sluggerotoole--2020-12-07--Dark clown act over Stanley tweets demonstrates how truth is a scarce commodity for Sinn Féin

Politics in the south seems to be all over the place just now .
Leo Varadkar has had a tough time over revealing text messages between him and his friend Maitiu O Tuathail , whilst Sinn Féin have been relentlessly after Helen McEntee to come in front the Dail to answer questions about a Supreme Court appointment .
Then the Twitter wind reversed and came Brian Stanley ’ s tweet celebrating the Provisional IRA ’ s murder of 18 British soldiers .
Whoop went the Provisional wing of the Irish Twitterati , and then “ how shocking ” went almost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what they do ” said some of us old lags who ’ ve seen much of it all before .
Then out came Deputy Stanley ’ s old tweets including one nasty homophobic attack on Leo .
Ah , went Sinn Fein leader Mary Lou McDonald , you take a week off [ till the heat ’ s off and we figure out what you can and can not say ?
– Ed ] and by the way , give us your social media accounts till we give your past a good forensic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ Mahony a former chair of Ógra Sinn Féin when as the Examiner reports , “ a veteran party member attended her home at around 11am on Thursday morning and told her parents that he had been instructed by “ head office ” to tell her to delete tweets relating to Brian Stanley ” .
All very normal political activity says Mary Lou on Saturday… Yeah , right .
It ’ s not as though other parties don ’ t get into trouble over tweets .
There are two Unionist peers who serially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ knuckle comments on LGBT and racially questionable remarks on Twitter , but neither is a member of their former party for similar reason .
No other party I know of has the resources for policing in this very precise and direct way of managing the principled public dissent over such blatant recidivism of the party ’ s own professed response .
But as the BBC Spotlight revealed last week , that the wider movement still “ still has access to weapons ” .
Finally , back to that first tweet that triggered this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that in identifying one relatively small subset of Troubles victims he was on safe ground , but as Fintan O ’ Toole reminds us , the majority of the Provisionals killings he celebrated were neither legitimate nor military… By far the biggest single category of IRA victims is made up of civilians .
Gun battles between IRA members and armed troops were extremely rare .
Most Provisional IRA operations involved the placing of bombs in public places or the execution of unarmed , off-duty members of the RUC or the Ulster Defence Regiment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ IRA members – just 115 over more than 30 years – were killed by the security forces .
But none of this suits the narrative of a heroic guerrilla war against an imperial army .
Thus , all three of the main actors in the violence of the Troubles have their own reasons for telling a partial , distorted and deceitful story .
If there is to be reconciliation , there has to be an honest accounting .
And there is only one way to achieve it : an official truth recovery process @ @ @ @ @ @ @ victims and that trades amnesty for honesty .
The purpose of a shared island has to be underpinned by a project of shared memory .
Shared memory means remembering it all , not just some .
As Fintan perceptively notes , the one great collective work remembering all the victims of the Troubles with no one left outside , is the book Lost Lives and the last copy he saw for sale was being offered for £1,000 .
Truth about our history may be highly valued , but its scarce .
And another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there will be no unification of the island without it .
Whilst Brexit may have plunged these islands into a huge well of doubt and mistrust , Sinn Féin agit prop approach to the past may be unionism ’ s best bet that they won ’ t have to part with their relationship to the other island any time soon .
Photo by PDPics is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

Politics in the south seems to be all over the place just now. Leo Varadkar has had a tough time over revealing text messages between him and his friend Maitiu O Tuathail, whilst Sinn Féin have been relentlessly after Helen McEntee to come in front the Dail to answer questions about a Supreme Court appointment.
Then the Twitter wind reversed and came Brian Stanley’s tweet celebrating the Provisional IRA’s murder of 18 British soldiers. Whoop went the Provisional wing of the Irish Twitterati, and then “how shocking” went almost everyone else. “It’s what they do” said some of us old lags who’ve seen much of it all before.
Then out came Deputy Stanley’s old tweets including one nasty homophobic attack on Leo. Ah, went Sinn Fein leader Mary Lou McDonald, you take a week off [till the heat’s off and we figure out what you can and cannot say? – Ed] and by the way, give us your social media accounts till we give your past a good forensic clean.
Last straw for Christine O’Mahony a former chair of Ógra Sinn Féin when as the Examiner reports, “a veteran party member attended her home at around 11am on Thursday morning and told her parents that he had been instructed by “head office” to tell her to delete tweets relating to Brian Stanley”.
All very normal political activity says Mary Lou on Saturday…
SF leader Mary Lou McDonald telling @ClaireByrneLive it is perfectly normal for party activists to show up to someone’s house to ask them to take down tweets but in the same breath saying it is “impossible to censor people online” in this era of social media🧐 #todaycb — Áine McMahon (@AineMcMahon) December 7, 2020
Yeah, right. It’s not as though other parties don’t get into trouble over tweets. There are two Unionist peers who serially get into trouble for similar near the knuckle comments on LGBT and racially questionable remarks on Twitter, but neither is a member of their former party for similar reason.
No other party I know of has the resources for policing in this very precise and direct way of managing the principled public dissent over such blatant recidivism of the party’s own professed response. But as the BBC Spotlight revealed last week, that the wider movement still “still has access to weapons”.
Finally, back to that first tweet that triggered this little episode. Deputy Stanley clearly thought that in identifying one relatively small subset of Troubles victims he was on safe ground, but as Fintan O’Toole reminds us, the majority of the Provisionals killings he celebrated were neither legitimate nor military…
By far the biggest single category of IRA victims is made up of civilians. Gun battles between IRA members and armed troops were extremely rare. Most Provisional IRA operations involved the placing of bombs in public places or the execution of unarmed, off-duty members of the RUC or the Ulster Defence Regiment. For this reason, relatively few IRA members – just 115 over more than 30 years – were killed by the security forces. But none of this suits the narrative of a heroic guerrilla war against an imperial army. Thus, all three of the main actors in the violence of the Troubles have their own reasons for telling a partial, distorted and deceitful story. If there is to be reconciliation, there has to be an honest accounting. And there is only one way to achieve it: an official truth recovery process that is centred on the rights of victims and that trades amnesty for honesty. The purpose of a shared island has to be underpinned by a project of shared memory.
Shared memory means remembering it all, not just some. As Fintan perceptively notes, the one great collective work remembering all the victims of the Troubles with no one left outside, is the book Lost Lives and the last copy he saw for sale was being offered for £1,000. Truth about our history may be highly valued, but its scarce.
And another truth, I suggest, is that there will be no unification of the island without it. Whilst Brexit may have plunged these islands into a huge well of doubt and mistrust, Sinn Féin agit prop approach to the past may be unionism’s best bet that they won’t have to part with their relationship to the other island any time soon.
Photo by PDPics is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-12-07--Working Group on Unification Referendums on the Island of Ireland: Belfast Consultation Event, this

Working Group on Unification Referendums on the Island of Ireland: Belfast Consultation Event, this Thursday 10 December 2020…

The recent post by Dr Alan Renwick on how the mechanics of a unification referendum need attention highlighted that the Interim Report of the Working Group on Unification Referendums on the Island of Ireland was published on 26 November .
Following the launch of this report , a number of online consultation events are being held which will provide an opportunity for public discussion of the report ’ s purposes , analysis , and conclusions .
Once such webinar is being co-hosted by The Democracy Unit at Queen ’ s University Belfast , the Transitional Justice Institute at Ulster University @ @ @ @ @ @ @ College London .
Similar events were held in Dublin and London , designed for audiences in Ireland and Great Britain .
The substantial and detailed report explores how any potential future referendum or referendums on the constitutional status of Northern Ireland would best be designed and conducted .
The Group is independent of all political parties and governments and is funded by the British Academy and the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust .
The Group takes no view on whether such referendums should take place , or what the outcome should be if there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that if a referendum were called , it would be crucial to have a clear plan for the referendum processes that would follow .
The report addresses a range of difficult questions that need discussion and analysis .
What evidence would inform the decision to call a referendum on Northern Ireland ’ s constitutional status ?
Would referendums take place before or after proposals for the shape of a united Ireland had been developed ?
How would the referendum campaigns be regulated ?
These and many other related questions are explored in detail @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be chaired by Cathy Gormley-Heenan , Professor of Politics and Deputy Vice-Chancellor ( Research and External Affairs ) at Ulster University , with assistance from Dr James Pow of the QUB Democracy Unit during the Q & A session .
The following speakers will examine the possible answers to these questions in the political and legal context of Northern Ireland : • Dr Alan Renwick , coordinator of the project and Deputy Director of the Constitution Unit , University College London • Prof Brendan O ’ Leary , Working Group member , Visiting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s University and member of the QUB Democracy Unit , and Lauder Professor of Political Science , University of Pennsylvania The event kicks off a consultation period in which the Group welcomes feedback and views on the content of the interim report , which will then inform the Group ’ s final report in spring 2021 .
You can sign up for the event by clicking here .
“ VOTE ” by Theresa Thompson is licensed under CC BY

The recent post by Dr Alan Renwick on how the mechanics of a unification referendum need attention highlighted that the Interim Report of the Working Group on Unification Referendums on the Island of Ireland was published on 26 November.
Following the launch of this report, a number of online consultation events are being held which will provide an opportunity for public discussion of the report’s purposes, analysis, and conclusions. Once such webinar is being co-hosted by The Democracy Unit at Queen’s University Belfast, the Transitional Justice Institute at Ulster University, and the Constitution Unit at University College London.
Similar events were held in Dublin and London, designed for audiences in Ireland and Great Britain.
The substantial and detailed report explores how any potential future referendum or referendums on the constitutional status of Northern Ireland would best be designed and conducted.
The Group is independent of all political parties and governments and is funded by the British Academy and the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust. The Group takes no view on whether such referendums should take place, or what the outcome should be if there are any referendums.
The report concludes that if a referendum were called, it would be crucial to have a clear plan for the referendum processes that would follow. The report addresses a range of difficult questions that need discussion and analysis. What evidence would inform the decision to call a referendum on Northern Ireland’s constitutional status? Would referendums take place before or after proposals for the shape of a united Ireland had been developed? How would the referendum campaigns be regulated? These and many other related questions are explored in detail by the Group.
The event will be chaired by Cathy Gormley-Heenan, Professor of Politics and Deputy Vice-Chancellor (Research and External Affairs) at Ulster University, with assistance from Dr James Pow of the QUB Democracy Unit during the Q&A session.
The following speakers will examine the possible answers to these questions in the political and legal context of Northern Ireland:
Dr Alan Renwick , coordinator of the project and Deputy Director of the Constitution Unit, University College London
, coordinator of the project and Deputy Director of the Constitution Unit, University College London Prof Katy Hayward , Working Group member and Professor in Political Sociology, Queen’s University Belfast
, Working Group member and Professor in Political Sociology, Queen’s University Belfast Prof Brendan O’Leary , Working Group member, Visiting Professor of Political Science at Queen’s University and member of the QUB Democracy Unit, and Lauder Professor of Political Science, University of Pennsylvania
, Working Group member, Visiting Professor of Political Science at Queen’s University and member of the QUB Democracy Unit, and Lauder Professor of Political Science, University of Pennsylvania Sam McBride, Political Editor of the Belfast News Letter
The event kicks off a consultation period in which the Group welcomes feedback and views on the content of the interim report, which will then inform the Group’s final report in spring 2021.
You can sign up for the event by clicking here.
“VOTE” by Theresa Thompson is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-12-08--Vaccines means government must prepare the public for a sustainable response to the recovery

Few of us have underestimated the effects of Covid if you have vulnerabilities , nor the fact that predicting just what those vulnerabilities are and how they are likely to play out in older people is challenging .
But the vaccines coming online will likely change the dynamics around this quite rapidly come the new year .
Anyone with kids will know and understand just what a tough ask social isolation for the young ( and not just antsy teenagers who are capable of grabbing the headlines ) has been during what those of us who are a little older @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their lives .
Ciara Kelly , speaking on Newstalk reckons once the rates drop government will have no choice to follow a people desperate for each other ’ s company : The challenge will be keeping it together until then to protect those who haven ’ t yet had the protection… As individuals we often underestimate the challenge ( and the time it takes ) of acting on scale , so government must prepare the public for a slow and sustainable response to the recovery .
“ Vaccine with a possible cure for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is licensed under CC BY

Few of us have underestimated the effects of Covid if you have vulnerabilities, nor the fact that predicting just what those vulnerabilities are and how they are likely to play out in older people is challenging. But the vaccines coming online will likely change the dynamics around this quite rapidly come the new year.
Anyone with kids will know and understand just what a tough ask social isolation for the young (and not just antsy teenagers who are capable of grabbing the headlines) has been during what those of us who are a little older are in fact the best years of their lives.
Ciara Kelly, speaking on Newstalk reckons once the rates drop government will have no choice to follow a people desperate for each other’s company:
Ciara Kelly doesn’t feel there is “any justification” for us to remain locked down once the vulnerable are vaccinated.@NTBreakfast pic.twitter.com/z4lVUV6eiA — NewstalkFM (@NewstalkFM) December 8, 2020
The challenge will be keeping it together until then to protect those who haven’t yet had the protection… As individuals we often underestimate the challenge (and the time it takes) of acting on scale, so government must prepare the public for a slow and sustainable response to the recovery.
“Vaccine with a possible cure for Coronavirus and Planet Earth” by focusonmore.com is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-12-08--Why other countries should draw inspiration from the Irish Government’s early response to the Covid-

Why other countries should draw inspiration from the Irish Government’s early response to the Covid-19 pandemic

When an outbreak of a virus such as Covid-19 occurs , where vaccines , drug treatments and high levels of testing do not yet exist , the communication that is delivered in the early days , both accurate and credible , is by the far the strongest medicine in any government ’ s arsenal .
The reality is , in these early days , the capability of the virus is relatively unknown .
Given the number of people infected by coronavirus around the world was minimal at the start , the data around it was not painting a clear picture @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now have a virus racing towards and infecting your country with little idea of the path of destruction it may leave behind it .
The first couple of days of communication are vital .
Getting it wrong at the beginning could prove catastrophic not least because it could cause hundreds if not thousands of deaths , it could also lose the public ’ s trust in the Public Health officials and the Government which would lead to far greater consequences in the long term .
Let ’ s take a look at three @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their early response to Covid-19 .
A shade of yellow that will no doubt live long in the memory .
All official public health messages on printed materials were done in yellow and marked with the HSE and Government ’ s logo as shown below .
The colour became synonymous with Covid-19 in Ireland .
“ Keeping their distance ” by Cityswift is licensed under CC BY 2.0 The sharp yellow would catch your eye from a mile away and it stuck out like a sore thumb .
It was the perfect colour @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Within days , the yellow signs were at every single level port of entry into the country , they were at airports , in shops , offices and were behind all the public health and government officials during press conferences inside the department of health .
It may appear odd getting so fixed over a colour , yet in the business world , when building company brands , your first task is always to designate their brand colours so that when people see the colour they instantly know its your brand .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ireland was one of very few countries who adopted a specific colour and stuck with it from start to finish .
In 2014 , The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ( CDC ) in America designed a ‘ Crisis and Emergency Risk Communications ’ guide .
It is a massive document with some 460 pages .
The fundamental principles to achieve good public health communication are very simple : Be consistent .
Be accurate .
Do not withhold vital information .
One key appointment made by then Taoiseach Leo Varadkar early on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Concannon .
Concannon is a leading communications guru and was brought in to manage the Government ’ s public information campaign on Covid-19 .
Concannon and the communications department certainly delivered .
Vital public health information was communicated clearly via full page ads in all national and local newspapers , radio ads regarding Covid-19 guidelines were constant on all major radios stations , more graphicly designed ads reinforced the message on digital platforms with some very creative advertisements used to explain social distancing .
Campaign ’ s for public health measures and guidelines @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the early weeks of the pandemic and have continued ever since .
The key slogans changed when necessary .
Some slogans used were : Flatten the Curve .
It ’ s in Our Hands .
Hold Firm .
The messaging in all communications is simple , clear and concise .
People could easily read them and know exactly what to do/not to do .
The posters were so effective that they were even spotted being used in public places in the UK .
An Irish Government ’ s Covid-19 poster on a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
However , the communications department had another weapon in its arsenal , a weapon that so many countries have lacked , they had incredible public spokespeople who coordinated in unison .
In the ‘ Crisis and Emergency Risk Communications ’ guide mentioned earlier , there is an entire chapter dedicated to choosing the right spokesperson .
It is crucial the spokesperson can give any public health message “ a human form ” .
The spokesperson must be an expert on the subject .
This role is so important because by having just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ matter , it disables the possibility of conflicting messaging , something which we saw repeatedly in the United States .
Step forward Dr. Tony Holohan , Ireland ’ s Chief Medical Officer .
Holohan led the daily press conferences and became the face of Ireland ’ s fight against Covid-19 .
A calculated communicator and expert in public health , he was exquisitely designed for such a role as spokesperson .
Dr. Holohan is also chair of the National Public Health Emergency Team ( NPHET ) .
NPHET is a body of medical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and advises the Government on the steps it should take accordingly .
In July , when Holohan announced he was taking a step back from his role to spend time with her terminally ill wife , the outpouring support from public was extraordinary .
Not least had he taken the weight of a nation on his shoulders , he did so while fighting his own battle at home .
He was temporarily replaced by Deputy Chief Medical Officer Ronan Glynn who proved himself to be an extremely calm presence and an impressive communicator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flanked politically by then Taoiseach Leo Varadkar and Minister for Health Simon Harris .
As a qualified doctor himself , Varadkar was by no means out of his depth if he were to speak on public health matters however , he left that task to Holohan and instead he handled the politics side of things .
Key announcements such as his historic St Patrick ’ s Day speech in which he announced the lockdown of the entire country , will live long in the memory .
Coolly delivered , the speech got the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to stop the spread of Covid-19 .
For weeks after , parts of his speech were being played in grocery stores across the country , a scene straight out of a wartime movie .
It was his finest moment as Taoiseach .
Varadkar signed up for Ireland ’ s Be on Call Campaign and began working as a doctor again for one day a week .
It only strengthened the message between the government and the public that we really are all in this together .
Then Minister for Health Simon Harris also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public onside and informed .
Harris is widely regarded as the best communicator within the Government and if there was any doubt of those credentials , those doubts have long been extinguished .
While under his own admission , his Ministerial record as Minister for Health is not flawless , Harris stepped up to the plate when he was needed most .
His daily late-evening streams in which he sat in front of a camera and reassured and informed the public became a hallmark feature of the early days of the pandemic .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ it and people still turn to his guidance and advice in their droves when he live streams on Instagram .
Fast forward to December 2020 and Ireland finds itself once again with the lowest 14-day incidence rate in the EU .
There is little doubt that the planning and execution of the features mentioned in this article in the early days of pandemic have strongly contributed to the public remaining onside of the Government and health officials .
While it would be wild to suggest everything has been done without fault in Ireland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country has dodged many of the failings of other states .
There was never an erosion of public trust in health officials and science like Trump caused in America and our health minister was never vilified like Matt Hancock has been over mixed messages .
The clear and consistent health messaging used throughout the pandemic combined with fantastic communicators and public health experts have no doubt saved countless lives and should serve as a case study for countries around the world to take inspiration from when battling pandemics in the future .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Cityswift is licensed under CC BY 2.0

When an outbreak of a virus such as Covid-19 occurs, where vaccines, drug treatments and high levels of testing do not yet exist, the communication that is delivered in the early days, both accurate and credible, is by the far the strongest medicine in any government’s arsenal. The reality is, in these early days, the capability of the virus is relatively unknown. Given the number of people infected by coronavirus around the world was minimal at the start, the data around it was not painting a clear picture nor was the mortality rate.
You now have a virus racing towards and infecting your country with little idea of the path of destruction it may leave behind it. The first couple of days of communication are vital. Getting it wrong at the beginning could prove catastrophic not least because it could cause hundreds if not thousands of deaths, it could also lose the public’s trust in the Public Health officials and the Government which would lead to far greater consequences in the long term. Let’s take a look at three defining features of the Irish Government in their early response to Covid-19.
A Yellow Warning
A shade of yellow that will no doubt live long in the memory. All official public health messages on printed materials were done in yellow and marked with the HSE and Government’s logo as shown below. The colour became synonymous with Covid-19 in Ireland.
“Keeping their distance” by Cityswift is licensed under CC BY 2.0
The sharp yellow would catch your eye from a mile away and it stuck out like a sore thumb. It was the perfect colour for grabbing someone’s attention. Within days, the yellow signs were at every single level port of entry into the country, they were at airports, in shops, offices and were behind all the public health and government officials during press conferences inside the department of health.
It may appear odd getting so fixed over a colour, yet in the business world, when building company brands, your first task is always to designate their brand colours so that when people see the colour they instantly know its your brand. It is integral component of consistent messaging. Ireland was one of very few countries who adopted a specific colour and stuck with it from start to finish.
Public Awareness Campaigning
In 2014, The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in America designed a ‘Crisis and Emergency Risk Communications’ guide. It is a massive document with some 460 pages. The fundamental principles to achieve good public health communication are very simple: Be consistent. Be accurate. Do not withhold vital information.
One key appointment made by then Taoiseach Leo Varadkar early on in the pandemic was that of John Concannon. Concannon is a leading communications guru and was brought in to manage the Government’s public information campaign on Covid-19. Concannon and the communications department certainly delivered. Vital public health information was communicated clearly via full page ads in all national and local newspapers, radio ads regarding Covid-19 guidelines were constant on all major radios stations, more graphicly designed ads reinforced the message on digital platforms with some very creative advertisements used to explain social distancing.
Campaign’s for public health measures and guidelines were relentless across all media’s in the early weeks of the pandemic and have continued ever since. The key slogans changed when necessary. Some slogans used were: Flatten the Curve. It’s in Our Hands. Hold Firm.
The messaging in all communications is simple, clear and concise. People could easily read them and know exactly what to do/not to do. The posters were so effective that they were even spotted being used in public places in the UK.
An Irish Government’s Covid-19 poster on a public toilet door in Blandford, Dorset.
However, the communications department had another weapon in its arsenal, a weapon that so many countries have lacked, they had incredible public spokespeople who coordinated in unison.
The Three Wise Men
In the ‘Crisis and Emergency Risk Communications’ guide mentioned earlier, there is an entire chapter dedicated to choosing the right spokesperson. It is crucial the spokesperson can give any public health message “a human form”. The spokesperson must be an expert on the subject. This role is so important because by having just one person as the spokesperson on the matter, it disables the possibility of conflicting messaging, something which we saw repeatedly in the United States. Step forward Dr. Tony Holohan, Ireland’s Chief Medical Officer.
Holohan led the daily press conferences and became the face of Ireland’s fight against Covid-19. A calculated communicator and expert in public health, he was exquisitely designed for such a role as spokesperson. Dr. Holohan is also chair of the National Public Health Emergency Team (NPHET). NPHET is a body of medical experts which oversees the response to Covid-19 and advises the Government on the steps it should take accordingly.
In July, when Holohan announced he was taking a step back from his role to spend time with her terminally ill wife, the outpouring support from public was extraordinary. Not least had he taken the weight of a nation on his shoulders, he did so while fighting his own battle at home. He was temporarily replaced by Deputy Chief Medical Officer Ronan Glynn who proved himself to be an extremely calm presence and an impressive communicator.
Luckily for Hololan, he was flanked politically by then Taoiseach Leo Varadkar and Minister for Health Simon Harris. As a qualified doctor himself, Varadkar was by no means out of his depth if he were to speak on public health matters however, he left that task to Holohan and instead he handled the politics side of things.
Key announcements such as his historic St Patrick’s Day speech in which he announced the lockdown of the entire country, will live long in the memory. Coolly delivered, the speech got the nation behind the Government in their quest to stop the spread of Covid-19. For weeks after, parts of his speech were being played in grocery stores across the country, a scene straight out of a wartime movie. It was his finest moment as Taoiseach. Varadkar signed up for Ireland’s Be on Call Campaign and began working as a doctor again for one day a week. It only strengthened the message between the government and the public that we really are all in this together.
Then Minister for Health Simon Harris also played a key role in keeping the public onside and informed. Harris is widely regarded as the best communicator within the Government and if there was any doubt of those credentials, those doubts have long been extinguished. While under his own admission, his Ministerial record as Minister for Health is not flawless, Harris stepped up to the plate when he was needed most. His daily late-evening streams in which he sat in front of a camera and reassured and informed the public became a hallmark feature of the early days of the pandemic. He built up a massive following from it and people still turn to his guidance and advice in their droves when he live streams on Instagram.
Fast forward to December 2020 and Ireland finds itself once again with the lowest 14-day incidence rate in the EU. There is little doubt that the planning and execution of the features mentioned in this article in the early days of pandemic have strongly contributed to the public remaining onside of the Government and health officials.
While it would be wild to suggest everything has been done without fault in Ireland, it cannot be denied that the country has dodged many of the failings of other states. There was never an erosion of public trust in health officials and science like Trump caused in America and our health minister was never vilified like Matt Hancock has been over mixed messages.
The clear and consistent health messaging used throughout the pandemic combined with fantastic communicators and public health experts have no doubt saved countless lives and should serve as a case study for countries around the world to take inspiration from when battling pandemics in the future.
“Wheeling towards another lock down” by Cityswift is licensed under CC BY 2.0


sluggerotoole--2020-12-08--Get your tickets for the Slugger End of Year Review 2020!

Normally tickets for our End of Year Review sell out within a couple of hours .
This year we can ’ t offer you the dark , alcohol-infused atmosphere of a Cathedral Quarter pub .
But we can open the doors to let more of you attend our virtual live-streamed End of Year Review .
Alex Kane and Allison Morris are back .
But rather than squeeze everything into a single night , we ’ re spacing it out over three nights , to allow a selection of expert guests to give you their wry look at the year in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and unedited , and we ’ ll gather up questions from you beforehand to feed into the discussions .
Your host for the events will be Alan Meban and David McCann .
The events are sponsored by Brown O ’ Connor Communications .
Your ticket will give you access to all three live-streams .
And don ’ t worry if you miss one : you ’ ll be able to watch them back anytime .
Tuesday 15th December , 7:30pm – 8:30pm Tina McKenzie ( Chair of FSB NI ) and Tim Cairns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 17th December , 7:30pm – 8:30pm Alex Kane ( Commentator ) and Allison Morris ( Security Correspondent with the Irish News ) Like most of the media , Slugger has been affected by Covid and our already meagre income has been cut this year due to not being able to run any live events .
We are asking that you give a donation of any amount that you wish ( minimum donation £10 ) and this will act as your ticket for the events .
Once you give a donation we will email @ @ @ @ @ @ @ private link to view the live streaming events .
Settle yourself on the sofa with a glass of what you fancy and join us for a virtual live experience .

Normally tickets for our End of Year Review sell out within a couple of hours. This year we can’t offer you the dark, alcohol-infused atmosphere of a Cathedral Quarter pub. But we can open the doors to let more of you attend our virtual live-streamed End of Year Review.
Alex Kane and Allison Morris are back. But rather than squeeze everything into a single night, we’re spacing it out over three nights, to allow a selection of expert guests to give you their wry look at the year in politics.
The conversation will be live and unedited, and we’ll gather up questions from you beforehand to feed into the discussions. Your host for the events will be Alan Meban and David McCann. The events are sponsored by Brown O’Connor Communications.
Your ticket will give you access to all three live-streams. And don’t worry if you miss one: you’ll be able to watch them back anytime.
Tuesday 15th December, 7:30pm – 8:30pm
Tina McKenzie (Chair of FSB NI) and Tim Cairns (Commentator and former SPAD)
Wednesday 16th December, 7:30pm – 8:30pm
Sarah Creighton (Commentator) and Chris Donnelly (School Principal & Commentator)
Thursday 17th December, 7:30pm – 8:30pm
Alex Kane (Commentator) and Allison Morris (Security Correspondent with the Irish News)
Ticket details
Like most of the media, Slugger has been affected by Covid and our already meagre income has been cut this year due to not being able to run any live events. We are asking that you give a donation of any amount that you wish (minimum donation £10) and this will act as your ticket for the events.
Once you give a donation we will email on the day of the event a private link to view the live streaming events.
Settle yourself on the sofa with a glass of what you fancy and join us for a virtual live experience.


sluggerotoole--2020-12-09--We now have a border down the Irish Sea…

The DUP backing of Brexit will go down in history as one of the most spectacular own goals in politics .
They have set Northern Ireland on a path of economic unity with the Republic and made Irish unity closer than it has ever been .
Further hilarity ensues with the indignity of DUP Agriculture Minister Edwin Poots being responsible for building the new border stations .
There is worse to come for the DUP .
Many retailers have said there will be supply problems delivering certain goods to Northern Ireland and prices on some goods will have to rise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ administration or delays .
Wait till the good people of Ulster walk into Sainsbury ’ s only to find that their favourite foods are no longer on the shelves or that the prices have risen – DUP politicians are going to get dogs ’ abuse from their electorate .
While many of us find this freakin ’ hilarious , it might not be so amusing next year when we ALL have to cope with price rises on a wide range of goods .
Watching the DUP try to squirm their way out of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ event of the year .
And all this just in time for Northern Ireland ’ s 100th birthday .
Will Northern Ireland see 150 years or even 120 years ?
Place your bets : the wheel is spinning… “ The Sea ” by R.Halfpaap is licensed under CC BY-ND

The DUP backing of Brexit will go down in history as one of the most spectacular own goals in politics. They have set Northern Ireland on a path of economic unity with the Republic and made Irish unity closer than it has ever been. Further hilarity ensues with the indignity of DUP Agriculture Minister Edwin Poots being responsible for building the new border stations.
There is worse to come for the DUP. Many retailers have said there will be supply problems delivering certain goods to Northern Ireland and prices on some goods will have to rise to cover the costs of any extra administration or delays. Wait till the good people of Ulster walk into Sainsbury’s only to find that their favourite foods are no longer on the shelves or that the prices have risen – DUP politicians are going to get dogs’ abuse from their electorate.
While many of us find this freakin’ hilarious, it might not be so amusing next year when we ALL have to cope with price rises on a wide range of goods.
Watching the DUP try to squirm their way out of this one will be the political entertainment event of the year.
And all this just in time for Northern Ireland’s 100th birthday. Will Northern Ireland see 150 years or even 120 years? Place your bets: the wheel is spinning…
“The Sea” by R.Halfpaap is licensed under CC BY-ND


sluggerotoole--2020-12-09--So, who will think of the poor old cattle smugglers of south Armagh?

Well , moving on from Brian ’ s entertaining piece , I ’ m not as sure as he is on what to make of the latest move in Brexit negotiations .
The EU will have powers to order UK customs officials to do checks , but it is not clear on what proportion .
John Campbell gives us a clue , but points out that definitive conclusions are premature .
Northern Ireland retail which was afraid of charges being imposed on GB imports , seems relieved .
It looks like an extension for another three months : There is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the EU and UK are trying to give Northern Ireland a soft landing .
The immediate fear about disruption to the flows of supermarket goods across the Irish Sea is addressed with a three-month “ grace period ” .
But what happens after that ?
Will there be time to negotiate a more durable arrangement or is this about giving supermarkets time to source more goods on the island of Ireland ?
And what about those food suppliers which aren ’ t supermarkets ?
They are anxiously seeking more details .
The most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s going to be “ a sea border ” , but that this seems to be an attempt to shelter Northern Ireland from the worst outworking of a possible no deal .
Well , at least that ’ s how business leaders are seeing it : Tesco chairman John Allan called it an “ important step in the right direction ” .
The grace period is part of the agreement between the UK and EU .
It determines how the new Irish Sea border will operate after Brexit .
Mr Allan said that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stores in Northern Ireland – had been preparing for the worst , a no-trade deal , but he was confident Tesco would have been able to continue to supply food to NI either way .
This agreement would make that deal much easier , he said , telling BBC Radio 4 ’ s World at One : “ Anything is better than nothing.
” In the south it may be a different affair .
The Irish Times warns the Republic may be facing much higher charges on goods bought by mail by anything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Consumer Protection Commission ( CCPC ) .
The south ( lacking dispensation from the EU ) may be forced to add VAT and other charges , that won ’ t apply in NI .
Despite the focus on a sea border , the south was always more vulnerable to a hard Brexit ( which , BTW , has yet to materialise ) .
However getting livestock from the south into Scotland and back will now be monitored to a much higher level .
That ’ s an established trade that may not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one wit has just put it in an “ email to the editor ” : Now that we have a border down the Irish Sea who is going to rescue the South Armagh cattle smugglers as they try to drive ( swim ) their cattle across ?
And who will compensate the families of those drowned in their valiant efforts to deliver their cargo to England ?
Photo by AustinCountyNewsOnline is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

Well, moving on from Brian’s entertaining piece, I’m not as sure as he is on what to make of the latest move in Brexit negotiations. The EU will have powers to order UK customs officials to do checks, but it is not clear on what proportion.
John Campbell gives us a clue, but points out that definitive conclusions are premature. Northern Ireland retail which was afraid of charges being imposed on GB imports, seems relieved. It looks like an extension for another three months:
There is going to be a hard Brexit but the EU and UK are trying to give Northern Ireland a soft landing. The immediate fear about disruption to the flows of supermarket goods across the Irish Sea is addressed with a three-month “grace period”. But what happens after that? Will there be time to negotiate a more durable arrangement or is this about giving supermarkets time to source more goods on the island of Ireland? And what about those food suppliers which aren’t supermarkets? They are anxiously seeking more details.
The most pressing issue is not that there’s going to be “a sea border”, but that this seems to be an attempt to shelter Northern Ireland from the worst outworking of a possible no deal. Well, at least that’s how business leaders are seeing it:
Tesco chairman John Allan called it an “important step in the right direction”. The grace period is part of the agreement between the UK and EU. It determines how the new Irish Sea border will operate after Brexit. Mr Allan said that the supermarket chain – which owns 56 stores in Northern Ireland – had been preparing for the worst, a no-trade deal, but he was confident Tesco would have been able to continue to supply food to NI either way. This agreement would make that deal much easier, he said, telling BBC Radio 4’s World at One: “Anything is better than nothing.”
In the south it may be a different affair. The Irish Times warns the Republic may be facing much higher charges on goods bought by mail by anything up to 40% says the Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (CCPC).
The south (lacking dispensation from the EU) may be forced to add VAT and other charges, that won’t apply in NI. Despite the focus on a sea border, the south was always more vulnerable to a hard Brexit (which, BTW, has yet to materialise).
However getting livestock from the south into Scotland and back will now be monitored to a much higher level. That’s an established trade that may not survive ‘the cut’. As one wit has just put it in an “email to the editor”:
Now that we have a border down the Irish Sea who is going to rescue the South Armagh cattle smugglers as they try to drive (swim) their cattle across? And who will compensate the families of those drowned in their valiant efforts to deliver their cargo to England?
Photo by AustinCountyNewsOnline is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-12-10--No, the COVID-19 Vaccine is not made from aborted babies…

You may have seen a story doing the rounds on social media about the new Covid-19 vaccine being made from the cells of aborted babies .
Like most rumours on social media , it is just not true .
A simple way to check if a story is true is to look it up on Snopes – the fact-checking site .
From their entry on this rumour : A viral video published in late November 2020 re-energized a common anti-vaccine talking point , alleging that AstraZeneca ’ s coronavirus vaccine “ contains ” aborted fetal tissue .
This conclusion , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ factually inaccurate and stem from a misrepresentation of how this and other vaccines are produced .
It is true that the AstraZeneca COVID-19 vaccine is created , in part , by growing a modified virus in cells originally derived from embryonic kidney tissue sourced from an abortion performed in the 1970s .
Crucially , however , the vaccine does not “ contain ” this cellular material .
The viral molecules grown in these cells are chemically and physically separated from the cells in which they were incubated and do not make it into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is false to claim , as the video does , that the process of being vaccinated for COVID-19 with the AstraZeneca vaccine means being injected with “ aborted fetal tissue fragments.
” No matter if you are pro or anti-abortion , the key point is the story is just not true .
Some of our politicians need to take 10 seconds to google something before spreading false rumours .
But as we know , facts don ’ t matter : our opinions are often based on emotion and group affiliation rather than facts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get people to change their mind on a topic .
If you are interested Snopes has a very good section on Covid-19 rumours , some of which are even true .
Edit : local site FactcheckNI also have a good post on this issue .
The current vaccine being administered in the UK is the Pfizer one which is completely synthetic .
Photo by Sorapong Chaipanya is licensed under CC0

You may have seen a story doing the rounds on social media about the new Covid-19 vaccine being made from the cells of aborted babies. Like most rumours on social media, it is just not true. A simple way to check if a story is true is to look it up on Snopes – the fact-checking site. From their entry on this rumour:
A viral video published in late November 2020 re-energized a common anti-vaccine talking point, alleging that AstraZeneca’s coronavirus vaccine “contains” aborted fetal tissue. This conclusion, and other claims like it, are factually inaccurate and stem from a misrepresentation of how this and other vaccines are produced. It is true that the AstraZeneca COVID-19 vaccine is created, in part, by growing a modified virus in cells originally derived from embryonic kidney tissue sourced from an abortion performed in the 1970s. Crucially, however, the vaccine does not “contain” this cellular material. The viral molecules grown in these cells are chemically and physically separated from the cells in which they were incubated and do not make it into the final product. Therefore, it is false to claim, as the video does, that the process of being vaccinated for COVID-19 with the AstraZeneca vaccine means being injected with “aborted fetal tissue fragments.”
No matter if you are pro or anti-abortion, the key point is the story is just not true. Some of our politicians need to take 10 seconds to google something before spreading false rumours.
DUP councillor John Carson, who previously faced criticism for claiming the Covid-19 pandemic was God's judgement for abortion reforms and legalising same-sex marriage, now says he won't take a vaccine – claiming it 'contains tissue from aborted babies'.https://t.co/hJcR1K3Nfg — Brendan Hughes (@brendanhughes64) December 10, 2020
But as we know, facts don’t matter: our opinions are often based on emotion and group affiliation rather than facts. It is next to impossible to get people to change their mind on a topic.
If you are interested Snopes has a very good section on Covid-19 rumours, some of which are even true.
Edit: local site FactcheckNI also have a good post on this issue. The current vaccine being administered in the UK is the Pfizer one which is completely synthetic.
Photo by Sorapong Chaipanya is licensed under CC0


sluggerotoole--2020-12-10--Nicola Sturgeon, the Angela Merkel of UK politics…

In this week ’ s Spectator Magazine , Alex Massie has a profile of Nicola Sturgeon .
Being a Conservative Unionist publication , The Spectator has no love for the SNP .
But there was grudging respect for the popularity of the First Minister of Scotland and her almost Donald Trump levels of Teflon .
Nicola Sturgeon is seen by the public as the perfect counterweight to the blustering , bumbling Boris Johnston .
From the article : But in modern Scotland , relative success counts for more than absolute success .
Sturgeon ’ s rave reviews come not just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Unionists .
‘ Nicola has been calm , authoritative and cautious throughout , ’ says one senior Tory MSP .
And his own party leader ?
‘ Boris has over-promised and under-delivered .
He lacks the appearance of seriousness , to the point where he lacks the appearance of competence.
’ Compared with the Prime Minister , Sturgeon enjoys very high approval ratings .
Not only that , but many of those who do not agree with her still respect her .
There is a 100-point differential between Sturgeon ’ s and Johnson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hers is +49 ; his is -57 .
He is a liability for Unionists ; she is the independence cause ’ s greatest strength .
Like Angela Merkel in Germany , the Scottish people like Nicola Sturgeon ’ s steady hand on the tiller .
She provides a sense of calm and confidence amidst the chaos of Covid-19 and Brexit .
In power since 2014 , and with no major threats to her leadership on the horizon it is almost certain that she will lead Scotland into another referendum on Independence and this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the article : The frustration in Unionist circles is palpable .
Many punches are thrown ; none seems to land .
Sometimes this frustration appears tinged with a shivering anticipation of grief to come .
It is not difficult to find ardent Unionists who whisper that they think the United Kingdom has run its race .
The precise timing of its formal dissolution may as yet be unknown but the direction of travel is impossible to ignore .
A bell tolls , and it tolls for the United Kingdom .
Of course @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outcomes .
Nevertheless , two thirds of Scots under the age of 45 now say they back independence .
A dozen opinion polls in recent months have each reported a majority in favour of independence .
The trend is clear .
Scottish independence and the implosion of the UK has obvious repercussions for us .
My prediction is we will be looking at a Border Poll around the same time as the next Scottish Referendum .
All this is likely to happen within the next 5 to 10 years .
We all need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we navigate these choppy waters .
More than ever we need calm pragmatic leadership on all sides .
“ Nicola Sturgeon , painted portrait _DDC0027 ” by Abode of Chaos is licensed under CC BY

In this week’s Spectator Magazine, Alex Massie has a profile of Nicola Sturgeon. Being a Conservative Unionist publication, The Spectator has no love for the SNP. But there was grudging respect for the popularity of the First Minister of Scotland and her almost Donald Trump levels of Teflon. Nicola Sturgeon is seen by the public as the perfect counterweight to the blustering, bumbling Boris Johnston. From the article:
But in modern Scotland, relative success counts for more than absolute success. Sturgeon’s rave reviews come not just from fawning Nationalists but also from dismayed Unionists. ‘Nicola has been calm, authoritative and cautious throughout,’ says one senior Tory MSP. And his own party leader? ‘Boris has over-promised and under-delivered. He lacks the appearance of seriousness, to the point where he lacks the appearance of competence.’ Compared with the Prime Minister, Sturgeon enjoys very high approval ratings. Not only that, but many of those who do not agree with her still respect her. There is a 100-point differential between Sturgeon’s and Johnson’s approval ratings in Scotland. Hers is +49; his is -57. He is a liability for Unionists; she is the independence cause’s greatest strength.
Like Angela Merkel in Germany, the Scottish people like Nicola Sturgeon’s steady hand on the tiller. She provides a sense of calm and confidence amidst the chaos of Covid-19 and Brexit. In power since 2014, and with no major threats to her leadership on the horizon it is almost certain that she will lead Scotland into another referendum on Independence and this time she will likely win. Again from the article:
The frustration in Unionist circles is palpable. Many punches are thrown; none seems to land. Sometimes this frustration appears tinged with a shivering anticipation of grief to come. It is not difficult to find ardent Unionists who whisper that they think the United Kingdom has run its race. The precise timing of its formal dissolution may as yet be unknown but the direction of travel is impossible to ignore. A bell tolls, and it tolls for the United Kingdom. Of course, demographic trends do not guarantee particular outcomes. Nevertheless, two thirds of Scots under the age of 45 now say they back independence. A dozen opinion polls in recent months have each reported a majority in favour of independence. The trend is clear.
Scottish independence and the implosion of the UK has obvious repercussions for us. My prediction is we will be looking at a Border Poll around the same time as the next Scottish Referendum. All this is likely to happen within the next 5 to 10 years. We all need to start giving serious thought to how we navigate these choppy waters. More than ever we need calm pragmatic leadership on all sides.
“Nicola Sturgeon, painted portrait _DDC0027” by Abode of Chaos is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-12-11--Without strong political action, paramilitaries will continue putting families out and continue to h

Without strong political action, paramilitaries will continue putting families out and continue to have access to guns..

I ’ ve been fairly busy with other matters so forgive my tardiness in picking up Stephen Dempster ’ s Spotlight documentary which highlights a number of abiding realities of our so called post conflict era , for example , how more than 20 years after the Belfast Agreement there are some 12,500 people who are members of loyalist paramilitaries .
The numbers are part of the rivalry game these organisations play to get one up on each other .
Often they signify very little in themselves .
The piece exposes the difficult ( if not impossible ) position the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the fact that there are real and ongoing problems arising from the fact these organisations still operate puts the PSNI in .
The core story revolves around a family effectively booted out of their community for crossing a paramilitary : a recurring theme in the era of the peace processing .
Ian Ogle ’ s story features prominently in the piece , for whose murder there are at least witnesses willing to come forward .
In parallel Republican cases , like the murder Paul Quinn ’ s , witnesses rarely emerge .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t gone away , nor according to a recent report , have the Provisionals : …the new assessment says this is still the position and the IRA is in a much-reduced form and not recruiting or training .
But it also says the organisation still has access to weapons .
Photo by TheDigitalWay is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

I’ve been fairly busy with other matters so forgive my tardiness in picking up Stephen Dempster’s Spotlight documentary which highlights a number of abiding realities of our so called post conflict era, for example, how more than 20 years after the Belfast Agreement there are some 12,500 people who are members of loyalist paramilitaries.
The numbers are part of the rivalry game these organisations play to get one up on each other. Often they signify very little in themselves. The piece exposes the difficult (if not impossible) position the unwillingness of politicians to even own up to the fact that there are real and ongoing problems arising from the fact these organisations still operate puts the PSNI in.
The core story revolves around a family effectively booted out of their community for crossing a paramilitary: a recurring theme in the era of the peace processing. Ian Ogle’s story features prominently in the piece, for whose murder there are at least witnesses willing to come forward. In parallel Republican cases, like the murder Paul Quinn’s, witnesses rarely emerge.
If the UVF and the UDA haven’t gone away, nor according to a recent report, have the Provisionals:
…the new assessment says this is still the position and the IRA is in a much-reduced form and not recruiting or training. But it also says the organisation still has access to weapons.
Photo by TheDigitalWay is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-12-11--“Build a future; only then can you revisit the past without being held captive by the past…”

“ The most intriguing part of Irish history for me is the period of Grattan ’ s parliament… .
the first emergence of the Renaissance Movement in this island amongst the non-conformists .
They wanted to get freedom for everybody who was advancing , for the Roman Catholic community , the slowly emerging merchant class…… .
fighting not just for their own rights but for everyone ’ s .
Then the Catholics in the South organised on their own , ultimately dividing the community….. realistically leading to partition…… I blame the South for partition.
” Given his background as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the late Claudy-born Paddy Gormley did not conform to the lazy stereotype .
Following defeat in the1969 Stormont election by the late Ivan Cooper MP , riding on the back of popular support for the Civil Rights campaign , Mr Gormley , a graduate of Maynooth University , came to Stranmillis College of Education to complete a post-graduate qualification and enter the teaching profession .
His views , stated in the course of an interview for the SRC magazine - ( it is amazing what you re-discover during lockdown ) - stand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ standard interpretation of Irish republicanism re-iterated , yet again , in the recently published Economic Benefits of a United Ireland ( Sinn Fein November 2020 ) : “ Partition sustains many of the problems besetting the people of Ireland .
It is also a symptom of these problems .
British rule in Ireland and the denial to the people of Ireland of our right to self-government remains at the core of our divisions and difficulties .
The human , economic and social costs of British rule and the disastrous decision to partition Ireland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ manifestation of British involvement in Irish affairs .
It was imposed in 1921 following the Government of Ireland Act 1920 .
Part of its purpose was to facilitate British control over a part of the island and to prevent the emergence of a truly national Republic.
” In addition to Its summary dismissal of any pro-Union preference , or rights , Irish republicanism is not averse to blame and victimhood narratives .
Although claiming to address , on the basis of evidence , how a United Ireland would be better for the economies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Sinn Fein , ever in campaign mode , is unable to resist the tedious and septic repetition of the ‘ injustice of partition ‘ , placing the blame on a British government of the day .
It is a well-rehearsed policy position that offers the party at least two ‘ benefits ’ , namely , in contrast to Paddy Gormley , by placing total blame on to someone else , you do not have to take responsibility for your angst and by establishing a blame culture , violence and killing , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hands of the party , is justified .
It offers no moral reflective constraint on what an Uachtaráin Michael D Higgins , speaking of the history of Irish republicanism and the ‘ Irish struggle ’ refers to as ‘ the callous disregard for human life , ’ or sensitivity to the views or pain of others .
There is no attempt to break down the hardness , question or challenge the old battle cries ; preferring to conspire than inspire , pervasive threats keep the war going by other means .
Content to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no counter-narrative is invited or considered .
You can not build a free society or engage on a new economic Ireland on that basis and is there not irony in a party which espouses freedom so enthusiastically displaying such an inability to free its thinking from the chains of an embittered past to focus on the present and the future ?
Unfortunately , it is not alone in its preferences for often , as we see in our politicians , it is those whose minds are the most closed and sealed within uncontested @ @ @ @ @ @ @ content to abandon the true interests of the people.Seeming not to realise that it is not just destructive but self-destructive , they would rather groan than grow .
Writing in his book ’ Not in God ’ s Name ’ Rabbi Jonathan Saaks , who died in early November , noted : In a not totally dissimilar vein Michael D Higgins , in the context of Machnahm 100 , commenting on the potential of commemoration notes : It seems that Sinn Féin wants to do none of this .
It is apparent in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ absolutist polemical narrative and , whilst speaking of wishing to build a future , wanting to re-create an imagined pre-partition past , the demise of which republican violence shaped to no little extent .
There is no earnest desire to heed the words of President Higgins when he speaks of : Or rise to the challenge of understanding contexts ; of nurturing… In approaching the NI Centenary and the commemoration of partition , it is unlikely that an Irish Nationalist or Republican will find reason to celebrate ; the clue is in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ separate jurisdictions , not one , each with an imperfect and , as Paddy Gormley suggested in the 1970s , complex history over time ; neither , as some Unionists in Northern Ireland might be tempted to feel , a cause for unbridled triumphalism .
In this final period of the Decade of Centenaries as polls show a desire , particularly amongst the post GFA less constitutionally focused generation , for a better and contextually defined future in terms of concerns and issues politics needs to engage in this time of reflection and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and present .
Sinn Féin and its constituency have a role to play but it is unlikely to be meaningful in the long term if it adheres rigidly to its current messaging ; you can not bring solutions to a divided society if you fail to acknowledge that you are and have been part of the problem .
Photo by geralt is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

“The most intriguing part of Irish history for me is the period of Grattan’s parliament…. the first emergence of the Renaissance Movement in this island amongst the non-conformists. They wanted to get freedom for everybody who was advancing, for the Roman Catholic community, the slowly emerging merchant class……. fighting not just for their own rights but for everyone’s. Then the Catholics in the South organised on their own, ultimately dividing the community….. realistically leading to partition…… I blame the South for partition.”
Given his background as a Nationalist MP at Stormont, the view of the late Claudy-born Paddy Gormley did not conform to the lazy stereotype.
Following defeat in the1969 Stormont election by the late Ivan Cooper MP, riding on the back of popular support for the Civil Rights campaign, Mr Gormley, a graduate of Maynooth University, came to Stranmillis College of Education to complete a post-graduate qualification and enter the teaching profession.
His views, stated in the course of an interview for the SRC magazine -(it is amazing what you re-discover during lockdown)- stand in marked contrast to the sloganizing and standard interpretation of Irish republicanism re-iterated, yet again, in the recently published Economic Benefits of a United Ireland (Sinn Fein November 2020):
“Partition sustains many of the problems besetting the people of Ireland. It is also a symptom of these problems. British rule in Ireland and the denial to the people of Ireland of our right to self-government remains at the core of our divisions and difficulties. The human, economic and social costs of British rule and the disastrous decision to partition Ireland have been immense. Partition is a manifestation of British involvement in Irish affairs. It was imposed in 1921 following the Government of Ireland Act 1920. Part of its purpose was to facilitate British control over a part of the island and to prevent the emergence of a truly national Republic.”
In addition to Its summary dismissal of any pro-Union preference, or rights, Irish republicanism is not averse to blame and victimhood narratives. Although claiming to address, on the basis of evidence, how a United Ireland would be better for the economies of the two jurisdictions on the island, Sinn Fein, ever in campaign mode, is unable to resist the tedious and septic repetition of the ‘injustice of partition ‘, placing the blame on a British government of the day.
It is a well-rehearsed policy position that offers the party at least two ‘benefits’, namely, in contrast to Paddy Gormley, by placing total blame on to someone else, you do not have to take responsibility for your angst and by establishing a blame culture, violence and killing, the blood from which is still on the hands of the party, is justified.
It offers no moral reflective constraint on what an Uachtaráin Michael D Higgins, speaking of the history of Irish republicanism and the ‘Irish struggle’ refers to as ‘the callous disregard for human life,’ or sensitivity to the views or pain of others.
There is no attempt to break down the hardness, question or challenge the old battle cries; preferring to conspire than inspire, pervasive threats keep the war going by other means. Content to conform only to its own thinking, no counter-narrative is invited or considered.
You cannot build a free society or engage on a new economic Ireland on that basis and is there not irony in a party which espouses freedom so enthusiastically displaying such an inability to free its thinking from the chains of an embittered past to focus on the present and the future?
Unfortunately, it is not alone in its preferences for often, as we see in our politicians, it is those whose minds are the most closed and sealed within uncontested prejudices who fight the most fervently, content to abandon the true interests of the people.Seeming not to realise that it is not just destructive but self-destructive, they would rather groan than grow.
Writing in his book’ Not in God’s Name’ Rabbi Jonathan Saaks, who died in early November, noted:
“…you have to build a future; only then can you revisit the past without being held captive by the past.”
In a not totally dissimilar vein Michael D Higgins, in the context of Machnahm 100, commenting on the potential of commemoration notes:
” Commemoration ….. offers the opportunity to reflect, to look deeply at change over time, to provide an understanding of where things have been, where they are today and why.”
It seems that Sinn Féin wants to do none of this. It is apparent in its determination to promote an essentialist and absolutist polemical narrative and, whilst speaking of wishing to build a future, wanting to re-create an imagined pre-partition past, the demise of which republican violence shaped to no little extent. There is no earnest desire to heed the words of President Higgins when he speaks of:
…confronting and working through that which establishes the distance between us in terms of different narratives of violence recalled, the absolutism that drove those impulses to violence, the careless and dangerous assumption of “the Other’ which may have driven such violence.
Or rise to the challenge of understanding contexts; of nurturing…
“…a narrative hospitality as might replace past entrenchments.”
In approaching the NI Centenary and the commemoration of partition, it is unlikely that an Irish Nationalist or Republican will find reason to celebrate; the clue is in the name. However, partition created two separate jurisdictions, not one, each with an imperfect and, as Paddy Gormley suggested in the 1970s, complex history over time; neither, as some Unionists in Northern Ireland might be tempted to feel, a cause for unbridled triumphalism.
In this final period of the Decade of Centenaries as polls show a desire, particularly amongst the post GFA less constitutionally focused generation, for a better and contextually defined future in terms of concerns and issues politics needs to engage in this time of reflection and own its responsibilities and failings, past and present.
Sinn Féin and its constituency have a role to play but it is unlikely to be meaningful in the long term if it adheres rigidly to its current messaging; you cannot bring solutions to a divided society if you fail to acknowledge that you are and have been part of the problem.
Photo by geralt is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-12-12--A simple explanation of what parity means in the context of Brexit negotiations…

Nice use of Northern Irish history to illustrate a facet of the negotiations between the UK and the EU from IJP… No one is disputing that , at the end of the transition period in just three weeks , the UK could set up its own regulations and trading standards as a sovereign state .
However , the deal on offer is that if it chooses to do that , it will be liable for the entire cost ( that is , tariffs on all goods and services moving to and from the EU as well as the extra set-up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In other words , if the UK wishes to be part of the EU ’ s single market club and enjoy all the benefits of a common free trade area , it has to play by the same rules .
Just to add , judging from recent statements from the Taoiseach Micheál Martin , all that ’ s left to negotiate right now is about 2 or 3 % of the deal , so the difference between a deal and no deal at this stage is so small that those still bravely calling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ knowing there is a large safety net below .
As The Dissenter and Owen Polley noted in this excellent PoliticalOD podcast , regardless of where the negotiations are now there ’ s not much ready whether there ’ s a deal or otherwise inside the deadline ( note the discussion on the lack of realism in the south ) : Note the discussion of the lack of realism of public debate south of the border… Photo by MichaelGaida is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

Nice use of Northern Irish history to illustrate a facet of the negotiations between the UK and the EU from IJP…
No one is disputing that, at the end of the transition period in just three weeks, the UK could set up its own regulations and trading standards as a sovereign state. However, the deal on offer is that if it chooses to do that, it will be liable for the entire cost (that is, tariffs on all goods and services moving to and from the EU as well as the extra set-up of separate trade deals elsewhere). In other words, if the UK wishes to be part of the EU’s single market club and enjoy all the benefits of a common free trade area, it has to play by the same rules.
Just to add, judging from recent statements from the Taoiseach Micheál Martin, all that’s left to negotiate right now is about 2 or 3% of the deal, so the difference between a deal and no deal at this stage is so small that those still bravely calling for a No Deal are doing so knowing there is a large safety net below.
As The Dissenter and Owen Polley noted in this excellent PoliticalOD podcast, regardless of where the negotiations are now there’s not much ready whether there’s a deal or otherwise inside the deadline (note the discussion on the lack of realism in the south):
Note the discussion of the lack of realism of public debate south of the border…
Photo by MichaelGaida is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-12-12--How the vaccine will allow us to get back to normal over time…

What the data shows is that during the first week after getting their shots , both groups of people kept @ @ @ @ @ same rate .
But after that , the lines start to separate .
And they @ @ @ @ @ .
That ’ s the result of the vaccine taking effect , which usually takes @ @ @ @ @ boosted by a second dose .
After two weeks , hardly anyone with the vaccine @ @ @ @ @ the disease kept striking those who got the placebo with clockwork regularity .
“ No @ @ @ @ @ vaccines do , ” said Florian Krammer , a prominent immunologist , who posted a @ @ @ @ @ Twitter .

Just putting this here…
What the data shows is that during the first week after getting their shots, both groups of people kept getting covid-19 at about the same rate. But after that, the lines start to separate. And they just keep separating and separating.
That’s the result of the vaccine taking effect, which usually takes a few days and gets boosted by a second dose. After two weeks, hardly anyone with the vaccine was getting covid-19. But the disease kept striking those who got the placebo with clockwork regularity.
“No comment. This is what vaccines do,” said Florian Krammer, a prominent immunologist, who posted a version of the image to Twitter.