sluggerotoole--2020-11-11--The Dignity of Democracy in the Dáil…

The Dignity of Democracy in the Dáil…

With the US Presidential Race engulfing the news in recent times , it felt like it took the spotlight off the controversy that had been surrounding Leo Varadkar .
Two days after facing a 120-minute grilling from opposition parties in the Dáil regarding the sharing of a confidential document to his ‘ friend ’ Maitiu O ’ Tuathail , Varadkar once again entered the Dáil to answer Leaders Questions from the opposition .
Pearse Doherty , still unsatisfied with the answers the Tánaiste gave on Tuesday , began probing the sharing of the document to the former NAGP President once @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relatively harmless comment at the time , Doherty said “ I ’ ve looked through both documents and I ’ ve found that there is at least 35 changes from the one you provided to your friend , President of the NAGP and the one that was subsequently published by the Department of Health.
” It was not until the Tánaiste responded that a hole was appearing in Doherty ’ s suggestion that he had compared both documents .
“ I don ’ t have a copy { of the document } that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , so I don ’ t know how it is possible for you to make those comparisons.
” “ I don ’ t know how you can make comparisons to a document we no longer have.
” So , what exact document had Doherty compared to the official document published by the Department of Health and where did he obtain the document ?
These are obviously questions Doherty must answer himself .
Some could argue it would be quite difficult to obtain versions of the draft document , not least because the documents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the official document but as to whether the document Doherty is claiming to have is a confidential document .
It is hard to fathom someone went out of their way to make a version of the draft document nonconfidential and easily accessible to members of the public .
The questions mentioned above need to be answered , it is all well and good accusing Varadkar of leaking a document as a favour to a friend ( thus making Varadkar ’ s defence that he shared the document in good faith obsolete ) but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be a beneficiary of accepting and reading a confidential document sent to you by someone else .
It is an important detail as Sinn Fein ’ s strongest argument is that the document Varadkar shared had ‘ confidential ’ written all over it and it was wrong to share it , whether the contents of the document were public or not .
This is an argument supported by members of the public service who regularly handle confidential documents .
Do not be fooled if Doherty provides where he got the draft document from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ providing is ‘ if it has confidential written on it , it is confidential ’ .
By his own very logic , he should not be looking at that document .
That draft document Varadkar shared will always have confidential written on it .
When Varadkar poured cold water over Doherty ’ s suggestion he had compared the documents , Doherty never mentioned the 35 changes again .
This is not a one-off event , a similar event occurred on the Tuesday when Pearse Doherty alluded to further screenshots of messages between Leo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , where did Doherty source these screenshots from ?
Twitter .
His questions up until that point had been very strong , yet all of sudden all his hard work melted away .
Using Twitter as a source of evidence in the home of Irish democracy is hardly good practice , in fact it is nothing short of embarrassing .
It showed the naked political agenda they were having against the Tánaiste .
Unfortunately , it runs far deeper than a political agenda against Leo Varadkar though .
Using unverified evidence , found @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more numbers at the end of their Twitter name than international phone numbers is a spit in the face of democracy .
Truth is the fulcrum of a working democracy , yet it was completely undermined when Pearse Doherty stood up in the Dáil and presented those screenshots like they were the gospel .
Baseless accusations from those screenshots followed .
How can our democracy have any dignity if public representatives can not even tell the truth in the Dáil ?
Varadkar is being held to account for his actions but what about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not be held to account too ?
Varadkar made a poor error of judgement in sharing the document to Maitiu O ’ Tuathail , that there is no question .
Had he gone through the proper channels of communication , we wouldn ’ t even be having this conversation today .
While Varadkar acknowledged his friendship with Maitiu O ’ Tuathail , the fact remains on the 13th of April , in the middle of the timeline of the shared document , O ’ Tuathail publicly attacked the government for providing more GP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote-getting exercise ” and the “ biggest con job in the history of the health service.
” Would Varadkar really share a confidential document as a favour to a friend who just attacked his government in the media ?
Very unlikely .
Hence why it far more plausible Varadkar did indeed share the document with the aim of getting the NAGP on board with the agreement and not as a favour to his friend .
Yet even for his error , the nauseating attacks from politicians who use completely unverified evidence ( some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plot the downfall of a political opponent , they are the real antagonists .
In a week where Donald Trump hit headlines for making unverified claims that there was voter fraud in the U.S elections , a similar situation is occurring on our own soil .
If they can not even tell the truth in the Dáil , what makes you think they are going to tell you the truth come election time .
“ EPP Summit , Brussels , December 2018 ” by More pictures and videos : [ email protected ] @ @ @ @ @

With the US Presidential Race engulfing the news in recent times, it felt like it took the spotlight off the controversy that had been surrounding Leo Varadkar. Two days after facing a 120-minute grilling from opposition parties in the Dáil regarding the sharing of a confidential document to his ‘friend’ Maitiu O’Tuathail, Varadkar once again entered the Dáil to answer Leaders Questions from the opposition.
Pearse Doherty, still unsatisfied with the answers the Tánaiste gave on Tuesday, began probing the sharing of the document to the former NAGP President once more. In what seemed like a relatively harmless comment at the time, Doherty said “I’ve looked through both documents and I’ve found that there is at least 35 changes from the one you provided to your friend, President of the NAGP and the one that was subsequently published by the Department of Health.” It was not until the Tánaiste responded that a hole was appearing in Doherty’s suggestion that he had compared both documents.
“I don’t have a copy {of the document} that was sent to Dr. O’Tuathail, so I don’t know how it is possible for you to make those comparisons.”
“I don’t know how you can make comparisons to a document we no longer have.”
So, what exact document had Doherty compared to the official document published by the Department of Health and where did he obtain the document? These are obviously questions Doherty must answer himself.
Some could argue it would be quite difficult to obtain versions of the draft document, not least because the documents are not released to the public alongside the official document but as to whether the document Doherty is claiming to have is a confidential document. It is hard to fathom someone went out of their way to make a version of the draft document nonconfidential and easily accessible to members of the public. The questions mentioned above need to be answered, it is all well and good accusing Varadkar of leaking a document as a favour to a friend (thus making Varadkar’s defence that he shared the document in good faith obsolete) but it would be a similar offence to be a beneficiary of accepting and reading a confidential document sent to you by someone else.
It is an important detail as Sinn Fein’s strongest argument is that the document Varadkar shared had ‘confidential’ written all over it and it was wrong to share it, whether the contents of the document were public or not. This is an argument supported by members of the public service who regularly handle confidential documents. Do not be fooled if Doherty provides where he got the draft document from because the whole argument he has been providing is ‘if it has confidential written on it, it is confidential’. By his own very logic, he should not be looking at that document. That draft document Varadkar shared will always have confidential written on it.
When Varadkar poured cold water over Doherty’s suggestion he had compared the documents, Doherty never mentioned the 35 changes again. This is not a one-off event, a similar event occurred on the Tuesday when Pearse Doherty alluded to further screenshots of messages between Leo and O’Tuathail and Simon Harris, where did Doherty source these screenshots from? Twitter.
His questions up until that point had been very strong, yet all of sudden all his hard work melted away. Using Twitter as a source of evidence in the home of Irish democracy is hardly good practice, in fact it is nothing short of embarrassing. It showed the naked political agenda they were having against the Tánaiste. Unfortunately, it runs far deeper than a political agenda against Leo Varadkar though. Using unverified evidence, found on a random account on Twitter with more numbers at the end of their Twitter name than international phone numbers is a spit in the face of democracy. Truth is the fulcrum of a working democracy, yet it was completely undermined when Pearse Doherty stood up in the Dáil and presented those screenshots like they were the gospel. Baseless accusations from those screenshots followed. How can our democracy have any dignity if public representatives cannot even tell the truth in the Dáil? Varadkar is being held to account for his actions but what about the people questioning him, do they not be held to account too?
Varadkar made a poor error of judgement in sharing the document to Maitiu O’Tuathail, that there is no question. Had he gone through the proper channels of communication, we wouldn’t even be having this conversation today. While Varadkar acknowledged his friendship with Maitiu O’Tuathail, the fact remains on the 13th of April, in the middle of the timeline of the shared document, O’Tuathail publicly attacked the government for providing more GP visiting cards calling it “a shameful vote-getting exercise” and the “biggest con job in the history of the health service.” Would Varadkar really share a confidential document as a favour to a friend who just attacked his government in the media? Very unlikely. Hence why it far more plausible Varadkar did indeed share the document with the aim of getting the NAGP on board with the agreement and not as a favour to his friend.
Yet even for his error, the nauseating attacks from politicians who use completely unverified evidence (some call it lying) to try and plot the downfall of a political opponent, they are the real antagonists. In a week where Donald Trump hit headlines for making unverified claims that there was voter fraud in the U.S elections, a similar situation is occurring on our own soil. If they cannot even tell the truth in the Dáil, what makes you think they are going to tell you the truth come election time.
“EPP Summit, Brussels, December 2018” by More pictures and videos: [email protected] is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-11-11--ESRC Virtual Festival – Beyond the Touchline: Grassroots football and radical politics…

Football has always been political .
Its widespread global following and the deep dedication of fans make it a platform through which socio-political issues play out .
As philosopher – and avid football fan – Jacques Derrida once claimed : “ Beyond the touchline , there is nothing.
” In other words , the social , economic , political and cultural events of the wider world manifest in the stadium and through the game , its players and fans .
Recent times have seen high profile examples of this , including Marcus Rashford ’ s free school meals campaign , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ call for justice for George Floyd , and Pep Guardiola wearing a yellow ribbon in solidarity with the independence movement in his native Catalonia .
But away from the headlines and spectacle of the professional game , football at a local , grassroots level is also enmeshed in politics .
For the past three years , I have been researching “ calcio popolare ” clubs ( literally “ popular football ” , but perhaps better translated as “ people ’ s football ” ) in Italy .
The calcio popolare movement is characterised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up in opposition to the overtly commercial , commodified and often sanitised version of the game played at a professional level .
Many of these clubs embrace and promote values of anti-fascism , anti-racism , anti-sexism and anti-homophobia .
Against the backdrop of the refugee crisis , the rise of right wing populism , and the implementation of the so-called “ security decrees ” spearheaded by former Interior Minister and far right leader Matteo Salvini , these grassroots teams have sought to create a space where refugees and people seeking asylum would feel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policies and practices aimed at the inclusion of refugees and asylum seekers are often top-down entities that place emphasis on the need for newcomers to integrate , grassroots football offers spaces and opportunities for newcomers to build “ bottom-up ” senses of belonging .
These senses of belonging are often built through everyday practices like playing the game , socialising with teammates , and supporting the day-to-day running of the club – perhaps , for example , by taking part in fundraising events or cutting the grass on the pitch .
Through these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a locality can build relationships with people and spaces that are more concrete than any abstract notion of “ becoming Italian.
” Because these teams are located and attached to particular neighbourhoods , towns or cities , senses of belonging often correspond to these scales – so that calcio popolare players from migrant backgrounds may feel “ at home ” in the neighbourhood of their team .
The rootedness of a team to its local community , and the support , loyalty and connectedness of the community to that team , plays a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ senses of belonging .
Just as wider socio-political issues are reflected in and through football , the lessons of these grassroots football experiences have the potential to extend “ beyond the touchline ” to inform wider debates and initiatives aimed at migrant inclusion .
Calcio popolare offers a blueprint for a more participatory , profound and authentic form of inclusion – and throws up a challenge for practitioners and policymakers to consider new approaches to intercultural understanding and social change .
Federico Genovesi PhD Researcher , School of Applied Social and Policy Sciences @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ESRC Festival of Social Science in Northern Ireland , researchers and activists will be taking part in an online event entitled ‘ Grassroots sport and senses of belonging in neighbourhoods ’ .
The event will be at 6pm on Friday 13 November .
All are welcome to attend .
Please register here .
Photo by flooy is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

Football has always been political. Its widespread global following and the deep dedication of fans make it a platform through which socio-political issues play out. As philosopher – and avid football fan – Jacques Derrida once claimed: “Beyond the touchline, there is nothing.” In other words, the social, economic, political and cultural events of the wider world manifest in the stadium and through the game, its players and fans. Recent times have seen high profile examples of this, including Marcus Rashford’s free school meals campaign, Jadon Sancho using a goal celebration to call for justice for George Floyd, and Pep Guardiola wearing a yellow ribbon in solidarity with the independence movement in his native Catalonia.
But away from the headlines and spectacle of the professional game, football at a local, grassroots level is also enmeshed in politics. For the past three years, I have been researching “calcio popolare” clubs (literally “popular football”, but perhaps better translated as “people’s football”) in Italy. The calcio popolare movement is characterised by fan-owned and managed teams, set up in opposition to the overtly commercial, commodified and often sanitised version of the game played at a professional level. Many of these clubs embrace and promote values of anti-fascism, anti-racism, anti-sexism and anti-homophobia.
Against the backdrop of the refugee crisis, the rise of right wing populism, and the implementation of the so-called “security decrees” spearheaded by former Interior Minister and far right leader Matteo Salvini, these grassroots teams have sought to create a space where refugees and people seeking asylum would feel welcome and included.
Furthermore, while policies and practices aimed at the inclusion of refugees and asylum seekers are often top-down entities that place emphasis on the need for newcomers to integrate, grassroots football offers spaces and opportunities for newcomers to build “bottom-up” senses of belonging. These senses of belonging are often built through everyday practices like playing the game, socialising with teammates, and supporting the day-to-day running of the club – perhaps, for example, by taking part in fundraising events or cutting the grass on the pitch. Through these activities, players who are new to a locality can build relationships with people and spaces that are more concrete than any abstract notion of “becoming Italian.”
Because these teams are located and attached to particular neighbourhoods, towns or cities, senses of belonging often correspond to these scales – so that calcio popolare players from migrant backgrounds may feel “at home” in the neighbourhood of their team. The rootedness of a team to its local community, and the support, loyalty and connectedness of the community to that team, plays a crucial role in the formation of these senses of belonging.
Just as wider socio-political issues are reflected in and through football, the lessons of these grassroots football experiences have the potential to extend “beyond the touchline” to inform wider debates and initiatives aimed at migrant inclusion. Calcio popolare offers a blueprint for a more participatory, profound and authentic form of inclusion – and throws up a challenge for practitioners and policymakers to consider new approaches to intercultural understanding and social change.
Federico Genovesi
PhD Researcher, School of Applied Social and Policy Sciences
Follow him on Twitter
As part of the ESRC Festival of Social Science in Northern Ireland, researchers and activists will be taking part in an online event entitled ‘Grassroots sport and senses of belonging in neighbourhoods’. The event will be at 6pm on Friday 13 November. All are welcome to attend. Please register here.
Photo by flooy is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-11-12--Does Queen’s need an academic specialist in unionism?

Dr Marie Coleman provides a response to a recent call to create a Queen ’ s professorship to study unionism and its contribution to Northern Ireland .
Speaking in the Northern Ireland Assembly yesterday ( 9 November 2020 ) , the leader of the Ulster Unionist Party , Mr Stephen Aiken , encouraged Queen ’ s University to establish a new academic post ‘ to study unionism and its contribution to Northern Ireland ’ , in the context of the approaching centenary of partition and the creation of Northern Ireland .
This suggestion appears not to recognise the university ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into unionism .
The understanding of the history of Mr Aiken ’ s own party relies heavily on the research of current Queen ’ s politics professor , Graham Walker , author of many works on unionism including a fill length study of the party – A history of the Ulster Unionist Party : Protest , pragmatism and pessimism ( 2004 ) .
Gender History Professor Diane Urquhart ’ s many works have contributed significantly to recognising the importance of women within UUP party structures ( Women in Ulster Politics , 1890-1940 ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ individuals such as successive marchionesses of Londonderry ( The Ladies of Londonderry : women and political patronage ) .
Dr Paul Corthorn ’ s new thematic biography of Enoch Powell provides a fascinating insight into the ideology of the UUP MP for South Down whose Euro-sceptic views have gained renewed currency of late .
Mr Aiken ’ s comments suggest that he envisages a much broader analysis of unionism than its narrow political activities .
The close association of religion with politics in Ireland inevitably requires that unionism ’ s relationship with various @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Holmes ’ s recent intellectual study of Presbyterianism ( The Irish Presbyterian mind : conservative theology , evangelical experience , and modern criticism , 1830-1930 ) is one of many works of research to emerge from within this university which explores some of those correlations , while the Presbyterian experience of Northern Ireland ’ s recent past is the subject of Dr Gladys Ganiel ’ s Considering Grace : Presbyterians and the Troubles .
In yesterday ’ s assembly speech , Mr Aiken also praised the attendance and laying of a wreath by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Sunday ’ s Remembrance Day service at the university ’ s war memorial .
During the recent centenary commemoration of the First World War , Queen ’ s successfully attracted one of only five First World War Engagement centres across universities in the UK .
This distributed significant amounts of funding to academic and community research projects on an aspect of our history that holds a place of great importance in unionist culture and memory .
Another funded project that included academics from the university looked at part of the university ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a UVF hospital .
Moving from the past to the present , researchers in Queen ’ s have been to the forefront of exploring problematic social issues that are of particular relevance of the Protestant Unionist Loyalist ( PUL ) community as a whole .
One of these is the endemic problem of educational underachievement among boys from working-class loyalist backgrounds , which has been central to the research agenda of the School of Education for a number of years .
Also flags and symbols are recognised as an integral part of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Professor Dominic Bryan has explored ways in which this can be accommodated within shared communal spaces .
Mr Aiken ’ s comments relate to the upcoming centenary of Northern Ireland and he sees the envisaged academic post as a suitable way for the university to recognise that event .
It should be noted that three current academics and one emeritus Professor from the School of History , Anthropology , Philosophy and Politics accepted invitations to sit on the historical panel that advises the Northern Ireland Office on the ways in which this centenary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ academics are currently in the process of planning conferences and recording documentaries that will contribute to a wider public understanding of the dynamics surrounding the establishment of Northern Ireland .
Decisions on the academic requirements of a given discipline within a university , including filling gaps in provision that would strengthen an academic unit ’ s offering in the areas of research and teaching , are decisions for the academics within the universities .
They should neither be influenced , nor be seen to be influenced , by politicians .
Last January ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ upon which the restoration of devolution was based , provided for the establishment of a Castlereagh Foundation ‘ to support academic research through Universities and other partners to explore identity and the shifting patterns of social identity in Northern Ireland ’ .
Very little is known about this proposed body and it is unclear if there is any relationship between it and Mr Aiken ’ s proposal .
As an academic whose own current research interests include the experience of southern unionists at the time of partition , and as a member of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ historical panel , I agree with and welcome Stephen Aiken ’ s broad invitation to the academic community to deepen our understanding of unionism and its significance .
However , I do not believe that this requires the establishment of a dedicated academic post in a university for the simple reason that such work is already being undertaken at all levels throughout the universities in Northern Ireland and further afield , where many Queen ’ s graduates have continued research begun in their studies here .
Unionism is central to the understanding of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a leading research university in the region , should be and is a leading force in the academic study of unionism .
Suggestions that a dedicated post is required imply the opposite and fail to recognise the long and vibrant tradition in this area of research at Queen ’ s .
The views expressed above are my own personal ones .
They do not reflect any official position that the university might hold or the views of any individuals or departments within the university .
Similarly , they do not reflect my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Queen ’ s University of Belfast ” by Iker Merodio | Photography is licensed under CC BY-ND

Dr Marie Coleman provides a response to a recent call to create a Queen’s professorship to study unionism and its contribution to Northern Ireland.
Speaking in the Northern Ireland Assembly yesterday (9 November 2020), the leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, Mr Stephen Aiken, encouraged Queen’s University to establish a new academic post ‘to study unionism and its contribution to Northern Ireland’, in the context of the approaching centenary of partition and the creation of Northern Ireland. This suggestion appears not to recognise the university’s long-standing and vibrant tradition of research into unionism.
The understanding of the history of Mr Aiken’s own party relies heavily on the research of current Queen’s politics professor, Graham Walker, author of many works on unionism including a fill length study of the party – A history of the Ulster Unionist Party: Protest, pragmatism and pessimism (2004). Gender History Professor Diane Urquhart’s many works have contributed significantly to recognising the importance of women within UUP party structures (Women in Ulster Politics, 1890-1940) and the influence exerted within by prominent individuals such as successive marchionesses of Londonderry (The Ladies of Londonderry: women and political patronage). Dr Paul Corthorn’s new thematic biography of Enoch Powell provides a fascinating insight into the ideology of the UUP MP for South Down whose Euro-sceptic views have gained renewed currency of late.
Mr Aiken’s comments suggest that he envisages a much broader analysis of unionism than its narrow political activities. The close association of religion with politics in Ireland inevitably requires that unionism’s relationship with various Protestant denominations be explored. Dr Andrew Holmes’s recent intellectual study of Presbyterianism (The Irish Presbyterian mind: conservative theology, evangelical experience, and modern criticism, 1830-1930) is one of many works of research to emerge from within this university which explores some of those correlations, while the Presbyterian experience of Northern Ireland’s recent past is the subject of Dr Gladys Ganiel’s Considering Grace: Presbyterians and the Troubles.
In yesterday’s assembly speech, Mr Aiken also praised the attendance and laying of a wreath by the Vice-Chancellor, Professor Ian Greer, at Sunday’s Remembrance Day service at the university’s war memorial. During the recent centenary commemoration of the First World War, Queen’s successfully attracted one of only five First World War Engagement centres across universities in the UK. This distributed significant amounts of funding to academic and community research projects on an aspect of our history that holds a place of great importance in unionist culture and memory. Another funded project that included academics from the university looked at part of the university’s own wartime experience as the site of a UVF hospital.
Moving from the past to the present, researchers in Queen’s have been to the forefront of exploring problematic social issues that are of particular relevance of the Protestant Unionist Loyalist (PUL) community as a whole. One of these is the endemic problem of educational underachievement among boys from working-class loyalist backgrounds, which has been central to the research agenda of the School of Education for a number of years. Also flags and symbols are recognised as an integral part of unionist culture; ethnographic research led by Professor Dominic Bryan has explored ways in which this can be accommodated within shared communal spaces.
Mr Aiken’s comments relate to the upcoming centenary of Northern Ireland and he sees the envisaged academic post as a suitable way for the university to recognise that event. It should be noted that three current academics and one emeritus Professor from the School of History, Anthropology, Philosophy and Politics accepted invitations to sit on the historical panel that advises the Northern Ireland Office on the ways in which this centenary can be marked. Queen’s academics are currently in the process of planning conferences and recording documentaries that will contribute to a wider public understanding of the dynamics surrounding the establishment of Northern Ireland.
Decisions on the academic requirements of a given discipline within a university, including filling gaps in provision that would strengthen an academic unit’s offering in the areas of research and teaching, are decisions for the academics within the universities. They should neither be influenced, nor be seen to be influenced, by politicians. Last January’s New Decade, New Approach document upon which the restoration of devolution was based, provided for the establishment of a Castlereagh Foundation ‘to support academic research through Universities and other partners to explore identity and the shifting patterns of social identity in Northern Ireland’. Very little is known about this proposed body and it is unclear if there is any relationship between it and Mr Aiken’s proposal.
As an academic whose own current research interests include the experience of southern unionists at the time of partition, and as a member of the Northern Ireland Office’s centenary historical panel, I agree with and welcome Stephen Aiken’s broad invitation to the academic community to deepen our understanding of unionism and its significance. However, I do not believe that this requires the establishment of a dedicated academic post in a university for the simple reason that such work is already being undertaken at all levels throughout the universities in Northern Ireland and further afield, where many Queen’s graduates have continued research begun in their studies here.
Unionism is central to the understanding of Northern Ireland. Queen’s, as a leading research university in the region, should be and is a leading force in the academic study of unionism. Suggestions that a dedicated post is required imply the opposite and fail to recognise the long and vibrant tradition in this area of research at Queen’s.
The views expressed above are my own personal ones. They do not reflect any official position that the university might hold or the views of any individuals or departments within the university. Similarly, they do not reflect my association with the NIO centenary advisory panel.
“Queen’s University of Belfast” by Iker Merodio | Photography is licensed under CC BY-ND


sluggerotoole--2020-11-12--Surely it’s long past time that we binned this unspoken “Honorary MLA” status?

Last week , following the resignation of West Tyrone MLA Catherine Kelly following the office cash controversy , Sinn Fein chose to replace her with party colleague Nicola Brogan .
I ’ m not singling out this MLA or her party as five parties have done similar since the last Assembly election .
But the word “ appointed ” is such an inappropriate one in any democratic process and it needs to be addressed .
An MLA goes for whatever reason , but the electorate has no say in who replaces her .
The same goes for all such “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over the heads of the electorate .
That is the absolute antithesis of democracy and it needs to change .
By-elections play a pivotal role in any credible democratic system .
They give the electorate the opportunity to object to how they are being governed .
To warn the governing parties that they will not be taken for granted and to let their leaders nationally know that they demand and expect change .
They put manners on governments , often at the very point when it ’ s most necessary .
They can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , complacent governments .
Voters also tend to make more radical statements in by-elections than they do otherwise .
That can encourage equally radical thinking and that is particularly important in a system like ours where a number of parties are guaranteed perpetual power .
Yet in Northern Ireland , we are denied the opportunity to make this important mid-term statement of either approval or disapproval , apparently on the basis that it might destabilise the system .
This system ?
I beg to differ .
Of the 18 seat seats to have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ ve only counted McElduff-Kelly -Brogan in West Tyrone and Long-Hendron-Long in East Belfast as one change in each constituency ) it ’ s pretty certain that seven of them would have remained in the hands of the incumbent parties : four with Sinn Fein ( 2 each in West Tyrone and one in Newry & Armagh ) , the DUP would have comfortably held two ( Strangford and Upper Bann ) , while there ’ s now ( after his 17k victory in December ) little doubt the SDLP would have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Foyle .
It ’ s also highly unlikely that Naomi Long would have taken the short-term diversion to Strasbourg under normal conditions as a PR election would most likely have led to a DUP gain in East Belfast .
So , we can safely eliminate this one from the calculations .
Also , Sinn Fein have a penchant for utilising Stormont as rewards or consolation for party loyalists so they may not have stood down Mairtin O ’ Mulleoir in South Belfast for Deirdre Hargey or Raymond McCartney , in Foyle for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , SDLP or Alliance would definitely have taken the former and the SDLP the latter .
So that leaves us with no fewer than eight seats that could have very easily changed hands in an STV election held under normal democratic conditions .
Seats could or would have been lost by Sinn Fein ( 4 – Foyle x2 , South Down , Fermanagh & South Tyrone ) , Alliance Party ( 2- South Antrim and North Down ) , DUP ( South Antrim ) , SDLP ( East Londonderry ) and the Greens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in particular , but also the SDLP and possibly Alliance would have stood to benefit .
But who knows what could have been achieved by PBP , the Greens or what encouragement it would have given various interesting individuals to go forward as independent or how such people might have enriched our politics ?
We don ’ t need to look too far for an example of an epochal by-election within an STV system .
Donegal South West to be precise .
In the 2007 General Election that three TD constituency returned two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , those two parties taking a combined 74 % of first preference votes .
In what was a time of financial crisis for the state , the Fianna Fail led government failed to move the writ for the by-election until confronted with an ultimately inconclusive legal challenge by Pearse Doherty and Sinn Fein .
In the resulting by election the combined FF/FG share fell to 40 % while Sinn Fein nearly doubled , rising from 21 % to 40 % .
At the time this was rightly seen as a protest vote against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as it occurred in a constituency that had never previously elected a Sinn Fein deputy .
But Sinn Fein built on it while others failed to grasp its implications .
So , after constituency reorganisation , Sinn Fein overall took 28 % in the new Donegal constituency , growing this to 45 % in this year ’ s General Election , reducing FF/FG combined to 35 % !
Clearly this demonstrates the importance of by-elections in any system , and the long-term impact a local vote can have on the broader body politic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that it provides a platform for the widest range of voices .
That is what our current system denies us , by perpetuating the outdated notion that politics is something that happens every four years .
There is a strong case to move away from the current system and towards a more voluntary form of coalition .
But since there ’ s clearly little appetite for even that degree of normalisation , surely there is no legitimate argument for at least giving the electorate this one small concession .

Last week, following the resignation of West Tyrone MLA Catherine Kelly following the office cash controversy, Sinn Fein chose to replace her with party colleague Nicola Brogan. I’m not singling out this MLA or her party as five parties have done similar since the last Assembly election.
But the word “appointed” is such an inappropriate one in any democratic process and it needs to be addressed. An MLA goes for whatever reason, but the electorate has no say in who replaces her. The same goes for all such “appointments” as party hierarchies make decisions over the heads of the electorate. That is the absolute antithesis of democracy and it needs to change.
By-elections play a pivotal role in any credible democratic system. They give the electorate the opportunity to object to how they are being governed. To warn the governing parties that they will not be taken for granted and to let their leaders nationally know that they demand and expect change.
They put manners on governments, often at the very point when it’s most necessary. They can serve to curb the excesses of arrogant, complacent governments. Voters also tend to make more radical statements in by-elections than they do otherwise. That can encourage equally radical thinking and that is particularly important in a system like ours where a number of parties are guaranteed perpetual power.
Yet in Northern Ireland, we are denied the opportunity to make this important mid-term statement of either approval or disapproval, apparently on the basis that it might destabilise the system. This system? I beg to differ.
Of the 18 seat seats to have changed hands since the 2017 election (I’ve only counted McElduff-Kelly -Brogan in West Tyrone and Long-Hendron-Long in East Belfast as one change in each constituency) it’s pretty certain that seven of them would have remained in the hands of the incumbent parties: four with Sinn Fein (2 each in West Tyrone and one in Newry & Armagh), the DUP would have comfortably held two (Strangford and Upper Bann), while there’s now (after his 17k victory in December) little doubt the SDLP would have held Colum Eastwood’s vacated seat in Foyle.
It’s also highly unlikely that Naomi Long would have taken the short-term diversion to Strasbourg under normal conditions as a PR election would most likely have led to a DUP gain in East Belfast. So, we can safely eliminate this one from the calculations.
Also, Sinn Fein have a penchant for utilising Stormont as rewards or consolation for party loyalists so they may not have stood down Mairtin O’Mulleoir in South Belfast for Deirdre Hargey or Raymond McCartney, in Foyle for Martina Anderson as one of the DUP, SDLP or Alliance would definitely have taken the former and the SDLP the latter.
So that leaves us with no fewer than eight seats that could have very easily changed hands in an STV election held under normal democratic conditions. Seats could or would have been lost by Sinn Fein (4 – Foyle x2, South Down, Fermanagh & South Tyrone), Alliance Party (2- South Antrim and North Down), DUP (South Antrim), SDLP (East Londonderry) and the Greens (North Down).
The DUP in particular, but also the SDLP and possibly Alliance would have stood to benefit. But who knows what could have been achieved by PBP, the Greens or what encouragement it would have given various interesting individuals to go forward as independent or how such people might have enriched our politics?
We don’t need to look too far for an example of an epochal by-election within an STV system. Donegal South West to be precise. In the 2007 General Election that three TD constituency returned two Fianna Fail and one Fine Gael TD, those two parties taking a combined 74% of first preference votes.
In what was a time of financial crisis for the state, the Fianna Fail led government failed to move the writ for the by-election until confronted with an ultimately inconclusive legal challenge by Pearse Doherty and Sinn Fein. In the resulting by election the combined FF/FG share fell to 40% while Sinn Fein nearly doubled, rising from 21% to 40%.
At the time this was rightly seen as a protest vote against Dublin and national economic turmoil, particularly as it occurred in a constituency that had never previously elected a Sinn Fein deputy.
But Sinn Fein built on it while others failed to grasp its implications. So, after constituency reorganisation, Sinn Fein overall took 28% in the new Donegal constituency, growing this to 45% in this year’s General Election, reducing FF/FG combined to 35%!
Clearly this demonstrates the importance of by-elections in any system, and the long-term impact a local vote can have on the broader body politic. The whole basis of STV is that it provides a platform for the widest range of voices. That is what our current system denies us, by perpetuating the outdated notion that politics is something that happens every four years.
There is a strong case to move away from the current system and towards a more voluntary form of coalition. But since there’s clearly little appetite for even that degree of normalisation, surely there is no legitimate argument for at least giving the electorate this one small concession.


sluggerotoole--2020-11-12--New Decade, Same Nonsense

New Decade, Same Nonsense

With the four-week circuit breaker due to expire on Friday , people across Northern Ireland are looking for certainty .
Businesses need to know if they can re-open at the weekend .
Workers want to know if they ’ ll get an income over the next few weeks .
All the while , six of Northern Ireland ’ s hospitals are at full capacity .
As of this morning , the Executive still hasn ’ t agreed a way forward .
Robin Swann proposed a two-week extension of the circuit breaker but this was vetoed by the DUP .
Citing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dodds wants restrictions to be relaxed .
The Health Minister proposed a one-week extension as a compromise but that was vetoed by the DUP as well .
The Executive is now considering a proposal from Naomi Long that would combine both proposals .
The NI Executive has always been chaotic but it ’ s truly exasperating to watch our dysfunctional system navigate a global pandemic .
Sinn Fein , the UUP , Alliance and the SDLP say that the current crisis is the DUP ’ s fault .
The DUP say that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other parties are putting the economy and jobs at risk .
People aren ’ t wrong to be horrified that the DUP vetoed recommendations from the Chief Medical Officer .
Robin Swann hasn ’ t pulled his recommendations out of thin air but based them on medical evidence .
The NHS is on its knees .
When the circuit breaker was announced four weeks ago , however , the evidence provided to inform that decision suggested businesses like beauty salons were low risk .
It makes sense to allow some businesses to open @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s indecision , it ’ s now too late for any re-opening to happen anyway .
It ’ s a shit show , to put it lightly .
The Executive is racing towards the Friday deadline with the same energy I used to finish my undergraduate dissertation the night before hand in .
Nobody knows what ’ s going to happen next .
Businesses and workers need to prepare and plan .
Many are anxious about their livelihoods , their families and their homes .
People want clarity on financial support .
Christmas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we keep some restrictions now we could avoid another lockdown over the holidays .
The Executive has provided good leadership during the pandemic but that has been undermined by political rows , financial scandals and politicians acting contrary to their own health guidance .
No matter what position you take on the circuit breaker , devolution has been further damaged over the past few days .
This latest debacle is another reminder of our system ’ s inadequacies and the ineptitude of our politicians .
‘ New decade , same nonsense , ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This isn ’ t about cynicism of politics but a fundamental lack of faith in the ability of the Assembly to deliver good governance .
Many are rightly critiquing the DUP ’ s use of its Executive veto but the party hasn ’ t done anything unlawful .
They aren ’ t abusing the system either because The Northern Ireland ( St Andrews Agreement ) Act 2006 says : “ that , if consensus can not be reached , a vote may be taken ; and ( c ) that , if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ require the vote on a particular matter which is to be voted on by the Executive Committee to require cross-community support , any vote on that matter in the Executive Committee shall require cross-community support in the Executive Committee.
” The Executive veto was introduced to stop ministerial solo runs .
The DUP must see the irony of using it against another unionist .
If Swann was prepared to move half way on his proposals , the DUP should have compromised as well .
Richard Bullick was right to point out , on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the DUP if Naomi Long is seen to break the impasse .
Northern Ireland will grow out of the Good Friday institutions at some point .
Our system of government is built to transition society away from conflict and towards stability .
No amount of reform can make up for bad politicians but I think we are reaching a point where we need to talk about serious reform of the Assembly .
If the institutions can ’ t deliver basic confidence in government during a global health crisis , something needs to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ faith in the Assembly and its abilities .
If MLAs aren ’ t careful , they could undermine the entire devolution project .

With the four-week circuit breaker due to expire on Friday, people across Northern Ireland are looking for certainty. Businesses need to know if they can re-open at the weekend. Workers want to know if they’ll get an income over the next few weeks. All the while, six of Northern Ireland’s hospitals are at full capacity.
As of this morning, the Executive still hasn’t agreed a way forward. Robin Swann proposed a two-week extension of the circuit breaker but this was vetoed by the DUP. Citing business concerns and the economy, Diane Dodds wants restrictions to be relaxed. The Health Minister proposed a one-week extension as a compromise but that was vetoed by the DUP as well. The Executive is now considering a proposal from Naomi Long that would combine both proposals.
The NI Executive has always been chaotic but it’s truly exasperating to watch our dysfunctional system navigate a global pandemic. Sinn Fein, the UUP, Alliance and the SDLP say that the current crisis is the DUP’s fault. The DUP say that they’re not being unreasonable and the other parties are putting the economy and jobs at risk.
People aren’t wrong to be horrified that the DUP vetoed recommendations from the Chief Medical Officer. Robin Swann hasn’t pulled his recommendations out of thin air but based them on medical evidence. The NHS is on its knees. When the circuit breaker was announced four weeks ago, however, the evidence provided to inform that decision suggested businesses like beauty salons were low risk. It makes sense to allow some businesses to open. But, given the Executive’s indecision, it’s now too late for any re-opening to happen anyway.
It’s a shit show, to put it lightly. The Executive is racing towards the Friday deadline with the same energy I used to finish my undergraduate dissertation the night before hand in. Nobody knows what’s going to happen next. Businesses and workers need to prepare and plan. Many are anxious about their livelihoods, their families and their homes. People want clarity on financial support. Christmas is only eight weeks away. If we keep some restrictions now we could avoid another lockdown over the holidays.
The Executive has provided good leadership during the pandemic but that has been undermined by political rows, financial scandals and politicians acting contrary to their own health guidance. No matter what position you take on the circuit breaker, devolution has been further damaged over the past few days. This latest debacle is another reminder of our system’s inadequacies and the ineptitude of our politicians. ‘New decade, same nonsense,’ as one person said to me yesterday.
This isn’t about cynicism of politics but a fundamental lack of faith in the ability of the Assembly to deliver good governance. Many are rightly critiquing the DUP’s use of its Executive veto but the party hasn’t done anything unlawful. They aren’t abusing the system either because The Northern Ireland (St Andrews Agreement) Act 2006 says:
“that, if consensus cannot be reached, a vote may be taken; and
(c)that, if any three members of the Executive Committee require the vote on a particular matter which is to be voted on by the Executive Committee to require cross-community support, any vote on that matter in the Executive Committee shall require cross-community support in the Executive Committee.”
The Executive veto was introduced to stop ministerial solo runs. The DUP must see the irony of using it against another unionist. If Swann was prepared to move half way on his proposals, the DUP should have compromised as well. Richard Bullick was right to point out, on Twitter, that there is a risk to the DUP if Naomi Long is seen to break the impasse.
Northern Ireland will grow out of the Good Friday institutions at some point. Our system of government is built to transition society away from conflict and towards stability. No amount of reform can make up for bad politicians but I think we are reaching a point where we need to talk about serious reform of the Assembly. If the institutions can’t deliver basic confidence in government during a global health crisis, something needs to change.
Many have already lost complete faith in the Assembly and its abilities. If MLAs aren’t careful, they could undermine the entire devolution project.


sluggerotoole--2020-11-12--Quote of the Day…

Quote of the Day…

Mick is founding editor of Slugger .
He has written papers on the impacts of the Internet on politics and @ @ @ @ @ a regular guest and speaking events across Ireland , the UK and Europe .
Twitter @ @ @

Donate to keep Slugger lit!
For over 20 years, Slugger has been an independent place for debate and new ideas. We have published over 40,000 posts and over one and a half million comments on the site. Each month we have over 70,000 readers. All this we have accomplished with only volunteers we have never had any paid staff.
Slugger does not receive any funding, and we respect our readers, so we will never run intrusive ads or sponsored posts. Instead, we are reader-supported. Help us keep Slugger independent by becoming a friend of Slugger.
While we run a tight ship and no one gets paid to write, we need money to help us cover our costs.
If you like what we do, we are asking you to consider giving a monthly donation of any amount, or you can give a one-off donation. Any amount is appreciated.


sluggerotoole--2020-11-12--BBC Report: Naomi Long considering position as Justice Minister

In an interview with BBC News NI , Mrs Long said the device “ shows the farce that is these @ @ @ @ @ have been reconsidering my position – it would be hard to imagine anyone around the @ @ @ @ @ of sanity or scruples wouldn ’ t have reconsidered their position , in light of @ @ @ @ @ this week , ” she said .
“ On balance , I still believe it @ @ @ @ @ us who want to do our absolute best for people of Northern Ireland , and @ @ @ @ @ difficult times , are still at that table trying at least to have influence – @ @ @ @ @ who try to block us from having that influence through votes.
” The justice minister @ @ @ @ @ entering the executive in January 2020 about use of the cross-community vote , and continues @ @ @ @ @ I have asked people to desist from this abuse of power because it will make @ @ @ @ @ unsustainable , ” said Mrs Long .

In an interview with BBC News NI, Mrs Long said the device “shows the farce that is these structures”.
“I have been reconsidering my position – it would be hard to imagine anyone around the executive table with an ounce of sanity or scruples wouldn’t have reconsidered their position, in light of the debacle that took place this week,” she said.
“On balance, I still believe it is important that those of us who want to do our absolute best for people of Northern Ireland, and find a way through these difficult times, are still at that table trying at least to have influence – even if there are those who try to block us from having that influence through votes.”
The justice minister said she had warned before entering the executive in January 2020 about use of the cross-community vote, and continues to oppose it.
“I have asked people to desist from this abuse of power because it will make my position in the executive unsustainable,” said Mrs Long.


sluggerotoole--2020-11-13--Does Biden’s nostalgic Irish nationalism and blind-spot run against the Shared Island initiative?

“ What are the roots that clutch , what branches grow Out of this stony rubbish ?
Beyond the reactions of some , including Sir Iain Duncan-Smith MP and John Redwood MP , both of whom seem to have an unbridled capacity to straddle conviction and irrational sabre-rattling , the stance which the President-elect and fellow Democrats like Nancy Pelosi opted for on Brexit negotiations prior to the Presidential election , hardly reflects a nuanced understanding or respectful concern for the complexity of the issues arising within Northern Ireland as an integral part of the United Kingdom .
The consent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legislation here , as in the USA .
When candidate Joe Biden , during his campaign in September 2020 , said : “ We can ’ t allow the GFA that brought Peace to NI to become a casualty of Brexit ” he lacked the deft touch of a Bill Clinton or Senator George Mitchell and , content to cherry-pick what the consequences of Brexit could mean for NI , displayed a lazy , if not provocative , partisanship in his thinking .
For those who are pro-Union and open to engagement on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , albeit that calls for a border poll and a timetable for re-unification are not high on their agenda , there is an expectation that unionism will be taken seriously and not set aside by the pseudo- Trump tactics on display during the election campaign .
When candidate Joe Biden , camouflaged in concern for the Good Friday Agreement , put on the green jersey to voice conditional threats over a trade deal with the United Kingdom , he provided reasons , for those who perennially seek them , to strengthen their prejudices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that bit more difficult .
Coming as it did on the heels of the Internal Markets Bill and the reaction within Ireland and the EU , it can not have been any less than beneficial to harden the line for Irish-American voters .
Whether or not this was encouraged by the Irish Diplomatic service as some have speculated , it was not out of step with Dublin ’ s recent policy position on who ’ s to blame for lack of agreement on a deal or measured silence on the potential damage arising @ @ @ @ @ @ @ within the United Kingdom .
Trust will be a casualty .
In retrospect , it might have been more useful to encourage both the EU and the UK to show flexibility and find agreement on a trade deal that would address the inclusive needs of the shared island and not just one jurisdiction .
Both sides need to move closer and live with the reality that no one can have everything they want and an agreed outcome now is preferable to prolonged wrangling into the future where the UK and the EU will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mutual interests on many fronts .
Reinforcing this , instead of peddling a partisan platform , would have been worthier of the individual and the office to which he has been elected .
The new President will have a full in-tray of issues to address in a country that respected British Washington-based commentator Andrew Sullivan recently described to a Centre for Policy Studies audience , as politically deadlocked .
The election was not entirely a repudiation of Donald Trump who improved his vote across traditional and non-traditional voters .
Clearly , many Americans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not the exhausting style of his presentation .
Class fissures and racial fault-lines run deep .
There is a view that in addressing differing expectations within the coalition that is the Democratic party , in addition to competing agendas in the US Congress , he will display his strength as a neutral unifier focused on stability and normalcy .
Time will tell if he will even have that many opportunities to meet such expectations .
It is a strength that was less clear prior to his election in regard to Northern Ireland .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fragile political sensitivities of narrow unionism whose proponents feel more justified in the trenches .
It is unlikely to cost the President-elect much sleep that two DUP councillors on a committee of Derry City and Strabane District Council could not bring themselves to support an invitation to Joseph Biden to visit the city but it is an all too real microcosm of the distance those chosen by electors as representatives need to move in terms of leadership that can resolve issues .
More rather than less encouragement is desirable .
If further @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the recent stance of the UUP with regard to the Shared Island Unit .
In addition to disparaging remarks alluding to the motives of the Taoiseach , Michaél Martin TD , the UUP is hedging its bets by referencing a Shared Islands approach within the structures of the GFA ’ s 3 strands .
At present , it does not send an elected representative to the GFA Implementation Committee in Dublin nor has ever fully embraced All-Ireland bodies .
This current position represents a calculated-risk approach as opposed to a strategic one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ All-Ireland Dialogues , they would have observed that an all-island dimension to many aspects of life in the two jurisdictions operates well beyond the GFA structures .
Political unionism has a low capacity to trust itself in engaging with those who might hold a view that is different and it would appear that this is still in place .
For a variety of reasons , political unionism is stalling on engagement with the potential of a shared island .
Trust , understanding and reconciliation require nurturing .
Impediments did not need to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President-elect .
Photo by TambiraPhotography is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

“What are the roots that clutch, what branches grow
Out of this stony rubbish?
-TS Eliot
Beyond the reactions of some, including Sir Iain Duncan-Smith MP and John Redwood MP, both of whom seem to have an unbridled capacity to straddle conviction and irrational sabre-rattling, the stance which the President-elect and fellow Democrats like Nancy Pelosi opted for on Brexit negotiations prior to the Presidential election, hardly reflects a nuanced understanding or respectful concern for the complexity of the issues arising within Northern Ireland as an integral part of the United Kingdom.
The consent of the people is as enshrined in legislation here, as in the USA. When candidate Joe Biden, during his campaign in September 2020, said: “We can’t allow the GFA that brought Peace to NI to become a casualty of Brexit” he lacked the deft touch of a Bill Clinton or Senator George Mitchell and, content to cherry-pick what the consequences of Brexit could mean for NI, displayed a lazy, if not provocative, partisanship in his thinking.
For those who are pro-Union and open to engagement on what a Shared Island could look like, albeit that calls for a border poll and a timetable for re-unification are not high on their agenda, there is an expectation that unionism will be taken seriously and not set aside by the pseudo- Trump tactics on display during the election campaign.
When candidate Joe Biden, camouflaged in concern for the Good Friday Agreement, put on the green jersey to voice conditional threats over a trade deal with the United Kingdom, he provided reasons, for those who perennially seek them, to strengthen their prejudices and make working towards a shared future that bit more difficult.
Coming as it did on the heels of the Internal Markets Bill and the reaction within Ireland and the EU, it cannot have been any less than beneficial to harden the line for Irish-American voters. Whether or not this was encouraged by the Irish Diplomatic service as some have speculated, it was not out of step with Dublin’s recent policy position on who’s to blame for lack of agreement on a deal or measured silence on the potential damage arising from the imposition of a sea border within the United Kingdom.
Trust will be a casualty. In retrospect, it might have been more useful to encourage both the EU and the UK to show flexibility and find agreement on a trade deal that would address the inclusive needs of the shared island and not just one jurisdiction. Both sides need to move closer and live with the reality that no one can have everything they want and an agreed outcome now is preferable to prolonged wrangling into the future where the UK and the EU will finally have to trade and accommodate their mutual interests on many fronts. Reinforcing this, instead of peddling a partisan platform, would have been worthier of the individual and the office to which he has been elected.
The new President will have a full in-tray of issues to address in a country that respected British Washington-based commentator Andrew Sullivan recently described to a Centre for Policy Studies audience, as politically deadlocked. The election was not entirely a repudiation of Donald Trump who improved his vote across traditional and non-traditional voters. Clearly, many Americans are happy with his politics, if not the exhausting style of his presentation.
Class fissures and racial fault-lines run deep. There is a view that in addressing differing expectations within the coalition that is the Democratic party, in addition to competing agendas in the US Congress, he will display his strength as a neutral unifier focused on stability and normalcy. Time will tell if he will even have that many opportunities to meet such expectations.
It is a strength that was less clear prior to his election in regard to Northern Ireland. Predictably, it has already fed into the fragile political sensitivities of narrow unionism whose proponents feel more justified in the trenches. It is unlikely to cost the President-elect much sleep that two DUP councillors on a committee of Derry City and Strabane District Council could not bring themselves to support an invitation to Joseph Biden to visit the city but it is an all too real microcosm of the distance those chosen by electors as representatives need to move in terms of leadership that can resolve issues. More rather than less encouragement is desirable. If further evidence is needed, it is evident in the recent stance of the UUP with regard to the Shared Island Unit.
In addition to disparaging remarks alluding to the motives of the Taoiseach, Michaél Martin TD, the UUP is hedging its bets by referencing a Shared Islands approach within the structures of the GFA’s 3 strands. At present, it does not send an elected representative to the GFA Implementation Committee in Dublin nor has ever fully embraced All-Ireland bodies.
This current position represents a calculated-risk approach as opposed to a strategic one.
Had unionists bothered to attend the All-Ireland Dialogues, they would have observed that an all-island dimension to many aspects of life in the two jurisdictions operates well beyond the GFA structures. Political unionism has a low capacity to trust itself in engaging with those who might hold a view that is different and it would appear that this is still in place.
For a variety of reasons, political unionism is stalling on engagement with the potential of a shared island. Trust, understanding and reconciliation require nurturing. Impediments did not need to be put in their way by a US President-elect.
Photo by TambiraPhotography is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-11-13--And it’s wrap on #USElections2020, but what lessons are there for NI politicians?

Here ’ s our wrap up session with Ruarai and Shane reflecting on the lessons that might be drawn from @ @ @ @ @ and political parties in Northern Ireland , particularly in the more down-ballot races where money @ @ @ @ @ the Democrats underperform ?
Ruarai highlights a split between moderates blaming poor messaging for lost @ @ @ @ @ example of ‘ defund the police ’ which went ricocheting all over ) , left @ @ @ @ @ .
What can our politicians in Northern Ireland learn ?
Well , you ’ ll @ @ @ @ @ end .
You can also get it below as a podcast under the new title @ @ @ @ @ wherever you get your quality podcasts .

Here’s our wrap up session with Ruarai and Shane reflecting on the lessons that might be drawn from the US elections for politicians and political parties in Northern Ireland, particularly in the more down-ballot races where money was tighter.
Why did the Democrats underperform? Ruarai highlights a split between moderates blaming poor messaging for lost seats (Shane gives the example of ‘defund the police’ which went ricocheting all over), left says bottom-up campaigning was inconsistent.
What can our politicians in Northern Ireland learn? Well, you’ll have to listen to the end. You can also get it below as a podcast under the new title Slugger’s Politics Plus wherever you get your quality podcasts.
Powered by RedCircle


sluggerotoole--2020-11-13--Watch the launch of the John and Pat Hume Foundation today at 11am…

A foundation in the name of former Nobel Peace Prize Winner , John Hume , and his wife Pat Hume , will launch today at 11am .
The John and Pat Hume Foundation will seek to advance non-violent and peaceful change-making for present and future generations in divided societies and support and inspire leadership for peaceful change at home and across the world through a series of outreach and support programmes .
The Foundation ’ s Leadership and Board is composed of people , from diverse backgrounds and communities , who bring a breadth of experience and a range of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work .
You can watch the event live from 11am on the video below : Speakers at the event will include : Below is the press release : Hume ’ s values needed now more than ever to help young people navigate these difficult times , says Foundation Chair Sean Farren A foundation in the name of former Nobel Peace Prize winner , John Hume , and his wife Pat Hume has launched today at a virtual event .
The people behind the Hume Foundation have said their aim is to promote the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hume to a new generation of peace-makers in the hope it will assist them with navigating the big challenges of their time .
Working under three key principles of Partnership , Respect and Resilience , the cross-community Hume Foundation has been established to promote the peaceful legacy of John and Pat Hume .
Core to its future activity will be the advancement of peaceful change in divided societies nationally and internationally .
The Foundation ’ s work will advance social and economic justice , democratic progress , and the building of inclusive and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peace .
Speaking ahead of the launch , Professor Sean Farren , Chair of the Hume Foundation , said : “ In the darkest of days of the Troubles , John Hume was an extraordinary political leader , a statesman and central architect of peace , who charted a path for the people of Ireland , North and South , of all traditions to come together to resolve our differences peacefully and to build a better , more prosperous future for all of our children .
“ In many ways the next generation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the rise of populism and cultural divisions across these islands , Europe and right across the world and other existential challenges such as climate change and rising poverty and inequality .
This Foundation has been established because we believe that the values and ideals of partnership , reconciliation , inclusion and social justice that John and Pat embraced throughout their lives can help support our young people to navigate the profound challenges of their time and inspire the next generation of peace-makers.
” The Foundation ’ s work will fall into four broad @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Future Proofing and Legacy .
As well as further launch events in Dublin , Brussels and Washington in the future , the Foundation will host its first “ Leadership for Peaceful Change ” lecture with Martin Luther King III on 19 November 2020 .
“ Even though our generation of young people have been able to grow up outside of the Troubles , our society , both at home and abroad , faces lots of challenges which require us to bring people together , find common ground and move forward .
Throughout their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leadership and courage to embrace difference and build a path towards compromise .
I hope that by being involved with the Foundation , I can help inspire this generation and future generations of young people to take these values and ideals and lead in their time.
” The Foundation ’ s Patrons include : Former President of Ireland Mary McAleese and Martin McAleese , Nadia Murad , 2018 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate , Senator George J. Mitchell and Seamus Mallon ( posthumously ) .
Former Progressive Unionist Party Leader , and Board Member @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been involved in peace-building for decades .
Our contribution is often ignored or viewed as secondary .
When in fact we have shown tremendous courage and taken great risks , sometimes personal risk , to try and bring about peace .
Pat Hume is a courageous leader who , alongside John , demonstrates the humanity needed to regard difference as a virtue , to be celebrated , understood and encouraged to make peaceful change inclusive and sustainable .
I hope the work of the John and Pat Hume Foundation will be a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ guide for current and future leaders involved in peace-building.
” The Foundation is a non-party political organisation and led by a Board of Directors chaired by former Executive Minister , Professor Sean Farren .
Senior members of the Hume family , including John Hume Jnr .
and Professor Mo Hume , are closely involved in the leadership of the Foundation .
“ The Hume family fully support the creation of the John and Pat Hume Foundation and are particularly pleased that it also recognises our Mother ’ s role and legacy .
John @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inspiration , energy and determination from each other .
“ Our Mother and Father had an unwavering determination to peace , equality and economic justice , all of which are intertwined .
Difference should never be the source of conflict , and the Foundation will promote that message both here in Ireland and further afield .
“ We are also delighted that the Foundation will be headquartered in Derry .
The strong community roots of Derry played a formative role in developing our parents political views and determination for peaceful change .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” The Foundation has also launched a website which will be used , alongside social and digital media channels , to promote the organisation ’ s work internationally and provide a hub for information and guidance .

A foundation in the name of former Nobel Peace Prize Winner, John Hume, and his wife Pat Hume, will launch today at 11am.
The John and Pat Hume Foundation will seek to advance non-violent and peaceful change-making for present and future generations in divided societies and support and inspire leadership for peaceful change at home and across the world through a series of outreach and support programmes.
The Foundation’s Leadership and Board is composed of people, from diverse backgrounds and communities, who bring a breadth of experience and a range of different viewpoints to the organisation’s work.
You can watch the event live from 11am on the video below:
https://youtu.be/3YGzzyybSYE
Speakers at the event will include:
Professor Sean Farren
Dawn Purvis
Sara Canning
John Hume Jnr
Below is the press release:
Hume’s values needed now more than ever to help young people navigate these difficult times, says Foundation Chair Sean Farren
A foundation in the name of former Nobel Peace Prize winner, John Hume, and his wife Pat Hume has launched today at a virtual event. The people behind the Hume Foundation have said their aim is to promote the values and ethos of John and Pat Hume to a new generation of peace-makers in the hope it will assist them with navigating the big challenges of their time.
Working under three key principles of Partnership, Respect and Resilience, the cross-community Hume Foundation has been established to promote the peaceful legacy of John and Pat Hume. Core to its future activity will be the advancement of peaceful change in divided societies nationally and internationally. The Foundation’s work will advance social and economic justice, democratic progress, and the building of inclusive and resilient communities as fundamental cornerstones of sustained peace.
Speaking ahead of the launch, Professor Sean Farren, Chair of the Hume Foundation, said:
“In the darkest of days of the Troubles, John Hume was an extraordinary political leader, a statesman and central architect of peace, who charted a path for the people of Ireland, North and South, of all traditions to come together to resolve our differences peacefully and to build a better, more prosperous future for all of our children. “In many ways the next generation is facing many equally dark challenges – the rise of populism and cultural divisions across these islands, Europe and right across the world and other existential challenges such as climate change and rising poverty and inequality. This Foundation has been established because we believe that the values and ideals of partnership, reconciliation, inclusion and social justice that John and Pat embraced throughout their lives can help support our young people to navigate the profound challenges of their time and inspire the next generation of peace-makers.”
The Foundation’s work will fall into four broad areas: Reflection, Thought Provoking, Future Proofing and Legacy. As well as further launch events in Dublin, Brussels and Washington in the future, the Foundation will host its first “Leadership for Peaceful Change” lecture with Martin Luther King III on 19 November 2020.
Board Member, Sara Canning, said:
“Even though our generation of young people have been able to grow up outside of the Troubles, our society, both at home and abroad, faces lots of challenges which require us to bring people together, find common ground and move forward. Throughout their lives, John and Pat showed the leadership and courage to embrace difference and build a path towards compromise. I hope that by being involved with the Foundation, I can help inspire this generation and future generations of young people to take these values and ideals and lead in their time.”
The Foundation’s Patrons include: Former President of Ireland Mary McAleese and Martin McAleese, Nadia Murad, 2018 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, Senator George J. Mitchell and Seamus Mallon (posthumously).
Former Progressive Unionist Party Leader, and Board Member, Dawn Purvis said:
“Women have been involved in peace-building for decades. Our contribution is often ignored or viewed as secondary. When in fact we have shown tremendous courage and taken great risks, sometimes personal risk, to try and bring about peace. Pat Hume is a courageous leader who, alongside John, demonstrates the humanity needed to regard difference as a virtue, to be celebrated, understood and encouraged to make peaceful change inclusive and sustainable. I hope the work of the John and Pat Hume Foundation will be a home, a school and a career guide for current and future leaders involved in peace-building.”
The Foundation is a non-party political organisation and led by a Board of Directors chaired by former Executive Minister, Professor Sean Farren. Senior members of the Hume family, including John Hume Jnr. and Professor Mo Hume, are closely involved in the leadership of the Foundation.
John Hume Jnr said:
“The Hume family fully support the creation of the John and Pat Hume Foundation and are particularly pleased that it also recognises our Mother’s role and legacy. John and Pat were a team who found inspiration, energy and determination from each other. “Our Mother and Father had an unwavering determination to peace, equality and economic justice, all of which are intertwined. Difference should never be the source of conflict, and the Foundation will promote that message both here in Ireland and further afield. “We are also delighted that the Foundation will be headquartered in Derry. The strong community roots of Derry played a formative role in developing our parents political views and determination for peaceful change. The Foundation will thrive from that as well.”
The Foundation has also launched a website which will be used, alongside social and digital media channels, to promote the organisation’s work internationally and provide a hub for information and guidance.


sluggerotoole--2020-11-13--Arlene and Michelle came together on sea border charges because current EU position will hit NI cons

Arlene and Michelle came together on sea border charges because current EU position will hit NI consumers…

From about 3.31 below you can catch my Wednesday night with Cristo on talkRadio .
There ’ s a lot @ @ @ @ @ ( including an on the hoof description of what Slugger is ) but the key @ @ @ @ @ facing retailers in Northern Ireland… In refusing derogations for what is largely B2B traffic ( @ @ @ @ @ construction industry even agrifoods ) on any land border the EU has created a bottleneck @ @ @ @ @ which carries 90 % of all consumer goods coming into NI ) .
Photo by @ @ @ @ @ BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-11-13--Not so free, and not so fair elections: A look at Belarus, Egypt, and Tanzania in 2020…

Are you sick of hearing about the U.S Elections ?
Great !
Then why don ’ t we take your mind off it by looking at more elections !
Probably unbeknownst to most ; the U.S elections haven ’ t been the only elections to take place recently .
Places like Belarus , Egypt and Tanzania , have all recently had important elections in their country ’ s .
Though there ’ s a stark difference between these elections , and the ones over in the states .
Regardless of what Donald Trump would have to say on the matter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provenly ‘ suspicious ’ elections .
Belarus had its presidential election on 9th August , 2020 .
Not so long ago , or maybe a lifetime in covid years .
Even at this current moment , protests are still taking place in the aftermath of this election .
Just yesterday , Amnesty International reported that more than 1000 peaceful protesters were arrested in a single day .
So what ’ s going on , and why are these people protesting ?
Well , it all comes back to the presidential election .
Incumbent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Belarus since 1994 .
Apart from his first victory in 1994 , international watchdogs have critiqued his subsequent elections as being neither free nor fair .
When aiming for his sixth term in 2020 , Lukashenko faced Belarusian human rights activist : Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya as his opponent .
After her husband , a presidential candidate , was arrested ; she decided to take his place .
Tsikhanouskaya promised to introduce free and fair elections if elected , and also promised the release of all political prisoners being held in Belarus .
When the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , results had Lukashenko on 79.7 % and Tsikhanouskaya on 6.8 % .
Immediately , his opponent claimed that the results were falsified when they were revealed on the next day .
Tsikhanouskaya also claimed that she had won a 60 % majority on the first round of the count .
Her campaign proceeded to set up a ‘ Coordination Council ’ which aimed to facilitate a transfer of power , or else coordinate ‘ long-term protests ’ against the government .
Within days , all seven members of the council were either @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the end , Lukashenko ended up winning 80 % of the vote , and went on to receive international condemnation in regards to the election ’ s conduct .
The European Union , Lithuania , and Slovakia ; all imposed sanctions against the Belarusian government , and have urged the country to carry out a verified recount .
On 24-25th October , an election took place in Egypt to elect it ’ s parliament .
Current president Abdel Fattah el-Sisi , already won his presidency in undemocratic elections in the past .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ won 97 % of the popular vote when he ran against a pro-government politician , the only opposition that was allowed to contest the election .
Fast forward to the 2020 parliamentary elections , much of the same undemocratic conduct still remains .
Opposition candidates are routinely imprisoned , with a recent oppositional coalition called ‘ The Plan for Hope ; ’ being imprisoned after the government claimed they were secretly working with terrorists .
With the field of candidates dried up , only pro-government ones remained .
It ’ s suspected in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but actual seats inside its parliament are too .
A pro-Sisi lawler recently let it slip that parliament seats are given to “ whoever can pay.
” This attracts plenty of the shady businessmen type , as a seat in parliament acquires many benefits .
The main and most attractive being immunity from prosecution .
Results of the election won ’ t be known until December , but in the end , Egypt ’ s parliament will still be full of pro-Sisi politicians , with democracy still a farce .
John Mugufuli @ @ @ @ @ @ @ won Tanzania ’ s 28th October 2020 presidential election with 84 % of the popular vote .
An apt nickname for someone who ‘ bulldozed ’ the competition , if it was , in fact , a legitimate election .
Magufuli has been Tanzania ’ s president since 2015 , but since then he ’ s been plagued with accusations of autocratic rule , suppression of speech , and crackdowns against opposition .
Even journalists must be escorted around by state officials .
Magufuli also claims that there is no coronavirus in Tanzania @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this by the local television station ; he had it shut down .
He promised that the 2020 presidential election would be a ‘ free and fair election.
’ The evidence shows quite the contrary .
Tundu lissu was the main opposition for the election , but he faced mammoth obstacles in his campaign .
The National Electoral Commission ( NEC ) , run by the president ’ s appointed friends , barred Lissu and the opposition from campaigning ; but let the president himself campaign .
A recent tax on promotional materials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even afford campaign posters .
Complicated laws in the country haven ’ t stopped the state from being above it entirely .
Lissu ’ s rallies gathered thousands of supporters , but were frequently interrupted by the firing of police tear gas .
Intense violence has broken since the election result , with the government censoring social media posts showcasing police shootings and assault from security forces .
The European Union , US State Department , and the Commonwealth , have all heavily condemned Tanzania ’ s election .
Photo by Artem Podrez @ @ @ @

Are you sick of hearing about the U.S Elections? Great! Then why don’t we take your mind off it by looking at more elections!
Probably unbeknownst to most; the U.S elections haven’t been the only elections to take place recently. Places like Belarus, Egypt and Tanzania, have all recently had important elections in their country’s.
Though there’s a stark difference between these elections, and the ones over in the states.
Regardless of what Donald Trump would have to say on the matter; these other countries are home to provenly ‘suspicious’ elections.
Belarus
Belarus had its presidential election on 9th August, 2020. Not so long ago, or maybe a lifetime in covid years.
Even at this current moment, protests are still taking place in the aftermath of this election. Just yesterday, Amnesty International reported that more than 1000 peaceful protesters were arrested in a single day.
So what’s going on, and why are these people protesting?
Well, it all comes back to the presidential election.
Incumbent Alexander Lukashenko, has been president of Belarus since 1994.
Apart from his first victory in 1994, international watchdogs have critiqued his subsequent elections as being neither free nor fair.
When aiming for his sixth term in 2020, Lukashenko faced Belarusian human rights activist: Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya as his opponent.
After her husband, a presidential candidate, was arrested; she decided to take his place.
Tsikhanouskaya promised to introduce free and fair elections if elected, and also promised the release of all political prisoners being held in Belarus.
When the exit poll came out on election night, results had Lukashenko on 79.7% and Tsikhanouskaya on 6.8%.
Immediately, his opponent claimed that the results were falsified when they were revealed on the next day. Tsikhanouskaya also claimed that she had won a 60% majority on the first round of the count.
Her campaign proceeded to set up a ‘Coordination Council’ which aimed to facilitate a transfer of power, or else coordinate ‘long-term protests’ against the government.
Within days, all seven members of the council were either arrested or went into exile.
In the end, Lukashenko ended up winning 80% of the vote, and went on to receive international condemnation in regards to the election’s conduct.
The European Union, Lithuania, and Slovakia; all imposed sanctions against the Belarusian government, and have urged the country to carry out a verified recount.
Egypt
On 24-25th October, an election took place in Egypt to elect it’s parliament.
Current president Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, already won his presidency in undemocratic elections in the past.
In the 2018 Egyptian presidential elections, Sisi won 97% of the popular vote when he ran against a pro-government politician, the only opposition that was allowed to contest the election.
Fast forward to the 2020 parliamentary elections, much of the same undemocratic conduct still remains.
Opposition candidates are routinely imprisoned, with a recent oppositional coalition called ‘The Plan for Hope;’ being imprisoned after the government claimed they were secretly working with terrorists.
With the field of candidates dried up, only pro-government ones remained.
It’s suspected in Egypt that not only votes are bought, but actual seats inside its parliament are too.
A pro-Sisi lawler recently let it slip that parliament seats are given to “whoever can pay.”
This attracts plenty of the shady businessmen type, as a seat in parliament acquires many benefits.
The main and most attractive being immunity from prosecution.
Results of the election won’t be known until December, but in the end, Egypt’s parliament will still be full of pro-Sisi politicians, with democracy still a farce.
Tanzania
John Mugufuli, nicknamed ‘the bulldozer,’ won Tanzania’s 28th October 2020 presidential election with 84% of the popular vote. An apt nickname for someone who ‘bulldozed’ the competition, if it was, in fact, a legitimate election.
Magufuli has been Tanzania’s president since 2015, but since then he’s been plagued with accusations of autocratic rule, suppression of speech, and crackdowns against opposition.
Even journalists must be escorted around by state officials.
Magufuli also claims that there is no coronavirus in Tanzania, and when he was challenged on this by the local television station; he had it shut down.
He promised that the 2020 presidential election would be a ‘free and fair election.’
The evidence shows quite the contrary.
Tundu lissu was the main opposition for the election, but he faced mammoth obstacles in his campaign.
The National Electoral Commission (NEC), run by the president’s appointed friends, barred Lissu and the opposition from campaigning; but let the president himself campaign.
A recent tax on promotional materials meant that the opposition couldn’t even afford campaign posters.
Complicated laws in the country haven’t stopped the state from being above it entirely.
Lissu’s rallies gathered thousands of supporters, but were frequently interrupted by the firing of police tear gas.
Intense violence has broken since the election result, with the government censoring social media posts showcasing police shootings and assault from security forces.
The European Union, US State Department, and the Commonwealth, have all heavily condemned Tanzania’s election.
Photo by Artem Podrez is licensed under CC0