sluggerotoole--2020-07-22--Academic working group launches public consultation on unification referendums on the island of Irel

Academic working group launches public consultation on unification referendums on the island of Ireland.

The Working Group on Unification Referendums on the Island of Ireland is today launching a public consultation asking people for their views on the prospect of a referendum on Northern Ireland ’ s constitutional future .
The group is neither for nor against such a referendum – it is simply seeking to clarify the process .
This post introduces the group and sets out some of the key questions it is asking .
You can access the survey by clicking here .
What is the Working Group ?
The Working Group on Unification Referendums on the Island of Ireland is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Belfast , Dublin , London , and the United States , coordinated by the Constitution Unit at University College London .
The members are experts in politics , law , sociology , and history – you can find them listed on the Working Group ’ s webpage .
The Working Group is independent of all governments and political parties .
We are entirely neutral on whether a unification referendum should be held , and on what the outcome should be .
The group is generously funded by two charitable bodies .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Constitution Unit ’ s Alan Whysall .
Why has the group been created ?
The Working Group is examining how any future referendum on Northern Ireland ’ s constitutional future would best be run .
This would be a referendum – sometimes called a ‘ border poll ’ – to decide whether Northern Ireland should remain part of the United Kingdom or become part of a united Ireland .
A referendum like this could occur in the future and is envisaged in the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement under certain circumstances .
Some people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the coming years , while others are arguing against .
Either way , the Working Group recognises the importance of planning for the possibility : failure to work out how a referendum would be conducted before one was called could be very destabilising .
Working Group on Unification Referendums on the Island of Ireland from Department of Political Science on Vimeo .
What is the public consultation about ?
We are launching a public consultation in order to hear the views , concerns , and hopes of people in Northern Ireland regarding a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ constitutional future .
We are keen to hear from as many people as possible , from all shades of opinion , so we encourage individuals and organisations in Northern Ireland ’ s various communities and regions to share our survey with colleagues , friends , and neighbours .
Consultation responses will be reflected in the final report , but individual responses will be anonymous .
The survey asks how people feel when they hear talk about such a referendum , including hopes and fears they may hold .
We also ask what questions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ referendum were ever to take place .
Respondents can also share their views on some of the particular questions being addressed by the Working Group .
Many vitally important aspects of the process of a referendum have never been thought through , so this really matters .
Who , for example , would be able to vote in a referendum , and what would be the rules of the campaign ?
What would be the process of deciding whether to call a referendum ?
Would the design of a united Ireland be worked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ afterwards – and who would do this ?
Would unionists seek to develop a better ‘ offer ’ for Northern Ireland if voters opted to stay in the UK ?
Answering our questions requires no prior expertise .
We hope people from all walks of life in Northern Ireland will want to give us their thoughts on them .
You can access the online survey here .
The survey will be open till 2 September .
The Working Group plans to release its interim report in October 2020 , with a final report @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Renwick is Deputy Director of the Constitution Unit at University College London .
He is an expert on referendums around the world , and convenor of the Working Group on Unification Referendums on the Island of Ireland .
Conor Kelly is the Working Group ’ s Research Assistant , based at the Constitution Unit .
Charlotte Kincaid is the Constitution Unit ’ s Impact Research Fellow and Impact and Public Engagement Officer for the Working Group .

The Working Group on Unification Referendums on the Island of Ireland is today launching a public consultation asking people for their views on the prospect of a referendum on Northern Ireland’s constitutional future. The group is neither for nor against such a referendum – it is simply seeking to clarify the process. This post introduces the group and sets out some of the key questions it is asking. You can access the survey by clicking here.
What is the Working Group?
The Working Group on Unification Referendums on the Island of Ireland is a group of researchers based at universities in Belfast, Dublin, London, and the United States, coordinated by the Constitution Unit at University College London. The members are experts in politics, law, sociology, and history – you can find them listed on the Working Group’s webpage.
The Working Group is independent of all governments and political parties. We are entirely neutral on whether a unification referendum should be held, and on what the outcome should be. The group is generously funded by two charitable bodies. It builds on work conducted last year by the Constitution Unit’s Alan Whysall.
Why has the group been created?
The Working Group is examining how any future referendum on Northern Ireland’s constitutional future would best be run. This would be a referendum – sometimes called a ‘border poll’ – to decide whether Northern Ireland should remain part of the United Kingdom or become part of a united Ireland.
A referendum like this could occur in the future and is envisaged in the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement under certain circumstances. Some people are campaigning for it to happen in the coming years, while others are arguing against. Either way, the Working Group recognises the importance of planning for the possibility: failure to work out how a referendum would be conducted before one was called could be very destabilising.
Working Group on Unification Referendums on the Island of Ireland from Department of Political Science on Vimeo.
What is the public consultation about?
We are launching a public consultation in order to hear the views, concerns, and hopes of people in Northern Ireland regarding a possible referendum on Northern Ireland’s constitutional future. We are keen to hear from as many people as possible, from all shades of opinion, so we encourage individuals and organisations in Northern Ireland’s various communities and regions to share our survey with colleagues, friends, and neighbours. Consultation responses will be reflected in the final report, but individual responses will be anonymous.
The survey asks how people feel when they hear talk about such a referendum, including hopes and fears they may hold. We also ask what questions people would want answers to before any referendum were ever to take place.
Respondents can also share their views on some of the particular questions being addressed by the Working Group. Many vitally important aspects of the process of a referendum have never been thought through, so this really matters. Who, for example, would be able to vote in a referendum, and what would be the rules of the campaign? What would be the process of deciding whether to call a referendum? Would the design of a united Ireland be worked out before a referendum or left till afterwards – and who would do this? Would unionists seek to develop a better ‘offer’ for Northern Ireland if voters opted to stay in the UK?
Answering our questions requires no prior expertise. We hope people from all walks of life in Northern Ireland will want to give us their thoughts on them. You can access the online survey here. The survey will be open till 2 September. The Working Group plans to release its interim report in October 2020, with a final report following in early 2021.
Dr Alan Renwick is Deputy Director of the Constitution Unit at University College London. He is an expert on referendums around the world, and convenor of the Working Group on Unification Referendums on the Island of Ireland.
Conor Kelly is the Working Group’s Research Assistant, based at the Constitution Unit.
Charlotte Kincaid is the Constitution Unit’s Impact Research Fellow and Impact and Public Engagement Officer for the Working Group.


sluggerotoole--2020-07-22--You can’t cure love

You can’t cure love

Eoin Tennyson is an Alliance Councillor for the Lagan River DEA .
It ’ s been more than two years since the UK Government published its LGBT Action plan which committed to end the practice of so-called ‘ gay conversion ’ or ‘ reparative ’ therapies – a range of denounced , discredited and dehumanising practices which seek to change a person ’ s sexual orientation or suppress their gender identity .
In that time we ’ ve heard promises repeated by the Prime Minister , but seen little in the way of tangible action or progress .
Locally , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there are currently “ no plans ” to ban the practice in Northern Ireland – with a spokesperson recently blaming the Covid-19 pandemic for the lack of action .
The therapy is based on the false and wholly unscientific belief that those of us who do not adhere to culturally prescribed norms are ill , and that our sexual orientation or gender identity can and should be changed .
This is not only inherently degrading and grossly offensive , but can have a hugely damaging impact on the mental health and wellbeing of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been medical and scientific consensus on conversion therapy for decades .
The practice has been condemned as “ unethical and potentially harmful ” by every major counselling and psychotherapy body in the UK .
Meanwhile , the UN ’ s independent expert on protection against violence and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity labelled it a “ form of torture ” .
The practice poses a huge risk to young and vulnerable LGBT+ people .
A 2018 study by the Ozanne Foundation found that nearly 70 percent of conversion therapy survivors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have self-harmed and nearly 25 percent have suffered from eating disorders .
In the context of all of this , It is unthinkable that “ conversion therapy ” is still being inflicted on LGBT+ people in the UK today .
We do not need to be ‘ cured ’ – nor do we need more promises , platitudes or prevarications from government – we need primary legislation to protect us from this abhorrent practice .

Eoin Tennyson is an Alliance Councillor for the Lagan River DEA.
It’s been more than two years since the UK Government published its LGBT Action plan which committed to end the practice of so-called ‘gay conversion’ or ‘reparative’ therapies – a range of denounced, discredited and dehumanising practices which seek to change a person’s sexual orientation or suppress their gender identity.
In that time we’ve heard promises repeated by the Prime Minister, but seen little in the way of tangible action or progress. Locally, the Department of Health has simply said there are currently “no plans” to ban the practice in Northern Ireland – with a spokesperson recently blaming the Covid-19 pandemic for the lack of action.
The therapy is based on the false and wholly unscientific belief that those of us who do not adhere to culturally prescribed norms are ill, and that our sexual orientation or gender identity can and should be changed. This is not only inherently degrading and grossly offensive, but can have a hugely damaging impact on the mental health and wellbeing of those subjected to it.
There has been medical and scientific consensus on conversion therapy for decades. The practice has been condemned as “unethical and potentially harmful” by every major counselling and psychotherapy body in the UK. Meanwhile, the UN’s independent expert on protection against violence and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity labelled it a “form of torture”.
The practice poses a huge risk to young and vulnerable LGBT+ people. A 2018 study by the Ozanne Foundation found that nearly 70 percent of conversion therapy survivors have had suicidal thoughts, 40 percent have self-harmed and nearly 25 percent have suffered from eating disorders.
In the context of all of this, It is unthinkable that “conversion therapy” is still being inflicted on LGBT+ people in the UK today. We do not need to be ‘cured’ – nor do we need more promises, platitudes or prevarications from government – we need primary legislation to protect us from this abhorrent practice.


sluggerotoole--2020-07-22--#CargoOfBricks: From library assistant in Oldpark to Smash Hits boss in four years…

Talking to a retired nationalist politician recently he recounted how important it was for him to get out of Belfast in the early days of the troubles to UCD and a Dublin in which society and its operants ( arts , commerce , science ) outsized the politics of the day .
# CargoOfBricks and Brian ’ s In Conversation podcast series draw from a wider circle of sources share insights and stories that perhaps can have a fresh bearing on our lives in-the-round , not always through the lens of the troubles era , or even politics at all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Barry McIlheney , grew up in Oldpark in North Belfast and became singer ( or as he puts it , ‘ chief shouter in front ’ ) in a punk band with a bunch of school mates ( including Davy McClarnon who ’ s still about today ) called Shock Treatment .
Barry ’ s timeline is similar to my own ( he ’ s about a year older than me , but we left Belfast the exact same year ) .
When he mentions the old Pound Club , he means the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Roddy ’ s Bar on Oxford Street ( it was one pound to get in ) .
For Barry Mac , as he is known these days , punk was a ‘ coming-out ’ more than ‘ shell shock ’ period , in which he learned he had a talent for writing and entertaining through the sheer exuberance and the torching of any notion of the right way of doing things .
After punk died , he worked in the Oldpark library ( where he had “ once learned to read , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ London for a journalism course at City University .
Four years later he was editor of the big insurgent title of that era , Smash Hits .
Throughout his career , Barry played a key role in some of the biggest magazine titles in the world , including being the founding editor of Empire Magazine .
The rest , as they say , is history , much of which you ’ ll find in this week ’ s edition of # CargoOfBricks… See you next week .
In the meantime , the best @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bricks and In Conversation , is to subscribe to Slugger on Apple Podcasts | Google Podcasts , Spotify , or wherever you listen to your favourite podcasts .

Talking to a retired nationalist politician recently he recounted how important it was for him to get out of Belfast in the early days of the troubles to UCD and a Dublin in which society and its operants (arts, commerce, science) outsized the politics of the day.
#CargoOfBricks and Brian’s In Conversation podcast series draw from a wider circle of sources share insights and stories that perhaps can have a fresh bearing on our lives in-the-round, not always through the lens of the troubles era, or even politics at all.
This week’s guest, Barry McIlheney, grew up in Oldpark in North Belfast and became singer (or as he puts it, ‘chief shouter in front’) in a punk band with a bunch of school mates (including Davy McClarnon who’s still about today) called Shock Treatment.
Barry’s timeline is similar to my own (he’s about a year older than me, but we left Belfast the exact same year). When he mentions the old Pound Club, he means the old stable block at the back of Roddy’s Bar on Oxford Street (it was one pound to get in).
For Barry Mac, as he is known these days, punk was a ‘coming-out’ more than ‘shell shock’ period, in which he learned he had a talent for writing and entertaining through the sheer exuberance and the torching of any notion of the right way of doing things.
After punk died, he worked in the Oldpark library (where he had “once learned to read, and therefore write”) before moving to London for a journalism course at City University. Four years later he was editor of the big insurgent title of that era, Smash Hits.
Throughout his career, Barry played a key role in some of the biggest magazine titles in the world, including being the founding editor of Empire Magazine. The rest, as they say, is history, much of which you’ll find in this week’s edition of #CargoOfBricks…
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See you next week. In the meantime, the best way to keep up with Cargo of Bricks and In Conversation, is to subscribe to Slugger on Apple Podcasts | Google Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you listen to your favourite podcasts.


sluggerotoole--2020-07-23--The Bridge to Scotland. A Unionist Umbilical Cord or A Link to a Celtic Union?

The proposed bridge from Northern Ireland is back in the news .
The idea is utterly bonkers .
Very expensive , and a major engineering challenge .
Not to mention the tons of explosives and nuclear waste dumped at Beaufort Dyke over the years .
From the Irish Times : Environmentalists also fear that more secret British government papers , which may only be publicly released after 30 , 50 or even 1OO years , will reveal the full extent of the cocktail of chemicals and radium dumped by the Ministry of Defence .
Dr Dixon believes that chemical and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which was used in recent attacks on the Tokyo underground , may well have been dumped after the second World War .
Even though the gases may have been sealed in metal drums encased in concrete , this casing will slowly degrade , enabling the poisons to leak into the sea .
An estimated 1.17 million tonnes of conventional weapons and chemical weapons have been deposited in Beaufort Dyke .
Workmen laying a British Gas pipeline to link Scotland and Northern Ireland reported detecting metallic objects on the sea bed close to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explosions , which prompted MAFF to order an investigation .
So the chances of this bridge every materialising are slim to zero .
Should it ever see the light of day its purpose depends on how you see the future .
Unionists look to it as a bridge to the ‘ mainland ’ but another scenario if Scotland becomes independent is that it becomes an important link in a potential Celtic Union between Ireland and Scotland .
A 21st Century Kingdom of Dalriada ?
Photo by Free-Photos is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

The proposed bridge from Northern Ireland is back in the news.
Boris Bridge an utter waste of money when we should be investing in saving jobs & safeguarding public services rather than wasting time and money on this white elephant which is little more than a dead cat strategy attempt to distract from Brexit shambles https://t.co/TKhy9M9J57 — Andrew Muir MLA (@AndrewMuirNI) July 22, 2020
The idea is utterly bonkers. Very expensive, and a major engineering challenge. Not to mention the tons of explosives and nuclear waste dumped at Beaufort Dyke over the years. From the Irish Times:
Environmentalists also fear that more secret British government papers, which may only be publicly released after 30, 50 or even 1OO years, will reveal the full extent of the cocktail of chemicals and radium dumped by the Ministry of Defence. Dr Dixon believes that chemical and nerve gases such as anthrax and sarine, which was used in recent attacks on the Tokyo underground, may well have been dumped after the second World War. Even though the gases may have been sealed in metal drums encased in concrete, this casing will slowly degrade, enabling the poisons to leak into the sea. An estimated 1.17 million tonnes of conventional weapons and chemical weapons have been deposited in Beaufort Dyke. Workmen laying a British Gas pipeline to link Scotland and Northern Ireland reported detecting metallic objects on the sea bed close to the dump. They also reported underwater explosions, which prompted MAFF to order an investigation.
So the chances of this bridge every materialising are slim to zero.
I for one am *totally* confident that the man who failed to build a bridge between London and London will build a bridge between Scotland and Northern Ireland. https://t.co/9tJYzaQW8O — Deirdre Heenan (@deirdreheenan) July 22, 2020
Should it ever see the light of day its purpose depends on how you see the future.
Unionists look to it as a bridge to the ‘mainland’ but another scenario if Scotland becomes independent is that it becomes an important link in a potential Celtic Union between Ireland and Scotland. A 21st Century Kingdom of Dalriada?
Photo by Free-Photos is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-07-23--So, which room of change do you think Northern Ireland is in…?

I came across this HR tool the other day , called the four rooms of change .
It ’ s actually a proprietary product so if you want to know more , please contact them .
The iterated version is recognisable to most of us whose core passion is Northern Irish politics .
Before I ask for responses ( and only responses , for the purposes of this exercise , all comments on the responses of others will be removed , positive or not ) , please note there ’ s no direct route from contentment to renewal .
Change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lot of change in the last 20 years , isn ’ t easy .
There ’ s wrong doors , despair , paralysis and confusion .
Confusion is not just okay it ’ s an obvious prerequisite for eventual renewal .
Not all change is good of course , and in my view , the digital era has probably doused us with rather too much of it at once for our tiny human heads/souls to deal with .
But dealing with is is better than ignoring it .
So tell us briefly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ length comments online ) , which room do you think Northern Ireland currently is , and why ?
“ Change ” by Thorsten-Koch is licensed under CC BY-ND

I came across this HR tool the other day, called the four rooms of change. It’s actually a proprietary product so if you want to know more, please contact them. The iterated version is recognisable to most of us whose core passion is Northern Irish politics.
Before I ask for responses (and only responses, for the purposes of this exercise, all comments on the responses of others will be removed, positive or not), please note there’s no direct route from contentment to renewal.
Change, and boy has NI gone through a lot of change in the last 20 years, isn’t easy. There’s wrong doors, despair, paralysis and confusion. Confusion is not just okay it’s an obvious prerequisite for eventual renewal.
Not all change is good of course, and in my view, the digital era has probably doused us with rather too much of it at once for our tiny human heads/souls to deal with. But dealing with is is better than ignoring it.
So tell us briefly (people tend not to read essay length comments online), which room do you think Northern Ireland currently is, and why?
“Change” by Thorsten-Koch is licensed under CC BY-ND


sluggerotoole--2020-07-23--Using the positive power of networks is the only functional way to deal with trolls…

I take a slightly different view of the activities of the many folk on Twitter who think it is their job to harry and raid folks on behalf of their own political parties who have the impertinence to question or criticise them .
It ’ s a form of cyberactivism as old as the Internet .
Their job is create anger and dysfunction in our social cognition systems so that we can not do anything but fall exhausted back into their unloving arms .
I ’ ve called them the thugeratti .
Richard Garland has a piece in the News @ @ @ @ @ @ @ characteristics and he quite rightly identifies the fact this is mostly a pro-Sinn Féin phenomenon .
He acknowledges of course that whilst what he sees is mostly anti-Unionist attacks , unionists are not always the target .
The worst piece of thugeratti action I think I ’ ve ever witnessed was a sustained attack on Alasdair McDonnell in the 2015 general election .
It even involved a blog , multiple anonymous Twitter accounts , and even a leaflet campaign in church car parks .
It was poisonous , and because it was also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no house-room here on Slugger .
Ignoring works up to a point , but as I ’ ve said what works better ( which I learned from a prominent Thugeratti victim ) to deny them access to your Twitter following by blocking them .
The mute button may give your head some peace but it also allows them to continue ‘ broadcasting ’ whatever garbage they ’ re selling that day into your friends and contacts .
It ’ s usually some form of outgroup anger and hatred .
Partly it is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ partly systemic .
The various ‘ nets ’ have been producing these behaviours since they first brought anonymous others got together .
Our play the ball culture disincentivises it here on Slugger .
Defence mechanisms only take you so far .
The play the ball rule is also an aspirational ethic .
It puts in play an opportunity for those who play well ( regardless of affiliation or background ) to generate a good reputation and the respect of their peers .
Moreover , it ’ s a generative ( additive approach ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a series of problems that need a diverse set of opinions , skills and cultural backgrounds to find robust ( or better still , antifragile ) solutions .
In my top favourite book at the moment , Angrynomics , Eric Lonergan explains that Aristotle held that the opposite of anger was play .
To which I would add humour , irony , and a willingness to see , understand , and work with paradox .
These are qualities that the dour , humourless Thugeratti of ‘ the nets ’ can not endure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and disrupt .
At base , Slugger is not a community but a network .
And as my best Swedish mate ever , John Kellden likes to say… I suspect we are only at the beginning of understanding the positive power of networks , or the generative qualities it can unleash through the power of the previously unregarded story , hidden contexts and actionable insights of the greater unknowns .
It is easy to overfocus on the activities of the trolls , but the real antidote is to , as John puts it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ behavior that keeps us from win^n ” .
Or , as Frankl said , this is why the idealists are the real realists : Or as my old Maths teacher ( Frank Kelly if you are asking ) said to me the day I left school.. Illegitimi non carborundum “ Seattle Nov 2014 Fremont Troll ” by Mobilus In Mobili is licensed under CC BY

I take a slightly different view of the activities of the many folk on Twitter who think it is their job to harry and raid folks on behalf of their own political parties who have the impertinence to question or criticise them.
It’s a form of cyberactivism as old as the Internet. Their job is create anger and dysfunction in our social cognition systems so that we cannot do anything but fall exhausted back into their unloving arms. I’ve called them the thugeratti.
Richard Garland has a piece in the News Letter today outlining some of their familiar characteristics and he quite rightly identifies the fact this is mostly a pro-Sinn Féin phenomenon.
He acknowledges of course that whilst what he sees is mostly anti-Unionist attacks, unionists are not always the target. The worst piece of thugeratti action I think I’ve ever witnessed was a sustained attack on Alasdair McDonnell in the 2015 general election.
It even involved a blog, multiple anonymous Twitter accounts, and even a leaflet campaign in church car parks. It was poisonous, and because it was also based on lies we gave it absolutely no house-room here on Slugger.
Ignoring works up to a point, but as I’ve said what works better (which I learned from a prominent Thugeratti victim) to deny them access to your Twitter following by blocking them.
The mute button may give your head some peace but it also allows them to continue ‘broadcasting’ whatever garbage they’re selling that day into your friends and contacts. It’s usually some form of outgroup anger and hatred.
Partly it is the personal choice of those participating, and partly systemic. The various ‘nets’ have been producing these behaviours since they first brought anonymous others got together. Our play the ball culture disincentivises it here on Slugger.
Defence mechanisms only take you so far. The play the ball rule is also an aspirational ethic. It puts in play an opportunity for those who play well (regardless of affiliation or background) to generate a good reputation and the respect of their peers.
Moreover, it’s a generative (additive approach) to political discourse that views the world as a series of problems that need a diverse set of opinions, skills and cultural backgrounds to find robust (or better still, antifragile) solutions.
In my top favourite book at the moment, Angrynomics, Eric Lonergan explains that Aristotle held that the opposite of anger was play. To which I would add humour, irony, and a willingness to see, understand, and work with paradox.
These are qualities that the dour, humourless Thugeratti of ‘the nets’ cannot endure and moreover find it impossible to puncture and disrupt. At base, Slugger is not a community but a network. And as my best Swedish mate ever, John Kellden likes to say…
In a network, the best place to store information is in other people…
I suspect we are only at the beginning of understanding the positive power of networks, or the generative qualities it can unleash through the power of the previously unregarded story, hidden contexts and actionable insights of the greater unknowns.
It is easy to overfocus on the activities of the trolls, but the real antidote is to, as John puts it, helps to “divest from whatever behavior that keeps us from win^n”. Or, as Frankl said, this is why the idealists are the real realists:
Or as my old Maths teacher (Frank Kelly if you are asking) said to me the day I left school.. Illegitimi non carborundum
“Seattle Nov 2014 Fremont Troll” by Mobilus In Mobili is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-07-27--John Hewitt Digital Festival of Literature and Ideas 2020

Like many summer schools and festivals , plans for the John Hewitt International Summer School were disrupted .
Rather than meeting in Armagh , the organisers have shifted their programme of literature and ideas online .
As always , the festival theme is inspired by a phrase from the eponymous poet in the search beyond the current crisis for a brighter present and better future .
This year ’ s collection of talks , recitals and discussions are free , running from Thursday 30 July to Saturday 1 August .
If you register , you ’ ll receive a link @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the programme schedule : Thursday 30 at 4pm // Slugger O ’ Toole is delighted to be opening this year ’ s festival with a panel discussion asking After lockdown , can the arts return to health without a vaccine ?
Normally , we take Slugger TV out of the NvTv studio and on the road to film an episode in front of a live audience in Armagh , but this year Alan Meban is joined online by Roisín McDonough ( chief executive , Arts Council of Northern Ireland ) , Maureen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ / The Arts Council of Ireland ) Mary Nagele ( chief executive , Arts and Business NI ) , John Campbell ( economics and business editor , BBC Northern Ireland ) .
Friday 31 at 4pm // Writer and broadcaster Misha Glenny delivers a talk on The Four Horsemen of the Modern Apocalypse , addressing the most pressing issues facing the international order today , followed by a discussion with poet , musician and critic Cahal Dallat .
Friday 31 at 5.30pm // Irish novelist Eimear McBride ( Girl is a Half-formed Thing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with local author Jan Carson .
McBride ’ s new novel Strange Hotel is described as “ urgent and immersive … a novel of enduring emotional force ” .
Saturday 1 August at 5.30pm // Out of My Time : John Hewitt on Brexit , COVID , Shifting Borders and Altered Identities – a panel discussion with poet and academic Gerry Dawe , novelist and lecturer , Heather Richardson , and chaired by Cahal Dallat .
Hewitt ’ s words are much quoted , but what can or can ’ t they tell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the importance of the arts in these fraught times ?
While the talks are free , the organisers would appreciate donations to allow them to continue to provide entertaining and challenging content in these hard times for the arts .
Or if you become a Friend of the Society : for a regular donation of £5 a month you ’ ll get a 10 % discount on stock books from partner bookshop No Alibis .

Like many summer schools and festivals, plans for the John Hewitt International Summer School were disrupted. Rather than meeting in Armagh, the organisers have shifted their programme of literature and ideas online.
As always, the festival theme is inspired by a phrase from the eponymous poet in the search beyond the current crisis for a brighter present and better future.
“The black cloud / is a happy portent / for dwellers in the drylands / waiting for the monsoon” (from For a Moment of Darkness Over the Nations)
This year’s collection of talks, recitals and discussions are free, running from Thursday 30 July to Saturday 1 August. If you register, you’ll receive a link to the online videoes. Some highlights from the programme schedule:
Thursday 30 at 4pm // Slugger O’Toole is delighted to be opening this year’s festival with a panel discussion asking After lockdown, can the arts return to health without a vaccine? Normally, we take Slugger TV out of the NvTv studio and on the road to film an episode in front of a live audience in Armagh, but this year Alan Meban is joined online by Roisín McDonough (chief executive, Arts Council of Northern Ireland), Maureen Kenelly (director, An Chomhairle Ealaíon / The Arts Council of Ireland) Mary Nagele (chief executive, Arts and Business NI), John Campbell (economics and business editor, BBC Northern Ireland).
Friday 31 at 4pm // Writer and broadcaster Misha Glenny delivers a talk on The Four Horsemen of the Modern Apocalypse, addressing the most pressing issues facing the international order today, followed by a discussion with poet, musician and critic Cahal Dallat.
Friday 31 at 5.30pm // Irish novelist Eimear McBride (Girl is a Half-formed Thing and The Lesser Bohemians) in conversation with local author Jan Carson. McBride’s new novel Strange Hotel is described as “urgent and immersive … a novel of enduring emotional force”.
Saturday 1 August at 5.30pm // Out of My Time: John Hewitt on Brexit, COVID, Shifting Borders and Altered Identities – a panel discussion with poet and academic Gerry Dawe, novelist and lecturer, Heather Richardson, and chaired by Cahal Dallat. Hewitt’s words are much quoted, but what can or can’t they tell us about community, identity, and the importance of the arts in these fraught times?
While the talks are free, the organisers would appreciate donations to allow them to continue to provide entertaining and challenging content in these hard times for the arts. Or if you become a Friend of the Society: for a regular donation of £5 a month you’ll get a 10% discount on stock books from partner bookshop No Alibis.


sluggerotoole--2020-07-27--Northern Ireland is lagging far behind Great Britain on the wearing of face masks

Over the last four months , the percentage of the population in Great Britain wearing face masks in public has steadily increased .
However , data from YouGov suggests that the percentage of the population wearing masks in Northern Ireland has remained flat over the last few months , and as a result the percentage of the population wearing masks in Northern Ireland is now lagging significantly behind England , Scotland and Wales .
The chart above shows how mask wearing rates by region in the UK have changed since April .
The chart below puts use of face coverings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an international context for the month of July .
Note that there was no data for July for Finland , Sweden or Denmark , all of whom had low incidences ( less than 10 % ) of face covering uptake in June .
Following a confusing and contradictory set of announcements from the Northern Ireland Executive on the issue , the Northern Ireland Executive are set to review uptake of face coverings on the 20th of August , and will “ implement the power to make this mandatory ” if there hasn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by this point .
It is not clear what data they will use to review this , nor is it clear what a “ significant increase ” means .
The Health Minister Robin Swann has said that he expects 80 % uptake by the 20th of August , and clearly there will need to be a very dramatic increase over the next month if this is to become reality .
Even if the number of people wearing face coverings “ sometimes ” or “ rarely ” are included , only 37 % of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ face covering at all in Northern Ireland over the month of July .
It is unclear why the Executive have dithered and prevaricated so much on this issue .
However , East Antrim MP Sammy Wilson has been arguing on Twitter that mandatory use of face masks will adversely impact the retail sector .
There is no evidence whatsoever to back up this claim .
On the contrary , polling recently released by Ipsos MORI of residents in Great Britain are more likely to visit shops if face masks were mandatory ; 25 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ d be more likely to visit shops , compared with 21 % who said they ’ d be less likely to visit shops .
By a huge margin , people think that it is important to wear a face mask in public ; 86 % said it was essential or important , compared with 10 % who said it was not important .
The wearing of face masks is not a binary choice between public health and the economy .
It is hugely beneficial to both ; people are more likely to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use is made mandatory , and it mitigates against the risk of having to implement further lockdowns .
It is a simple , low cost measure that will help protect both lives and livelihoods , and the continuing dithering and delay by the Executive makes no sense .

Over the last four months, the percentage of the population in Great Britain wearing face masks in public has steadily increased.
However, data from YouGov suggests that the percentage of the population wearing masks in Northern Ireland has remained flat over the last few months, and as a result the percentage of the population wearing masks in Northern Ireland is now lagging significantly behind England, Scotland and Wales. The chart above shows how mask wearing rates by region in the UK have changed since April.
The chart below puts use of face coverings in public places in Northern Ireland in an international context for the month of July. Note that there was no data for July for Finland, Sweden or Denmark, all of whom had low incidences (less than 10%) of face covering uptake in June.
Following a confusing and contradictory set of announcements from the Northern Ireland Executive on the issue, the Northern Ireland Executive are set to review uptake of face coverings on the 20th of August, and will “implement the power to make this mandatory” if there hasn’t been “a significant increase” by this point.
It is not clear what data they will use to review this, nor is it clear what a “significant increase” means.
The Health Minister Robin Swann has said that he expects 80% uptake by the 20th of August, and clearly there will need to be a very dramatic increase over the next month if this is to become reality. Even if the number of people wearing face coverings “sometimes” or “rarely” are included, only 37% of people in Northern Ireland have used a face covering at all in Northern Ireland over the month of July.
It is unclear why the Executive have dithered and prevaricated so much on this issue. However, East Antrim MP Sammy Wilson has been arguing on Twitter that mandatory use of face masks will adversely impact the retail sector.
There is no evidence whatsoever to back up this claim. On the contrary, polling recently released by Ipsos MORI of residents in Great Britain are more likely to visit shops if face masks were mandatory; 25% of those surveyed said that they’d be more likely to visit shops, compared with 21% who said they’d be less likely to visit shops.
By a huge margin, people think that it is important to wear a face mask in public; 86% said it was essential or important, compared with 10% who said it was not important.
The wearing of face masks is not a binary choice between public health and the economy. It is hugely beneficial to both; people are more likely to shop on the high street if their use is made mandatory, and it mitigates against the risk of having to implement further lockdowns.
It is a simple, low cost measure that will help protect both lives and livelihoods, and the continuing dithering and delay by the Executive makes no sense.


sluggerotoole--2020-07-27--Why the Shared Island unit doesn’t need to shy away from constitutional questions

Interesting article by Aiden Corkery in yesterdays Sunday Business Post on the new Shared Island Unit to be established within the Department of the Taoiseach .
In it he quotes the views of the former Fianna Fail TD and advisor , Martin Mansergh Martin Mansergh , the former Fianna Fáil TD and adviser to Bertie Ahern during the Good Friday Agreement , disagreed .
He said he believed the new unit would be more focused on the more pragmatic details of north-south cooperation .
These included the proposed cross-border A5 motorway project to connect Dublin to Derry and the Ulster @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Erne , both of which were mentioned in the programme for government , he said .
“ To a degree it ’ s just a renaming of the Northern Ireland section that was always in the Taoiseach ’ s office , ” Mansergh told the Business Post .
He said that Martin clearly favoured an “ evolutionary ” approach towards achieving a united Ireland rather than trying to push unionists into one .
“ My own view is that you damage the case for a united Ireland if you hold an unsuccessful poll @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the disruption and destabilisation that would be caused , ” he said .
There has been some ambiguity about just what purpose the unit will have .
There was an exchange in the Dail between Aontu Leader , Peadar Toibin and Micheal Martin over a border poll and the unit There has always been reticence from the Irish government since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement about talking about a border poll or making any detailed preparations for one .
But I feel that this type of approach contentiously misses the point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Peter Robinson said just a few years back you don ’ t buy house insurance with the expectation that it will catch fire .
It may well be the will of the government that it doesn ’ t believe the prospect of Irish Unity is on the horizon , but as with the European debate in the UK or the COVID 19 pandemic , it makes sense to look at all the options that can face the future of the country .
This unit is in the process of being established .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ better areas of engagement between the Executive and the Irish government , but it also should be looking at the building blocks needed for reunification .
Not out of any republican fervour , but out of simple common sense .
Unification can happen , a border poll can happen and be won .
The planning doesn ’ t need to be up in lights and it doesn ’ t particularly need to be examining the most interesting topics in the world , but it should help contribute and develop part of how we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ COVID and Brexit take shape on our island , it would be folly to think that this could not be a possibility and this unit could play a valuable role in working out these issues .
The Shared Island Unit doesn ’ t have to be either for cooperation or unification .
It can do both .
One deals with day to day realities and projects , the other is a longer term project looking more at community relations .
Neither will make front page news or set the world on fire , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It is the patient and determined work that needs to be done and should be something that an Irish government , led by Fianna Fail embraces with energy and consideration .
Since Sean Lemass , every Fianna Fail Leader has left their own mark on the Northern Ireland file .
From cooperation to the Hillsborough Agreement .
All of this work was an important step towards better relations and essential unity on this island .
The current Taoiseach , will have until the end of 2021 to make his mark in that tradition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could become a New Ireland , would be an immense contribution to this island and further the legacy of his predecessors .
“ Dáil Éireann – Election of Taoiseach – 27 June 2020 ” by Houses of the Oireachtas is licensed under CC BY

Interesting article by Aiden Corkery in yesterdays Sunday Business Post on the new Shared Island Unit to be established within the Department of the Taoiseach.
In it he quotes the views of the former Fianna Fail TD and advisor, Martin Mansergh
Martin Mansergh, the former Fianna Fáil TD and adviser to Bertie Ahern during the Good Friday Agreement, disagreed. He said he believed the new unit would be more focused on the more pragmatic details of north-south cooperation. These included the proposed cross-border A5 motorway project to connect Dublin to Derry and the Ulster Canal connection from Clones to Upper Lough Erne, both of which were mentioned in the programme for government, he said. “To a degree it’s just a renaming of the Northern Ireland section that was always in the Taoiseach’s office,” Mansergh told the Business Post. He said that Martin clearly favoured an “evolutionary” approach towards achieving a united Ireland rather than trying to push unionists into one. “My own view is that you damage the case for a united Ireland if you hold an unsuccessful poll and that’s quite apart from the disruption and destabilisation that would be caused,” he said.
There has been some ambiguity about just what purpose the unit will have. There was an exchange in the Dail between Aontu Leader, Peadar Toibin and Micheal Martin over a border poll and the unit
An Taoiseach @MichealMartinTD responds to @Toibin1 on the Good Friday Agreement. “The GFA is about relationships. It has long been about relationships. It’s not about declaring my will is the best will.” pic.twitter.com/Rgk24vRbYL — Fianna Fáil (@fiannafailparty) July 7, 2020
There has always been reticence from the Irish government since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement about talking about a border poll or making any detailed preparations for one. But I feel that this type of approach contentiously misses the point. As the former DUP Leader, Peter Robinson said just a few years back you don’t buy house insurance with the expectation that it will catch fire. It may well be the will of the government that it doesn’t believe the prospect of Irish Unity is on the horizon, but as with the European debate in the UK or the COVID 19 pandemic, it makes sense to look at all the options that can face the future of the country.
This unit is in the process of being established. It has an important task ahead of pursuing better areas of engagement between the Executive and the Irish government, but it also should be looking at the building blocks needed for reunification. Not out of any republican fervour, but out of simple common sense. Unification can happen, a border poll can happen and be won.
The planning doesn’t need to be up in lights and it doesn’t particularly need to be examining the most interesting topics in the world, but it should help contribute and develop part of how we move forward. As the economics of COVID and Brexit take shape on our island, it would be folly to think that this could not be a possibility and this unit could play a valuable role in working out these issues.
The Shared Island Unit doesn’t have to be either for cooperation or unification. It can do both. One deals with day to day realities and projects, the other is a longer term project looking more at community relations. Neither will make front page news or set the world on fire, but that is not the point. It is the patient and determined work that needs to be done and should be something that an Irish government, led by Fianna Fail embraces with energy and consideration.
Since Sean Lemass, every Fianna Fail Leader has left their own mark on the Northern Ireland file. From cooperation to the Hillsborough Agreement. All of this work was an important step towards better relations and essential unity on this island. The current Taoiseach, will have until the end of 2021 to make his mark in that tradition. Starting the detailed planning for what could become a New Ireland, would be an immense contribution to this island and further the legacy of his predecessors.
“Dáil Éireann – Election of Taoiseach – 27 June 2020” by Houses of the Oireachtas is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-07-27--‘A united Ireland that is socially liberally, tolerant, European and economically successful is attr

‘A united Ireland that is socially liberally, tolerant, European and economically successful is attractive’

Irish unity could be an attractive option if the new nation is socially liberal , outward looking , multi-cultural , European and economically successfully , while respecting both the Irish and British cultures and traditions , believes Will Glendinning .
To be economically successful it may need support from both the European Union and the United States , he adds .
Will is a former chief executive of the Community Relations Council , has been an Alliance Party MLA for West Belfast and was also a member of the UDR .
He was talking in the latest Forward Together podcast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s family history brings together different traditions of Northern Irish politics .
His great grandfather on his father ’ s side was Sir Robert Glendinning , a Liberal MP at the beginning of the 20th Century , who was a supporter of Home Rule for Ireland .
But a grandfather on his mother ’ s side was a Unionist MP in Stormont , who had opposed Home Rule .
“ There was a marriage that occurred in the middle of the schism , ” he observes .
It might be argued that there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ point in history that debated Home Rule and contemporary politics , where Irish unity is beginning to be actively considered .
It is a topic Will is seriously engaged in .
He has concluded that a change in the constitutional settlement could be positive .
“ I have reached the position that someone from my background could see myself voting for a united Ireland , or for a new Ireland , if what was on offer was beneficial.
” Will explains : “ During my time in politics , I always argued for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of the big advantages I saw for the Good Friday Agreement , that the issue of consent was fully recognised and indeed that consent was an all-Ireland consent .
The thing that I think is important in this debate is that unionism was given an opt-out from any all-Ireland structures because it saw itself as a minority in the island of Ireland .
“ But the problem for unionism is that it never treated the minority in its own midst with the generosity it should have done… and indeed opposed issues of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of fair employment laws , and right up to same sex marriage and abortion.
” Will is concerned that , despite this , republicans need , where they have power in local or central government , to demonstrate a much greater generosity of spirit towards unionists than was shown to them .
“ That ’ s one of the reasons why I was very taken with Seamus Mallon ’ s book ‘ A Shared Home Place ’ , because he argued very strongly that if there is to be a change in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is 50 % plus one and that therefore you end up with a [ disaffected ] minority in the island of Ireland… .
“ Mallon doesn ’ t argue that you have to have a majority of unionists .
What he does argue is that you have to have a sufficient number of unionists .
I would take an analogy back to another change process that we had to undergo , which was the change in policing .
Policing , if it is if it is to be effective , needs to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
One of the big changes was a whole change in structure from the RUC to the PSNI , a whole change in ethos , changes of symbols and also changes in the recruitment process to bring about an increase in the number of people from the Catholic and nationalist community into the PSNI .
“ Now we can argue about how effective or ineffective that has been – numbers inside the police still do not reflect the make-up of the of the population .
But I think before we come to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we need to have the discussion about what the new Ireland would look like – in the same way that in the Republic they had discussions over the same sex marriage referendum and particularly over the abortion referendum , where they developed a consensus on what was on offer – [ in the same way there must be discussion ] across the island about what was is on offer [ in a new Ireland ] , and only then do you reach the position of having a referendum on any future .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what is possible .
“ From a unionists ’ point of view , to enter into those conversations it needs to be recognised that they are entering into them in a position where they can come out the other end – if they go in knowing they are going to lose , whether it is five-nil or three-two , is not a way for those conversations to take place.
” As discussion has advanced over the possible form of Irish unity , so the question arises whether Stormont should be retained or abandoned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it should be for the existing six counties of Northern Ireland or the nine counties of the Ulster province – and whether the other provinces should also have their own legislative assemblies .
Will argues : “ There would still need to have a devolved legislature inside Northern Ireland… .
There would need to be a recognition of the position of the monarch .
“ And , also , there would need to be , as with the unification of Germany , a guarantee of funding for a period of time until the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thing , there would need to be discussion of the issue of dealing with the past , through the 1960s and 1970s , up to the 1990s.
” Will believes that politicians present more of a barrier to progress than people within the communities of Northern Ireland .
“ I have seen many examples of situations where people from very different backgrounds have been prepared to listen and talk , to hear the stories from the other side .
And I think that sometimes , actually the community is further along than the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not the case in the most deprived areas .
Not in the case sometimes in areas where the degrees of segregation , etc.
, remain as high as they did [ during the Troubles ] .
” This latest podcast in the second Forward Together series is available here on the website of peace and reconciliation charity Holywell Trust .
It is funded by the Community Relations Council ’ s Media Grant Scheme .
Disclaimer : This project has received support from the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council which aims to promote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ respect for diversity , and recognition of interdependence .
The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of the Community Relations Council .

Irish unity could be an attractive option if the new nation is socially liberal, outward looking, multi-cultural, European and economically successfully, while respecting both the Irish and British cultures and traditions, believes Will Glendinning. To be economically successful it may need support from both the European Union and the United States, he adds. Will is a former chief executive of the Community Relations Council, has been an Alliance Party MLA for West Belfast and was also a member of the UDR. He was talking in the latest Forward Together podcast from the Holywell Trust.
Will’s family history brings together different traditions of Northern Irish politics. His great grandfather on his father’s side was Sir Robert Glendinning, a Liberal MP at the beginning of the 20th Century, who was a supporter of Home Rule for Ireland. But a grandfather on his mother’s side was a Unionist MP in Stormont, who had opposed Home Rule. “There was a marriage that occurred in the middle of the schism,” he observes.
It might be argued that there is something of a parallel between the point in history that debated Home Rule and contemporary politics, where Irish unity is beginning to be actively considered. It is a topic Will is seriously engaged in. He has concluded that a change in the constitutional settlement could be positive. “I have reached the position that someone from my background could see myself voting for a united Ireland, or for a new Ireland, if what was on offer was beneficial.”
Will explains: “During my time in politics, I always argued for the issue of consent. That was one of the big advantages I saw for the Good Friday Agreement, that the issue of consent was fully recognised and indeed that consent was an all-Ireland consent. The thing that I think is important in this debate is that unionism was given an opt-out from any all-Ireland structures because it saw itself as a minority in the island of Ireland.
“But the problem for unionism is that it never treated the minority in its own midst with the generosity it should have done… and indeed opposed issues of equality all the way through the development of fair employment laws, and right up to same sex marriage and abortion.”
Will is concerned that, despite this, republicans need, where they have power in local or central government, to demonstrate a much greater generosity of spirit towards unionists than was shown to them.
“That’s one of the reasons why I was very taken with Seamus Mallon’s book ‘A Shared Home Place’, because he argued very strongly that if there is to be a change in the constitutional nature, the danger is that it is 50% plus one and that therefore you end up with a [disaffected] minority in the island of Ireland….
“Mallon doesn’t argue that you have to have a majority of unionists. What he does argue is that you have to have a sufficient number of unionists. I would take an analogy back to another change process that we had to undergo, which was the change in policing. Policing, if it is if it is to be effective, needs to be by consent rather than by force. One of the big changes was a whole change in structure from the RUC to the PSNI, a whole change in ethos, changes of symbols and also changes in the recruitment process to bring about an increase in the number of people from the Catholic and nationalist community into the PSNI.
“Now we can argue about how effective or ineffective that has been – numbers inside the police still do not reflect the make-up of the of the population. But I think before we come to a point where we have a referendum, we need to have the discussion about what the new Ireland would look like – in the same way that in the Republic they had discussions over the same sex marriage referendum and particularly over the abortion referendum, where they developed a consensus on what was on offer – [in the same way there must be discussion] across the island about what was is on offer [in a new Ireland], and only then do you reach the position of having a referendum on any future. So, in other words, you know what is possible.
“From a unionists’ point of view, to enter into those conversations it needs to be recognised that they are entering into them in a position where they can come out the other end – if they go in knowing they are going to lose, whether it is five-nil or three-two, is not a way for those conversations to take place.”
As discussion has advanced over the possible form of Irish unity, so the question arises whether Stormont should be retained or abandoned – and if it is retained whether it should be for the existing six counties of Northern Ireland or the nine counties of the Ulster province – and whether the other provinces should also have their own legislative assemblies. Will argues: “There would still need to have a devolved legislature inside Northern Ireland…. There would need to be a recognition of the position of the monarch.
“And, also, there would need to be, as with the unification of Germany, a guarantee of funding for a period of time until the two economies got together. A further thing, there would need to be discussion of the issue of dealing with the past, through the 1960s and 1970s, up to the 1990s.”
Will believes that politicians present more of a barrier to progress than people within the communities of Northern Ireland. “I have seen many examples of situations where people from very different backgrounds have been prepared to listen and talk, to hear the stories from the other side. And I think that sometimes, actually the community is further along than the politicians are. I recognize that that is not the case in the most deprived areas. Not in the case sometimes in areas where the degrees of segregation, etc., remain as high as they did [during the Troubles].”
This latest podcast in the second Forward Together series is available here on the website of peace and reconciliation charity Holywell Trust. It is funded by the Community Relations Council’s Media Grant Scheme.
Disclaimer: This project has received support from the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council which aims to promote a pluralist society characterised by equity, respect for diversity, and recognition of interdependence. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of the Community Relations Council.


sluggerotoole--2020-07-26--Vested interest means Boris has a fat chance of getting us thin…

I am still smarting from a recent suggestion by the highly competent technical boss of this erudite platform .
He rightly chastened me for setting out in a post the vexed problems of addiction without offering any solutions .
Fair point , I thought but Brian there is nothing new under the Sun only the prevailing ideologies that are neither right nor wrong just what society , at any given point in time , is willing to tolerate .
With a lack of political will to resolve complex social problems , those responsible just pretend to be doing something with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a naive hope the public won ’ t notice .
I risk further censure addressing the expanding problem of obesity so from the start I will state the solutions ; regulate to do two things ; ( 1 ) eliminate simple sugars from processed foods and ( 2 ) reduce by 80 % fast-food outlets .
The UK ’ s obese Prime Minister nearly died from complications of Covid-19 , and his corpulence was likely the main reason his prognosis was , for a day or two , bleak .
Thankfully he survived @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he wants to eliminate obesity but off course he won ’ t , he will merely introduce lots of small , timid initiatives that won ’ t work because he will not address the central issues that have expanded the national waste-line over the past 40 years .
We eat too many calories , and we eat too many calories from simple sugars .
After Boris has done his bit , the problem will still be with us .
The food business lobby is simply much too powerful .
They will say things @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s not ; calories are the most critical issue , and calories from sugar specifically .
Sugar formed the basis of the confectionary industry started in the mid-19th century by the famous Quaker families ; Fry , Rowntree and Cadburys .
And it was a combination of cheap flour and sugar that formed the basis of the cake and biscuit industries .
Indeed sugar is a very flexible and vital component in making foods palatable and desirable , and it goes beyond its sweetness .
The contribution of the soft drinks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if not central .
The sugars in soft drink products were mainly glucose ( from cane sugar ) , but from the mid-1970s in the US , this changed to fructose ( from corn syrup and termed High-Fructose Corn Syrup ) .
Scientists in Japan found a way to produce a cheaper sweetener HFCS .
This was six times sweeter than cane sugar and was made from corn which was in surplice supply at this time .
HFCS meant that the cost of producing soft drinks could be slashed .
Using it in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ freezer burn .
It is very flexible providing longevity for products in vending machines , and it conferred a more natural look to biscuit products .
America ’ s obesity problem , where half the population is obese , is primarily due to the broader use of HFCS .
In Europe , we have more restrictions on its use , but these restrictions will disappear post-Brexit .
Soft drinks containing sugar can be consumed quickly .
In large quantities , as there is less impact on the body ’ s satiety system compared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ substantial amount of calories can be consumed at one sitting .
Marketing and merchandising by the soft drinks industry has always been innovative and set international standards .
The drinks and vending machines in American and British schools , both junior and higher were nothing short of a national scandal .
Vending machines have been taken out of primary schools , but the change in secondary schools has been slower to happen .
In the UK between 1984 and 1993 , the number of fast-food outlets doubled at the same time as the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much less prevalent in Spain and Italy , where spending on fast food is relatively low .
The fast-food industry ’ s success is based on a commitment to business principles ; quality , efficiency , uniformity and marketing .
This pursuit has produced successful global brands such as McDonald ’ s® Burger King® and Kentucky Fried Chicken ® .
Marketing is core to the success of fast-food brands , and this was the first industry to apply marketing techniques directed at children .
Processed foods , the staple for the fast-food industry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flavourists who will also consider issues such as “ mouth-feel ” that unique combination of textures and chemical interactions that affects how the flavour is perceived .
Mouth-feel is modified by use of fats , gums , starches , emulsifiers and stabilisers .
A French fry ’ s crispness , for example , is determined by sugar content and in the Autumn sugars are added to the potatoes whereas in the Spring sugars are leached out .
In this way , the uniformity of taste is maintained throughout the year .
So there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its solutions .
But there will be no appetite to tackle obesity in this way .
Exercise is important for not putting on weight ; fat does not make people fat ; sugar makes people fat , and excess calories from sugars are the most critical reason why we have an obesity crisis .
Photo by congerdesign is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

I am still smarting from a recent suggestion by the highly competent technical boss of this erudite platform. He rightly chastened me for setting out in a post the vexed problems of addiction without offering any solutions. Fair point, I thought but Brian there is nothing new under the Sun only the prevailing ideologies that are neither right nor wrong just what society, at any given point in time, is willing to tolerate. With a lack of political will to resolve complex social problems, those responsible just pretend to be doing something with bits of services here and there and a naive hope the public won’t notice.
I risk further censure addressing the expanding problem of obesity so from the start I will state the solutions; regulate to do two things; (1) eliminate simple sugars from processed foods and (2) reduce by 80% fast-food outlets.
The UK’s obese Prime Minister nearly died from complications of Covid-19, and his corpulence was likely the main reason his prognosis was, for a day or two, bleak. Thankfully he survived and is in good health. Now he wants to eliminate obesity but off course he won’t, he will merely introduce lots of small, timid initiatives that won’t work because he will not address the central issues that have expanded the national waste-line over the past 40 years. We eat too many calories, and we eat too many calories from simple sugars. After Boris has done his bit, the problem will still be with us. The food business lobby is simply much too powerful. They will say things such as exercise is more important. It’s not; calories are the most critical issue, and calories from sugar specifically.
Sugar formed the basis of the confectionary industry started in the mid-19th century by the famous Quaker families; Fry, Rowntree and Cadburys. And it was a combination of cheap flour and sugar that formed the basis of the cake and biscuit industries. Indeed sugar is a very flexible and vital component in making foods palatable and desirable, and it goes beyond its sweetness.
The contribution of the soft drinks industry to the obesity crisis is significant if not central. The sugars in soft drink products were mainly glucose (from cane sugar), but from the mid-1970s in the US, this changed to fructose (from corn syrup and termed High-Fructose Corn Syrup). Scientists in Japan found a way to produce a cheaper sweetener HFCS. This was six times sweeter than cane sugar and was made from corn which was in surplice supply at this time. HFCS meant that the cost of producing soft drinks could be slashed. Using it in frozen food product protected the products against freezer burn. It is very flexible providing longevity for products in vending machines, and it conferred a more natural look to biscuit products. America’s obesity problem, where half the population is obese, is primarily due to the broader use of HFCS. In Europe, we have more restrictions on its use, but these restrictions will disappear post-Brexit. Soft drinks containing sugar can be consumed quickly. In large quantities, as there is less impact on the body’s satiety system compared to solid foods, therefore a more substantial amount of calories can be consumed at one sitting.
Marketing and merchandising by the soft drinks industry has always been innovative and set international standards. The drinks and vending machines in American and British schools, both junior and higher were nothing short of a national scandal. Vending machines have been taken out of primary schools, but the change in secondary schools has been slower to happen.
In the UK between 1984 and 1993, the number of fast-food outlets doubled at the same time as the prevalence of obesity doubled. Obesity is much less prevalent in Spain and Italy, where spending on fast food is relatively low. The fast-food industry’s success is based on a commitment to business principles; quality, efficiency, uniformity and marketing. This pursuit has produced successful global brands such as McDonald’s® Burger King® and Kentucky Fried Chicken ®. Marketing is core to the success of fast-food brands, and this was the first industry to apply marketing techniques directed at children.
Processed foods, the staple for the fast-food industry, are given their proper taste by flavourists who will also consider issues such as “mouth-feel” that unique combination of textures and chemical interactions that affects how the flavour is perceived. Mouth-feel is modified by use of fats, gums, starches, emulsifiers and stabilisers. A French fry’s crispness, for example, is determined by sugar content and in the Autumn sugars are added to the potatoes whereas in the Spring sugars are leached out. In this way, the uniformity of taste is maintained throughout the year.
So there you have it; the problem and its solutions. But there will be no appetite to tackle obesity in this way. Exercise is important for not putting on weight; fat does not make people fat; sugar makes people fat, and excess calories from sugars are the most critical reason why we have an obesity crisis.
Photo by congerdesign is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


Technology and me…

I know that what I ’ m about to confess may shock a lot of you .
I know because I ’ ve seen the look of horror on people ’ s faces for quite some time now , so here goes – I don ’ t use a mobile phone .
The retorts of disbelief when I utter those magic words range from , you ’ re joking and I don ’ t believe you , to the more often accusatory , what ’ s wrong with you ?
as if I ’ m some sort of aberration .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ their own and all that , but sometimes I ’ m on the receiving end of a serious amount of stick and that can hurt .
The truth is , I just don ’ t get it .
That constant need to be in touch .
That desire to share your life with the world and his wife when you ’ re in the middle of a supermarket .
The temptation to interrupt a perfectly nice conversation with someone when your pocket starts to vibrate .
I ’ ve tried really hard to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even tempted to want it , but no , it ’ s not happening and I don ’ t think it ’ s likely to either , as I ’ ve been tried and tested .
Not so long ago my husband and I were taking flights from the UAE to Bahrain .
It was planned with military precision because we were flying out of different airports and his flight was due to land an hour before mine , therefore enabling him to greet me at the other end .
Yes , you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had other ideas and I eventually found myself in Bahrain airport waiting by ‘ Arrivals ’ for over five hours .
I had no phone of course but I had a book and reasoned that my other half would have to appear through the doors at some stage , which of course , he did .
Technically inept I may be but patience is something I ’ ve obviously got in spades ( a quality you obviously seem to need if you ’ re found wanting and phoneless ) .
I enquired of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something that I ’ m technically terrible at .
LOL she replied – none of the family would ever let you within a mile of our smartphones as you ’ re a liability with anything ‘ touch screen ’ ( this is actually true as I find that just holding those phones without creating major chaos is incredibly challenging ) .
When I take photos , it ’ s with my little handbag camera ( button easily accessed at the top ) and when I listen to music I put on a CD @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and immerse myself in Joni Mitchell ’ s ‘ Blue ’ , Circa 1971 , crackles and all .
And while I ’ m at it – what happened to the traditional dashboard clock in the car where it used to take a millisecond to turn the dial an hour forward or backward , depending on the time of year ?
Now you have to endure the gubbins of a complicated computerised system or else wait six months in between , with the clock showing the wrong time – I did say that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ When I was young , and in the absence of any form of available computer technology , my siblings and I were expected to invent our own forms of entertainment .
My long-suffering sister and I often participated in a game we called Splits where you tried , by taking aim with a kitchen knife , to get each other to separate our feet until we fell over .
The only risk was slicing some toes off but that was all part of the fun and my sister and I are still on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Neither was there a great need for anything other than a head for heights and a touch of bravado when my brother tied a rope around my waste and encouraged me to climb Everest with him ( a hundred-year-old beech tree at the family farm ) , always failing to remind me that coming down was an awful lot harder than going up .
Having said that , a Sat Nav may have been useful when both siblings played the game of abandoning me in the middle of a bog so that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back home .
Look .
I ’ m not completely daft .
I do know that we need technology in our lives for businesses to thrive , for schools to be productive in the education of our children , for hospitals to provide the state-of-the-art care necessary to protect our well-being etc , etc .
Indeed , without access to a computer and e-mail , I ’ d be unable to publish articles like this for Slugger , despite my inclination to submit a legibly written letter on crisp white paper and posted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is immediate .
News stories transient .
A writer can be doomed if they miss the boat with an opinion piece .
So yes , I ’ m not a total technophobe .
I used to worry about what people thought of my reluctance to embrace technology , but these days not quite so much , because now I have a theory .
When all the Apps fail and Twitter becomes twitless , when Tik has lost its Tok and Zoom finally zooms out , then I ’ ll be the only one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in touch with .
Photo by No-longer-here is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

I know that what I’m about to confess may shock a lot of you. I know because I’ve seen the look of horror on people’s faces for quite some time now, so here goes – I don’t use a mobile phone. The retorts of disbelief when I utter those magic words range from, you’re joking and I don’t believe you, to the more often accusatory, what’s wrong with you? as if I’m some sort of aberration. That’s okay – each to their own and all that, but sometimes I’m on the receiving end of a serious amount of stick and that can hurt.
The truth is, I just don’t get it. That constant need to be in touch. That desire to share your life with the world and his wife when you’re in the middle of a supermarket. The temptation to interrupt a perfectly nice conversation with someone when your pocket starts to vibrate. I’ve tried really hard to want to want it, to be even tempted to want it, but no, it’s not happening and I don’t think it’s likely to either, as I’ve been tried and tested.
Not so long ago my husband and I were taking flights from the UAE to Bahrain. It was planned with military precision because we were flying out of different airports and his flight was due to land an hour before mine, therefore enabling him to greet me at the other end. Yes, you’ve guessed it – the weather had other ideas and I eventually found myself in Bahrain airport waiting by ‘Arrivals’ for over five hours. I had no phone of course but I had a book and reasoned that my other half would have to appear through the doors at some stage, which of course, he did. Technically inept I may be but patience is something I’ve obviously got in spades (a quality you obviously seem to need if you’re found wanting and phoneless).
I enquired of my daughter whether she could think of something that I’m technically terrible at. LOL she replied – none of the family would ever let you within a mile of our smartphones as you’re a liability with anything ‘touch screen’ (this is actually true as I find that just holding those phones without creating major chaos is incredibly challenging). When I take photos, it’s with my little handbag camera (button easily accessed at the top) and when I listen to music I put on a CD or stick an LP on the turntable and immerse myself in Joni Mitchell’s ‘Blue’, Circa 1971, crackles and all. And while I’m at it – what happened to the traditional dashboard clock in the car where it used to take a millisecond to turn the dial an hour forward or backward, depending on the time of year? Now you have to endure the gubbins of a complicated computerised system or else wait six months in between, with the clock showing the wrong time – I did say that I had a lot of patience.
When I was young, and in the absence of any form of available computer technology, my siblings and I were expected to invent our own forms of entertainment. My long-suffering sister and I often participated in a game we called Splits where you tried, by taking aim with a kitchen knife, to get each other to separate our feet until we fell over. The only risk was slicing some toes off but that was all part of the fun and my sister and I are still on speaking terms. No technology needed there. Neither was there a great need for anything other than a head for heights and a touch of bravado when my brother tied a rope around my waste and encouraged me to climb Everest with him (a hundred-year-old beech tree at the family farm), always failing to remind me that coming down was an awful lot harder than going up. Having said that, a Sat Nav may have been useful when both siblings played the game of abandoning me in the middle of a bog so that I had to find my own way back home.
Look. I’m not completely daft. I do know that we need technology in our lives for businesses to thrive, for schools to be productive in the education of our children, for hospitals to provide the state-of-the-art care necessary to protect our well-being etc, etc. Indeed, without access to a computer and e-mail, I’d be unable to publish articles like this for Slugger, despite my inclination to submit a legibly written letter on crisp white paper and posted with a first class stamp. News is immediate. News stories transient. A writer can be doomed if they miss the boat with an opinion piece. So yes, I’m not a total technophobe.
I used to worry about what people thought of my reluctance to embrace technology, but these days not quite so much, because now I have a theory. When all the Apps fail and Twitter becomes twitless, when Tik has lost its Tok and Zoom finally zooms out, then I’ll be the only one left for any of you to get in touch with.
Home phone only.
Photo by No-longer-here is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-07-25--#InConversation Podcast with Dr David Suitor – Dentistry and the challenges of Covid-19…

Open wide !
this week I chat with Dr David Suitor who has been a dentist in Belfast for over 17 years .
We chat about the general state of dentistry in Nothern Ireland as well as the specific challenges of Covid-19 .
Normally dentists can see 4 or 5 patients per hour but Covid-19 precautions have dramatically reduced the number of patients they can see .
This has repercussions for the ability of patients to get treated as well as the financial viability of dental surgeries .
If a procedure uses water spray such as during a filling or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a danger that Covid-19 can spread in the water droplets .
Dentists are advised to leave one hour between patients to let the droplets in the air fall .
Then they also need enhanced personal protective gear that is single-use and can cost £15-£20 .
It costs a dentist around £120 and hour to keep their surgery running so either they will need to dramatically increase the price they charge patients or they will need some kind of financial assistance from the government .
We also talk generally about the state of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some practical tips of keeping your pearly whites in good shape .
David is actually my dentist and I would highly recommend him , especially if you are a nervous patient .
I did not go to a dentist for seven years as like most people I hate the experience .
Now I don ’ t mind my trips as he cleans all the tea and coffee stains off to give you a dazzling smile .
You can find him at Creative Smiles in Belfast , and they also take NHS patients .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ what you think in the comments .
You can subscribe to Slugger Podcasts on Apple Podcasts | Google Podcasts or Spotify

Open wide! this week I chat with Dr David Suitor who has been a dentist in Belfast for over 17 years. We chat about the general state of dentistry in Nothern Ireland as well as the specific challenges of Covid-19.
Normally dentists can see 4 or 5 patients per hour but Covid-19 precautions have dramatically reduced the number of patients they can see. This has repercussions for the ability of patients to get treated as well as the financial viability of dental surgeries.
If a procedure uses water spray such as during a filling or even cleaning the teeth and gums there is a danger that Covid-19 can spread in the water droplets. Dentists are advised to leave one hour between patients to let the droplets in the air fall. Then they also need enhanced personal protective gear that is single-use and can cost £15-£20. It costs a dentist around £120 and hour to keep their surgery running so either they will need to dramatically increase the price they charge patients or they will need some kind of financial assistance from the government.
We also talk generally about the state of teeth in Northern Ireland as well as some practical tips of keeping your pearly whites in good shape.
David is actually my dentist and I would highly recommend him, especially if you are a nervous patient. I did not go to a dentist for seven years as like most people I hate the experience. Now I don’t mind my trips as he cleans all the tea and coffee stains off to give you a dazzling smile. You can find him at Creative Smiles in Belfast, and they also take NHS patients.
Have a listen and let me know what you think in the comments.
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You can subscribe to Slugger Podcasts on Apple Podcasts | Google Podcasts or Spotify


sluggerotoole--2020-07-28--Wanting to win the argument in a viable long term is not talking down Nationalism

As David has noted on Slugger , the establishment of the shared island unit in the office of An Taoiseach has intensified the discussion about our constitutional future on the island of Ireland .
There is little detail in what the work of this unit will look like and how it will approach the monumental task of restarting a conversation that caused a civil war and decades of violence North and South , but we shouldn ’ t be surprised .
That ’ s how coalition governments work – a necessary , albeit frustrating , a plethora of vagaries and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election of Boris Johnson , Brexit and a positive story of economic and social revival in the South has brought nationalism to the point where it is now itching to ask the question .
And that ’ s fine .
I am a nationalist , and I want to ask the question too .
But I also want to win , win well and win in the right way .
Election and campaign strategy at its core is about numbers – understanding how many votes you need to win and where you ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ problem for nationalism is as follows .
If we assume , and it is an assumption ( although not unreasonable ) , that turnout in a Border Poll in Northern Ireland is likely to be something similar to that in the Scottish Independence referendum ( 85 % ) , the number of people likely to vote is roughly 1.1 million people with 50 % + 1 required to win .
In 2019 , the combined SF/SDLP vote in the North was 300,590 – far short of that threshold .
In fact , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ General Elections has never been above 345,798 ( 2001 ) .
Even if every Alliance Party voter voted “ Yes ” , it still wouldn ’ t be enough .
Understanding the people you need to win , who don ’ t support you already , is clearly very important but this is where I worry many nationalists strategists are making a fundamental error .
Unlike them , the people crucial to victory do not think of the constitution as an end in itself , but rather as a means to an end @ @ @ @ @ @ @ security , good healthcare etc .
They don ’ t ponder the shared island over their morning coffee whilst looking at the poster of De Valera or Carson on their wall .
So whilst nationalists , like me , go from one Zoom panel discussion to another to discuss unity , we need to realise that we ’ re just talking to ourselves .
Changing the nomenclature to “ shared island ” instead of “ united ireland ” doesn ’ t change that – if anything it reinforces our own bubble mentality .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ because our first serious interaction with this group of people is vitally important .
If they think that we ’ re out of sync with where their lives are , we ’ ve started on the backfoot ( and we already have a mountain to climb as it is ) .
We ’ ve shown we ’ re incapable already of doing the very thing we ’ re asking of them – listen with an open mind .
Picture the scene .
The headline of the Belfast Telegraph is that Northern Ireland has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A nationalist knocks the door of a swing voter – let ’ s say someone who typically votes Alliance .
Nationalist : ‘ Hello , I ’ m here to talk to you about the future of our shared island.
’ Voter : “ Oh hello , listen I ’ m just trying to put the kids to bed so erm , it ’ s not a great time.
’ Nationalist : “ Oh I won ’ t keep you long at all.
’ Voter : “ Well as it happens , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because of the pandemic .
I ’ ve applied for universal credit , but they said it might take five weeks .
I ’ m not sure how I ’ ll pay my mortgage or even buy food in the next few weeks.
” Nationalist : “ Oh that ’ s awful .
I ’ m so sorry .
So , what do you think about the future of these islands ?
” Alongside the timing issue , is getting the framing and nature of the process correct and there is much academic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ look at across the world .
The problem nationalists have is that we ’ re entering into this conversation , with an end already in mind , with people who define a successful end somewhat differently from us .
It ’ s a classic cart and horse problem .
To make a dialogue meaningful , credible and not contrived , we ’ ll need to start from the position of our audience .
This means talking about healthcare , the economy and other such issues first because the ideal constitution for them is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on these matters .
That means we ’ ll need to be open-minded about what constitutional arrangement that sort of dialogue arrives at , and it may not be the one we initially had in mind .
There is never necessarily a right time to begin the debate about Northern Ireland ’ s constitution , to the extent it ever stopped .
But nationalists have to step back and look at the bigger picture .
The allure of Brexit and a Johnson Government as an opportune moment is but to rely on external @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve no doubt I ’ ll be trolled for being negative and talking down our shared island , but wanting to win and win in the right way isn ’ t being negative .
If our broad movement isn ’ t mature enough to recognise there are different views , then we ’ ve got an even bigger problem .
It looks like we ’ re about to enter a recession that will dwarf 2008 .
It will cause unspeakable hardship – job losses , housing repossessions , business bankruptcy .
Maybe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ m not sure it ’ s the best time for nationalism to up the ante .
Photo by jarmoluk is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

As David has noted on Slugger, the establishment of the shared island unit in the office of An Taoiseach has intensified the discussion about our constitutional future on the island of Ireland.
There is little detail in what the work of this unit will look like and how it will approach the monumental task of restarting a conversation that caused a civil war and decades of violence North and South, but we shouldn’t be surprised.
That’s how coalition governments work – a necessary, albeit frustrating, a plethora of vagaries and platitudes.
Alongside this development, the election of Boris Johnson, Brexit and a positive story of economic and social revival in the South has brought nationalism to the point where it is now itching to ask the question. And that’s fine. I am a nationalist, and I want to ask the question too.
But I also want to win, win well and win in the right way.
Election and campaign strategy at its core is about numbers – understanding how many votes you need to win and where you’ll find them. The basic numerical problem for nationalism is as follows.
If we assume, and it is an assumption (although not unreasonable), that turnout in a Border Poll in Northern Ireland is likely to be something similar to that in the Scottish Independence referendum (85%), the number of people likely to vote is roughly 1.1 million people with 50% + 1 required to win.
In 2019, the combined SF/SDLP vote in the North was 300,590 – far short of that threshold. In fact, the combined SF/SDLP vote in Assembly Elections and General Elections has never been above 345,798 (2001). Even if every Alliance Party voter voted “Yes”, it still wouldn’t be enough.
Understanding the people you need to win, who don’t support you already, is clearly very important but this is where I worry many nationalists strategists are making a fundamental error. Unlike them, the people crucial to victory do not think of the constitution as an end in itself, but rather as a means to an end i.e. the comfortable life, job security, good healthcare etc.
They don’t ponder the shared island over their morning coffee whilst looking at the poster of De Valera or Carson on their wall.
So whilst nationalists, like me, go from one Zoom panel discussion to another to discuss unity, we need to realise that we’re just talking to ourselves. Changing the nomenclature to “shared island” instead of “united ireland” doesn’t change that – if anything it reinforces our own bubble mentality.
This is why timing is completely crucial because our first serious interaction with this group of people is vitally important. If they think that we’re out of sync with where their lives are, we’ve started on the backfoot (and we already have a mountain to climb as it is). We’ve shown we’re incapable already of doing the very thing we’re asking of them – listen with an open mind.
Picture the scene. The headline of the Belfast Telegraph is that Northern Ireland has entered the worst recession in its history. A nationalist knocks the door of a swing voter – let’s say someone who typically votes Alliance.
Nationalist: ‘Hello, I’m here to talk to you about the future of our shared island.’ Voter: “Oh hello, listen I’m just trying to put the kids to bed so erm, it’s not a great time.’ Nationalist: “Oh I won’t keep you long at all.’ Voter: “Well as it happens, I’ve just lost my job because of the pandemic. I’ve applied for universal credit, but they said it might take five weeks. I’m not sure how I’ll pay my mortgage or even buy food in the next few weeks.” Nationalist: “Oh that’s awful. I’m so sorry. So, what do you think about the future of these islands?” [The door closes.]
Alongside the timing issue, is getting the framing and nature of the process correct and there is much academic study and real life case studies to look at across the world. The problem nationalists have is that we’re entering into this conversation, with an end already in mind, with people who define a successful end somewhat differently from us. It’s a classic cart and horse problem.
To make a dialogue meaningful, credible and not contrived, we’ll need to start from the position of our audience. This means talking about healthcare, the economy and other such issues first because the ideal constitution for them is the one that delivers the best outcomes on these matters.
That means we’ll need to be open-minded about what constitutional arrangement that sort of dialogue arrives at, and it may not be the one we initially had in mind.
There is never necessarily a right time to begin the debate about Northern Ireland’s constitution, to the extent it ever stopped. But nationalists have to step back and look at the bigger picture. The allure of Brexit and a Johnson Government as an opportune moment is but to rely on external factors that can easily change.
It’s far too weak a foundation.
I’ve no doubt I’ll be trolled for being negative and talking down our shared island, but wanting to win and win in the right way isn’t being negative. If our broad movement isn’t mature enough to recognise there are different views, then we’ve got an even bigger problem.
It looks like we’re about to enter a recession that will dwarf 2008. It will cause unspeakable hardship – job losses, housing repossessions, business bankruptcy. Maybe it’s just me, but I’m not sure it’s the best time for nationalism to up the ante.
Photo by jarmoluk is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA