sluggerotoole--2020-07-05--How much of the extra £33m dividend from UK Culture Secretary will be spent on NI arts?

A major injection of £1.57bn into the cultural sector by the UK Culture Secretary Oliver Dowden may prematurely raise the hopes of Northern Ireland artists that their industry is finally set to receive the relief and attention that many other areas of business have already enjoyed .
Arts , creative and cultural workers in Northern Ireland have felt particular pain during the COVID-19 lockdown .
Theatres , music venues and galleries have been dark for months .
The nature of theatre and artistic programmes mean that many freelancers are employed on short-term contracts for the duration of a particular show @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their performing income , but back stage and front of house staff don ’ t have the same opportunities .
Many couldn ’ t be furloughed , and some – with a mix of freelance and PAYE incomes – also fell outside the HMRC self-employment scheme .
Some small schemes offered funds were set up to fund artists to produce short pieces of work , though the artistic community rightly commented that not every role in the sector was always eligible to apply ( lighting designer , stage manager ) , and not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ video .
Generally , when extra money is spent on initiatives in England ( or only England and Wales , or just England , Scotland and Wales ) , the ( crude ) Barnett Formula is used to derive the proportion of extra block grant that the remaining devolved administrations will receive .
In this case £97m will be given to Scotland , £59m for Wales and £33m for Northern Ireland .
On 30 June , Finance Minister Conor Murphy told the NI Assembly that “ the Executive has received Barnett consequentials of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ COVID-19 ” .
Just because extra funding is received because of an investment in English policing doesn ’ t mean that the money has to be spent on Northern Ireland policing .
The money goes into the NI Executive ’ s pot and can be allocated as they see fit .
There may be a moral obligation to ring-fence it for a particular purpose ; however , hypothecation is not guaranteed to match the most pressing needs on local budgets .
The question for the NI Executive is how much of the expected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sector ?
Just in case you feel that left-wing luvvies living bohemian lifestyles off the back of government subsidies are already well-supported in Northern Ireland , consider these statistics , unearthed in a fact-check by FactCheckNI last year .
If government spending along with National Lottery funding is compared across the Arts Council of Northern Ireland , Arts Council England , Creative Scotland and the Arts Council of Wales – calculated per head of population , using 2016/17 figures published by the House of Commons Library – then Northern Ireland ( £6.06 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in England ( £12.97 ) , Scotland ( £12.39 ) or Wales ( £13.29 ) .
In some ways , the Cinderella nature of the local cultural sector is reflected in the demise of the Department of Culture , Arts and Leisure in the reorganisation of Executive departments .
Coincidentally , DCAL ’ s final minister is now minister for department ( Communities ) with responsibility for arts and sport amongst its large portfolio that also spans welfare benefits , housing , urban regeneration , historic environment .
While the Arts Council NI @ @ @ @ @ @ @ artists during lockdown , the largest intervention so far was made last week with the somewhat overdue but welcome launch of a £4m lifeline for the arts by Communities Minister Carál Ní Chuilín .
Will the minister and her Executive colleagues listen to the recent briefing by the Arts Collaboration Network at a recent meeting of the Committee for Communities and pass this funding onto cultural sector ?
Or will it find other priorities ?
As a society we could probably live without sport .
But we ’ d have to swallow the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and any impact on the well-being and health of those who partake or spectate .
So essentially , we shouldn ’ t .
Similarly with the arts .
Part of Northern Ireland ’ s tourism is based around being a land of saints and scholars , poets and playwrights .
And for the sake of the 1.89 million people living in Northern Ireland , are we content not to have access to fresh ideas , challenging critiques , and a modicum of mindless entertainment in the years to come ?

A major injection of £1.57bn into the cultural sector by the UK Culture Secretary Oliver Dowden may prematurely raise the hopes of Northern Ireland artists that their industry is finally set to receive the relief and attention that many other areas of business have already enjoyed.
Arts, creative and cultural workers in Northern Ireland have felt particular pain during the COVID-19 lockdown. Theatres, music venues and galleries have been dark for months. The nature of theatre and artistic programmes mean that many freelancers are employed on short-term contracts for the duration of a particular show. Many performers teach children to supplement their performing income, but back stage and front of house staff don’t have the same opportunities. Many couldn’t be furloughed, and some – with a mix of freelance and PAYE incomes – also fell outside the HMRC self-employment scheme. Some small schemes offered funds were set up to fund artists to produce short pieces of work, though the artistic community rightly commented that not every role in the sector was always eligible to apply (lighting designer, stage manager), and not every artistic practice could be adapted to video.
Generally, when extra money is spent on initiatives in England (or only England and Wales, or just England, Scotland and Wales), the (crude) Barnett Formula is used to derive the proportion of extra block grant that the remaining devolved administrations will receive. In this case £97m will be given to Scotland, £59m for Wales and £33m for Northern Ireland.
On 30 June, Finance Minister Conor Murphy told the NI Assembly that “the Executive has received Barnett consequentials of £1,442·2 million to address the impacts of COVID-19”.
Just because extra funding is received because of an investment in English policing doesn’t mean that the money has to be spent on Northern Ireland policing. The money goes into the NI Executive’s pot and can be allocated as they see fit. There may be a moral obligation to ring-fence it for a particular purpose; however, hypothecation is not guaranteed to match the most pressing needs on local budgets.
The question for the NI Executive is how much of the expected £33m will be spent on the cultural sector?
Just in case you feel that left-wing luvvies living bohemian lifestyles off the back of government subsidies are already well-supported in Northern Ireland, consider these statistics, unearthed in a fact-check by FactCheckNI last year.
If government spending along with National Lottery funding is compared across the Arts Council of Northern Ireland, Arts Council England, Creative Scotland and the Arts Council of Wales – calculated per head of population, using 2016/17 figures published by the House of Commons Library – then Northern Ireland (£6.06) spends less than half what is spent in England (£12.97), Scotland (£12.39) or Wales (£13.29).
In some ways, the Cinderella nature of the local cultural sector is reflected in the demise of the Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure in the reorganisation of Executive departments. Coincidentally, DCAL’s final minister is now minister for department (Communities) with responsibility for arts and sport amongst its large portfolio that also spans welfare benefits, housing, urban regeneration, historic environment.
While the Arts Council NI reconfigured some existing funding streams to support artists during lockdown, the largest intervention so far was made last week with the somewhat overdue but welcome launch of a £4m lifeline for the arts by Communities Minister Carál Ní Chuilín.
Will the minister and her Executive colleagues listen to the recent briefing by the Arts Collaboration Network at a recent meeting of the Committee for Communities and pass this funding onto cultural sector? Or will it find other priorities?
As a society we could probably live without sport. But we’d have to swallow the drop in business that surrounds those activities and any impact on the well-being and health of those who partake or spectate. So essentially, we shouldn’t. Similarly with the arts. Part of Northern Ireland’s tourism is based around being a land of saints and scholars, poets and playwrights. And for the sake of the 1.89 million people living in Northern Ireland, are we content not to have access to fresh ideas, challenging critiques, and a modicum of mindless entertainment in the years to come?
– – –
Update: In a press release this morning, Communities Minister Carál Ní Chuilín commented:
“Whilst ultimately it will be for the Executive to decide on how this money should be spent, the argument for a comprehensive package of support to local musicians, freelancers, theatres, artists, museums and the heritage sector at a time when they are struggling to recover from the Covid-19 pandemic cannot be overstated. “Last week I announced that the sector is to benefit from an initial £4m from Executive funds, however it was always expected that much more additional finance would be required to help protect the sector that is vital to our economy and wellbeing. I will be making strong representations to my Executive colleagues at the earliest opportunity on how this money should be spent to ensure the short term and long term sustainability of the sector.”
Update – The Arts Council NI also issued a statement saying that the “announcement is most welcome and we are delighted that the arts and cultural sectors in Northern Ireland are to get lifeline support; it signals just how important the arts are to our economy, to our society and to our mental health and wellbeing”.
“The Minister for Communities is aware of the size of the need within the sector and the near decimation experienced by those working in it. As the primary funding and development agency for the arts, the Arts Council has estimated that the funded sector in NI is facing an estimated initial loss of box office income of £25 million, while Arts organisations have identified an initial deficit total of £5 million this year alone. We are aware too of the needs of our partners in local authorities which run arts and cultural venues as these have also been seriously affected. “The creative sector in Northern Ireland is projected to lose 20% (6,000) of its creative jobs and see a 23% (£300 million) drop in creative industries Gross Value Added, while the funded arts sector currently supports approximately 7,500 jobs as per the Annual Funding Survey 2018/19 published by ACNI. There is an urgent need to save those staff who have been furloughed as well as underwrite risk for the safe reopening of our venues and theatres which will welcome reduced audiences and will need help to breakeven on box office income in that context. We must encourage audiences back to the arts, invest in outdoor events in the interim and increase the digital capacity of the sector. “We must also ensure that support reaches the creative freelancers who are part of the arts environment and the wider creative industries and who have been badly affected by the loss of events and the closure of venues … “The Arts Council looks forward to discussing these priorities with the Minister and the Department for Communities.”


sluggerotoole--2020-07-06--Time for Fianna Fáil TDs to stand up straight, with shoulders back and make the impossible leap…

Miriam Lord captures well how the loud complaints from Fianna Fáil TDs who did not get the nod for a ministerial seat , with the headline : Martin sparks Olympian levels of whingeing in Fianna Fáil ( she ’ s worth a subscription to the paper alone ) .
Two thoughts strike me in response .
One is that those complaining that the west wasn ’ t represented well enough ought to reflect on just how ineffective the method of putting in TDs who physically represent western constituency has been over the years .
The flow of voters in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that despite the fact that this convention has been in place almost since the founding of the state , it isn ’ t working .
Something the two larger government parties surely have to recognise by now .
It may feel fair sitting in Government House , but the voters of the parish just get angrier and angrier with the trickle-up economics that feeds Dublin and the cities of the seaboard .
So , first , they defected to the independents , now to Sinn Féin .
The truth is that both parties @ @ @ @ @ @ @ form a government without the other , so the picks are limited to whomever they think has the talent and/or the loyalty to turn things around .
And in loyalty , it is Martin who has the problems .
Many of those now unhappy with Martin ’ s arrangements believe that throwing their cap in with the old enemy is a political third rail , and believe the better longer-term option for the party was to sit this dance out and take the damage in a new election .
In any near run @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rejected the party would come under huge pressure to choose Sinn Féin as leaders of the next government with themselves either as juniors or supporting them from the opposition benches .
Having just spent four years in the latter space , and having witnessed just how profoundly it helped to further hollow out their historic brand , the former would have been the only realistic option .
No party in NI has ever prospered in such circumstances .
You only have to see how the west Belfast leadership overrode the common sense of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ONeill and even the Gaoth Dobhair based Pearse Doherty who must have known just how it would go down with rural voters .
Democratic centralism means they must follow orders even for someone unknown to the public but to whom that leadership had debts .
A man who knew how to use his height and weight ( if not with Mairia Cahill ’ s late but fearless Cork-born grandmother ) .
Getting close to Mary Lou ( or in NI ’ s case , Martin McGuinness if we ’ re to look at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use if neither operates autonomously at the top of Sinn Féin ’ s internal chain of command .
The other line , which arises from the media if not directly from party colleagues is that Martin ’ s tenure in office is everything to do with personal ambition .
I ’ ve met a fair few ambitious politicians in my time , few of them look or sound like Martin .
He may be criticised for modesty , lack of fire , snark or spike .
An inability to smile for the opportune @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the shallow reality show search for the beauty/uglyness of human authenticity ( even if the set up is evidently fake ) .
If you don ’ t believe me , try Jamie Barlett ’ s new BBC Sounds series ( all of it , but the last episode in particular on how Trump , the new standard “ how-low-can-you-go ” , populist , was made by reality TV ) … The Trump standard offered by leaders like Mary Lou and Michelle who aren ’ t really mistresses of their own houses is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seek to go down .
Innocents get hurt , and as Dennis Bradley says , the promises made are never paid .
Yet , as alluded to at the top some of the reasons for the advance of populist projects like Sinn Féin , Five Star , and whatever the current Le Penn vehicle is called in France these days lies at the feet of the centrists like Fianna Fáil and latterly Fine Gael .
As Eric Lonergan says in Angrynomics* , these parties and their analogues elsewhere treat tenure in government as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in fact the whole point of voting people into government is in order to change the conditions we live under .
As Eric notes towards the end of the book , the price paid , even in a country of relatively equal like the Republic has been ruinous for the rural west .
He writes , “ we need fundamentally new ideas about who owns what and who gets the returns to assets ” .
Reconnecting with the parish in one thing , but if this administration is to make good it has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lives of ordinary citizens regardless of where they live .
Hard when you feel you don ’ t deserve to be in the hard place you find yourself .
They could worse than heeding rule number one of Jordan Peterson ’ s 12 Rules for Life , An Antedote to Chaos , which is that… Or as one senior member of the Northern Irish press corp said this week , ‘ wise up ’ .
To which Dr. Peterson ’ s younger alter ego might add , and ‘ grow a pair ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help get it fixed .
Or get out of the way of it being fixed in a way that treats “ all the children of the nation equally ” .
That , as Elaine Byrne rightly notes in the Sunday Business Post , also means strengthening local democracy .
After 20 years of failed government in NI , betting Sinn Féin , be they Greens or Fianna Fáil rebels will do anything it promises is not even a long shot .
As one northern friend said , however tough it is if Fianna @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is nothing .
The cards have been played .
*If you haven ’ t seen it already this week ’ s podcast interview with Eric on # Angrynomics is below .
Do give it a listen : Photo by geralt is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

Miriam Lord captures well how the loud complaints from Fianna Fáil TDs who did not get the nod for a ministerial seat, with the headline: Martin sparks Olympian levels of whingeing in Fianna Fáil (she’s worth a subscription to the paper alone).
Two thoughts strike me in response. One is that those complaining that the west wasn’t represented well enough ought to reflect on just how ineffective the method of putting in TDs who physically represent western constituency has been over the years.
The flow of voters in the west leaving the big two continues so that despite the fact that this convention has been in place almost since the founding of the state, it isn’t working. Something the two larger government parties surely have to recognise by now.
It may feel fair sitting in Government House, but the voters of the parish just get angrier and angrier with the trickle-up economics that feeds Dublin and the cities of the seaboard. So, first, they defected to the independents, now to Sinn Féin.
The truth is that both parties are so depleted neither of them can form a government without the other, so the picks are limited to whomever they think has the talent and/or the loyalty to turn things around. And in loyalty, it is Martin who has the problems.
Many of those now unhappy with Martin’s arrangements believe that throwing their cap in with the old enemy is a political third rail, and believe the better longer-term option for the party was to sit this dance out and take the damage in a new election.
In any near run result, having so openly Fine Gael rejected the party would come under huge pressure to choose Sinn Féin as leaders of the next government with themselves either as juniors or supporting them from the opposition benches.
Having just spent four years in the latter space, and having witnessed just how profoundly it helped to further hollow out their historic brand, the former would have been the only realistic option. No party in NI has ever prospered in such circumstances.
You only have to see how the west Belfast leadership overrode the common sense of rural folks like Conor Murphy, Michelle ONeill and even the Gaoth Dobhair based Pearse Doherty who must have known just how it would go down with rural voters.
Democratic centralism means they must follow orders even for someone unknown to the public but to whom that leadership had debts. A man who knew how to use his height and weight (if not with Mairia Cahill’s late but fearless Cork-born grandmother).
Getting close to Mary Lou (or in NI’s case, Martin McGuinness if we’re to look at established records) is of no strategic use if neither operates autonomously at the top of Sinn Féin’s internal chain of command.
The other line, which arises from the media if not directly from party colleagues is that Martin’s tenure in office is everything to do with personal ambition. I’ve met a fair few ambitious politicians in my time, few of them look or sound like Martin.
He may be criticised for modesty, lack of fire, snark or spike. An inability to smile for the opportune selfie, maybe. A personal distaste for the shallow reality show search for the beauty/uglyness of human authenticity (even if the set up is evidently fake).
If you don’t believe me, try Jamie Barlett’s new BBC Sounds series (all of it, but the last episode in particular on how Trump, the new standard “how-low-can-you-go”, populist, was made by reality TV)…
Our series "Watching Us" argues that reality TV helped create the modern world. It normalised surveillance as entertainment before Facebook, and blurred the lines between truth & fiction. By 2016 it created Trump too. Catch up on previous eps here:https://t.co/XeNNj1F33S
/end — Jamie Bartlett (@JamieJBartlett) July 5, 2020
The Trump standard offered by leaders like Mary Lou and Michelle who aren’t really mistresses of their own houses is not a road any mainstream party should seek to go down. Innocents get hurt, and as Dennis Bradley says, the promises made are never paid.
Yet, as alluded to at the top some of the reasons for the advance of populist projects like Sinn Féin, Five Star, and whatever the current Le Penn vehicle is called in France these days lies at the feet of the centrists like Fianna Fáil and latterly Fine Gael.
As Eric Lonergan says in Angrynomics*, these parties and their analogues elsewhere treat tenure in government as some class of managerial test, when in fact the whole point of voting people into government is in order to change the conditions we live under.
As Eric notes towards the end of the book, the price paid, even in a country of relatively equal like the Republic has been ruinous for the rural west. He writes, “we need fundamentally new ideas about who owns what and who gets the returns to assets”.
Reconnecting with the parish in one thing, but if this administration is to make good it has to make a huge difference to the lives of ordinary citizens regardless of where they live. Hard when you feel you don’t deserve to be in the hard place you find yourself.
They could worse than heeding rule number one of Jordan Peterson’s 12 Rules for Life, An Antedote to Chaos, which is that…
…to stand up straight with your shoulders back means building the ark that protects the world from the flood, guiding your people through the desert after they have escaped tyranny, making your way away from comfortable home and country and speaking the prophetic word to those who ignore the widows and the children. [Emphasis added]
Or as one senior member of the Northern Irish press corp said this week, ‘wise up’. To which Dr. Peterson’s younger alter ego might add, and ‘grow a pair’…
If the country needs fixing, help get it fixed. Or get out of the way of it being fixed in a way that treats “all the children of the nation equally”. That, as Elaine Byrne rightly notes in the Sunday Business Post, also means strengthening local democracy.
After 20 years of failed government in NI, betting Sinn Féin, be they Greens or Fianna Fáil rebels will do anything it promises is not even a long shot. As one northern friend said, however tough it is if Fianna Fáil is not a party of government it is nothing.
The cards have been played.
*If you haven’t seen it already this week’s podcast interview with Eric on #Angrynomics is below. Do give it a listen:
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Photo by geralt is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-07-06--Integrating society, creating shared spaces, enabling conversations

Integrated education should not be perceived as a threat to anyone ’ s sense of identity , but the sector needs to consider how it promotes itself across all of the community , says Roisin Marshall , chief executive of the Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education ( NICIE ) .
She was talking in the latest Forward Together podcast from the Holywell Trust .
“ Integration isn ’ t about dumbing down anyone ’ s identity , ” she says .
“ It ’ s about enabling people to have conversations which are sometimes about not agreeing with each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with one another and learning to live with the differences that we hold as part of our core being.
” Roisin suggests that parents and their children should not feel that support for their Catholic or Protestant – or other – religious identity is compromised by enrolling with an integrated school .
In fact , Roisin adds , “ those are the types of people that we need and want in integrated education… if we create schools that are all about creating people who are not wanting to identify as one or t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re ignoring a really important , probably the majority , if you ’ re really honest about it , of people who are very , very comfortable and confident in their own identity .
And that ’ s really important.
” She adds : “ We have a very specific mission : we are trying to create spaces where we are comfortable with our own identity , whatever that may be .
But we ’ re also willing to not just respect , but also engage with , the cultural identities of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all differences that there are in our society : different family blends , different needs that people have , different family make-ups.
” Roisin admits that there is probably a lack of understanding by parents whose children do not attend integrated schools about how they are managed and their objectives .
And they may feel that supporting an integrated school is preventing children attending schools that they are more familiar with and which are also good .
“ But , fundamentally , we are about educating children from Protestant , Catholic and other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ So we ’ re trying to say that educating children together is a good thing .
We have to accept other people may say that isn ’ t a good thing , but I ’ ve very rarely met people who didn ’ t think that educating children together was a good thing .
“ All schools are diverse .
There ’ s diversity in every school , whether it ’ s a Catholic maintained school , or a controlled school , or a grammar school , or an integrated school , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ type of school .
I suppose it ’ s about maybe how we reach out , how we reframe what it is that we ’ re talking about .
Most people don ’ t really understand the different [ types of ] management of schools , but they know good schools .
They know there are Protestant and Catholic , grammar special .
And they also know there are integrated schools.
” But if the integrated schools sector is to continue to grow it perhaps needs to associate itself more clearly with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ How do you make any changes ?
, ” asks Roisin .
“ You want people to realize that they need to make that change .
You want people to understand that there is a call to action .
They have to do something .
And the people in their own daily lives can make little changes .
And we used to have that one small step campaign , which I thought was very clever .
But , you know , it ’ s about making changes in your own life .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ you want government to support changes .
“ So I ’ m a top down and bottom up , simultaneously , type person .
Integrated education is certainly a bottom up movement .
That ’ s why I think it ’ s so successful and sustainable because people have wanted to make changes and have owned the changes that they ’ ve been making.
” Roisin continues : “ Our next challenge is , rather than just say we ’ re open and welcome , we would invite people to come to our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something more proactive ?
Do we need to reach out in other ways ?
” Parents need to be persuaded to consider options beyond the ones that are obvious for them , the schools that are well known and with a specific reputation .
“ You ’ re constantly trying to work on being a shared space .
And it isn ’ t an easy option .
It ’ s much , much more difficult to actually try and be genuinely inclusive of people who have very different viewpoints on how they want @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we are truly to give our children the best educational experience , then it is about saying , well , how do I hold this position very , very dear to me and how do I hold it ?
But at the same time , understand that someone else may have a very different perspective on the world .
And how do I live with that ?
“ And if we ’ re not teaching our children from a young age how to do that , well , then it ’ s not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that as adults they are going to struggle with that in later life.
” This latest podcast in the second Forward Together series is available here on the website of peace and reconciliation charity Holywell Trust .
It is funded by the Community Relations Council ’ s Media Grant Scheme .
Disclaimer : This project has received support from the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council which aims to promote a pluralist society characterised by equity , respect for diversity , and recognition of interdependence .
The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those @ @ @ @ @ @

Integrated education should not be perceived as a threat to anyone’s sense of identity, but the sector needs to consider how it promotes itself across all of the community, says Roisin Marshall, chief executive of the Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education (NICIE). She was talking in the latest Forward Together podcast from the Holywell Trust.
“Integration isn’t about dumbing down anyone’s identity,” she says. “It’s about enabling people to have conversations which are sometimes about not agreeing with each other, but actually learning to live with one another and learning to live with the differences that we hold as part of our core being.”
Roisin suggests that parents and their children should not feel that support for their Catholic or Protestant – or other – religious identity is compromised by enrolling with an integrated school. In fact, Roisin adds, “those are the types of people that we need and want in integrated education… if we create schools that are all about creating people who are not wanting to identify as one or t’other, well, then we’re ignoring a really important, probably the majority, if you’re really honest about it, of people who are very, very comfortable and confident in their own identity. And that’s really important.”
She adds: “We have a very specific mission: we are trying to create spaces where we are comfortable with our own identity, whatever that may be. But we’re also willing to not just respect, but also engage with, the cultural identities of others. And that goes right across all differences that there are in our society: different family blends, different needs that people have, different family make-ups.”
Roisin admits that there is probably a lack of understanding by parents whose children do not attend integrated schools about how they are managed and their objectives. And they may feel that supporting an integrated school is preventing children attending schools that they are more familiar with and which are also good.
“But, fundamentally, we are about educating children from Protestant, Catholic and other beliefs all together in one school. So we’re trying to say that educating children together is a good thing. We have to accept other people may say that isn’t a good thing, but I’ve very rarely met people who didn’t think that educating children together was a good thing.
“All schools are diverse. There’s diversity in every school, whether it’s a Catholic maintained school, or a controlled school, or a grammar school, or an integrated school, or a special school, no matter what type of school. I suppose it’s about maybe how we reach out, how we reframe what it is that we’re talking about. Most people don’t really understand the different [types of] management of schools, but they know good schools. They know there are Protestant and Catholic, grammar special. And they also know there are integrated schools.”
But if the integrated schools sector is to continue to grow it perhaps needs to associate itself more clearly with a desire to change Northern Irish society. “How do you make any changes?,” asks Roisin. “You want people to realize that they need to make that change. You want people to understand that there is a call to action. They have to do something. And the people in their own daily lives can make little changes. And we used to have that one small step campaign, which I thought was very clever. But, you know, it’s about making changes in your own life. But then on a macro level, you want government to support changes.
“So I’m a top down and bottom up, simultaneously, type person. Integrated education is certainly a bottom up movement. That’s why I think it’s so successful and sustainable because people have wanted to make changes and have owned the changes that they’ve been making.”
Roisin continues: “Our next challenge is, rather than just say we’re open and welcome, we would invite people to come to our school. Do we need to do something more proactive? Do we need to reach out in other ways?” Parents need to be persuaded to consider options beyond the ones that are obvious for them, the schools that are well known and with a specific reputation.
“You’re constantly trying to work on being a shared space. And it isn’t an easy option. It’s much, much more difficult to actually try and be genuinely inclusive of people who have very different viewpoints on how they want to live their life. But if we are truly to give our children the best educational experience, then it is about saying, well, how do I hold this position very, very dear to me and how do I hold it? But at the same time, understand that someone else may have a very different perspective on the world. And how do I live with that?
“And if we’re not teaching our children from a young age how to do that, well, then it’s not beyond the realm of possibility to say that as adults they are going to struggle with that in later life.”
This latest podcast in the second Forward Together series is available here on the website of peace and reconciliation charity Holywell Trust. It is funded by the Community Relations Council’s Media Grant Scheme.
Disclaimer: This project has received support from the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council which aims to promote a pluralist society characterised by equity, respect for diversity, and recognition of interdependence. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of the Community Relations Council.


sluggerotoole--2020-07-06--Loyalism must succeed where Sinn Fein has failed…

Moore Holmes is a Loyalist from East Belfast .
You can find him on Twitter I have a fond memory of my dad telling me how foolish he thought the phrase , “ learn from your mistakes.
” Each time it came up in a conversation , he ’ d half-chuckle and half-scoff , provocatively asking , “ why not learn from someone else ’ s mistakes and save yourself the hassle ?
” Although my dad would be at pains to point out that I ’ ve sung “ Fathers Advice ” far more than I ’ ve ever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ merit from those words of wisdom to our current predicament , as Loyalism reflects and responds to Sinn Féin ’ s most recent high profile mistake .
In the face of Sinn Féin ’ s hypocritical disregard for public safety , I understand the real temptation to be belligerent and proceed as if lockdown has all but come to an end .
After all , if the joint leader of Northern Ireland does not think it important to follow the guidelines , why should anyone else ?
But with Bonfire Night and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , this sort of thinking could have profound consequences for society .
In my opinion , it is short-sighted and reckless .
Commentators have compared Sinn Féin ’ s actions at Bobby Storey ’ s funeral to giving the public the “ two fingers.
” Some could again argue , it ’ s natural that a part of us , angered by their blatant disregard for the rules they helped create , are now entitled to return Sinn Fein the gesture .
But that too would be impulsive and self-defeating .
It would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for their contemptible actions , only to repeat those actions a fortnight later .
“ Do as I say , not as I do ” was a common criticism of Sinn Fein , but for Loyalists , it would become , “ do as they say , do as they do , ” if we followed Sinn Féin ’ s lead in ignoring the health regulations for our own interests .
In my opinion , Loyalism would do best not to engage in a race to the bottom by trying to even the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ game and will advance the inaccurate negative perception of our community , all the while providing cover for Sinn Fein and their inexcusable behaviour .
Retaliating by repeating Sinn Féin ’ s errors will only serve to equate elements of our community with the problem and attract the same form of criticism and condemnation .
This would be all the more egregious because up until this point the Loyalist community have played an important role in being part of the solution .
Throughout the pandemic , the overwhelming majority of our community have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ heartwarming to see and hear of the tremendous humanitarian effort within Loyalist quarters .
Many of whom have been working around the clock , often unseen and unheard of , desiring no praise or attention , providing essential services for vulnerable people in our society .
( One volunteer I spoke to delivers over forty food packs a day . )
By no means is this exclusive to the Loyalist community of course , but as a Loyalist myself , I take particular pride in the fact that during this unprecedented crisis my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mark .
Which is all the more reason we should tread carefully now that our cultural events are round the corner and Sinn Féin ’ s self-entitlement has ignited some dangerous impulses .
There is divided opinion about this years bands and bonfires within the Loyalist family .
Even though it only stated support for “ safe and sensible ” bonfires , the statement from East Belfast Cultural Collective last night about the resumption of bonfires was met with cheers and groans from members of the same household .
And while I respect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the debate – the question of will they or won ’ t they take place is largely immaterial .
Whether you support them or not , bands and bonfires are going to take place this year in some capacity .
Some of that is down to “ returning the gesture , ” and much of it is also because lockdown is progressively easing and the growing fatigue toward it .
Over 80 parade notices have been submitted to the parades commission thus far and we are already seeing bonfires sprouting up across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see more .
In simple terms , the bus is leaving whether you are on it or not .
Whether that ’ s a happy or sad reality for you , it ’ s a reality nonetheless .
All that ’ s left to be determined therefore is in what capacity will these bands and bonfires take place ?
How will they respect public health regulations , if they do so at all ?
This is where the Loyalist conversation should go .
I , for the record , support the local resumption @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the public health regulations .
That should be the condition upon which support is given .
But I equally contend , that I do not for one second believe the guidance will be followed in the absence of the following two recommendations : • A strong and precise public health message for all participants and attendees of bonfires and bands to adhere to .
• Vocal and visual grassroots leadership accompanied by stewarding on the ground to ensure public health advice is effectively followed .
Some will dismiss this approach and believe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ naivety , or unfounded optimism , but I am of the opinion that with the right application of the two recommendations above a regulatory abiding celebration can be done – it must be done .
For those that believe it too much of a risk , this approach will be considered too far .
For those who want to “ return the gesture , ” it won ’ t be far enough .
Either way , we must realise and accept that Loyalism will be centre stage in a weeks time .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hoping we forget our lines .
It ’ s imperative we starve those critics .
Instead , we must showcase a safe celebration respectful of the public health emergency and unashamedly proud of our heritage .
Any celebration that proceeds must be conscious of the public health risks and take deliberate and effective measures to ensure the regulations are upheld .
If such measures are applied , instead of becoming a health hazard to our community , our cultural celebrations will raise the spirit of our community in a way that only our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make our own mistakes , why not learn from Sinn Féin and save ourselves the hassle ?
This years celebration promises to be , because of its uniqueness , the most memorable Loyalist celebrations of our lifetime .
Let ’ s make sure they are remembered for the right reasons .
In order to achieve that , Loyalism must succeed where Sinn Fein has failed .
“ DSC_0095 ” by domsball63 is licensed under CC BY

Moore Holmes is a Loyalist from East Belfast. You can find him on Twitter
I have a fond memory of my dad telling me how foolish he thought the phrase, “learn from your mistakes.” Each time it came up in a conversation, he’d half-chuckle and half-scoff, provocatively asking, “why not learn from someone else’s mistakes and save yourself the hassle?”
Although my dad would be at pains to point out that I’ve sung “Fathers Advice” far more than I’ve ever heeded it, there is something of merit from those words of wisdom to our current predicament, as Loyalism reflects and responds to Sinn Féin’s most recent high profile mistake.
In the face of Sinn Féin’s hypocritical disregard for public safety, I understand the real temptation to be belligerent and proceed as if lockdown has all but come to an end. After all, if the joint leader of Northern Ireland does not think it important to follow the guidelines, why should anyone else?
But with Bonfire Night and the Twelfth-at-home celebration just over a week away, this sort of thinking could have profound consequences for society. In my opinion, it is short-sighted and reckless.
Commentators have compared Sinn Féin’s actions at Bobby Storey’s funeral to giving the public the “two fingers.” Some could again argue, it’s natural that a part of us, angered by their blatant disregard for the rules they helped create, are now entitled to return Sinn Fein the gesture.
But that too would be impulsive and self-defeating. It would make little sense to chastise Sinn Fein for their contemptible actions, only to repeat those actions a fortnight later. “Do as I say, not as I do” was a common criticism of Sinn Fein, but for Loyalists, it would become, “do as they say, do as they do,” if we followed Sinn Féin’s lead in ignoring the health regulations for our own interests.
In my opinion, Loyalism would do best not to engage in a race to the bottom by trying to even the score. It’s a zero-sum game and will advance the inaccurate negative perception of our community, all the while providing cover for Sinn Fein and their inexcusable behaviour.
Retaliating by repeating Sinn Féin’s errors will only serve to equate elements of our community with the problem and attract the same form of criticism and condemnation. This would be all the more egregious because up until this point the Loyalist community have played an important role in being part of the solution.
Throughout the pandemic, the overwhelming majority of our community have been exemplary. It’s been heartwarming to see and hear of the tremendous humanitarian effort within Loyalist quarters.
Many of whom have been working around the clock, often unseen and unheard of, desiring no praise or attention, providing essential services for vulnerable people in our society. (One volunteer I spoke to delivers over forty food packs a day.)
By no means is this exclusive to the Loyalist community of course, but as a Loyalist myself, I take particular pride in the fact that during this unprecedented crisis my community has admirably stepped up to the mark.
Which is all the more reason we should tread carefully now that our cultural events are round the corner and Sinn Féin’s self-entitlement has ignited some dangerous impulses.
There is divided opinion about this years bands and bonfires within the Loyalist family. Even though it only stated support for “safe and sensible” bonfires, the statement from East Belfast Cultural Collective last night about the resumption of bonfires was met with cheers and groans from members of the same household.
And while I respect the rationale of those on both sides of the debate – the question of will they or won’t they take place is largely immaterial. Whether you support them or not, bands and bonfires are going to take place this year in some capacity. Some of that is down to “returning the gesture,” and much of it is also because lockdown is progressively easing and the growing fatigue toward it.
Over 80 parade notices have been submitted to the parades commission thus far and we are already seeing bonfires sprouting up across the province – no doubt we will see more. In simple terms, the bus is leaving whether you are on it or not. Whether that’s a happy or sad reality for you, it’s a reality nonetheless.
All that’s left to be determined therefore is in what capacity will these bands and bonfires take place? How will they respect public health regulations, if they do so at all?
This is where the Loyalist conversation should go. I, for the record, support the local resumption of bonfires and parades assuming they adhere to the public health regulations. That should be the condition upon which support is given. But I equally contend, that I do not for one second believe the guidance will be followed in the absence of the following two recommendations:
A strong and precise public health message for all participants and attendees of bonfires and bands to adhere to. Vocal and visual grassroots leadership accompanied by stewarding on the ground to ensure public health advice is effectively followed.
Some will dismiss this approach and believe breaching the guidelines inevitable. Perhaps it naivety, or unfounded optimism, but I am of the opinion that with the right application of the two recommendations above a regulatory abiding celebration can be done – it must be done.
For those that believe it too much of a risk, this approach will be considered too far. For those who want to “return the gesture,” it won’t be far enough.
Either way, we must realise and accept that Loyalism will be centre stage in a weeks time. And our audience? A gallery of critics hoping we forget our lines. It’s imperative we starve those critics. Instead, we must showcase a safe celebration respectful of the public health emergency and unashamedly proud of our heritage.
Any celebration that proceeds must be conscious of the public health risks and take deliberate and effective measures to ensure the regulations are upheld. If such measures are applied, instead of becoming a health hazard to our community, our cultural celebrations will raise the spirit of our community in a way that only our bonfires and bands can.
Rather than make our own mistakes, why not learn from Sinn Féin and save ourselves the hassle? This years celebration promises to be, because of its uniqueness, the most memorable Loyalist celebrations of our lifetime. Let’s make sure they are remembered for the right reasons. In order to achieve that, Loyalism must succeed where Sinn Fein has failed.
“DSC_0095” by domsball63 is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-07-05--How much of the extra £33m dividend from UK Culture Secretary will be spent on NI arts? (updated wit

How much of the extra £33m dividend from UK Culture Secretary will be spent on NI arts? (updated with statement from Communities Minister)

A major injection of £1.57bn into the cultural sector by the UK Culture Secretary Oliver Dowden may prematurely raise the hopes of Northern Ireland artists that their industry is finally set to receive the relief and attention that many other areas of business have already enjoyed .
Arts , creative and cultural workers in Northern Ireland have felt particular pain during the COVID-19 lockdown .
Theatres , music venues and galleries have been dark for months .
The nature of theatre and artistic programmes mean that many freelancers are employed on short-term contracts for the duration of a particular show @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their performing income , but back stage and front of house staff don ’ t have the same opportunities .
Many couldn ’ t be furloughed , and some – with a mix of freelance and PAYE incomes – also fell outside the HMRC self-employment scheme .
Some small schemes offered funds were set up to fund artists to produce short pieces of work , though the artistic community rightly commented that not every role in the sector was always eligible to apply ( lighting designer , stage manager ) , and not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ video .
Generally , when extra money is spent on initiatives in England ( or only England and Wales , or just England , Scotland and Wales ) , the ( crude ) Barnett Formula is used to derive the proportion of extra block grant that the remaining devolved administrations will receive .
In this case £97m will be given to Scotland , £59m for Wales and £33m for Northern Ireland .
On 30 June , Finance Minister Conor Murphy told the NI Assembly that “ the Executive has received Barnett consequentials of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ COVID-19 ” .
Just because extra funding is received because of an investment in English policing doesn ’ t mean that the money has to be spent on Northern Ireland policing .
The money goes into the NI Executive ’ s pot and can be allocated as they see fit .
There may be a moral obligation to ring-fence it for a particular purpose ; however , hypothecation is not guaranteed to match the most pressing needs on local budgets .
The question for the NI Executive is how much of the expected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sector ?
Just in case you feel that left-wing luvvies living bohemian lifestyles off the back of government subsidies are already well-supported in Northern Ireland , consider these statistics , unearthed in a fact-check by FactCheckNI last year .
If government spending along with National Lottery funding is compared across the Arts Council of Northern Ireland , Arts Council England , Creative Scotland and the Arts Council of Wales – calculated per head of population , using 2016/17 figures published by the House of Commons Library – then Northern Ireland ( £6.06 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in England ( £12.97 ) , Scotland ( £12.39 ) or Wales ( £13.29 ) .
In some ways , the Cinderella nature of the local cultural sector is reflected in the demise of the Department of Culture , Arts and Leisure in the reorganisation of Executive departments .
Coincidentally , DCAL ’ s final minister is now minister for department ( Communities ) with responsibility for arts and sport amongst its large portfolio that also spans welfare benefits , housing , urban regeneration , historic environment .
While the Arts Council NI @ @ @ @ @ @ @ artists during lockdown , the largest intervention so far was made last week with the somewhat overdue but welcome launch of a £4m lifeline for the arts by Communities Minister Carál Ní Chuilín .
Will the minister and her Executive colleagues listen to the recent briefing by the Arts Collaboration Network at a recent meeting of the Committee for Communities and pass this funding onto cultural sector ?
Or will it find other priorities ?
As a society we could probably live without sport .
But we ’ d have to swallow the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and any impact on the well-being and health of those who partake or spectate .
So essentially , we shouldn ’ t .
Similarly with the arts .
Part of Northern Ireland ’ s tourism is based around being a land of saints and scholars , poets and playwrights .
And for the sake of the 1.89 million people living in Northern Ireland , are we content not to have access to fresh ideas , challenging critiques , and a modicum of mindless entertainment in the years to come ?
“ Whilst ultimately @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decide on how this money should be spent , the argument for a comprehensive package of support to local musicians , freelancers , theatres , artists , museums and the heritage sector at a time when they are struggling to recover from the Covid-19 pandemic can not be overstated .
“ Last week I announced that the sector is to benefit from an initial £4m from Executive funds , however it was always expected that much more additional finance would be required to help protect the sector that is vital to our economy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strong representations to my Executive colleagues at the earliest opportunity on how this money should be spent to ensure the short term and long term sustainability of the sector .
”


sluggerotoole--2020-07-07--Is Now The Right Time for Brexit?

Is Now The Right Time for Brexit?

If Covid 19 has taught us one thing , we are not ready for a crisis to be sprung upon us .
Stormont has been constantly criticised for its slow response , crucially regarding the PPE fiasco .
The Brexit crisis however has been four years in the making meaning we should be preparing right ?
Recently some Northern Ireland MPs have advocated for a Brexit extension .
However is Brexit at this time really a bad idea ?
As a pro European supporter I can be forgiven if some asked me if I am sick or or thinking straight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want to firstly reaffirm my pro European stance and my support for remaining in the EU .
On the other hand I very proudly stand as an optimist and being very direct and straight forward and the Brexit situation is simple….it IS going to happen .
Our valiant and noble attempts to remain are done .
The remain ship has sailed for now and at this time we need to be honest with ourselves Brexit is going to happen .
Furthermore we have a Prime Minister despite his inept bumbling attitude is determined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s not kid ourselves we face a massive uphill task with a looming Coronavirus recession whereby we could potentially have millions across the UK unemployed and needing support via the welfare system .
Albeit a situation that no-one could have predicted but unless we face up to this together then we will have no chance to overcome it .
The same can be said for Brexit .
We know it is coming , we know the government is eager to get it done .
So let ’ s just face the music @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it .
There will be plenty of opportunities to reseek membership to the European Union but at this moment in time the best thing for us is to get Brexit finally done and move forward to the next battle .
So when is a good time for Brexit ?
In essence ?
Never !
There is never a perfect time to exit a mammoth organisation such as the European Union and it was never going to be an easy task .
In this respect what if Covid 19 is the perfect time to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a Coronavirus recession , job losses etc even though it is a horrible situation to think about perhaps Brexit happening at the same time would be better than it happening after .
If Brexit was extended then its consequences could be delayed until after a Covid 19 recession meaning job losses , Economic decline and businesses closing would go on for years .
However if both a Covid 19 recession and Brexit happened at the same time then this potential long term economic crisis would occur over a shorter period of time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by then we can boast that both the Covid 19 recession and Brexit are done and overcome at the same time meaning we can finally move on from both .
Why would we let any crisis drag on when we can deal with both at the same time and move on from both at the same time ?
“ _1038086.jpg ” by Stephen.Bingham is licensed under CC BY-SA

If Covid 19 has taught us one thing, we are not ready for a crisis to be sprung upon us. Stormont has been constantly criticised for its slow response, crucially regarding the PPE fiasco. The Brexit crisis however has been four years in the making meaning we should be preparing right? Recently some Northern Ireland MPs have advocated for a Brexit extension. However is Brexit at this time really a bad idea?
As a pro European supporter I can be forgiven if some asked me if I am sick or or thinking straight but unfortunately Brexit is inevitable. I want to firstly reaffirm my pro European stance and my support for remaining in the EU. On the other hand I very proudly stand as an optimist and being very direct and straight forward and the Brexit situation is simple….it IS going to happen. Our valiant and noble attempts to remain are done. The remain ship has sailed for now and at this time we need to be honest with ourselves Brexit is going to happen. Furthermore we have a Prime Minister despite his inept bumbling attitude is determined to GET BREXIT DONE!!
Let’s not kid ourselves we face a massive uphill task with a looming Coronavirus recession whereby we could potentially have millions across the UK unemployed and needing support via the welfare system. Albeit a situation that no-one could have predicted but unless we face up to this together then we will have no chance to overcome it.
The same can be said for Brexit. We know it is coming, we know the government is eager to get it done. So let’s just face the music for now and work together to overcome it. There will be plenty of opportunities to reseek membership to the European Union but at this moment in time the best thing for us is to get Brexit finally done and move forward to the next battle.
So when is a good time for Brexit? In essence? Never! There is never a perfect time to exit a mammoth organisation such as the European Union and it was never going to be an easy task. In this respect what if Covid 19 is the perfect time to exit the EU. Think about it, a Coronavirus recession, job losses etc even though it is a horrible situation to think about perhaps Brexit happening at the same time would be better than it happening after. If Brexit was extended then its consequences could be delayed until after a Covid 19 recession meaning job losses, Economic decline and businesses closing would go on for years. However if both a Covid 19 recession and Brexit happened at the same time then this potential long term economic crisis would occur over a shorter period of time. Once both issues have passed us by then we can boast that both the Covid 19 recession and Brexit are done and overcome at the same time meaning we can finally move on from both. Why would we let any crisis drag on when we can deal with both at the same time and move on from both at the same time?
“_1038086.jpg” by Stephen.Bingham is licensed under CC BY-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-07-07--Will genuine reconciliation ever be possible?

Alex Kane is never short of opinions ; after all , that is his job .
One of his latest tweets has gotten people talking : Alex does get stick for being a pessimist , but I prefer to think of him as a realist .
Over 25 years into our everlasting Peace Process™ are we really any further on ?
Both communities seem to be as separate as ever .
We have moved from the hot conflict of the Troubles to a long Cold War .
The latest Stormont ‘ Crisis ’ has further exposed the difficulties of having @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t stand each other .
I was one of those who saw the COVID crisis as a time to rebuild , a chance to do things differently – a reset as it were .
But in the past two weeks , I have been engulfed in a cloud of pessimism as we return to the same old petty squabbles .
The future looks grim—a potential second wave of COVID then a likely economic recession .
All week that John Lennon song God has been stuck in my head : Many of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that insurmountable , we have just decided not even to try .
We have some brilliant and able people in Northern Ireland , but the cynicism and pessimism grind them down , so they don ’ t even bother to try anymore .
We have embraced learned helplessness as our new national character .
Maybe it ’ s just the change in the weather that has brought upon the gloom .
I am very aware that it is up to all of us to build the society we want .
As the old @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think you can , or you think you can ’ t – you ’ re right ’ .
The John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band album is the soundtrack to John Lennon ’ s breakdown after the Beatles .
As such I know its not the most optimistic of ear worms .
Better to embrace his anthem of domestic contentment ‘ Watching the Wheels ’ : People asking questions , lost in confusion Well , I tell them there ’ s no problem , only solutions Well , they shake their heads and look at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my mind I tell them there ’ s no hurry , I ’ m just sitting here doing time I ’ m just sitting here watching the wheels go round and round I really love to watch them roll No longer riding on the merry-go-round , I just had to let it go Even in the depths of the gloom , we can at least try to live by the wise words of Viktor Frankl – ‘ When we are no longer able to change a situation , we are challenged to change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rest will come later .
“ Hands across the Divide ” by NH53 is licensed under CC BY

Alex Kane is never short of opinions; after all, that is his job. One of his latest tweets has gotten people talking:
I’ve spent many, many years, reflecting on the possibility of genuine reconciliation between unionism and republicanism (either in NI in UK, or in a united Ireland). My conclusion: it will never be possible. The chasms are now unbridgeable. — Alex.Kane (@AlexKane221b) July 6, 2020
Alex does get stick for being a pessimist, but I prefer to think of him as a realist.
Over 25 years into our everlasting Peace Process™ are we really any further on? Both communities seem to be as separate as ever.
We have moved from the hot conflict of the Troubles to a long Cold War.
The latest Stormont ‘Crisis’ has further exposed the difficulties of having two parties in power who just can’t stand each other.
I was one of those who saw the COVID crisis as a time to rebuild, a chance to do things differently – a reset as it were.
But in the past two weeks, I have been engulfed in a cloud of pessimism as we return to the same old petty squabbles.
The future looks grim—a potential second wave of COVID then a likely economic recession.
All week that John Lennon song God has been stuck in my head:
The dream is over
What can I say?
The dream is over
Yesterday
I was the Dreamweaver
But now I’m reborn
I was the Walrus
But now I’m John
And so dear friends
You’ll just have to carry on
The dream is over
Many of the issues we face in society are not that insurmountable, we have just decided not even to try. We have some brilliant and able people in Northern Ireland, but the cynicism and pessimism grind them down, so they don’t even bother to try anymore. We have embraced learned helplessness as our new national character.
Maybe it’s just the change in the weather that has brought upon the gloom. I am very aware that it is up to all of us to build the society we want. As the old Henry Ford quote goes ‘Whether you think you can, or you think you can’t – you’re right’.
The John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band album is the soundtrack to John Lennon’s breakdown after the Beatles. As such I know its not the most optimistic of ear worms. Better to embrace his anthem of domestic contentment ‘Watching the Wheels’:
People asking questions, lost in confusion
Well, I tell them there’s no problem, only solutions
Well, they shake their heads and look at me as if I’ve lost my mind
I tell them there’s no hurry, I’m just sitting here doing time I’m just sitting here watching the wheels go round and round
I really love to watch them roll
No longer riding on the merry-go-round, I just had to let it go
Even in the depths of the gloom, we can at least try to live by the wise words of Viktor Frankl – ‘When we are no longer able to change a situation, we are challenged to change ourselves.’
Heal yourself first, the rest will come later.
“Hands across the Divide” by NH53 is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-07-08--Assembly debate on the Storey debacle reveals a deeply rooted inequality-under-the-law problem..

Interesting how the motion moved and voted upon last night by Chris Stalford MLA of the DUP passed easily… That this Assembly acknowledges the immense sacrifices that people , families and communities have made during the COVID-19 emergency ; pays tribute to those who selflessly prioritised the need to keep each other safe above their own personal needs , particularly during times of trauma , loss and grief ; expresses disappointment in the actions of those in ministerial office who breached public guidance and failed to share in the sacrifice that we have asked of others ; implores members of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to continue acting in accordance with the regulations in order to keep each other safe and prevent further deaths ; recommits to upholding the spirit and the letter of the COVID-19 regulations and the related public health guidance ; and calls on the deputy First Minister and the Minister of Finance to apologise for their actions , which have caused immense hurt .
I ’ ve emboldened the key verbs in the piece .
It ’ s long on distancing from the actions of the dFM and short on punitive action .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ performative one .
If Michelle O ’ Neill has any political nous she will probably continue to ignore it .
Despite what her personal feelings may or may not be ( the SF vice president is genuinely liked in Stormont because she is genuinely personable ) her course has been set by the party ’ s shadow leadership , and it would be madness for her to say sorry now .
Indeed , research from Cambridge University shows that politicians who apologise even when they ’ ve been caught out in the wrong @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They respect politicians who stick to their guns even when they ’ re wrong .
So , on both levels ( one , not having the internal power to say otherwise , and good old human nature ) , Michelle is stuck with the Tar Baby the old IRA comrades of Bobby Storey stuck her to .
It ’ s not a particularly Irish trait as we see from Boris Johnson ’ s blustering performances in Britain , but it was Charlie Haughey once characterised this approach well when he set his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ never explain , never apologise ” .
If Sinn Féin has shipped damage over this incident it won ’ t be their failure to apologise , but their faltering and deeply strange attempts to explain their actions .
A snap election right now , should anyone be daft enough to call one , would be devastating .
What should trouble them is not only they have deeply disquieted some of their own members whole outside Mr Storey ’ s own west Belfast bubble , they have finally managed to create a single @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community .
Even the PBP MLA , Gerry Carrol who initially was initially reluctant to jump on the whole political scrum fed Mrs O ’ Neill ’ s words on the Black Lives Matter protest back to her , then commenting : Photo by qimono is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

Interesting how the motion moved and voted upon last night by Chris Stalford MLA of the DUP passed easily…
That this Assembly acknowledges the immense sacrifices that people, families and communities have made during the COVID-19 emergency; pays tribute to those who selflessly prioritised the need to keep each other safe above their own personal needs, particularly during times of trauma, loss and grief; expresses disappointment in the actions of those in ministerial office who breached public guidance and failed to share in the sacrifice that we have asked of others; implores members of the public to stay with us and to continue acting in accordance with the regulations in order to keep each other safe and prevent further deaths; recommits to upholding the spirit and the letter of the COVID-19 regulations and the related public health guidance; and calls on the deputy First Minister and the Minister of Finance to apologise for their actions, which have caused immense hurt.
I’ve emboldened the key verbs in the piece. It’s long on distancing from the actions of the dFM and short on punitive action. The call for an apology is largely a performative one. If Michelle O’Neill has any political nous she will probably continue to ignore it.
Despite what her personal feelings may or may not be (the SF vice president is genuinely liked in Stormont because she is genuinely personable) her course has been set by the party’s shadow leadership, and it would be madness for her to say sorry now.
Indeed, research from Cambridge University shows that politicians who apologise even when they’ve been caught out in the wrong become less well-liked over the longer term. They respect politicians who stick to their guns even when they’re wrong.
So, on both levels (one, not having the internal power to say otherwise, and good old human nature), Michelle is stuck with the Tar Baby the old IRA comrades of Bobby Storey stuck her to.
It’s not a particularly Irish trait as we see from Boris Johnson’s blustering performances in Britain, but it was Charlie Haughey once characterised this approach well when he set his golden rule for his own autocratic style “never explain, never apologise”.
If Sinn Féin has shipped damage over this incident it won’t be their failure to apologise, but their faltering and deeply strange attempts to explain their actions. A snap election right now, should anyone be daft enough to call one, would be devastating.
What should trouble them is not only they have deeply disquieted some of their own members whole outside Mr Storey’s own west Belfast bubble, they have finally managed to create a single narrative clearly understood by the whole wider community.
Even the PBP MLA, Gerry Carrol who initially was initially reluctant to jump on the whole political scrum fed Mrs O’Neill’s words on the Black Lives Matter protest back to her, then commenting:
There cannot be one rule for politicians and those in power and another rule for BAME protesters. The fines and threats against Black Lives Matter protesters must be dropped immediately. It is time for the deputy First Minister, and all Executive Ministers, to support this call. This hints at an enormous breach of the equality principle that has rarely been off the lips of Sinn Féin elected representatives down the years. It’s the core of the larger problems underlying this issue, ie that we are not all equal in the eyes of that party. In the words of one Sinn Féin voter in recent days, “the IRA really screwed up”. Playing around with the Irish culture of funerals was a bad idea. The Assembly, at least, had the good sense not to try and let Mrs O’Neill off the hook by trying to take her down. It’s telling that not even Sinn Féin MLA’s could bring themselves to vote against the motion, which I guess is the nearest to an apology those families who missed out on their own funerals to facilitate the ceremony at Roselawn last week are going to get.
Photo by qimono is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-07-08--#CargoOfBricks: Cooperation, looking outwards and maximising Northern Ireland’s advantage…

Episode Seven of # CargoOfBricks , is with Willie McCarter a man who brought Fruit of the Loom in from the US to expand his family business at a time when the Troubles were at their height and brought skilled jobs to both sides of the border : In it Willie tells us : • In the early 80s , with high-interest rates as governments tried to get inflation under control , the business was getting crushed on cost and prices .
With IDA support , they looked for a joint venture with a US company “ with deep pockets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , they went from 400 employees to 3000 , with six or seven plants in Donegal and two in Derry , producing a million teeshirts a week and 400,000 sweatshirts by adapting to new high volume tech and Fruit of the Loom ’ s model .
• How a fast build of a yarn mill on the Derry side came from an ‘ ask ’ from direct rule Minister Richard Needham and John Hume , commercial pressure from US head office , and flexibility of Invest NI predecessor Industrial Development Board .
Willie @ @ @ @ @ @ @ setting up of transnational businesses in border areas like Donegal and Derry has never been more opportunity with the ability to access global markets through the UK and European ones through the Republic .
If you are ( still ) really passionate about democratic politics , you ’ ll enjoy this very important book .
Meantime , see you next week .
You can subscribe to Cargo of Bricks , Slugger TV , and our other podcasts on Apple Podcasts | Google Podcasts or Spotify .

Episode Seven of #CargoOfBricks, is with Willie McCarter a man who brought Fruit of the Loom in from the US to expand his family business at a time when the Troubles were at their height and brought skilled jobs to both sides of the border:
In it Willie tells us:
In the early 80s, with high-interest rates as governments tried to get inflation under control, the business was getting crushed on cost and prices. With IDA support, they looked for a joint venture with a US company “with deep pockets”.
In a short time, they went from 400 employees to 3000, with six or seven plants in Donegal and two in Derry, producing a million teeshirts a week and 400,000 sweatshirts by adapting to new high volume tech and Fruit of the Loom’s model.
How a fast build of a yarn mill on the Derry side came from an ‘ask’ from direct rule Minister Richard Needham and John Hume, commercial pressure from US head office, and flexibility of Invest NI predecessor Industrial Development Board.
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Willie finished by saying that the case of setting up of transnational businesses in border areas like Donegal and Derry has never been more opportunity with the ability to access global markets through the UK and European ones through the Republic.
Meantime, see you next week. You can subscribe to Cargo of Bricks, Slugger TV, and our other podcasts on Apple Podcasts | Google Podcasts or Spotify. The following snippet from Facebook has subtitles:


sluggerotoole--2020-07-08--Dublin’s ‘shared island’ narrative signals an intent to save the institutions of the Belfast Agreeme

Dublin’s ‘shared island’ narrative signals an intent to save the institutions of the Belfast Agreement by actually using them

I really warmed to Brian Walker ’ s perceptive ( if someone rhetorical ) question in his headline last week , which read “ From united Ireland to a united island to a shared island .
What ’ s in a phrase ?
” It ’ s a good question , not because there is a difference in this government ’ s policy and the last ( it ’ s not actually a policy , more a shift in the frame through which policy might later flow ) , but as Brian has noted , the change occurred in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most discomfiting things about the last government ’ s north-south policy wasn ’ t so much that it was wrong , but more that it didn/t actually seem to exist for much of the time .
Sure there were speeches , and rhetoric , but very little action .
What emerges from this months ’ long process of wrangling is something quite different to what was initially put on the table , which suggests to me quite a lot of thought may have been put into ( at least by someone , if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
These frames are quite distinct .
One sets an open question which calls for divergent answers and participation from a maximal range of players .
The other derives from a closed question that already contains its own predetermined and definitive answer .
The second model provides very few opportunities that new players can buy into .
The first asks no constitutional entrance fee before you can play .
This is an absolutely key distinction .
It does not guarantee success but it tips government towards action .
It will help too that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ current Cabinet Office sits in Whitehall , ie at the confluence of all departmental activity , in the Department of the Taoiseach ( which is what Cummings and Co are trying to effect in London just now ) .
The absence of a clear future-focused action-oriented narrative has given prominence to the closed narrative of a border poll .
Not only is it impractical to call one , but it is an option on a commodity that those pushing for have stubbornly declined to detail .
It is like selling junk bonds in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the voter ) has absolutely zero access to any product information .
Just check Google in the last ten years to see how often it has been issued without anything remotely resembling a prospectus ?
More importantly , regardless of where it came from , it now gives the new Taoiseach Micheál Martin the chance to call time on the repetition of such grindingly empty phrases .
This morning the Irish Times reported… Now before people leap in , that ’ s not a simple ‘ hit Sinn Féin ’ conspiracy/agenda line @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , to the one cause that unites Micheál Martin ’ s own party ’ s historic mission with modern ( ie , Provisional ) Sinn Féin ’ s… Martin is also absolutely in line with Articles 2 and 3 in the Bunreacht na hÉireann , in which unity of the people clearly comes before any attempt to unify territory on a faux majoritarian principle that ’ s at odds with the spirit if not the letter of the GFA .
In material terms , Martin ’ s premiership ought to mark a return @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three strands of the Belfast Agreement , which is… • Stormont , with local politicians in control of most critical areas of domestic policy • North-South bodies and Ministerial council for practical cooperation over the extension of these policies • UK/NI/Republic framework for macro co-ordination over infrastructure and investment strategies within and between the islands Much of the last twenty years has consisted of political ball watching and just being content to block each other .
That may continue whatever changes Martin and Dublin tries to bring about , but it has at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moving .
And he personally doesn ’ t have an awful lot of time to do it in .
But it is my own feeling that the electorate in Northern Ireland are little fed up with the lack of ambition and delivery from their own domestic politicians .
It ’ s time we all asked for more .
Our potential is certainly a lot better than it has previously been taken to be… “ Good Friday Agreement ” by trendingtopics is licensed under CC BY

I really warmed to Brian Walker’s perceptive (if someone rhetorical) question in his headline (drawing directly on Etain Tannan’s work) last week, which read “From united Ireland to a united island to a shared island. What’s in a phrase?”
It’s a good question, not because there is a difference in this government’s policy and the last (it’s not actually a policy, more a shift in the frame through which policy might later flow), but as Brian has noted, the change occurred in the drafting of the PfG…
The draft document stated that the new unit in the Department of the Taoiseach seeks to build a ‘united’ island. The final document states that it seeks to build a ‘shared’ island. Thus, the document deliberately separates reconciliation and pragmatic cooperation from a united Ireland.
One of the most discomfiting things about the last government’s north-south policy wasn’t so much that it was wrong, but more that it didn/t actually seem to exist for much of the time. Sure there were speeches, and rhetoric, but very little action.
What emerges from this months’ long process of wrangling is something quite different to what was initially put on the table, which suggests to me quite a lot of thought may have been put into (at least by someone, if not all around the table itself).
These frames are quite distinct. One sets an open question which calls for divergent answers and participation from a maximal range of players. The other derives from a closed question that already contains its own predetermined and definitive answer.
The second model provides very few opportunities that new players can buy into. The first asks no constitutional entrance fee before you can play. This is an absolutely key distinction. It does not guarantee success but it tips government towards action.
It will help too that it sits in the place where the current Cabinet Office sits in Whitehall, ie at the confluence of all departmental activity, in the Department of the Taoiseach (which is what Cummings and Co are trying to effect in London just now).
The absence of a clear future-focused action-oriented narrative has given prominence to the closed narrative of a border poll. Not only is it impractical to call one, but it is an option on a commodity that those pushing for have stubbornly declined to detail.
It is like selling junk bonds in a market where the consumer (ie, the voter) has absolutely zero access to any product information. Just check Google in the last ten years to see how often it has been issued without anything remotely resembling a prospectus?
More importantly, regardless of where it came from, it now gives the new Taoiseach Micheál Martin the chance to call time on the repetition of such grindingly empty phrases. This morning the Irish Times reported…
Mr Martin told The Irish Times he would take a “pragmatic” approach and seek to promote “practical” co-operation between North and South and would not be pushing the British government for a Border poll. He said there were “two different philosophies and two approaches at work – one is just have a Border poll and get a majority, but mine is much more rooted in the Good Friday Agreement … a consensus approach”.
Now before people leap in, that’s not a simple ‘hit Sinn Féin’ conspiracy/agenda line. It goes much deeper than that, to the one cause that unites Micheál Martin’s own party’s historic mission with modern (ie, Provisional) Sinn Féin’s…
“The over-focus on the Border poll was too divisive and too partisan and ran counter to what Sinn Féin wanted to achieve. That is my view. I favour a different approach. For example, I favour a stronger North-South dimension now. He said Ms McDonald wanted to adopt “a more territorial, majoritarian approach whereas I prefer to develop a more consensus approach”. [Emphasis added]
Martin is also absolutely in line with Articles 2 and 3 in the Bunreacht na hÉireann, in which unity of the people clearly comes before any attempt to unify territory on a faux majoritarian principle that’s at odds with the spirit if not the letter of the GFA.
In material terms, Martin’s premiership ought to mark a return to full and muscular use of all three strands of the Belfast Agreement, which is…
Stormont, with local politicians in control of most critical areas of domestic policy
North-South bodies and Ministerial council for practical cooperation over the extension of these policies
UK/NI/Republic framework for macro co-ordination over infrastructure and investment strategies within and between the islands
Much of the last twenty years has consisted of political ball watching and just being content to block each other. That may continue whatever changes Martin and Dublin tries to bring about, but it has at least singled it intention to get things moving.
And he personally doesn’t have an awful lot of time to do it in. But it is my own feeling that the electorate in Northern Ireland are little fed up with the lack of ambition and delivery from their own domestic politicians. It’s time we all asked for more.
Our potential is certainly a lot better than it has previously been taken to be…
“When we treat man as he is we make him worse than he is. When we treat him as if he already was what he potentially could be, we make him what he should be.” Johann Wolfgang von Goethe
“Good Friday Agreement” by trendingtopics is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-07-09--The DUP must decide whether to lead… or follow Sinn Féin

There has been little to celebrate these past few months .
But as someone born and raised in Northern Ireland , and whose home is now across the Atlantic , I confess to having felt enormous pride recently at the Northern Ireland Executive ’ s handling of COVID-19 , and the characteristic resolve with which the people of Northern Ireland have faced our viral enemy .
But then Bobby Storey died and Sinn Féin raised a middle finger to all who have suffered through isolation to protect themselves and their community , in accordance with guidelines laid down by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Michelle O ’ Neill .
It ’ s fitting , of course , that a thug like Storey should find one final opportunity beyond his mortal life to bring heartache to the same land and people he helped terrorize as an Underboss in that most Republican of mafias .
Like a low budget Tony Soprano , with far less humanity and way more human tragedy .
Were this a Netflix drama we might say that Storey got the last laugh .
But that , along with every other laugh since the Bobby @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Michelle O ’ Neill , who knows that the peculiarities of Northern Irish politics mean that she will face no accountability for her actions .
At least in the short term .
The Executive will not fall over this issue .
Too much is at stake in our new COVID reality .
Public health , obviously , but also the knowledge that were devolution to fail now , it may not get up again .
For better or worse , the DUP finds itself locked in government with Sinn Féin .
But like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and condemned to endure perpetual comparisons with the respective achievements , virtues , and foibles of their sibling , this post-Storey journey with Sinn Féin offers the DUP an opportunity to elevate their status amongst those who don ’ t think of themselves as strident unionists .
But it requires a radically different approach than the DUP has exhibited in recent memory .
The party of RHI must make respect for the electorate its watchword .
In this time of COVID , that respect begins and ends with both advocating for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rigorously .
On the eve of the 12th Season , a test awaits .
There have been predictable voices from the more extreme fringes of unionism and loyalism calling for marches to proceed as they would any other year .
Those same voices point at the Storey funeral as evidence that their cause is just .
As ever in Northern Ireland , whataboutism abounds .
The DUP should advocate vigorously against such voices .
And if there is any doubt that this approach is the correct one , they need only consider one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and many beyond , know how profoundly important the marching season is to those of the unionist tradition .
To give it up , even for one year , is perhaps the most solemn act of respect unionism could pay to all the people in the province .
And such acts do not go unrecognized .
The Orange Order is already leading on this issue with it ’ s 12th at Home campaign .
And there are community voices fighting this cause valiantly too , like DUP councillor Dale Pankhurst who knows @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an appropriate funeral for a loved one during COVID .
Anyone who follows Pankhurst on Twitter knows how passionate he is about loyalist cultural celebration , and also how devoted he was to his recently departed grandmother .
Unlike Michelle O ’ Neill , Pankhurst knows what civic duty looks like during a global pandemic .
Now is the time for the DUP to join this cause with just as much fervor .
A gauntlet has been thrown down by those who wish to put the health and wellbeing of their fellow citizens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should pick it up and make it the party ’ s defining message in the period ahead .
And it should marry that message with action of a kind that was lacking during the RHI scandal .
For starters , it should mandate that all elected DUP officials be required to resign their position if they attend any public celebration over the 12th Season .
They should make clear that rank-and-file members will find themselves expelled from the party for any breach of public health guidelines .
And Arlene Foster should use her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pressure on any bands or otherwise organized groups that seek to or do , in fact , breach social distancing rules .
Politics is rarely black and white .
But this is such a time .
Adherence to the rules by those who set them and their followers , or disregard for those rules by those same people .
Sinn Féin has made its choice .
So too must the DUP .

There has been little to celebrate these past few months. But as someone born and raised in Northern Ireland, and whose home is now across the Atlantic, I confess to having felt enormous pride recently at the Northern Ireland Executive’s handling of COVID-19, and the characteristic resolve with which the people of Northern Ireland have faced our viral enemy.
But then Bobby Storey died and Sinn Féin raised a middle finger to all who have suffered through isolation to protect themselves and their community, in accordance with guidelines laid down by the Executive and broadcast with then justifiable inflexibility by Michelle O’Neill.
It’s fitting, of course, that a thug like Storey should find one final opportunity beyond his mortal life to bring heartache to the same land and people he helped terrorize as an Underboss in that most Republican of mafias. Like a low budget Tony Soprano, with far less humanity and way more human tragedy.
Were this a Netflix drama we might say that Storey got the last laugh. But that, along with every other laugh since the Bobby Storey memorial Mardi Gras, went to Michelle O’Neill, who knows that the peculiarities of Northern Irish politics mean that she will face no accountability for her actions. At least in the short term.
The Executive will not fall over this issue. Too much is at stake in our new COVID reality. Public health, obviously, but also the knowledge that were devolution to fail now, it may not get up again. For better or worse, the DUP finds itself locked in government with Sinn Féin.
But like a twin navigating their way through life, and condemned to endure perpetual comparisons with the respective achievements, virtues, and foibles of their sibling, this post-Storey journey with Sinn Féin offers the DUP an opportunity to elevate their status amongst those who don’t think of themselves as strident unionists.
But it requires a radically different approach than the DUP has exhibited in recent memory. The party of RHI must make respect for the electorate its watchword.
In this time of COVID, that respect begins and ends with both advocating for the prevailing public health guidelines and following them rigorously. On the eve of the 12th Season, a test awaits.
There have been predictable voices from the more extreme fringes of unionism and loyalism calling for marches to proceed as they would any other year. Those same voices point at the Storey funeral as evidence that their cause is just. As ever in Northern Ireland, whataboutism abounds.
The DUP should advocate vigorously against such voices. And if there is any doubt that this approach is the correct one, they need only consider one thing – every person in Northern Ireland, and many beyond, know how profoundly important the marching season is to those of the unionist tradition.
To give it up, even for one year, is perhaps the most solemn act of respect unionism could pay to all the people in the province. And such acts do not go unrecognized.
The Orange Order is already leading on this issue with it’s 12th at Home campaign. And there are community voices fighting this cause valiantly too, like DUP councillor Dale Pankhurst who knows first hand the sacrifice of carrying out an appropriate funeral for a loved one during COVID.
Anyone who follows Pankhurst on Twitter knows how passionate he is about loyalist cultural celebration, and also how devoted he was to his recently departed grandmother. Unlike Michelle O’Neill, Pankhurst knows what civic duty looks like during a global pandemic.
Now is the time for the DUP to join this cause with just as much fervor. A gauntlet has been thrown down by those who wish to put the health and wellbeing of their fellow citizens ahead of time-honoured traditions.
The DUP should pick it up and make it the party’s defining message in the period ahead. And it should marry that message with action of a kind that was lacking during the RHI scandal.
For starters, it should mandate that all elected DUP officials be required to resign their position if they attend any public celebration over the 12th Season. They should make clear that rank-and-file members will find themselves expelled from the party for any breach of public health guidelines.
And Arlene Foster should use her private and public influence to apply social pressure on any bands or otherwise organized groups that seek to or do, in fact, breach social distancing rules.
Politics is rarely black and white. But this is such a time. Adherence to the rules by those who set them and their followers, or disregard for those rules by those same people.
Sinn Féin has made its choice. So too must the DUP.