives had been led by a lie .
[ Arthur Koestler ? ]
and I were talking about this one time , about how their identity was more important to them and gave them purpose in life and meaning [ and ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they were prepared to die rather than admit a mistake .
That ’ s actually called something in psychology , “ identity-protective cognition ” .
I ’ m thinking [ that ] political strategists know that ; they know how to press the emotional buttons , to divert people away , deflect them away from their own self interest—the importance of tackling climate emergencies , environmental degradation , inequality that ’ s rising .
Political strategists build on that need for identity , the importance of identity .
I ’ m just wondering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on identity , how do we change political opinion in a way so that they think differently .
How do you bring about change in that story , that the story is about tackling all these other emergencies ?
” John replied , “ An easy question .
Thanks Anne.
” Or as emcee Seamus McKee responded , “ That ’ s a big one !
” Let us have the curiosity to ask the hard questions and the courage to seek and deliver solutions , as Anne did in her own admirable @ @

Anne Moore will be remembered for her passion for social justice. I met Anne during my employment as a policy officer for the Alliance Party as I sought out the views of a valued stakeholder, NICVA, where she served as public affairs officer. Anne and I had plenty of enjoyable conversations and discussions on official as well as unofficial business matters—we would frequently diverge to global and philosophical perspectives.
I regret that we didn’t continue such conversations as our careers evolved. It was a delight when recently our jobs converged on issues of public policy. We bumped into each other at Sketrick House, Newtownards, where she was representing Save the Children and my wife and I were attending a regular meeting in our roles as a health service user and carer. Thankfully Northern Ireland is a compact enough place for serendipitous encounters.
My last encounter with Anne was perhaps poetically as my first—at a work event hosted by NICVA at their offices at Duncairn Gardens. The discussion was about “fake news” and misinformation. During the question and answer session, Anne directed her question to panellist, John Barry:
“John, you were talking about the 1930s [and this] reminded me of the case of so many of the old Bolsheviks were imprisoned, and during the purge they were prepared to stay in prison and go to their deaths, rather than acknowledge that maybe their lives had been led by a lie. [Arthur Koestler?] and I were talking about this one time, about how their identity was more important to them and gave them purpose in life and meaning [and] was much more important to them; they were prepared to die rather than admit a mistake. That’s actually called something in psychology, “identity-protective cognition”. I’m thinking [that] political strategists know that; they know how to press the emotional buttons, to divert people away, deflect them away from their own self interest—the importance of tackling climate emergencies, environmental degradation, inequality that’s rising. Political strategists build on that need for identity, the importance of identity. I’m just wondering how, when our system is based on identity, how do we change political opinion in a way so that they think differently. How do you bring about change in that story, that the story is about tackling all these other emergencies?”
John replied, “An easy question. Thanks Anne.” Or as emcee Seamus McKee responded, “That’s a big one!”
Let us have the curiosity to ask the hard questions and the courage to seek and deliver solutions, as Anne did in her own admirable way.
Images courtesy of Kevin Cooper Photoline.
Originally published at Mr Ulster.


sluggerotoole--2020-08-09--The mixed messages of The Eat Out To Help Out Scheme…

Obesity is hitting the headlines again and we ’ re all being encouraged to be a bit more fit and a lot less fat .
Which reminds me of my favourite food stories .
A couple of years ago I was out for lunch with my children in a bustling local café .
Above the background noise , we couldn ’ t help but overhear a customer at the next table loudly proclaiming her request to have all fat removed from the bacon in her toastie that she was ordering .
She was relentless in ensuring that the member of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us , understood her request .
Then when he asked her if she ’ d like to order anything else she replied yes , a portion of chips please !
All the oxygen left the café as we all wondered what planet she was on .
My all-time favourite has to be the time I was chatting to a workmate about food and the old saying “ you are what you eat ” came into the conversation .
Her reply was , “ well if that ’ s the case , I ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ isn ’ t really news but this time it ’ s COVID-19 and the greater risk of death or serious illness for those who are overweight or obese .
Boris himself has experienced the virus and has done hard sums and realised that he needed to shift a few pounds .
Which he did , but not content with his own increased good health he ’ s like the reformed smoker and wants all his fellow lard arses to lose a bit of the bulk .
So we are being assailed on all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vouchers to help us get moving , a ban on junk food adverts after 9pm and The Eat Out To Help Out Scheme .
Wait , what ?
It ’ s ok , you can breathe a collective middle-class sigh of relief as I can report that the food/joy police are already on the case .
The Lib Dems aren ’ t keen on the hoi polloi enjoying a Mickey Ds What strikes me is that the outcry against fast food outlets being included in the scheme is yer basic snobbery .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contains a lower class of calories , salt and saturated fat which is unworthy and the little people shouldn ’ t be encouraged to , ya know , enjoy themselves .
They should , in fact , know their place and make their own chips .
Although I must point out to Annunziata that she hasn ’ t factored in the cost of cooking said potatoes and transforming them into chips .
I remember when lockdown started to ease and the food outlets opened again .
People scoffed at the proletariat queuing around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ food takeaway .
They also got scoffed at for queuing outside Ikea .
Now , queuing for fast food and coffee I get , queuing to get into the nine circles of hell I don ’ t .
While we ’ re on the subject can I just check that we ’ re all up with the lingo ?
So how does one find out if one is a bit too beefy and as they say in my part of the world , no stranger to a fish supper or can make a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ m glad you asked , you can discover your BMI and compare it to others in your area by using the snappily titled “ Where are you on the fat scale.
” I was amazed to discover that 66 % of women in NI in my age range ( 45-54 ) are overweight or obese .
Those stats are 2 years old so God alone knows what shape society is in nowadays .
Using BMI to determine obesity has its critics , factoring in waist size is also important .
This NHS @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to BMI You need to be honest and accurate with your numbers , so forget about your statistics on your online dating profile and get real .
It ’ s one thing to discover that you need to lose weight and it ’ s another thing entirely to choose an effective way to do it .
As a consultant cardiologist pointed out on a tv interview lately , you can ’ t usually just exercise your way out of a bad diet .
So where can we go for sensible advice ?
Is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is expensive ?
Certainly , it ’ s big business , you don ’ t have to look too far to find a wellness “ expert ” but as I have a chronic aversion to flakey people I ’ d rather take my chances with a properly qualified professional .
A dietitian is your best option as it seems that any eejit can call themselves a nutritionist .
As with every aspect of health and wellbeing if you stray off the NHS/HSC path then you ’ ll need deep pockets to pay to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that ’ s been bothering me for some time has been the assertion that people on a low income have a higher rate of diet-related illnesses .
This is a 2015 study but makes for some interesting reading .
This has been debated on tv and radio lately and I use the term “ debate ” very loosely , it ’ s more like the personification of clickbait .
It usually comprises of some commentators stooping to fat-shaming and calling poor people dim .
As if people who are poor don ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ good for you .
Maybe they should just come straight out with it and say they think that poor people are fat and stupid .
I did a little bit of research online and it only took me a couple of minutes to find several studies which show that low-income households tend to eat less nutritious diets because they ARE POOR , NOT STUPID .
I feel strongly about this issue as I am firmly in the “ poor ” demographic as a disabled single parent on benefits .
I ’ m fortunate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crippling housing costs and am not in a spiral of debt .
My heart goes out to parents who go without meals so that their kids can eat .
If you are struggling financially then you ’ re likely to chose foods that fill your family up .
Healthy snacks like fruit are just too expensive and aren ’ t filling like a packet of crisps are .
People are just trying to do their best with what they ’ ve got .
So don ’ t be a buzzkill and say that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enjoy a cut-price fast food takeaway .
People on the margins of society shouldn ’ t be pilloried or further excluded .
I won ’ t change my conviction that people are good and kind but I am tested by the unsupportive and abusive comments I ’ ve seen opposing the extension of free school meals to disadvantaged children over the summer period .
Exercise is free , you don ’ t need any special equipment .
The bike repair scheme maybe a good idea , but that ’ s if you have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are expensive .
I think we ’ re all getting it a bit tight with this whole coronavirus thing and motivation may be in short supply .
Lockdown lard is definitely a thing and as people dusted off their baking tins back in March I ’ m sure they discovered that if you bake it then it follows that you are likely to eat it .
So go on , use the offer to support your local businesses and in turn our local economy .
Just don ’ t expect me to join @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the sharp rise in COVID-19 cases in my local area and my rather peculiar immune system , it ’ s takeaways only for us .
But not even my money back with change would get me through the door of KFC or Mickey D ’ s .
Photo by RitaE is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

Obesity is hitting the headlines again and we’re all being encouraged to be a bit more fit and a lot less fat. Which reminds me of my favourite food stories. A couple of years ago I was out for lunch with my children in a bustling local café. Above the background noise, we couldn’t help but overhear a customer at the next table loudly proclaiming her request to have all fat removed from the bacon in her toastie that she was ordering. She was relentless in ensuring that the member of staff, and indeed the rest of us, understood her request. Then when he asked her if she’d like to order anything else she replied yes, a portion of chips please! All the oxygen left the café as we all wondered what planet she was on. My all-time favourite has to be the time I was chatting to a workmate about food and the old saying “you are what you eat” came into the conversation. Her reply was, “well if that’s the case, I’m a fried egg sandwich”
Obesity isn’t really news but this time it’s COVID-19 and the greater risk of death or serious illness for those who are overweight or obese. Boris himself has experienced the virus and has done hard sums and realised that he needed to shift a few pounds. Which he did, but not content with his own increased good health he’s like the reformed smoker and wants all his fellow lard arses to lose a bit of the bulk. So we are being assailed on all fronts by incentives including £50 bike repair vouchers to help us get moving, a ban on junk food adverts after 9pm and The Eat Out To Help Out Scheme. Wait, what?
It’s ok, you can breathe a collective middle-class sigh of relief as I can report that the food/joy police are already on the case. The Lib Dems aren’t keen on the hoi polloi enjoying a Mickey Ds What strikes me is that the outcry against fast food outlets being included in the scheme is yer basic snobbery. It’s almost as if fast food contains a lower class of calories, salt and saturated fat which is unworthy and the little people shouldn’t be encouraged to, ya know, enjoy themselves. They should, in fact, know their place and make their own chips. Although I must point out to Annunziata that she hasn’t factored in the cost of cooking said potatoes and transforming them into chips. I remember when lockdown started to ease and the food outlets opened again. People scoffed at the proletariat queuing around the block for miles for their fast food takeaway. They also got scoffed at for queuing outside Ikea. Now, queuing for fast food and coffee I get, queuing to get into the nine circles of hell I don’t. While we’re on the subject can I just check that we’re all up with the lingo?
Takeaway=food
Carry out=alcohol
So how does one find out if one is a bit too beefy and as they say in my part of the world, no stranger to a fish supper or can make a quare whole in a loaf? I’m glad you asked, you can discover your BMI and compare it to others in your area by using the snappily titled “Where are you on the fat scale.” I was amazed to discover that 66% of women in NI in my age range (45-54) are overweight or obese. Those stats are 2 years old so God alone knows what shape society is in nowadays. Using BMI to determine obesity has its critics, factoring in waist size is also important. This NHS calculator gives advice on that in addition to BMI You need to be honest and accurate with your numbers, so forget about your statistics on your online dating profile and get real.
It’s one thing to discover that you need to lose weight and it’s another thing entirely to choose an effective way to do it. As a consultant cardiologist pointed out on a tv interview lately, you can’t usually just exercise your way out of a bad diet. So where can we go for sensible advice? Is it true that eating a healthy diet is expensive? Certainly, it’s big business, you don’t have to look too far to find a wellness “expert” but as I have a chronic aversion to flakey people I’d rather take my chances with a properly qualified professional. A dietitian is your best option as it seems that any eejit can call themselves a nutritionist. As with every aspect of health and wellbeing if you stray off the NHS/HSC path then you’ll need deep pockets to pay to be told what to eat.
Something that’s been bothering me for some time has been the assertion that people on a low income have a higher rate of diet-related illnesses. This is a 2015 study but makes for some interesting reading.
This has been debated on tv and radio lately and I use the term “debate” very loosely, it’s more like the personification of clickbait. It usually comprises of some commentators stooping to fat-shaming and calling poor people dim. As if people who are poor don’t know that fresh fruit and vegetables are good for you. Maybe they should just come straight out with it and say they think that poor people are fat and stupid. I did a little bit of research online and it only took me a couple of minutes to find several studies which show that low-income households tend to eat less nutritious diets because they ARE POOR, NOT STUPID.
I feel strongly about this issue as I am firmly in the “poor” demographic as a disabled single parent on benefits. I’m fortunate in that I don’t face crippling housing costs and am not in a spiral of debt. My heart goes out to parents who go without meals so that their kids can eat. If you are struggling financially then you’re likely to chose foods that fill your family up. Healthy snacks like fruit are just too expensive and aren’t filling like a packet of crisps are. People are just trying to do their best with what they’ve got. So don’t be a buzzkill and say that people shouldn’t go out and enjoy a cut-price fast food takeaway. People on the margins of society shouldn’t be pilloried or further excluded. I won’t change my conviction that people are good and kind but I am tested by the unsupportive and abusive comments I’ve seen opposing the extension of free school meals to disadvantaged children over the summer period.
Exercise is free, you don’t need any special equipment. The bike repair scheme maybe a good idea, but that’s if you have a bike to start with. Bikes are expensive. I think we’re all getting it a bit tight with this whole coronavirus thing and motivation may be in short supply. Lockdown lard is definitely a thing and as people dusted off their baking tins back in March I’m sure they discovered that if you bake it then it follows that you are likely to eat it.
So go on, use the offer to support your local businesses and in turn our local economy. Just don’t expect me to join in by sitting in. Due to the sharp rise in COVID-19 cases in my local area and my rather peculiar immune system, it’s takeaways only for us. But not even my money back with change would get me through the door of KFC or Mickey D’s.
Photo by RitaE is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-08-09--The enduring tragedy of Hiroshima and Nagasaki…

As the 75th anniversary of VJ Day and the end of the Second World War approaches , the world inevitably turns its attention to the enduring tragedy of Hiroshima and Nagasaki .
It is often forgotten that World War II was a nuclear war , albeit a one-sided one , and the controversy over the use of nuclear weapons has never gone away .
This piece is a slightly modified excerpt from The Lesser Evil , my book on the Second World War .
It explains how the decision to drop what became known simply as ‘ the bomb ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ‘ why ’ .
It is easy to imagine President Harry S. Truman spending sleepless nights agonising over a decision that would take the lives of tens , perhaps hundreds of thousands of people , but that was far from the case .
‘ Hell no , I made it like that , ’ he told the historian John Toland in 1958 , snapping his fingers .
[ 1 ] In many ways the decision was almost made for him as the atomic bomb was developed on the working assumption it would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ War , Henry L. Stimson , who was in on the secret , said after the war that President Roosevelt had indicated using atomic bombs as a decisive war-winning weapon was the only thing that justified their cost .
[ 2 ] Under the terms of the Quebec Agreement of 1943 , the United States could not use the bomb without the consent of the United Kingdom , [ 3 ] but in practice the British went along with whatever the Americans , clearly the senior partner in the arrangement , decided .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wilson , a British member of the Anglo-American combined chiefs of staff in Washington , told Sir John Anderson , the cabinet minister responsible for the British input to the Manhattan Project , ‘ the Americans propose to drop a bomb sometime in August.
’ [ 4 ] That was followed on 1 June when the Interim Committee , set up to oversee the use of atomic technology and chaired by Stimson , accepted a recommendation from James Byrnes , ‘ … that the bomb should be used against Japan as soon as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a war plant surrounded by workers homes ; and that it be used without prior warning.
’ [ 5 ] It is difficult to conceive that Byrnes , who was close to Truman , after pushing for such a policy on the Interim Committee , would have tendered different advice to the president after he was appointed secretary of state on 3 July .
On 18 June Truman met with his military chiefs at the White House .
These included head of the army , General George Marshall , head of the navy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who represented ‘ Hap ’ Arnold the head of the USAAF .
In considering the options to end the war , Marshall doubted that air power alone would be enough so the choice boiled down to an invasion , siege , or a combination of both along with continued bombardment .
King thought a siege would be ineffective without control of Kyushu , one of Japan ’ s four major islands , and Truman was concerned about casualties ; if the Japanese inflicted losses on the same proportion as on Okinawa or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a high as 300,000 .
It was pointed out that Okinawa was not a typical case as the fighting there had occurred on a narrow defence line .
Marshall thought casualties similar to Leyte were more likely , around 17,000 .
King qualified that by saying they might range between the Leyte and Okinawa figures , possibly as high as 40,000 .
Soviet intervention was predicted to create a tipping point towards a Japanese surrender and was considered necessary to pin down the Japanese forces on the Asian mainland to prevent them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ approved Operation Olympic , the invasion of Kyushu , and kept the option of Operation Coronet , the invasion of Honshu , the main Japanese home island , open .
[ 6 ] But he was worried and had good reason to be .
More Americans had been killed in the Pacific in the first six months of 1945 than in the previous three years .
[ 7 ] He said Kyushu could create another Okinawa , ‘ closer to Japan ’ and the chiefs of staff agreed .
The situation in China @ @ @ @ @ @ @ minutes tersely recorded , the men discussed ‘ certain other matters.
’ [ 8 ] These were almost certainly the atomic bomb .
According to Eaker , Truman made the decision to use the Bomb based on the advice he received at the meeting and when it was over , the president handed him a letter for delivery to Karl Spaatz , head of US strategic bombing in the Pacific , directing him to use nuclear weapons .
[ 9 ] Eaker ’ s account , if correct , indicates the decision was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the Big Three conference at Potsdam , where according to Churchill , ‘ …the decision whether or not to use the atomic bomb to compel the surrender of Japan was never even an issue .
There was unanimous , automatic agreement around our table ; nor did we hear the slightest suggestion we should do otherwise.
’ [ 10 ] If we accept Eaker and Churchill at their word , the Potsdam Proclamation – a diplomatic ultimatum demanding Japan ’ s surrender – was nothing more than a piece of political window-dressing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made .
Truman was fully aware through intelligence intercepts that the Japanese would not accept unconditional surrender , raising the obvious question why was the proclamation not modified as a number of prominent figures suggested ?
[ 11 ] These included Stimson , Grew , the acting secretary of state , his chief-of-staff , Admiral Leahy , the US joint chiefs and Churchill .
[ 12 ] Yet Truman set aside their advice and pursued a strategy that would almost certainly result in using the Bomb .
His reasons appear to be political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in June revealed only 7 % of Americans thought the emperor should be retained , even as a puppet , and a third thought he should be executed as a war criminal .
[ 13 ] Another poll showed Americans were impatient for demobilisation .
The director of the War Mobilisation and Reconversion Office warned the joint chiefs he ‘ was fearful of unrest in the country.
’ [ 14 ] Any conciliatory move towards Japan would have been politically damaging .
Truman needed the war to end and to end soon and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The American public was war weary and tired of their loved ones dying on obscure islands at the hands of people they regarded as mindless fanatics .
It was a view Truman largely shared as a letter to a church group on 11 August 1945 shows : ‘ Nobody is more disturbed over the use of Atomic bombs that I am but I was greatly disturbed over the unwarranted attack by the Japanese on Pearl Harbor and the murder of our prisoners of war .
The only language they seem to understand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to bombard them .
When you have to deal with a beast you have to treat him as a beast .
It is most regrettable but nevertheless true.
’ [ 15 ] Truman would have found himself in political hot water if the United States continued to sustain even light casualties in a siege of Japan while a new super weapon sat unused .
The Bomb could not be kept a secret forever however and foreign policy considerations bore heavily on his mind .
With over a million Red Army troops poised on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tell Stalin their services were no longer required .
In fact , he went to Potsdam still seeking Red Army assistance even though he thought it might not be necessary .
On 17 July he noted : ‘ Discussed Manhattan [ Project ] ( it is a success ) .
Decided to tell Stalin about it .
Stalin had told [ Churchill ] of a telegram from Jap Emperor asking for peace .
Stalin read his answer to me .
It was satisfactory .
Believe Japs will fold up before Russia comes in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Manhattan appears over their homeland .
I shall inform Stalin about it at an opportune time.
’ [ 16 ] It is important to note it was a matter of ‘ when ’ not ‘ if ’ ‘ Manhattan ’ appeared over the Japanese homeland .
His ‘ Potsdam Journal ’ then included the following entry for the 25th : ‘ This weapon is to be used against Japan between now and August 10th.
’ [ 17 ] Spaatz ’ written orders were dated the same day .
The atomic bomb solved a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kept Soviet involvement to a minimum , finally pushed the Japanese to surrender and kept the Russians out of Japan .
All in all , a good result for United States foreign policy .
Whether its use was morally right or justified are different questions entirely .
“ Still standing , and standing still ” by Gunn Shots !
is licensed under CC BY

As the 75th anniversary of VJ Day and the end of the Second World War approaches, the world inevitably turns its attention to the enduring tragedy of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. It is often forgotten that World War II was a nuclear war, albeit a one-sided one, and the controversy over the use of nuclear weapons has never gone away.
This piece is a slightly modified excerpt from The Lesser Evil, my book on the Second World War. It explains how the decision to drop what became known simply as ‘the bomb’ was made. Another article will examine the ‘why’.
It is easy to imagine President Harry S. Truman spending sleepless nights agonising over a decision that would take the lives of tens, perhaps hundreds of thousands of people, but that was far from the case. ‘Hell no, I made it like that,’ he told the historian John Toland in 1958, snapping his fingers.[1] In many ways the decision was almost made for him as the atomic bomb was developed on the working assumption it would be used. The US Secretary of War, Henry L. Stimson, who was in on the secret, said after the war that President Roosevelt had indicated using atomic bombs as a decisive war-winning weapon was the only thing that justified their cost.[2] Under the terms of the Quebec Agreement of 1943, the United States could not use the bomb without the consent of the United Kingdom,[3] but in practice the British went along with whatever the Americans, clearly the senior partner in the arrangement, decided. On 30 April 1945, Field Marshal Wilson, a British member of the Anglo-American combined chiefs of staff in Washington, told Sir John Anderson, the cabinet minister responsible for the British input to the Manhattan Project, ‘the Americans propose to drop a bomb sometime in August.’[4] That was followed on 1 June when the Interim Committee, set up to oversee the use of atomic technology and chaired by Stimson, accepted a recommendation from James Byrnes, ‘… that the bomb should be used against Japan as soon as possible; that it be used on a war plant surrounded by workers homes; and that it be used without prior warning.’[5] It is difficult to conceive that Byrnes, who was close to Truman, after pushing for such a policy on the Interim Committee, would have tendered different advice to the president after he was appointed secretary of state on 3 July.
On 18 June Truman met with his military chiefs at the White House. These included head of the army, General George Marshall, head of the navy, Admiral Ernest King and Ira Eaker, who represented ‘Hap’ Arnold the head of the USAAF. In considering the options to end the war, Marshall doubted that air power alone would be enough so the choice boiled down to an invasion, siege, or a combination of both along with continued bombardment. King thought a siege would be ineffective without control of Kyushu, one of Japan’s four major islands, and Truman was concerned about casualties; if the Japanese inflicted losses on the same proportion as on Okinawa or Iwo Jima, American losses could be as a high as 300,000. It was pointed out that Okinawa was not a typical case as the fighting there had occurred on a narrow defence line. Marshall thought casualties similar to Leyte were more likely, around 17,000. King qualified that by saying they might range between the Leyte and Okinawa figures, possibly as high as 40,000. Soviet intervention was predicted to create a tipping point towards a Japanese surrender and was considered necessary to pin down the Japanese forces on the Asian mainland to prevent them from reinforcing the home islands. Truman approved Operation Olympic, the invasion of Kyushu, and kept the option of Operation Coronet, the invasion of Honshu, the main Japanese home island, open.[6] But he was worried and had good reason to be. More Americans had been killed in the Pacific in the first six months of 1945 than in the previous three years.[7] He said Kyushu could create another Okinawa, ‘closer to Japan’ and the chiefs of staff agreed. The situation in China was then discussed before, as the minutes tersely recorded, the men discussed ‘certain other matters.’ [8] These were almost certainly the atomic bomb.
According to Eaker, Truman made the decision to use the Bomb based on the advice he received at the meeting and when it was over, the president handed him a letter for delivery to Karl Spaatz, head of US strategic bombing in the Pacific, directing him to use nuclear weapons.[9] Eaker’s account, if correct, indicates the decision was a fait accompli long before Truman travelled to the Big Three conference at Potsdam, where according to Churchill, ‘…the decision whether or not to use the atomic bomb to compel the surrender of Japan was never even an issue. There was unanimous, automatic agreement around our table; nor did we hear the slightest suggestion we should do otherwise.’[10]
If we accept Eaker and Churchill at their word, the Potsdam Proclamation – a diplomatic ultimatum demanding Japan’s surrender – was nothing more than a piece of political window-dressing, designed to justify a decision already made. Truman was fully aware through intelligence intercepts that the Japanese would not accept unconditional surrender, raising the obvious question why was the proclamation not modified as a number of prominent figures suggested?[11] These included Stimson, Grew, the acting secretary of state, his chief-of-staff, Admiral Leahy, the US joint chiefs and Churchill.[12] Yet Truman set aside their advice and pursued a strategy that would almost certainly result in using the Bomb. His reasons appear to be political rather than military. A Gallup poll in June revealed only 7% of Americans thought the emperor should be retained, even as a puppet, and a third thought he should be executed as a war criminal.[13] Another poll showed Americans were impatient for demobilisation. The director of the War Mobilisation and Reconversion Office warned the joint chiefs he ‘was fearful of unrest in the country.’[14] Any conciliatory move towards Japan would have been politically damaging. Truman needed the war to end and to end soon and with as few American casualties as possible. The American public was war weary and tired of their loved ones dying on obscure islands at the hands of people they regarded as mindless fanatics. It was a view Truman largely shared as a letter to a church group on 11 August 1945 shows:
‘Nobody is more disturbed over the use of Atomic bombs that I am but I was greatly disturbed over the unwarranted attack by the Japanese on Pearl Harbor and the murder of our prisoners of war. The only language they seem to understand is the one we have been using to bombard them.
When you have to deal with a beast you have to treat him as a beast. It is most regrettable but nevertheless true.’[15]
Truman would have found himself in political hot water if the United States continued to sustain even light casualties in a siege of Japan while a new super weapon sat unused. The Bomb could not be kept a secret forever however and foreign policy considerations bore heavily on his mind. With over a million Red Army troops poised on the Manchurian border, Truman could hardly tell Stalin their services were no longer required. In fact, he went to Potsdam still seeking Red Army assistance even though he thought it might not be necessary. On 17 July he noted:
‘Discussed Manhattan [Project] (it is a success). Decided to tell Stalin about it. Stalin had told [Churchill] of a telegram from Jap Emperor asking for peace. Stalin read his answer to me. It was satisfactory. Believe Japs will fold up before Russia comes in. I am sure they will when Manhattan appears over their homeland. I shall inform Stalin about it at an opportune time.’[16]
It is important to note it was a matter of ‘when’ not ‘if’ ‘Manhattan’ appeared over the Japanese homeland. His ‘Potsdam Journal’ then included the following entry for the 25th: ‘This weapon is to be used against Japan between now and August 10th.’[17] Spaatz’ written orders were dated the same day.
The atomic bomb solved a lot of problems for Truman. It kept Soviet involvement to a minimum, finally pushed the Japanese to surrender and kept the Russians out of Japan. All in all, a good result for United States foreign policy. Whether its use was morally right or justified are different questions entirely.
“Still standing, and standing still” by Gunn Shots ! is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-08-09--Feile Panel; Let’s Talk Politics

Feile Panel; Let’s Talk Politics

Along with Amanda Ferguson , Tim Cairns and Allison Morris , we discussed the political issues of the day .

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sluggerotoole--2020-08-10--‘It is absolutely crazy to think that constitutional change in Ireland would happen overnight’

Consideration of Irish unity needs careful preparation , argues Seamus McGuinness , research professor at the Republic ’ s Economic and Social Research Institute .
He suggests looking to the example of Hong Kong , where the handover of control was undertaken over a 13 year period .
Seamus was talking in the latest Holywell Trust Forward Together podcast .
The difference in economic performance , North and South , sits “ at the centre of debate around constitutional change , ” believes Seamus .
“ I come at it from the perspective of someone who worked as an economist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 12 years of my career , and now has spent around the same amount of time looking at the issues relevant to the Irish economy .
“ There are a number of differences , but the central differences between the economies North and South really relate to differences in the level of productivity and the extent to which they exhibit dynamic growth and are able to respond to shocks.
” Seamus explains : “ There are fundamental underlying differences that drive lower productivity… The first relates to human capital – we see that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are really lagging other British regions and the Republic of Ireland .
I have to say this , actually , was a shock to me as someone who works in the Republic and is domiciled in the North .
When I looked at the data.
” Seamus points out that in 2015 , over 35 % of young people , 24 to 30 , in Northern Ireland were educated only to the lowest level , compared to 11 % in the Republic .
And while 40 % of young adults in the North @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was around 60 % in the Republic .
“ So that ’ s a key aspect , ” of the difference in economic performance , argues Seamus .
Another factor is that the Republic is much more export-focused than is the North .
Exports are worth about 15 % of Northern Ireland ’ s economy , or 35 % if GB is included , compared to 54 % in the Republic .
In addition , “ the export sector in the Republic is much more value added than in the North.
” And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been very much more effective in attracting foreign direct investment than the North , with the South ’ s FDI being highly productive .
The composition of the two economies also differs .
While that in the North remains highly dependent on public services , the private services sector in the Republic is very much larger than that of the North .
The Republic also has a large presence in the pharmaceutical , technology and advanced services sectors .
“ A lot of that really stems from the success of the IDA , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and economic development in the Republic , “ in bringing these large multi-nationals into Ireland – and the policies that have facilitated indigenous companies to grow up around them.
” One of the disappointments about Northern Ireland is that the Good Friday Agreement did not stimulate a greater economic impact .
“ When I looked at the data , one of the things that baffled me was that we should have seen a peace dividend of some description… .
I do wonder why foreign direct investment has not been a bigger feature .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ have not been more successful over the period in bringing large multinationals into the North , as the IDA has been in the South.
” The difference in effectiveness between the IDA and Invest NI points to the opportunities that might be achieved by greater cross-border co-operation , irrespective of whether the constitutional settlement should change , believes Seamus .
“ Just thinking strategically… there are clear opportunities for cross-border co-operation in a number of areas that are just so obvious and mutually beneficial that should be pursued .
The obvious case is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ planning , but another is economic development… .
You can only imagine that the North would be a net beneficiary of that joint approach.
” Seamus concedes , though , that Brexit does reduce the attractiveness of Northern Ireland as a foreign direct investment location .
What Brexit achieves instead is accelerate the debate over Northern Ireland ’ s constitutional situation – generating a much louder conversation over Irish unity .
This stimulated a major research publication , The Political Economy of the Northern Ireland Border Poll , from Seamus , along with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Without a doubt , in the absence of Brexit we wouldn ’ t be having this conversation… .
The issue of Brexit has put the question of the constitutional future of the North more centre stage .
Even without Brexit we know that there are continued demographic changes taking place that are likely to make a border poll arise at some point in the future… But Brexit has made this likely sooner rather than later.
” What is essential , believes Seamus , is to avoid the mistakes of the Brexit referendum by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , when the time comes , people can make an informed opinion ” .
That evidence base should consider the economic arguments , which include , says Seamus , that households in the South are almost €3,000 a year better off after tax , while households in the North are at a substantially higher risk of poverty compared to those in the Republic .
Seamus admits that at present it is not possible to predict the overall impact of unification , nor to know the process by which it would take place .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ negotiations must address .
But it is “ absolutely crazy ” , he says , to think that constitutional change would happen overnight , instancing the 13 year transition of Hong Kong from UK to Chinese rule .
This latest podcast in the second Forward Together series is available here on the website of peace and reconciliation charity Holywell Trust .
It is funded by the Community Relations Council ’ s Media Grant Scheme .
Disclaimer : This project has received support from the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council which aims to promote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ respect for diversity , and recognition of interdependence .
The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of the Community Relations Council .

Consideration of Irish unity needs careful preparation, argues Seamus McGuinness, research professor at the Republic’s Economic and Social Research Institute. He suggests looking to the example of Hong Kong, where the handover of control was undertaken over a 13 year period. Seamus was talking in the latest Holywell Trust Forward Together podcast.
The difference in economic performance, North and South, sits “at the centre of debate around constitutional change,” believes Seamus. “I come at it from the perspective of someone who worked as an economist in Belfast for the first 10 or 12 years of my career, and now has spent around the same amount of time looking at the issues relevant to the Irish economy.
“There are a number of differences, but the central differences between the economies North and South really relate to differences in the level of productivity and the extent to which they exhibit dynamic growth and are able to respond to shocks.”
Seamus explains: “There are fundamental underlying differences that drive lower productivity… The first relates to human capital – we see that levels of educational attainment in the North are really lagging other British regions and the Republic of Ireland. I have to say this, actually, was a shock to me as someone who works in the Republic and is domiciled in the North. When I looked at the data.”
Seamus points out that in 2015, over 35% of young people, 24 to 30, in Northern Ireland were educated only to the lowest level, compared to 11% in the Republic. And while 40% of young adults in the North hold third level qualifications, the figure was around 60% in the Republic. “So that’s a key aspect,” of the difference in economic performance, argues Seamus.
Another factor is that the Republic is much more export-focused than is the North. Exports are worth about 15% of Northern Ireland’s economy, or 35% if GB is included, compared to 54% in the Republic. In addition, “the export sector in the Republic is much more value added than in the North.” And, of course, the Republic has been very much more effective in attracting foreign direct investment than the North, with the South’s FDI being highly productive.
The composition of the two economies also differs. While that in the North remains highly dependent on public services, the private services sector in the Republic is very much larger than that of the North. The Republic also has a large presence in the pharmaceutical, technology and advanced services sectors. “A lot of that really stems from the success of the IDA,” the body that promotes inward investment and economic development in the Republic, “in bringing these large multi-nationals into Ireland – and the policies that have facilitated indigenous companies to grow up around them.”
One of the disappointments about Northern Ireland is that the Good Friday Agreement did not stimulate a greater economic impact. “When I looked at the data, one of the things that baffled me was that we should have seen a peace dividend of some description…. I do wonder why foreign direct investment has not been a bigger feature. And why bodies such as Invest NI have not been more successful over the period in bringing large multinationals into the North, as the IDA has been in the South.”
The difference in effectiveness between the IDA and Invest NI points to the opportunities that might be achieved by greater cross-border co-operation, irrespective of whether the constitutional settlement should change, believes Seamus. “Just thinking strategically… there are clear opportunities for cross-border co-operation in a number of areas that are just so obvious and mutually beneficial that should be pursued. The obvious case is health services. Another is around infrastructural planning, but another is economic development…. You can only imagine that the North would be a net beneficiary of that joint approach.”
Seamus concedes, though, that Brexit does reduce the attractiveness of Northern Ireland as a foreign direct investment location. What Brexit achieves instead is accelerate the debate over Northern Ireland’s constitutional situation – generating a much louder conversation over Irish unity. This stimulated a major research publication, The Political Economy of the Northern Ireland Border Poll, from Seamus, along with colleague Adele Bergin at ESRI.
“Without a doubt, in the absence of Brexit we wouldn’t be having this conversation…. The issue of Brexit has put the question of the constitutional future of the North more centre stage. Even without Brexit we know that there are continued demographic changes taking place that are likely to make a border poll arise at some point in the future… But Brexit has made this likely sooner rather than later.”
What is essential, believes Seamus, is to avoid the mistakes of the Brexit referendum by having an evidence base “so that, when the time comes, people can make an informed opinion”. That evidence base should consider the economic arguments, which include, says Seamus, that households in the South are almost €3,000 a year better off after tax, while households in the North are at a substantially higher risk of poverty compared to those in the Republic.
Seamus admits that at present it is not possible to predict the overall impact of unification, nor to know the process by which it would take place. These are questions that planning and inter-government negotiations must address. But it is “absolutely crazy”, he says, to think that constitutional change would happen overnight, instancing the 13 year transition of Hong Kong from UK to Chinese rule.
This latest podcast in the second Forward Together series is available here on the website of peace and reconciliation charity Holywell Trust. It is funded by the Community Relations Council’s Media Grant Scheme.
Disclaimer: This project has received support from the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council which aims to promote a pluralist society characterised by equity, respect for diversity, and recognition of interdependence. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of the Community Relations Council.