sluggerotoole--2020-07-09--Soldiers, Soup and Sandy Row: Challenging a fixed mindset…

The anecdotal examples given here are intended to act as blunt signifiers , and can hopefully trigger a much broader conversation on identity and growth mindsets – concepts that are very much intertwined and blurred together , positively , across the community already The American psychologist Carol Dweck is renowned for her research on mindset theories , and her work is widely referred to in the education sector .
The general idea is that people who welcome challenging situations , who embrace their mistakes and value opportunities to learn , can be said to have a growth mindset .
Conversely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for change is limited , and set in stone , may be said to hold on to a fixed mindset .
Walking with my late grandfather down the back lane , after Sunday Mass , is a favourite childhood memory .
He was the gentlest soul you could ever meet and didn ’ t have a prejudiced bone in his body .
Moving through fields full of wild rushes , Granda and I would always pass this old wreck of a car lying in a ditch .
The rust bucket provided shelter from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
One day though , the windows had been smashed .
Destroyed .
A bitter wind would tear through the old vehicle from now on .
‘ It was the soldiers , ’ my devastated Granda told me .
‘ They walk down here , and they wreck the gates and smash the windows.
’ It was a fact that the army had , accidentally or otherwise , damaged gates and fences in the past .
I remember as well , with mum working , sick days off from primary school spent at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the sofa one day , with a blanket and hot-water bottle , there came a sudden rat-a-tat-tat on the window .
Soldiers !
‘ Them boys love windows , ’ I thought .
One waved at me and I ducked for cover , praying for invisibility .
The squaddies laughed loudly .
Fifteen minutes later I was scurrying outside , having been asked by my neighbour to help carry tea and sandwiches to the army men , who were huddled in the big red corrugated shade .
They ate and drank with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ watching them .
I was still intimidated .
Yet , I remember thinking : ‘ These fellows seem…kind of human ?
Kind of… normal ?
’ In 2001 , at the time of the foot-and-mouth outbreak , a few farms near our place became infected .
A bit of a media frenzy developed , and the police put up cordons .
At my auntie ’ s down the road , we were marched out the door with flasks of soup and Viscount biscuits to the officers in the field .
Were they the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Are we cursed at birth and hoist with the petards of our history ?
Local geographies play their part , too .
Are we therefore denied the opportunity to grow , to expand our mindsets because of the narrow parameters of identity we find ourselves constrained by ?
Years later , as a greenhorn undergraduate , I signed up to assist an older anthropology student , who was carrying out PhD research into the politics of memorialisation in post-conflict Northern Ireland .
Taking those first steps down Sandy Row , I was up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ questions and pre-rehearsed introduction , I knocked on a random door .
A gentleman answered and I started stammering .
He stared coolly .
‘ Son…son .
Relax yourself , please .
How can I help you ?
’ We spoke for nearly twenty minutes , and the conversation was warm enough .
At one stage he became very keen to express his anger at ‘ the terrorists in government up on the hill , ’ while I , now relaxed and at ease , was still full of the ‘ Yes , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ !
’ type of thing .
I left , feeling mild shame at my earlier panic .
But relief as well .
The PhD student was from Rome , and she ’ d thrown herself straight into the local culture .
She would tell me the craic she ’ d had at Eleventh Night bonfires the previous year , and how she was warmly welcomed , respected and invited to drink .
‘ You should join me at a bonfire later this summer , ’ she offered .
I politely agreed , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ felt she ’ d be somehow safer , with her academic credentials ; whilst I , a Holylands culchie – a mere cub – didn ’ t feel brave enough .
Perhaps I should have gone .
But maybe it was for the best .
No matter what side of the house you ’ re from , how would you rate your own mindset ?
Specifically towards people , institutions , traditions , or acts of memorialisation ( controversial or otherwise ) .
If it ’ s firmly fixed in place , how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Brian asked us – ever be possible ?
A few weeks later , I got a bus from the country into the Europa in Belfast .
Waiting for a connection , there was still an hour to kill .
It so happened that it was The Twelfth .
I was curious , excited .
A voyeur .
I felt a thrilling , illogical sense of danger .
This was big bad Belfast on the big bad day , after all .
Poking my head out of the Great Northern Mall , the mighty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stomach from its source up in Shaftesbury Square , followed by the cascade of wooden drumsticks tackling a sea of snares .
What a sound .
Raw and invasive .
The guttural beauty crawled inside me and settled , uncertain of why it was there .
This was far better than Paul Clark ’ s UTV show “ The Twelfth ” ( which my mummy watches every year ) .
I swiftly retreated from my position as accidental tourist , and headed back towards the neutral safety of the bus station .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ labelled as a flow of idealistic ( ignorant ? )
, self-indulgent and naïve drivel .
Fair enough .
But in my relatively limited life experience , this is how I ’ ve encountered challenges to my fixed mindset – hopefully I ’ ve taken the opportunity to grow , even just a bit .
I ’ ve regretted it ever since .
Photo by namair is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

The anecdotal examples given here are intended to act as blunt signifiers, and can hopefully trigger a much broader conversation on identity and growth mindsets – concepts that are very much intertwined and blurred together, positively, across the community already
The American psychologist Carol Dweck is renowned for her research on mindset theories, and her work is widely referred to in the education sector. The general idea is that people who welcome challenging situations, who embrace their mistakes and value opportunities to learn, can be said to have a growth mindset. Conversely, those who believe that their capacity for change is limited, and set in stone, may be said to hold on to a fixed mindset.
Walking with my late grandfather down the back lane, after Sunday Mass, is a favourite childhood memory. He was the gentlest soul you could ever meet and didn’t have a prejudiced bone in his body. Moving through fields full of wild rushes, Granda and I would always pass this old wreck of a car lying in a ditch. The rust bucket provided shelter from the elements when he was out farming.
One day though, the windows had been smashed. Destroyed. A bitter wind would tear through the old vehicle from now on. ‘It was the soldiers,’ my devastated Granda told me. ‘They walk down here, and they wreck the gates and smash the windows.’ It was a fact that the army had, accidentally or otherwise, damaged gates and fences in the past.
I remember as well, with mum working, sick days off from primary school spent at a neighbour’s house. Sniffling on the sofa one day, with a blanket and hot-water bottle, there came a sudden rat-a-tat-tat on the window. Soldiers! ‘Them boys love windows,’ I thought.
One waved at me and I ducked for cover, praying for invisibility. The squaddies laughed loudly. Fifteen minutes later I was scurrying outside, having been asked by my neighbour to help carry tea and sandwiches to the army men, who were huddled in the big red corrugated shade.
They ate and drank with kind and courteous grace. I kept watching them. I was still intimidated. Yet, I remember thinking: ‘These fellows seem…kind of human? Kind of… normal?’
In 2001, at the time of the foot-and-mouth outbreak, a few farms near our place became infected. A bit of a media frenzy developed, and the police put up cordons. At my auntie’s down the road, we were marched out the door with flasks of soup and Viscount biscuits to the officers in the field. Were they the RUC back then? The horror.
Are we cursed at birth and hoist with the petards of our history? Local geographies play their part, too. Are we therefore denied the opportunity to grow, to expand our mindsets because of the narrow parameters of identity we find ourselves constrained by?
Years later, as a greenhorn undergraduate, I signed up to assist an older anthropology student, who was carrying out PhD research into the politics of memorialisation in post-conflict Northern Ireland.
Tasty. I wondered what lay ahead.
Taking those first steps down Sandy Row, I was up to high doh. Carrying my survey questions and pre-rehearsed introduction, I knocked on a random door. A gentleman answered and I started stammering. He stared coolly.
‘Son…son. Relax yourself, please. How can I help you?’ We spoke for nearly twenty minutes, and the conversation was warm enough. At one stage he became very keen to express his anger at ‘the terrorists in government up on the hill,’ while I, now relaxed and at ease, was still full of the ‘Yes, yes, absolutely, oh I know!’ type of thing. I left, feeling mild shame at my earlier panic. But relief as well.
The PhD student was from Rome, and she’d thrown herself straight into the local culture. She would tell me the craic she’d had at Eleventh Night bonfires the previous year, and how she was warmly welcomed, respected and invited to drink. ‘You should join me at a bonfire later this summer,’ she offered. I politely agreed, but knew I wouldn’t: I felt she’d be somehow safer, with her academic credentials; whilst I, a Holylands culchie – a mere cub – didn’t feel brave enough. Perhaps I should have gone. But maybe it was for the best.
No matter what side of the house you’re from, how would you rate your own mindset? Specifically towards people, institutions, traditions, or acts of memorialisation (controversial or otherwise). If it’s firmly fixed in place, how on earth will genuine reconciliation – as Brian asked us – ever be possible?
A few weeks later, I got a bus from the country into the Europa in Belfast. Waiting for a connection, there was still an hour to kill. It so happened that it was The Twelfth.
I was curious, excited. A voyeur. I felt a thrilling, illogical sense of danger. This was big bad Belfast on the big bad day, after all.
Poking my head out of the Great Northern Mall, the mighty sound of the Lambeg boomed through my stomach from its source up in Shaftesbury Square, followed by the cascade of wooden drumsticks tackling a sea of snares. What a sound. Raw and invasive. The guttural beauty crawled inside me and settled, uncertain of why it was there. This was far better than Paul Clark’s UTV show “The Twelfth” (which my mummy watches every year). I swiftly retreated from my position as accidental tourist, and headed back towards the neutral safety of the bus station.
***
This post may run the risk of being labelled as a flow of idealistic (ignorant?), self-indulgent and naïve drivel. Fair enough. But in my relatively limited life experience, this is how I’ve encountered challenges to my fixed mindset – hopefully I’ve taken the opportunity to grow, even just a bit.
And Granda, I’m sorry… I broke those windows.
I’ve regretted it ever since.
Photo by namair is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-07-09--“This decision is directly, but not solely, related to the issues which arose around the Bobby Store

As BBC NI political editor Mark Devenport said a few days ago , there is “ No prospect of Stormont falling.
” That doesn ’ t mean there might not be casualties elsewhere… Having apologised in public for “ operational decisions ” around the Bobby Storey cremation at Roselawn Cemetery , the Belfast Telegraph reports that Belfast City Council Chief Executive , Suzanne Wylie , and director of city and neighbourhood services , Nigel Grimshaw , have lodged a formal grievance with the city solicitor , and have threatened to resign “ if [ their ] concerns are not resolved.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ reports Thursday ’ s Belfast Telegraph said it has seen correspondence which quotes Ms Wylie as saying : “ It is with deep sadness and regret that I have to inform you that Nigel and I are lodging a formal grievance with the city solicitor which includes an indication that we may have no option but to resign if our concerns are not resolved .
“ This decision is directly , but not solely , related to the issues which arose around the Bobby Storey cremation.
” According to a BBC report , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some councillors in recent days they would resign if an external investigation was ordered.
” The Chief Executive had already announced that a report was being prepared for the Council In a joint statement on Wednesday , Belfast City Council chief executive Suzanne Wylie and senior officer Nigel Grimshaw said they recognised that events at Roselawn were “ unacceptable ” and they apologised to the other families affected “ wholeheartedly and unreservedly ” .
“ A report is being prepared for the council on the facts of the case , ” they continued @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of events that took place , and what measures the council will take to ensure that a situation like this does not happen again.
” They also expressed concern about “ certain statements and comments that have been made and the impact these may have had ” on their council roles .
“ We are formally raising these issues with party leaders and the chair of the Strategic Policy and Resources Committee , ” they said .
“ Due to an ongoing process , we will not be commenting further.
” But as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ operational decisions ” not only resulted in 8 other families not being granted access to Roselawn Cemetery before Bobby Storey ’ s cremation , they also decided not to have any other cremations for the rest of the day afterwards .
In a statement , Belfast City Council said : “ Some non-cremation staff who would normally finish at 4pm , finished at 2pm.
” But the council insisted “ 15 members of staff were left on site.
” In terms of no other cremations taking place later in the afternoon , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Council made an operational decision to hold the last three cremation slots of the day .
“ As Michael McDowell put it in the Irish Times That “ exceptionalism ” saw the party push up to , and through , the guidelines that everyone else was expected to adhere to – including a “ traditional ” diversion to Milltown Cemetery for some speeches from Sinn Féin politicians .
In addition , questions have been raised over why a large crowd gathered at Milltown Cemetery in west Belfast for speeches by Sinn Féin politicians @ @ @ @ @ @ @ east Belfast .
Milltown Cemetery is a significant location for republicans , and contains the graves of a number of high-profile republicans , including Bobby Sands .
Large crowds are a common feature at funerals of high profile republicans .
During the Troubles , tens of thousands of people turned out for the funerals of IRA members who had been killed .
Funerals often feature common elements , such as a piper , while the coffin is draped in the Irish flag .
According to political commentator Chris Donnelly , these types of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the cause ” of Irish unification , as well as allowing mourners to grieve and pay their respects .
“ So a funeral almost is an occasion to express gratitude , renew commitment and the passing of the torch all rolled up into one , ” he said .
Belfast City Councillors are due to decide on Friday whether to hold “ an independent investigation rather than simply an internal review ” into events at Roselawn .
Back to Mark Simpson again There ’ s no doubt that Suzanne Wylie and Nigel Grimshaw @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first hint came on Wednesday in that statement they issued through a PR company .
I ’ ve been covering Belfast City Hall on and off for almost 30 years and I ’ ve never seen that before – two of the top team feeling the need to speak publicly , and for whatever reason , using a Belfast PR firm rather than the council press office .
At Friday ’ s council meeting , a motion will be proposed calling for an independent investigation into what happened at Roselawn – rather than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and councillors effectively investigate themselves .
Politics being politics , there ’ s a little bit of wrangling over the exact motion but I ’ d be surprised if the motion isn ’ t passed to set up some sort of time-limited independent investigation to try to get some answers about exactly what happened at Roselawn by the autumn .
In the meantime expect more comments from Sinn Féin representatives similar to these from Sinn Féin MLA Pat Sheehan during a “ heated ” Executive Office Committee meeting at the NI Assembly “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ issue has become toxic over the last week and I see no benefit to carrying on trying to investigate or pursue , ” said Mr Sheehan .
“ Do we end up back at the precipice in danger of the institutions collapsing ?
“ If we keep prodding , these things tend to take on a momentum of their own .
“ We all lose control and I would ask Christopher to take some time out and think about this again.
” Don ’ t be smart with me ...
Adds Looks like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investigation of events on the day…

As BBC NI political editor Mark Devenport said a few days ago, there is “No prospect of Stormont falling.” That doesn’t mean there might not be casualties elsewhere…
Having apologised in public for “operational decisions” around the Bobby Storey cremation at Roselawn Cemetery, the Belfast Telegraph reports that Belfast City Council Chief Executive, Suzanne Wylie, and director of city and neighbourhood services, Nigel Grimshaw, have lodged a formal grievance with the city solicitor, and have threatened to resign “if [their] concerns are not resolved.” The BBC’s Mark Simpson reports
Thursday’s Belfast Telegraph said it has seen correspondence which quotes Ms Wylie as saying: “It is with deep sadness and regret that I have to inform you that Nigel and I are lodging a formal grievance with the city solicitor which includes an indication that we may have no option but to resign if our concerns are not resolved. “This decision is directly, but not solely, related to the issues which arose around the Bobby Storey cremation.”
According to a BBC report, the two council officers had “warned some councillors in recent days they would resign if an external investigation was ordered.”
The Chief Executive had already announced that a report was being prepared for the Council
In a joint statement on Wednesday, Belfast City Council chief executive Suzanne Wylie and senior officer Nigel Grimshaw said they recognised that events at Roselawn were “unacceptable” and they apologised to the other families affected “wholeheartedly and unreservedly”. “A report is being prepared for the council on the facts of the case,” they continued. “This will clarify the sequence of events that took place, and what measures the council will take to ensure that a situation like this does not happen again.” They also expressed concern about “certain statements and comments that have been made and the impact these may have had” on their council roles. “We are formally raising these issues with party leaders and the chair of the Strategic Policy and Resources Committee,” they said. “Due to an ongoing process, we will not be commenting further.”
But as Mark Simpson noted at the time
Two of the most senior officers, including the chief executive, have explained their recent actions in a media statement issued by a Belfast public relations firm, rather than through the council press office. There may be legal reasons for this, but it is still a remarkable turn of events.
Those “operational decisions” not only resulted in 8 other families not being granted access to Roselawn Cemetery before Bobby Storey’s cremation, they also decided not to have any other cremations for the rest of the day afterwards.
In a statement, Belfast City Council said: “Some non-cremation staff who would normally finish at 4pm, finished at 2pm.” But the council insisted “15 members of staff were left on site.” In terms of no other cremations taking place later in the afternoon, the spokesperson said: “Belfast City Council made an operational decision to hold the last three cremation slots of the day. “
As Michael McDowell put it in the Irish Times
Why would a small funeral of the type ordained by the Sinn Féin members of the North’s Executive for ordinary grieving relatives of people dying there during the Covid lockdown not suffice for Storey’s obsequies? The answer is simple: Provo exceptionalism. This was their equivalent of a state funeral for Gerry Adams’s loyal right-hand man – a state funeral organised by a state within a state. [added emphasis]
That “exceptionalism” saw the party push up to, and through, the guidelines that everyone else was expected to adhere to – including a “traditional” diversion to Milltown Cemetery for some speeches from Sinn Féin politicians.
In addition, questions have been raised over why a large crowd gathered at Milltown Cemetery in west Belfast for speeches by Sinn Féin politicians when the cremation happened at Roselawn in east Belfast. Milltown Cemetery is a significant location for republicans, and contains the graves of a number of high-profile republicans, including Bobby Sands. Large crowds are a common feature at funerals of high profile republicans. During the Troubles, tens of thousands of people turned out for the funerals of IRA members who had been killed. Funerals often feature common elements, such as a piper, while the coffin is draped in the Irish flag. According to political commentator Chris Donnelly, these types of funerals “demonstrate a commitment to pursue the cause” of Irish unification, as well as allowing mourners to grieve and pay their respects. “So a funeral almost is an occasion to express gratitude, renew commitment and the passing of the torch all rolled up into one,” he said.
Indeed.
Belfast City Councillors are due to decide on Friday whether to hold “an independent investigation rather than simply an internal review” into events at Roselawn. Back to Mark Simpson again
There’s no doubt that Suzanne Wylie and Nigel Grimshaw are very, very unhappy. The first hint came on Wednesday in that statement they issued through a PR company. I’ve been covering Belfast City Hall on and off for almost 30 years and I’ve never seen that before – two of the top team feeling the need to speak publicly, and for whatever reason, using a Belfast PR firm rather than the council press office. At Friday’s council meeting, a motion will be proposed calling for an independent investigation into what happened at Roselawn – rather than an internal council investigation whereby council officials and councillors effectively investigate themselves. Politics being politics, there’s a little bit of wrangling over the exact motion but I’d be surprised if the motion isn’t passed to set up some sort of time-limited independent investigation to try to get some answers about exactly what happened at Roselawn by the autumn.
In the meantime expect more comments from Sinn Féin representatives similar to these from Sinn Féin MLA Pat Sheehan during a “heated” Executive Office Committee meeting at the NI Assembly
“Can I make a suggestion? This issue has become toxic over the last week and I see no benefit to carrying on trying to investigate or pursue,” said Mr Sheehan. “Do we end up back at the precipice in danger of the institutions collapsing? “If we keep prodding, these things tend to take on a momentum of their own. “We all lose control and I would ask Christopher to take some time out and think about this again.”
[Stop asking stupid questions? – Ed]
Don’t be smart with me...
Adds Looks like there will be at least one external investigation of events on the day…


sluggerotoole--2020-07-10--It would be a mistake for Unionists to seek terms for Irish unity now. There’s a bigger future to di

It would be a mistake for Unionists to seek terms for Irish unity now. There’s a bigger future to discuss

The time , therefore , has finally come for unionists , particularly those in Northern Ireland , to consider the terms on which they could tolerate , if not accept , a united Ireland… On the eve of Northern Ireland ’ s centenary next May , Unionism needs to form an assembly of its own to answer that question .
So what should unionism demand in exchange for its tolerance of unification ?
First , let ’ s acknowledge that unionism holds a pretty decent hand should it care to play it : the knowledge that , in the event @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the British and Irish governments would concede quite a lot if they had confidence it would minimize problems resulting from unionist discontent .
So writes Shane Greer , this time in the Daily Telegraph .
This is the wrong question for today because it begs the essential one .
It requires conceding the principle of unity however hypothetically and strongly implies that unionists are prepared to discuss terms .
The stance is at best premature .
At this point I doubt it would be welcomed even by the Irish government .
There @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before Unionists rush into a fearful huddle to wrestle yet again with the politics of their identity .
The starting point should be economic delivery and wellbeing .
This would be a novel departure .
Traditionally in Ireland , economics were always subordinate to identity politics .
Today unionists fear a trap and are seriously torn between the single market status being the slippery slope to unity or the best of both economic worlds .
Rather than duck this issue they must confront it .
So they will ask : Is the new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” strategy just another Trojan horse that opens the gates to unity in a kinder gentler form than an aggressive campaign for a border poll ?
It ’ s an open question .
For Michéal Martin and his coalition partners , the problem of unity based on the carrot of reconciliation without the stick of a border poll built in is that it perpetuates the unionist veto .
The problem for unionists is the slippery slope .
These are issues that can be put to the test .
Unionists should call on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from economic development .
They should be willing also abandon any idea of voting to leave the single market , unless the costs of the sea border turn out to be prohibitive .
Northern Ireland ’ s special status with regard to the single market hands the Irish government a significant opportunity to promote economic integration .
Martin should be challenged to offer clear commitments to flesh out the vague aspirations of the coalition ’ s programme for government .
In turn unionists should embrace shared and integrated economic development as far as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all .
There is a huge agenda to discuss here .
Will it transform or disappoint ?
To stay off the slope , unionists – and I would argue everyone – need to stand a stable platform .
Fortunately one is oven ready : the institutions east west and north south of the GFA .
Unionists should become their champion and match the new Irish government ’ s commitment to revive and develop them .
For them the GFA is the settlement not an accommodation , while recognising the ultimate legitimacy of referendums @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Assembly parties should work together to create a transparent and accountable network of cooperation out of the tangle of Protocol committees and GFA institutions .
What of the British government ?
NI ’ s is future is too often discussed purely in terms of two parts of Ireland coming together more or less peacefully .
The almost forgotten essential corollary is cutting the British link .
This would traumatic even without violence .
Either way the character and strength of the British dimension is too easily dismissed , no doubt encouraged by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governments since at least 2010 who too readily assumed that the book on Ireland had been closed .
Unionists have always resented Westminster ’ s neutrality over their Union compared to even the amended Irish constitutional position on unity .
The doyen of political scientists on NI , Brendan O ’ Leary has plausibly described their position .
“ The future is in the hands of the English , but they care more about Scotland than NI .
The Conservatives are torn between faux unionism and ruthless down-sizing ” The perversity of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ withdrawal is perplexing everyone including many of their own supporters .
Unionists can be forgiven for keeping their heads down until something , anything clarifies .
They have even suppressed their cries of betrayal mindful that they were in part the authors of their own misfortune .
Faced with the evidence they simply ignore Johnson ’ s claims of frictionless east west trade in any direction .
In his turn Johnson is in denial over the evident threats to the Union from Scotland and Ireland .
Unionists have to do their best to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s intentions over the coming months in the looming debate on the future of the Union as a whole .
Would the Conservatives campaign for the Union or happily cut NI adrift ?
Would Labour and the nationalist parties remain neutral or become persuaders for Irish unity ?
This is not a matter of trying to avoid a border poll at all costs .
It is about the politics before we get there .
Northern Ireland is at the nodal point of these debates .
It is a position to exploit .
Unionists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wider context that that is about the entire shape of the future .
It embraces the Union , the GFA and relations with the EU rather than restricted to the old obsession with Northern Ireland alone .
Before Stormont was restored I drafted a position paper on their ideal identity for civic unionists embarking on dialogue with the Irish government on their ideal identity ( I would have done the equivalent for the SDLP or any other party had I been asked ) .
I think it still holds up .
From the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Irish and British in any order of priority .
We call all parts of these islands home .
Our Britishness is not a false consciousness and we deride the idea of Irishness as foreign .
Our passport like our nationality is a matter of choice .
The Belfast Agreement is our ideal settlement , not our temporary accommodation .
From experience we know this is entirely compatible with moderate nationalism and are convinced it is the right position for unionism to adopt for our own and the common good .
But we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many quarters including Dublin and London… Together at our own initiative and suggested by others , we would develop an agenda both of immediate and long term issues .
Our outcomes we hope , will be all the more robust .

The time, therefore, has finally come for unionists, particularly those in Northern Ireland, to consider the terms on which they could tolerate, if not accept, a united Ireland… On the eve of Northern Ireland’s centenary next May, Unionism needs to form an assembly of its own to answer that question.
So what should unionism demand in exchange for its tolerance of unification? First, let’s acknowledge that unionism holds a pretty decent hand should it care to play it: the knowledge that, in the event of a ‘yes’ on unification, the British and Irish governments would concede quite a lot if they had confidence it would minimize problems resulting from unionist discontent.
So writes Shane Greer, this time in the Daily Telegraph. This is the wrong question for today because it begs the essential one. It requires conceding the principle of unity however hypothetically and strongly implies that unionists are prepared to discuss terms. The stance is at best premature. At this point I doubt it would be welcomed even by the Irish government.
There is a great deal to examine outwards before Unionists rush into a fearful huddle to wrestle yet again with the politics of their identity. The starting point should be economic delivery and wellbeing. This would be a novel departure. Traditionally in Ireland, economics were always subordinate to identity politics. Today unionists fear a trap and are seriously torn between the single market status being the slippery slope to unity or the best of both economic worlds. Rather than duck this issue they must confront it.
So they will ask : Is the new grand coalition’s “shared island” strategy just another Trojan horse that opens the gates to unity in a kinder gentler form than an aggressive campaign for a border poll? It’s an open question. For Michéal Martin and his coalition partners, the problem of unity based on the carrot of reconciliation without the stick of a border poll built in is that it perpetuates the unionist veto. The problem for unionists is the slippery slope. These are issues that can be put to the test.
Unionists should call on the Irish government specifically to decouple constitutional change from economic development. They should be willing also abandon any idea of voting to leave the single market, unless the costs of the sea border turn out to be prohibitive.
Northern Ireland’s special status with regard to the single market hands the Irish government a significant opportunity to promote economic integration. Martin should be challenged to offer clear commitments to flesh out the vague aspirations of the coalition’s programme for government. In turn unionists should embrace shared and integrated economic development as far as it will go for the benefit of all. There is a huge agenda to discuss here. Will it transform or disappoint?
To stay off the slope, unionists – and I would argue everyone – need to stand a stable platform. Fortunately one is oven ready: the institutions east west and north south of the GFA. Unionists should become their champion and match the new Irish government’s commitment to revive and develop them. For them the GFA is the settlement not an accommodation, while recognising the ultimate legitimacy of referendums on unity. The two governments and the Assembly parties should work together to create a transparent and accountable network of cooperation out of the tangle of Protocol committees and GFA institutions.
What of the British government? NI’s is future is too often discussed purely in terms of two parts of Ireland coming together more or less peacefully. The almost forgotten essential corollary is cutting the British link. This would be traumatic even without violence. Either way the character and strength of the British dimension is too easily dismissed, no doubt encouraged by the complacent and wayward behaviour of successive governments since at least 2010 who too readily assumed that the book on Ireland had been closed. Unionists have always resented Westminster’s neutrality over their Union compared to even the amended Irish constitutional position on unity. The doyen of political scientists on NI, Brendan O’Leary has plausibly described their position. “The future is in the hands of the English, but they care more about Scotland than NI. The Conservatives are torn between faux unionism and ruthless down-sizing”
The perversity of the Johnson government over final terms for EU withdrawal is perplexing everyone including many of their own supporters. Unionists can be forgiven for keeping their heads down until something, anything clarifies. They have even suppressed their cries of betrayal mindful that they were in part the authors of their own misfortune. Faced with the evidence they simply ignore Johnson’s claims of frictionless east west trade in either direction. Johnson is also in denial over the evident threats to the Union from Scotland and Ireland. Unionists have to do their best to get clarification of the UK government’s intentions over the coming months in the looming debate on the future of the Union as a whole. Would the Conservatives campaign for the Union or happily cut NI adrift? Would Labour and the nationalist parties remain neutral or become persuaders for Irish unity? This is not a matter of trying to avoid a border poll at all costs. It is about the politics before we get there. Northern Ireland is at the nodal point of these debates. It is a position to exploit. Unionists ought to feel more comfortable in the wider context that is about shaping a bigger future. It embraces the Union, the GFA and relations with the EU rather than limited to the old obsession on Northern Ireland alone.
Before Stormont was restored I drafted a paper on positioning and identity for civic unionists embarking on dialogue with the Irish government. ( I would have done the equivalent for the SDLP or any other party had I been asked). I think it still holds up. From the intro.
Our identity is Northern Irish, Irish and British in any order of priority. We call all parts of these islands home. Our Britishness is not a false consciousness and we deride the idea of Irishness as foreign. Our passport like our nationality is a matter of choice. The Belfast Agreement is our ideal settlement, not our temporary accommodation. From experience we know this is entirely compatible with moderate nationalism and are convinced it is the right position for unionism to adopt for our own and the common good. But we need help to develop our case from many quarters including Dublin and London…
Together at our own initiative and suggested by others, we would develop an agenda both of immediate and long term issues. Our outcomes we hope, will be all the more robust.
.


sluggerotoole--2020-07-10--Spinners and Losers: Sinn Fein cool the heat…

As ‘ crematorium- [ side ] gate ’ moves into its second week , and the legislature bit its gums into a non-legally binding motion , it appears as though the heat is shifting .
The media are now fixating on two Belfast city council big hitters ( BBC ) : The Belfast Telegraph is reporting the council ’ s chief executive Suzanne Wylie and director Nigel Grimshaw have lodged a formal grievance with a solicitor .
They are said to have warned they may resign if “ concerns are not resolved ” .
What I find remarkable is how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out of their court and into the laps of private citizens .
The Beltel has in the past reported that the CEO is in receipt of a hefty 159k compensation package , but she is still a private citizen and should not be subjected to the same level of scrutiny as a democratically elected representative .
The attempts to shift the focus from SF reps began in earnest on the Nolan show when Mick made the point that there are elected councillors ( a large contingent of whom are SF councillors ) sitting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of accountability in a democracy is for these servants of the ratepayer to bear some responsibility .
But responsibility is not the golden rule of Northern Ireland politics and so very cleverly we now have a situation where two bureaucrats have threatened very publicly to resign over this whole fiasco .
Sam McBride has reported that they have even hired an independent PR firm rather than using the in-house council comms officers .
The RHI undertones couldn ’ t be more apparent here , at this rate elected representatives will have to begin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are actually for ?
If they don ’ t read legislation and policy documents , don ’ t hold public facilities to account like Roselawn and shift the blame to bureaucrats who feel the need to threaten resignation or retirement , then why have them ?
Sadly , this will brush the lips of many who feel frustrated with our political process .
The culture within our biggest council is about to take a serious hit , this year will see Belfast city reopen for its 280,000 people to re-emerge from a state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than ever , and their top brass are feeling undermined because of an alleged public health breach by the Deputy First Minister and the Finance Minister of the regional assembly .
Yet as noted above the very same assembly simply slaps on the wrist two members of the executive it is solely tasked with holding to account .
There is an acute risk of throwing the institutions into disarray at a time of maximum risk .
I am aware that there are no quick fixes and that strategically the DUP have too @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government .
What is now needed is for someone to take the mantle of leadership to close the book on this crisis , when appearing before the executive committee last week Arlene snapped when SF MLAs recalled the life and political origin story of Bobby Storey .
This was juxtapositioned by a calm and collected Christopher Stalford MLA who read aloud a text message from a constituent so infuriated by the DFM ’ s actions .
I see no other alternative than , at the very least , an investigation by the Department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inquiry with sweeping powers .
Strap in , as this looks like a long journey ahead… “ Belfast City Hall ” by D-Stanley is licensed under CC BY

As ‘crematorium-[side]gate’ moves into its second week, and the legislature bit its gums into a non-legally binding motion, it appears as though the heat is shifting. The media are now fixating on two Belfast city council big hitters (BBC):
The Belfast Telegraph is reporting the council’s chief executive Suzanne Wylie and director Nigel Grimshaw have lodged a formal grievance with a solicitor. They are said to have warned they may resign if “concerns are not resolved”.
What I find remarkable is how quickly Sinn Fein successfully spun this one out of their court and into the laps of private citizens. The Beltel has in the past reported that the CEO is in receipt of a hefty 159k compensation package, but she is still a private citizen and should not be subjected to the same level of scrutiny as a democratically elected representative.
The attempts to shift the focus from SF reps began in earnest on the Nolan show when Mick made the point that there are elected councillors (a large contingent of whom are SF councillors) sitting on that council. The whole point of accountability in a democracy is for these servants of the ratepayer to bear some responsibility.
But responsibility is not the golden rule of Northern Ireland politics and so very cleverly we now have a situation where two bureaucrats have threatened very publicly to resign over this whole fiasco. Sam McBride has reported that they have even hired an independent PR firm rather than using the in-house council comms officers.
The RHI undertones couldn’t be more apparent here, at this rate elected representatives will have to begin explaining to a befuddled public what they are actually for? If they don’t read legislation and policy documents, don’t hold public facilities to account like Roselawn and shift the blame to bureaucrats who feel the need to threaten resignation or retirement, then why have them? Sadly, this will brush the lips of many who feel frustrated with our political process.
The culture within our biggest council is about to take a serious hit, this year will see Belfast city reopen for its 280,000 people to re-emerge from a state of lockdown. Council officials are needed more than ever, and their top brass are feeling undermined because of an alleged public health breach by the Deputy First Minister and the Finance Minister of the regional assembly.
Yet as noted above the very same assembly simply slaps on the wrist two members of the executive it is solely tasked with holding to account. There is an acute risk of throwing the institutions into disarray at a time of maximum risk. I am aware that there are no quick fixes and that strategically the DUP have too much at stake to pull down the government.
What is now needed is for someone to take the mantle of leadership to close the book on this crisis, when appearing before the executive committee last week Arlene snapped when SF MLAs recalled the life and political origin story of Bobby Storey. This was juxtapositioned by a calm and collected Christopher Stalford MLA who read aloud a text message from a constituent so infuriated by the DFM’s actions. I see no other alternative than, at the very least, an investigation by the Department of Justice or perhaps a full public inquiry with sweeping powers. Strap in, as this looks like a long journey ahead…
“Belfast City Hall” by D-Stanley is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-07-10--The Past Was Certainly A Different Country… But That’s Entertainment

“ The past is a foreign country ; they do things differently there.
” In the months following the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis and the subsequent Black Lives Matter demonstrations , a whole new debate has opened up on how we should perceive the events and actors of the past .
History is undoubtedly awash with shameful events .
In scenes reminiscent of the fall of Communism in Eastern Europe at the end of the 1980s statues of controversial historical figures have been toppled or vandalised .
Others , such as Rhodes in Oxford , Cromwell in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Dublin and Mitchel in Newry still stand but have suddenly reignited a frenzied debate .
Those in favour of keeping such memorials will routinely justify their position – rightly or wrongly – with the “ things were different back then ” soundbite .
To take the example of the statue of seventeenth-century slave trader George Colston in Bristol which was removed by an organised mob – obviously no-one alive today can genuinely know what social attitudes were really like during this period .
We can merely speculate , relying on the historical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we do have more recent memories of what was not so long ago deemed to be acceptable but now no longer so .
The entertainment business – which has its fair share of moments not to be proud of – is a prime example .
My formative coming-of-age years were the 1980s and 90s .
Not a massively long time ago , but attitudes have changed almost beyond recognition since then .
I can remember when Irish jokes and other casual forms of racism and sexism featured quite frequently on TV comedy shows @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a gollywog on its label .
The Miss World beauty contest/cattle market was broadcast on prime time TV – and was ( in the pre-internet era ) compulsive viewing for adolescent schoolboys of my generation .
Pictures of topless women appeared regularly in tabloid newspapers – a practice which astonishingly was only brought to an end in 2015 .
And I was halfway through secondary school by the time corporal punishment was banned .
How times have changed – and in this respect for the better – within a relatively short space of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a Channel 4 series called “ It was Alright in the 70s ” , a nostalgic look at the cringe-inducing material that was once on our screens , much of it now unbroadcastable to a modern audience .
Typical features of the programme included popular comedians of the day blacking up ( some senior readers may remember the notorious Black and White Minstrel Show ) or telling very un-PC jokes , sitcom characters expressing lustful desires towards schoolgirls , and daredevil stunts which modern health and safety laws would never allow .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to remember the 1970s , but the show really helped open my eyes to how different the world was back then .
It made me ask myself the question “ how the hell did they get away with all that ?
” The powers that be who ran the TV networks back then found this sort of thing acceptable .
With lax attitudes like this , it ’ s no wonder that Jimmy Savile and other high profile sexual predators back in the day were able to hide in plain sight and get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as well as attitudes changing , technology has progressed astronomically and has had a profound effect on social trends .
If anything remotely offensive appears on TV , or if some celebrity posts something controversial on Twitter , those who take offence ( or in some cases choose to be offended if it fits in with their political agenda ) will make this known instantaneously via social media and in a matter of seconds hundreds of thousands of people will be aware of it .
Similarly , demonstrations can be organised easily through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being entertaining “ It was Alright in the 70s ” was quite informative and educational .
It ’ s also interesting for psychologists , social historians , anthropologists and any other type of academic who make a living out of telling people what they already know but dress it up in meaningless jargon to make themselves sound smart .
It ’ s testament to the fact that we have generally become more enlightened and tolerant .
So credit where credit ’ s due .
But we must also be aware of the dangers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ removing Gone with the Wind from their catalogue because it portrays slaves as being happy with their lot merely is censoring history and promoting a sanitised version of Hollywood which ignores the reality of the fact that attitudes change over time .
If we take this to its natural conclusion , almost anything can be deemed offensive by those who deliberately go out of their way to be offended .
In the London borough of Croydon there ’ s a metal sculpture of the comedian Ronnie Corbett , one-half of the famous “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1970s and ’ 80s , who was a long time resident of the area .
Some of their sketches and jokes would not be acceptable nowadays due to their politically incorrect nature .
This one especially springs to mind – although it ’ s worth noting that a particularly offensive reference to a character depicted on the jar of the marmalade in the original version has been edited out .
Nevertheless , as far as I ’ m aware the statue of wee Ronnie remains intact and has not been vandalised by self-styled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of course , a fundamental difference between a comedian who told mildly offensive jokes a generation or two ago and a seventeenth-century slave trader or American civil war general who oppressed thousands of people .
It is also significant that within Corbett ’ s lifetime politically incorrect comedy was effectively phased out .
Similarly there has been no campaign to remove the statue of former Queen vocalist Freddie Mercury from its plinth in Montreux .
In the 1980s Queen found themselves in hot water after playing a series of gigs in South Africa @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were to employ a twisted form of logic here , you could conclude that Mercury was racist and therefore doesn ’ t deserve to be commemorated .
Ironically he was subjected to racial abuse himself in his youth due to his Persian background .
Although he didn ’ t live to see the end of apartheid , his surviving bandmates did – a fact which may make all the difference .
Queen was never considered cool or fashionable within the rock fraternity , so it ’ s unclear if their reputation suffered that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a whole other debate .
Matthew Syed in The Sunday Times ( 14/06/20 ) hits the nail on the head : If we ban or censor everything , someone somewhere finds offensive we will have very little left .
After all , if we insist on erasing the past how can we learn from it ?
“ Class ” by p_a_h is licensed under CC BY

“The past is a foreign country; they do things differently there.”
(British novelist LP Hartley, 1953)
In the months following the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis and the subsequent Black Lives Matter demonstrations, a whole new debate has opened up on how we should perceive the events and actors of the past.
History is undoubtedly awash with shameful events. In scenes reminiscent of the fall of Communism in Eastern Europe at the end of the 1980s statues of controversial historical figures have been toppled or vandalised. Others, such as Rhodes in Oxford, Cromwell in Westminster, Baden-Powell in Poole, Russell in Dublin and Mitchel in Newry still stand but have suddenly reignited a frenzied debate.
Those in favour of keeping such memorials will routinely justify their position – rightly or wrongly – with the “things were different back then” soundbite. To take the example of the statue of seventeenth-century slave trader George Colston in Bristol which was removed by an organised mob – obviously no-one alive today can genuinely know what social attitudes were really like during this period. We can merely speculate, relying on the historical sources of the time.
However, we do have more recent memories of what was not so long ago deemed to be acceptable but now no longer so. The entertainment business – which has its fair share of moments not to be proud of – is a prime example.
My formative coming-of-age years were the 1980s and 90s. Not a massively long time ago, but attitudes have changed almost beyond recognition since then. I can remember when Irish jokes and other casual forms of racism and sexism featured quite frequently on TV comedy shows. A popular brand of marmalade had a gollywog on its label. The Miss World beauty contest/cattle market was broadcast on prime time TV – and was (in the pre-internet era) compulsive viewing for adolescent schoolboys of my generation. Pictures of topless women appeared regularly in tabloid newspapers – a practice which astonishingly was only brought to an end in 2015. And I was halfway through secondary school by the time corporal punishment was banned.
How times have changed – and in this respect for the better – within a relatively short space of time.
A few years ago there was a Channel 4 series called “It was Alright in the 70s”, a nostalgic look at the cringe-inducing material that was once on our screens, much of it now unbroadcastable to a modern audience. Typical features of the programme included popular comedians of the day blacking up (some senior readers may remember the notorious Black and White Minstrel Show) or telling very un-PC jokes, sitcom characters expressing lustful desires towards schoolgirls, and daredevil stunts which modern health and safety laws would never allow.
I’m not quite old enough to remember the 1970s, but the show really helped open my eyes to how different the world was back then. It made me ask myself the question “how the hell did they get away with all that?”
The powers that be who ran the TV networks back then found this sort of thing acceptable. With lax attitudes like this, it’s no wonder that Jimmy Savile and other high profile sexual predators back in the day were able to hide in plain sight and get away with such despicable behaviour.
But as well as attitudes changing, technology has progressed astronomically and has had a profound effect on social trends. If anything remotely offensive appears on TV, or if some celebrity posts something controversial on Twitter, those who take offence (or in some cases choose to be offended if it fits in with their political agenda) will make this known instantaneously via social media and in a matter of seconds hundreds of thousands of people will be aware of it. Similarly, demonstrations can be organised easily through social media tools.
As well as being entertaining “It was Alright in the 70s” was quite informative and educational. It’s also interesting for psychologists, social historians, anthropologists and any other type of academic who make a living out of telling people what they already know but dress it up in meaningless jargon to make themselves sound smart.
It’s testament to the fact that we have generally become more enlightened and tolerant. So credit where credit’s due. But we must also be aware of the dangers of things going too far. Netflix removing Gone with the Wind from their catalogue because it portrays slaves as being happy with their lot merely is censoring history and promoting a sanitised version of Hollywood which ignores the reality of the fact that attitudes change over time.
If we take this to its natural conclusion, almost anything can be deemed offensive by those who deliberately go out of their way to be offended.
In the London borough of Croydon there’s a metal sculpture of the comedian Ronnie Corbett, one-half of the famous “Two Ronnies” double act of the 1970s and ’80s, who was a long time resident of the area. Some of their sketches and jokes would not be acceptable nowadays due to their politically incorrect nature. This one especially springs to mind –
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=STwBFPC6WjU
although it’s worth noting that a particularly offensive reference to a character depicted on the jar of the marmalade in the original version has been edited out. Nevertheless, as far as I’m aware the statue of wee Ronnie remains intact and has not been vandalised by self-styled social justice warriors.
There is, of course, a fundamental difference between a comedian who told mildly offensive jokes a generation or two ago and a seventeenth-century slave trader or American civil war general who oppressed thousands of people. It is also significant that within Corbett’s lifetime politically incorrect comedy was effectively phased out.
Similarly there has been no campaign to remove the statue of former Queen vocalist Freddie Mercury from its plinth in Montreux. In the 1980s Queen found themselves in hot water after playing a series of gigs in South Africa during the apartheid era. If you were to employ a twisted form of logic here, you could conclude that Mercury was racist and therefore doesn’t deserve to be commemorated. Ironically he was subjected to racial abuse himself in his youth due to his Persian background. Although he didn’t live to see the end of apartheid, his surviving bandmates did – a fact which may make all the difference.
Queen was never considered cool or fashionable within the rock fraternity, so it’s unclear if their reputation suffered that much anyway – but that’s a whole other debate.
Matthew Syed in The Sunday Times (14/06/20) hits the nail on the head:
“…We should remember that morality evolves. A hundred years ago, most people thought homosexuality was sinful. Five hundred years ago, most cultures believed slavery was justifiable. This implies that many of our practices today will be regarded as primitive, even repugnant, by future generations (such as perhaps the killing of animals for meat). Does that mean that nothing we do today can be good? Does it mean we shouldn’t even try? Or does it mean that, whatever we do, however imperfect when judged by future standards, it is nevertheless possible to take society in a progressive direction?”
If we ban or censor everything, someone somewhere finds offensive we will have very little left.
After all, if we insist on erasing the past how can we learn from it?
“Class” by p_a_h is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-07-10--Has Micheál Martin got the moral strength to tell the stories his island needs in order to flourish

Has Micheál Martin got the moral strength to tell the stories his island needs in order to flourish in all its diversity and parts?

Well , Micheál Martin has had a rough first week or two .
His limited cabinet picks haven ’ t gone down well with enemies and friends alike .
And I dare say the loud complaints of some , and oddly petulant behaviour of others is a reminder of why FF has still not returned to favour with large sections of his former support base , especially amongst the under forties since 2011 .
He ’ s been gifted a relatively quiet Sinn Féin led opposition which still busy getting its head around the business of opposing the government on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with a negative news story of their own ( the Storey funeral has had an extraordinary degree of southern reach in for any northern story ) which has probably dulled their ability to exploit the Taoiseach ’ s difficulties .
However , in the middle of the week , Fintan O ’ Toole wrote an unusual encomium to the new Taoiseach ’ s moral character during his tenure as Minister of Education back in 1999 , around the time of Mary Rafftery ’ s shocking expose of abuse in the Irish Industrial Schools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , States of Fear : Martin could easily have kept his head down and hidden behind the usual procedural waffle .
He didn ’ t .
He rose to the occasion with considerable political courage .
On May 13th , 1999 , he made a fierce speech in the Dáil about the way survivors of the system had been “ ignored by a public Ireland which would prefer to ignore the uncomfortable rather than face up to it.
” He gave a crucial official endorsement to Raftery ’ s work , at a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from apologists for the system : “ I acknowledge the incredible work of Mary Raftery and her production team for the States of Fear series .
They have performed a major public service and have shown us all the compelling power of top-quality documentary work.
” He went on to do something that I doubt had ever been done before .
Ministers do not voluntarily reveal information discreditable to their own departments and to the senior civil service .
It is not just that Martin broke this code of omertà – he dug @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by training , he read the files in his own department .
And he also personally met the surviving members of the Kennedy Commission , whose work had led to the closing down of the industrial school system in 1970 – albeit without revealing the true savagery of its operation .
I revisit this episode simply to show that somewhere in Micheál Martin ’ s DNA there is a capacity to act with real courage and to break with the systems of power that his own party has inhabited .
In that speech @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more difficult questions will be asked and our concept of our society will be challenged ” – and it was clear that this was , in his eyes then , a good thing .
Maybe he ’ s been worn down in the two decades since .
Maybe he spent too long in cabinets keeping his head down and not asking difficult questions .
But he has achieved power when “ our concept of our society ” is again being challenged .
There was a time when he knew , at such a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be on .
Martin has frustrated many in his own party .
He may have fought a decent fight in 2016 against Enda Kenny , but against his new deputy ( and former Taoiseach , Leo Varadkar ) internal critics describe him as an analogue Taoiseach with a digital Tanaiste .
WhatsApp and selfies are certainly not Micheál Martin .
And if Big Brother politics has the final say , this could be his last hurrah .
That reference to David Cameron ’ s description of Gordon Brown has a certain resonance .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ technocratic son of the manse struggled with his own long ambition once he came into the role of ‘ father of the nation ’ .
That job is one that requires the abilities of a public storyteller , if not ‘ the trickster ’ , that Martin ’ s training as a historian forbids him to use .
Ironically he also shares something with Cameron in the sense that being in coalition with parties that are not his own may be more to his personal liking than constantly having to juggle ministerial patronage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ backbenchers making contrary demands upon his attention as Taoiseach .
In Cameron ’ s case , that destined to end in disaster .
And yet , as Tim Bale noted in the Irish Times earlier this week , a grand coalition that has more than 50 % support of the voters could mean some things previously thought impossible to achieve could be… It ’ s too early to figure what a Martin led coalition will mean for the Republic , but with the post Covid economic shock , a housing crisis and Brexit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more like Fine Gael used to as they return ( many of them for the first time in their political careers ) to government buildings that were once their party ’ s undisputed domain , they have little time to learn .
He will need that moral strength of his earlier days to work past the resentments of his party colleagues , an impoverished media which is experiencing a growing gap between itself and the wider public and is quickly distracted by tricks from an age when politics more than more resembles a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what ’ s real .
Given our island ’ s troubled past , our confusing present , and unpredictable future , everyone on the island needs to be far more vigilant about the kinds of stories they choose to tell themselves about themselves .
And the historian in the new Taoiseach must stand aside allow him to tell the stories that his island needs in order to flourish and prosper in all its diversity and parts .
“ Dáil Éireann – Election of An Taoiseach – 27 June 2020 ” by Houses of @ @ @ @ @ @ @

Well, Micheál Martin has had a rough first week or two. His limited cabinet picks haven’t gone down well with enemies and friends alike. And I dare say the loud complaints of some, and oddly petulant behaviour of others is a reminder of why FF has still not returned to favour with large sections of his former support base, especially amongst the under forties since 2011.
He’s been gifted a relatively quiet Sinn Féin led opposition which still busy getting its head around the business of opposing the government on a whole range of fronts, along with a negative news story of their own (the Storey funeral has had an extraordinary degree of southern reach in for any northern story) which has probably dulled their ability to exploit the Taoiseach’s difficulties.
However, in the middle of the week, Fintan O’Toole wrote an unusual encomium to the new Taoiseach’s moral character during his tenure as Minister of Education back in 1999, around the time of Mary Rafftery’s shocking expose of abuse in the Irish Industrial Schools in a three-part documentary called, appropriately, States of Fear:
Martin could easily have kept his head down and hidden behind the usual procedural waffle. He didn’t. He rose to the occasion with considerable political courage. On May 13th, 1999, he made a fierce speech in the Dáil about the way survivors of the system had been “ignored by a public Ireland which would prefer to ignore the uncomfortable rather than face up to it.” He gave a crucial official endorsement to Raftery’s work, at a time when she was under relentless assault from apologists for the system: “I acknowledge the incredible work of Mary Raftery and her production team for the States of Fear series. They have performed a major public service and have shown us all the compelling power of top-quality documentary work.” He went on to do something that I doubt had ever been done before. Ministers do not voluntarily reveal information discreditable to their own departments and to the senior civil service. It is not just that Martin broke this code of omertà – he dug up the information himself. A historian by training, he read the files in his own department. And he also personally met the surviving members of the Kennedy Commission, whose work had led to the closing down of the industrial school system in 1970 – albeit without revealing the true savagery of its operation. ++++++++ I revisit this episode simply to show that somewhere in Micheál Martin’s DNA there is a capacity to act with real courage and to break with the systems of power that his own party has inhabited. In that speech, he suggested that “more and more difficult questions will be asked and our concept of our society will be challenged” – and it was clear that this was, in his eyes then, a good thing. Maybe he’s been worn down in the two decades since. Maybe he spent too long in cabinets keeping his head down and not asking difficult questions. But he has achieved power when “our concept of our society” is again being challenged. There was a time when he knew, at such a moment, which side he had to be on.
Martin has frustrated many in his own party. He may have fought a decent fight in 2016 against Enda Kenny, but against his new deputy (and former Taoiseach, Leo Varadkar) internal critics describe him as an analogue Taoiseach with a digital Tanaiste. WhatsApp and selfies are certainly not Micheál Martin. And if Big Brother politics has the final say, this could be his last hurrah.
That reference to David Cameron’s description of Gordon Brown has a certain resonance. Brown, the worthy, diligent but technocratic son of the manse struggled with his own long ambition once he came into the role of ‘father of the nation’. That job is one that requires the abilities of a public storyteller, if not ‘the trickster’, that Martin’s training as a historian forbids him to use.
Ironically he also shares something with Cameron in the sense that being in coalition with parties that are not his own may be more to his personal liking than constantly having to juggle ministerial patronage amongst a large and troublesome group of backbenchers making contrary demands upon his attention as Taoiseach. In Cameron’s case, that destined to end in disaster.
And yet, as Tim Bale noted in the Irish Times earlier this week, a grand coalition that has more than 50% support of the voters could mean some things previously thought impossible to achieve could be…
…although single-party majorities tend to honour more of their manifesto promises than coalitions, majority coalitions can often find it easier (and much easier, of course, than minority governments) to achieve what might otherwise be highly contentious reforms. That’s because cross-party consensus, even if it’s sometimes fragile, is to some extent built-in.
It’s too early to figure what a Martin led coalition will mean for the Republic, but with the post Covid economic shock, a housing crisis and Brexit looming, his Fianna Fáil team looking more like Fine Gael used to as they return (many of them for the first time in their political careers) to government buildings that were once their party’s undisputed domain, they have little time to learn.
He will need that moral strength of his earlier days to work past the resentments of his party colleagues, an impoverished media which is experiencing a growing gap between itself and the wider public and is quickly distracted by tricks from an age when politics more than more resembles a reality tv show than an examination of what’s real.
Given our island’s troubled past, our confusing present, and unpredictable future, everyone on the island needs to be far more vigilant about the kinds of stories they choose to tell themselves about themselves. And the historian in the new Taoiseach must stand aside allow him to tell the stories that his island needs in order to flourish and prosper in all its diversity and parts.
“Dáil Éireann – Election of An Taoiseach – 27 June 2020” by Houses of the Oireachtas is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-07-12--Did you hear the one about The Pope, the Lambeg and the ukulele?

I ’ m always a wee bit wary of Twelfths that don ’ t happen until the Thirteenth .
Especially so this year , as it ’ s a Twelfth with no marching .
And what ’ s a Dara Lá Déag ( Twelfth ) without a bit of a march… Edenderry will be empty , as will venues around the Province , vacant fields echoing to the sound of birds instead of brattling drums .
Flutes and fifes will not be stilled , but their shrill beauty will be curtailed by Covid ’ s shackles .
Normally on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to my Da ’ s house in Hamilton Street in Lurgan ; opening the window to listen out for the first hint of an approaching side-drum .
Then I ’ d be rushing up to Queen Street , with my camera , to get them walking under the magnificent arch .
I ’ d be looking out for the banner fluttering at just the right angle in the breeze ; the still-tipsy fluter who hasn ’ t worked out that he ’ s verging on the mother of all hangovers ; the hipster @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expensive than his “ walking ” dues .
But most of all I ’ d be listening to the music .
Those eternal classics that resonate with a youth spent playing and listening to the tunes you didn ’ t hear on Top of the Pops .
The Sash , The Orange Lily-O , Derry ’ s Walls , No Surrender… Fantastic tunes altogether , and a part of our shared musical heritage .
For , like it or not , our best tunes belong to everyone .
Even the iconic Sash My @ @ @ @ @ @ @ My Irish Molly-O : “ She is young and she is beautiful , And her likes I ’ ve never known , She ’ s the lily of old Ireland , And the primrose of Tyrone… ” And what about The Orange Maid of Sligo ?
The same tune ’ s used in Avondale , a eulogy to the prominent Home Ruler Charles Stewart Parnell .
Alas , somewhere along the way things got nasty and more recent offerings from both traditions reflect none of the earlier harmony .
Old favourites – and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to serve a political purpose .
The Famine Song , a ghastly Loyalist corruption of The Sloop John B , and My Little Armalite , an odious Republican ballad based on Home Boys Home , are exemplars of this race to the musical bottom .
The Oul Orange Flute is my gold standard for “ party ” songs .
It ’ d put the humours on you whatever your background .
There ’ s nothing nasty about the tale of Bob Williamson , whose flute couldn ’ t bring itself to play “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” .
So I decided to raise the bar and take us back to a time when a “ party ” song could be tuneful , funny and , heaven forbid , cross-community !
I don ’ t think anyone could find anything objectionable about My Wee Lambeg Drum .
It ’ s the tale of a young fella from Lurgan who takes up the Lámh Bheag ( Lambeg : it can be translated from Irish as “ little hand ” ) and dreams of playing for The Pope in Rome .
Even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not find such a premise unpalatable .
The tune is mine , the lyrics are mine and any flaws in the performance are mine !
This , I can say with certainty , is the first time that Lambeg and ukulele have featured in the same tune and I ’ m indebted to Lurgan drummer Colin McCusker for taking the time to accompany me on the song .
Every Lambeg has a name and on this occasion he ’ s playing the Boconnell Drum .
So here are a few verses from “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ song is quite long and I ’ m deliberately not inviting “ curiosity clicks ” , but if you want to hear it in full – and find out if our young percussion prodigy realises his dream of an audience with the Pope – you can Google it or visit my YouTube channel here : nojigs Whatever your politics , have a happy Twelfth .
Or Thirteenth .
And , as we say in Ulster-Scots , “ Rí Liam Abú ” !
“ Twelfth – Tandragee 2008 ” by GreyHobbit is licensed under @ @

I’m always a wee bit wary of Twelfths that don’t happen until the Thirteenth. Especially so this year, as it’s a Twelfth with no marching. And what’s a Dara Lá Déag (Twelfth) without a bit of a march…
Edenderry will be empty, as will venues around the Province, vacant fields echoing to the sound of birds instead of brattling drums. Flutes and fifes will not be stilled, but their shrill beauty will be curtailed by Covid’s shackles.
Normally on the Twelfth, I’d be heading to my Da’s house in Hamilton Street in Lurgan; opening the window to listen out for the first hint of an approaching side-drum. Then I’d be rushing up to Queen Street, with my camera, to get them walking under the magnificent arch.
I’d be looking out for the banner fluttering at just the right angle in the breeze; the still-tipsy fluter who hasn’t worked out that he’s verging on the mother of all hangovers; the hipster Orangeman whose moustache-cream budget is probably more expensive than his “walking” dues.
But most of all I’d be listening to the music. Those eternal classics that resonate with a youth spent playing and listening to the tunes you didn’t hear on Top of the Pops. The Sash, The Orange Lily-O, Derry’s Walls, No Surrender…
Fantastic tunes altogether, and a part of our shared musical heritage. For, like it or not, our best tunes belong to everyone. Even the iconic Sash My Father Wore uses the same air as My Irish Molly-O:
“She is young and she is beautiful, And her likes I’ve never known,
She’s the lily of old Ireland, And the primrose of Tyrone…”
And what about The Orange Maid of Sligo? The same tune’s used in Avondale, a eulogy to the prominent Home Ruler Charles Stewart Parnell.
Alas, somewhere along the way things got nasty and more recent offerings from both traditions reflect none of the earlier harmony. Old favourites – and some newer ones – have been repackaged to serve a political purpose.
The Famine Song, a ghastly Loyalist corruption of The Sloop John B, and My Little Armalite, an odious Republican ballad based on Home Boys Home, are exemplars of this race to the musical bottom.
The Oul Orange Flute is my gold standard for “party” songs. It’d put the humours on you whatever your background. There’s nothing nasty about the tale of Bob Williamson, whose flute couldn’t bring itself to play “Papish” music when he “turned”.
So I decided to raise the bar and take us back to a time when a “party” song could be tuneful, funny and, heaven forbid, cross-community! I don’t think anyone could find anything objectionable about My Wee Lambeg Drum.
It’s the tale of a young fella from Lurgan who takes up the Lámh Bheag (Lambeg: it can be translated from Irish as “little hand”) and dreams of playing for The Pope in Rome. Even the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council could not find such a premise unpalatable.
The tune is mine, the lyrics are mine and any flaws in the performance are mine!
This, I can say with certainty, is the first time that Lambeg and ukulele have featured in the same tune and I’m indebted to Lurgan drummer Colin McCusker for taking the time to accompany me on the song. Every Lambeg has a name and on this occasion he’s playing the Boconnell Drum.
So here are a few verses from “My Wee Lambeg Drum”. The song is quite long and I’m deliberately not inviting “curiosity clicks”, but if you want to hear it in full – and find out if our young percussion prodigy realises his dream of an audience with the Pope – you can Google it or visit my YouTube channel here: nojigs
Whatever your politics, have a happy Twelfth. Or Thirteenth.
And, as we say in Ulster-Scots, “Rí Liam Abú”!
“Twelfth – Tandragee 2008” by GreyHobbit is licensed under CC BY-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-07-13--‘A Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland is overdue’

A Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland is overdue and would protect the interests and concerns of all the population , insists Colin Harvey , professor of human rights at Queen ’ s University , Belfast .
He was talking in the latest Forward Together podcast from the Holywell Trust .
The Good Friday Agreement provided the expectation that there would be a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland that would safeguard citizens ’ rights .
And a committee of the Northern Ireland Assembly is , more than 20 years on , considering this .
But what would a Bill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rights ’ would be included ?
“ If you look at what ’ s driving politics on both parts of the island , it ’ s real concerns about healthcare and housing and basic social and economic rights , ” says Colin .
“ There ’ s a real chance to make sure that socio-economic rights on the island are no longer second class rights in the future.
” Colin argues that as well as health and housing , there is also a human right to environmental protection , addressing climate change and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he calls “ basic social and economic rights ” need legal protection .
“ In the future , health care is a human right that needs to be solidly underpinned by legal guarantees.
” But does this mean that there should be a legal right for everyone having a job ?
“ I think it ’ s important to recognize socio-economic rights as human rights , including employment rights .
But… there are often balancing exercises that go along with those human rights instruments – not all human rights are absolute .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be better recognition in law of the basic human rights that people need to have .
And human rights advocates , equality advocates , social justice advocates on this island – but actually in Europe and globally – need to do a much better job at winning that argument .
That ’ s not to say that human rights protections will deliver a utopia .
They won ’ t .
They ’ re really a starting point .
“ But we ’ ve all got to try and agree that these things are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reflected in law .
For example , I still think the north needs a Bill of Rights.
” Human rights advocates feel let down by the lack of progress following the Good Friday Agreement .
“ The Agreement held out a clear promise that it wouldn ’ t just be a shared society , that it would be a shared and better society , ” insists Colin .
“ And that would include a number of things , including better human rights protection.
” In 2008 , the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recommendations to the British government on a Bill of Rights .
Yet “ we still haven ’ t had that Bill of Rights delivered ” .
“ What we see at the moment is there ’ s an ad hoc assembly committee that ’ s meeting to renew and revisit that conversation .
So it ’ s long overdue that we have a Bill of Rights here .
But it ’ s time for people to join that conversation .
A conversation focused on not just having shared institutions and relative stability here @ @ @ @ @ @ @ better society , a more equal society.
” But Colin warns : “ The Agreement is very clear that the Bill of Rights is to be delivered at Westminster by the Westminster government.
” And the debate has now been affected by the Brexit decision and the “ likely loss of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU ” .
“ So there ’ s a real anxiety and worry that the UK is planning to go backwards in relation to rights , that there ’ ll be undercutting of those rights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ equality , employment , socio-economic justice , that people are really concerned about here.
” Colin is determined , though , that rights should not perceived as only being applicable for one section of society , but instead are actually protecting all members of society .
“ Those rights will protect everyone here.
” He continues : “ First of all , it gives people a secure recognition .
These are not issues of discretion and when they ’ re actually basic human rights that people have and guarantees .
And I wouldn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Secondly , it ’ s hoped it will be used in practice .
And I would underline that it will only make a difference to people ’ s lives if the Bill of Rights that we adopt is an ambitious Bill of Rights .
It isn ’ t just a tweak to the Human Rights Act .
“ It ’ s something that reflects an ambitious vision for this society , that ’ s used in practice – that people are able to access justice in an affordable way , that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ authorities mainstream these protections and the work that they do in a preventative way , that the Executive and the Assembly takes these measures seriously in their work , so that we ’ re not always going to court to enforce rights.
” He adds : “ I wouldn ’ t be offering a Bill of Rights or human rights protections as the answer to all the problems of this society and the problems that we face .
They ’ re just the starting point.
” This latest podcast in the second Forward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ website of peace and reconciliation charity Holywell Trust .
It is funded by the Community Relations Council ’ s Media Grant Scheme .
Next week ’ s podcast will be the second in a two-part consideration of the call for a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland , featuring an interview with former Progressive Unionist Party councillor Julie-Anne Corr-Johnston .
Disclaimer : This project has received support from the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council which aims to promote a pluralist society characterised by equity , respect for diversity , and recognition of interdependence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reflect those of the Community Relations Council .

A Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland is overdue and would protect the interests and concerns of all the population, insists Colin Harvey, professor of human rights at Queen’s University, Belfast. He was talking in the latest Forward Together podcast from the Holywell Trust.
The Good Friday Agreement provided the expectation that there would be a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland that would safeguard citizens’ rights. And a committee of the Northern Ireland Assembly is, more than 20 years on, considering this. But what would a Bill of Rights achieve – and which ‘rights’ would be included?
“If you look at what’s driving politics on both parts of the island, it’s real concerns about healthcare and housing and basic social and economic rights,” says Colin. “There’s a real chance to make sure that socio-economic rights on the island are no longer second class rights in the future.”
Colin argues that as well as health and housing, there is also a human right to environmental protection, addressing climate change and climate justice. He insists that what he calls “basic social and economic rights” need legal protection. “In the future, health care is a human right that needs to be solidly underpinned by legal guarantees.”
But does this mean that there should be a legal right for everyone having a job? “I think it’s important to recognize socio-economic rights as human rights, including employment rights. But… there are often balancing exercises that go along with those human rights instruments – not all human rights are absolute.
“I think the starting point has to be better recognition in law of the basic human rights that people need to have. And human rights advocates, equality advocates, social justice advocates on this island – but actually in Europe and globally – need to do a much better job at winning that argument. That’s not to say that human rights protections will deliver a utopia. They won’t. They’re really a starting point.
“But we’ve all got to try and agree that these things are basic human rights that have to be reflected in law. For example, I still think the north needs a Bill of Rights.”
Human rights advocates feel let down by the lack of progress following the Good Friday Agreement. “The Agreement held out a clear promise that it wouldn’t just be a shared society, that it would be a shared and better society,” insists Colin. “And that would include a number of things, including better human rights protection.”
In 2008, the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission – whose members included Colin – submitted recommendations to the British government on a Bill of Rights. Yet “we still haven’t had that Bill of Rights delivered”. “What we see at the moment is there’s an ad hoc assembly committee that’s meeting to renew and revisit that conversation. So it’s long overdue that we have a Bill of Rights here. But it’s time for people to join that conversation. A conversation focused on not just having shared institutions and relative stability here, but actually the creation of a better society, a more equal society.”
But Colin warns: “The Agreement is very clear that the Bill of Rights is to be delivered at Westminster by the Westminster government.” And the debate has now been affected by the Brexit decision and the “likely loss of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU”. “So there’s a real anxiety and worry that the UK is planning to go backwards in relation to rights, that there’ll be undercutting of those rights, particularly in those basic areas of equality, employment, socio-economic justice, that people are really concerned about here.”
Colin is determined, though, that rights should not perceived as only being applicable for one section of society, but instead are actually protecting all members of society. “Those rights will protect everyone here.”
He continues: “First of all, it gives people a secure recognition. These are not issues of discretion and when they’re actually basic human rights that people have and guarantees. And I wouldn’t underestimate the importance of that. Secondly, it’s hoped it will be used in practice. And I would underline that it will only make a difference to people’s lives if the Bill of Rights that we adopt is an ambitious Bill of Rights. It isn’t just a tweak to the Human Rights Act.
“It’s something that reflects an ambitious vision for this society, that’s used in practice – that people are able to access justice in an affordable way, that they can use these rights, that public authorities mainstream these protections and the work that they do in a preventative way, that the Executive and the Assembly takes these measures seriously in their work, so that we’re not always going to court to enforce rights.”
He adds: “I wouldn’t be offering a Bill of Rights or human rights protections as the answer to all the problems of this society and the problems that we face. They’re just the starting point.”
This latest podcast in the second Forward Together series is available here on the website of peace and reconciliation charity Holywell Trust. It is funded by the Community Relations Council’s Media Grant Scheme. Next week’s podcast will be the second in a two-part consideration of the call for a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland, featuring an interview with former Progressive Unionist Party councillor Julie-Anne Corr-Johnston.
Disclaimer: This project has received support from the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council which aims to promote a pluralist society characterised by equity, respect for diversity, and recognition of interdependence. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of the Community Relations Council.


sluggerotoole--2020-07-14--“Politicians must learn it is they who are both responsible and accountable for their actions….”

Even after a much quieter than normal Twelfth , the Bobby Storey funeral continues to make headlines .
The official report , prepared by the council ’ s solicitor , has been leaked to various media outlets .
It has also brought out the trolls .
Tom Kelly ’ s piece in the Irish News yesterday , is worth quoting… His funeral will be one of the most expensive in the history of Northern Ireland as Belfast City Council , the Assembly , the PSNI , the Police Ombudsman , the Equality Commission and an external officer from another police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the proceedings of that day .
And it is all a bit of a nonsense .
Surely it is possible for one person/organisation to oversee an investigation into all aspects and parties to recent events which occurred over a period of a few days ?
That said , we know what happened at the Storey funeral .
We watched it in full technicolour .
The Sinn Féin leadership breached the Covid-19 health guidelines in both spirit and practice .
The deputy first minister has zero credibility in trying to spin an alternative narrative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the whole of Ireland to decontaminate the fallout of this spectacular own goal by the Sinn Féin leadership .
They , and they alone , have given fringe loyalists like Jamie Bryson the best Twelfth ever .
Not having seen the whole report , I can not comment in any detail .
All that is needed is to explain what happened , in what sequence , and with what logic .
It ’ s not rocket science and it really shouldn ’ t be that difficult to explain in simple terms .
All @ @ @ @ @ @ @ twitch in their hoodies but ultimately there will be no meaningful outcome at the end of the process .
It will be the usual guff – lessons will be learned and additional measures shall be put in place to ensure no recurrence .
That is until the next time .
It would beyond outrageous if any of the investigations solely laid blame at the door of public officials .
Public and civil servants are shackled to the vagaries of their political overseers .
Politicians must learn it is they who are both responsible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Emphasis added ] Aas I said on Nolan at the end of last week , all council officials have a duty to pay particular attention to the views and opinions of councillors when they are setting policy and law .
In all other matters , councillors must step back into their roles as citizens .
Councillors can not behave in such a way as to prevent council officials from carrying out their duties evenhandedly towards all citizens without fair and impartial with regard to their duty to that wider public .
It is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Belfast City Hall ” by D-Stanley is licensed under CC BY

Even after a much quieter than normal Twelfth, the Bobby Storey funeral continues to make headlines. The official report, prepared by the council’s solicitor, has been leaked to various media outlets. It has also brought out the trolls.
Tom Kelly’s piece in the Irish News yesterday, is worth quoting…
His funeral will be one of the most expensive in the history of Northern Ireland as Belfast City Council, the Assembly, the PSNI, the Police Ombudsman, the Equality Commission and an external officer from another police force are all carrying out investigations into the proceedings of that day. And it is all a bit of a nonsense. Surely it is possible for one person/organisation to oversee an investigation into all aspects and parties to recent events which occurred over a period of a few days? That said, we know what happened at the Storey funeral. We watched it in full technicolour. The Sinn Féin leadership breached the Covid-19 health guidelines in both spirit and practice. The deputy first minister has zero credibility in trying to spin an alternative narrative. There is not enough sanitiser in the whole of Ireland to decontaminate the fallout of this spectacular own goal by the Sinn Féin leadership. They, and they alone, have given fringe loyalists like Jamie Bryson the best Twelfth ever.
Not having seen the whole report, I cannot comment in any detail. All that is needed is to explain what happened, in what sequence, and with what logic. It’s not rocket science and it really shouldn’t be that difficult to explain in simple terms.
Kelly again…
All these proposed investigations will make certain disruptors twitch in their hoodies but ultimately there will be no meaningful outcome at the end of the process. It will be the usual guff – lessons will be learned and additional measures shall be put in place to ensure no recurrence. That is until the next time. It would beyond outrageous if any of the investigations solely laid blame at the door of public officials. Public and civil servants are shackled to the vagaries of their political overseers. Politicians must learn it is they who are both responsible and accountable for their actions. [Emphasis added]
Aas I said on Nolan at the end of last week, all council officials have a duty to pay particular attention to the views and opinions of councillors when they are setting policy and law. In all other matters, councillors must step back into their roles as citizens.
Councillors cannot behave in such a way as to prevent council officials from carrying out their duties evenhandedly towards all citizens without fair and impartial with regard to their duty to that wider public. It is councillors who are accountable here.
“Belfast City Hall” by D-Stanley is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-07-14--“À la Bastille!” [Again]

“À la Bastille!” [Again]

Mick is founding editor of Slugger .
He has written papers on the impacts of the Internet on politics and @ @ @ @ @ a regular guest and speaking events across Ireland , the UK and Europe .
Twitter @ @ @

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