sluggerotoole--2020-01-18--The five billion pound man made a long term case. To fulfil it, the Assembly has to show unity, lead

The five billion pound man made a long term case. To fulfil it, the Assembly has to show unity, leadership and competence

How was £5 billion arrived at ?
Blame or praise goes to the estimable Esmond Birnie , to the PWC economist who was once a UU MLA .
Yesterday I included the media in blame for what I think of as the policy paradox : knowing full well how important it is , but failing to give it enough attention because it ’ s too boring , meaning incomprehensible , non macho , and truth to tell , bloody scary .
My point still holds good but needs to be modified .
Articles like those by Esmond Birnie stand up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ news pages .
Their messages need to be incorporated into news coverage and debate .
Writing in the Belfast Telegraph , Birnie makes it clear that his £5 billion culled from various official sources is a total bill for years of reform and should not be used as a stick to beat the Brits with .
The programme “ Making good a historic deficit ” is not an overnight task .
“ New Decade , New Approach ” is medium term .
The clue is in “ decade.
” It wasn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demands is those which require a once off increase to reform services or make good an historic deficit .
This category includes : • Clearing the health waiting lists – £350m ( e. £50m in each of seven years ) .
• Implementing the Bengoa structural reforms to health provisions – £750m ( e. £150m in each of five years ) .
• Roads , to restore and repair after years of neglect , £1,2bn .
• Building new roads and other new physical infrastructure ( such as the York Street Inter-Change ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these sums for capital spending are enormous and total about £5bn .
They should be compared to the existing capital budget of the Stormont departments which is only about £1,500m annually .
Then we come to the day-to day Importantly , there are also funding pressures in terms of day-to-day or recurrent spending in the Northern Ireland departments , all of these figures are annual spends • Many other demands such as extra police and health staff .
The RHI crisis was only the most recent occasion on which the Treasury had to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Whitehall mandarins do not want that to ever be repeated .
I therefore wonder if the best strategy might be to co-operate now , demonstrate a track record of good behaviour and hope for some more generosity down the line ?
In broader terms , the policy agenda for the Executive may have to be three-fold .
First , even more attention to priority setting .
The New Decade document contained a very long shopping list – some selectivity will be necessary in the short to medium term .
Second , spend more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ highlighted how far we need to sharpen up the procurement process when it comes to big infrastructure .
Third , unpopular though this might be , an open and honest debate about revenue raising .
So far I think I only heard the Alliance party talking about raising the regional rate .
On Friday might Arlene Foster dipped a toe into the debate by thinking aloud about university tuition fees .
This will immediately provoke the objection that it will fail to do anything to staunch the flow of students to GB , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ burden on young graduates .
Tough choices indeed .
Elsewhere Birnie makes the familiar case for diversion into long term spending for growth rather than short term spending for consumption , the besetting sin for governments under pressure everywhere Rates of investment per person in NI are about half those in Great Britain and one-third those in the Republic .
When an economy invests so little its long run growth potential is seriously reduced .
A low investment economy means a low productivity economy and that translates into relative decline in living standards @ @ @ @ @ @ @ added per person in NI declined from 80 % of the UK average to 78 % .
Hence consumption is favoured over investment .
For example , through the limits on domestic rates relative to Great Britain , absence of domestic water charges , the loading of the fixed costs of electricity generation towards the industrial ( rather than the domestic ) sector , movements of money within the Northern Ireland government budget away from the capital budget into everyday spending .
2 : Reliance on UK Government as the backstop funder There @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voluntary and government sectors , that no matter how bad policies or performances , HM Treasury will always rescue us .
Economists term this soft budget constraints leading to moral hazard : Conor Murphy the Sinn Fein finance minister knows better than he talks .

How was £5 billion arrived at? Blame or praise goes to the estimable Esmond Birnie, the PWC economist who was once a UU MLA. Yesterday I included the media in blame for what I think of as the policy paradox: knowing full well how important a policy is, but ducking it, or failing to give it enough attention because it’s too boring meaning incomprehensible, definitely non macho, but truth to tell, bloody scary. My point still holds good but needs to be modified. Articles like those by Esmond Birnie stand up like secular sermons well away from the news pages. Their messages need to be incorporated much more into news coverage and debate.
Writing in the Belfast Telegraph, Birnie makes it clear that his £5 billion culled from various official sources is a total bill for years of reform and should not be used as a stick to beat the Brits with. The programme“Making good a historic deficit” is not an overnight task. “New Decade, New Approach” is medium term. The clue is in “decade.” It wasn’t “New Year.”
The category of demands is those which require a once off increase to reform services or make good an historic deficit. This category includes:
Clearing the health waiting lists – £350m ( e. £50m in each of seven years ).
). Implementing the Bengoa structural reforms to health provisions – £750m ( e. £150m in each of five years).
Roads, to restore and repair after years of neglect, £1,2bn .
. Building new roads and other new physical infrastructure (such as the York Street Inter-Change) £200m plus.
Water treatment and sewerage £2,5bn (spread over 2021-2027).
It is clear that these sums for capital spending are enormous and total about £5bn.
They should be compared to the existing capital budget of the Stormont departments which is only about £1,500m annually.
Then we come to the day-to day
Importantly, there are also funding pressures in terms of day-to-day or recurrent spending in the Northern Ireland departments, all of these figures are annual spends
Health pay parity with GB – £50m.
Welfare reform mitigation – about £125m.
Education – £250m.
Universities – £50m.
Many other demands such as extra police and health staff.
He offers the obvious advice diplomatically.
The RHI crisis was only the most recent occasion on which the Treasury had to exercise forbearance to Northern Ireland. The Whitehall mandarins do not want that to ever be repeated. I therefore wonder if the best strategy might be to co-operate now, demonstrate a track record of good behaviour and hope for some more generosity down the line? In broader terms, the policy agenda for the Executive may have to be three-fold. First, even more attention to priority setting. The New Decade document contained a very long shopping list – some selectivity will be necessary in the short to medium term.
Second, spend more efficiently. The recent Audit Office report highlighted how far we need to sharpen up the procurement process when it comes to big infrastructure. Third, unpopular though this might be, an open and honest debate about revenue raising.
So far I think I only heard the Alliance party talking about raising the regional rate.
On Friday might Arlene Foster dipped a toe into the debate by thinking aloud about university tuition fees. This will immediately provoke the objection that it will fail to do anything to staunch the flow of students to GB, never to return and places a heavier burden on young graduates. Tough choices indeed.
Elsewhere Birnie makes the familiar case for diversion into long term spending for growth rather than short term spending for consumption, the besetting sin for governments under pressure everywhere
Rates of investment per person in NI are about half those in Great Britain and one-third those in the Republic.
When an economy invests so little its long run growth potential is seriously reduced.
A low investment economy means a low productivity economy and that translates into relative decline in living standards.
Comparing 1998 with 2017 gross value added per person in NI declined from 80% of the UK average to 78%.
1: Bias to short-termism
Hence consumption is favoured over investment. For example, through the limits on domestic rates relative to Great Britain, absence of domestic water charges, the loading of the fixed costs of electricity generation towards the industrial (rather than the domestic) sector, movements of money within the Northern Ireland government budget away from the capital budget into everyday spending.
2: Reliance on UK Government as the backstop funder
There is a widespread belief throughout private, voluntary and government sectors, that no matter how bad policies or performances, HM Treasury will always rescue us. Economists term this soft budget constraints leading to moral hazard:
Conor Murphy the Sinn Fein finance minister knows better than he talks.


sluggerotoole--2020-01-17--Causeway Coast and Glens Council ratepayers ‘may face 15% hike in rates’

According to press reports today Causeway Coast and Glens Council is ‘ facing financial meltdown ’ and ratepayers in the area may face a increase in their rates of over 15 % .
Independent Councillor Padraig McShane told the Irish News that he received a copy of minutes from a meeting held last month by senior staff .
Its claimed that the documents suggest that the council was £75million in debt and “ suggested a 15 per cent increase in rates would be needed next year to run services.
” According to the Council ’ s Certified Accounts for 2018/19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ £71,188,354 .
The document has been seen by the Belfast Telegraph which reports officials as saying in the document : “ next year starts with a £4.5m deficit , plus inflation… the situation is dire , there is no evident plan to redress it .
“ Current deficit may well decimate services which have already been cut to the bone… we are £75m in debt , 15 % on the rates is required next year to run the council .
“ The issue is not being dealt with and we are facing major @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has called for a full audit to take place : “ I reiterate my calls for a full forensic audit into how Causeway Coast and Glens got to this point .
“ To properly protect the people of Causeway Coast and Glens from this and return confidence and trust that investigation must take place immediately.
” The Council issued a statement in response to the leaked document : “ A finance committee meeting was held on January 16 where elected members were updated on council ’ s current financial position , including an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ These discussions are ongoing and the rates will be decided next month following council approval .
”

According to press reports today Causeway Coast and Glens Council is ‘facing financial meltdown’ and ratepayers in the area may face a increase in their rates of over 15%.
Independent Councillor Padraig McShane told the Irish News that he received a copy of minutes from a meeting held last month by senior staff. Its claimed that the documents suggest that the council was £75million in debt and “suggested a 15 per cent increase in rates would be needed next year to run services.”
According to the Council’s Certified Accounts for 2018/19 its total borrowing at year end was £71,188,354.
The document has been seen by the Belfast Telegraph which reports officials as saying in the document :
“next year starts with a £4.5m deficit, plus inflation… the situation is dire, there is no evident plan to redress it. “Current deficit may well decimate services which have already been cut to the bone… we are £75m in debt, 15% on the rates is required next year to run the council. “The issue is not being dealt with and we are facing major financial issues next year.”
Councillor McShane has called for a full audit to take place :
“I reiterate my calls for a full forensic audit into how Causeway Coast and Glens got to this point. “To properly protect the people of Causeway Coast and Glens from this and return confidence and trust that investigation must take place immediately.”
The Council issued a statement in response to the leaked document :


sluggerotoole--2020-01-18--“…without a parliamentary opposition, only the media will hold ministers to account.”

Stormont remains an election-free zone , even though almost one fifth of MLAs have not been elected .
( Stormont @ @ @ @ @ unelected House of Lords ? )
Like the two currencies , the value of democracy @ @ @ @ @ border .
…without a parliamentary opposition , only the media will hold ministers to account @ @ @ @ @ , not MLAs , who exposed RHI . )
The agreement ranges from the vague @ @ @ @ @ of concern “ should be reduced ” ) to the contradictory ( a pledge to @ @ @ @ @ must identify as Protestant or Catholic ) .
Produced by two governments , which have @ @ @ @ @ in Ireland and Britain , the agreement offers a compassionate society .
It is not @ @ @ @ @ manifest itself .
( Perhaps ministers will regularly wring their hands in sympathy for the @ @ @ @ @ will offer up prayers for the poor . )

Interesting verdict from Patrick Murphy in today’s Irish News:
Stormont remains an election-free zone, even though almost one fifth of MLAs have not been elected. (Stormont’s equivalent of the unelected House of Lords?) Like the two currencies, the value of democracy changes when you cross the border.
And…
…without a parliamentary opposition, only the media will hold ministers to account. (It was journalists, not MLAs, who exposed RHI.)
The agreement ranges from the vague (the use of petitions of concern “should be reduced”) to the contradictory (a pledge to tackle sectarianism by MLAs who must identify as Protestant or Catholic).
Produced by two governments, which have raised poverty to new levels in Ireland and Britain, the agreement offers a compassionate society. It is not clear how this compassion will manifest itself. (Perhaps ministers will regularly wring their hands in sympathy for the homeless and their special advisers will offer up prayers for the poor.)


sluggerotoole--2020-01-18--Five reasons why Belfast really is a wonderful town…

I got punted this piece from Ireland Before You Die about a week or so ago .
It lays out why Belfast is better than Dublin .
Much as I love the town of my birth , I ’ m not sure I go along with that , but they do nail almost all the things there is to love about the place… 1 , Natural Beauty… Yep .
And there ’ s no better way to appreciate it than arriving than sailing up the Belfast Lough on the Liverpool ferry… They say… 2 , Better [ and cheaper ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ saying .
Personally , I love Harlem in Bedford Street though on Saturday morning you have to get in early for Breakfast… …what about an Ulster fry ?
For this , we recommend Maggie Mays , a comfy chain of pub-grub-esque restaurants based in Belfast ’ s city centre and Queen ’ s Quarter that delivers hearty local cuisine at incredibly reasonable prices .
They even plaster their menus in hangover recommendations , knocking away your booze-related regrets one soda bread at a time .
3 , Better public transport… I know we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but Belfast ’ s investment in its road system has a longer history than Dublin , plus… 4 , Accessibility… Small centre means never having to take a bus or a tram , you can still walk almost everywhere in the city centre , and beyond the new Glider buses now take you right across town.. …it ’ s super common in Dublin to live an hour ’ s drive away , or even further afield , and travel in and out of the city centre to cut down on expenses .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , where travelling from the suburbs into the heart of the city takes hardly any time at all .
5 , Affordability… It ’ s not just the rents that are sky-high in Dublin , there ’ s a premium on almost everything else .
You can buy cheaply , but you need to know where to look… What do you love best about Belfast and , more importantly , what are your recommendations for first-time visitors ?
Adds : Comments on what you prefer about Dublin are also allowed .
Photo by @ @ @ @ @ @

I got punted this piece from Ireland Before You Die about a week or so ago. It lays out why Belfast is better than Dublin. Much as I love the town of my birth, I’m not sure I go along with that, but they do nail almost all the things there is to love about the place…
1, Natural Beauty… Yep. And there’s no better way to appreciate it than arriving than sailing up the Belfast Lough on the Liverpool ferry… They say…
If you’re not looking to venture outside of the city, then Belfast itself has a spectacular view atop its adjoining mountain face, Cavehill. And if you’re looking to indulge in some maritime landscapes, Belfast’s Titanic Quarter is easily reached from any point in the city and overlooks the Irish sea.
2, Better [and cheaper] food… Again, this should go without saying. Personally, I love Harlem in Bedford Street though on Saturday morning you have to get in early for Breakfast…
…what about an Ulster fry? For this, we recommend Maggie Mays, a comfy chain of pub-grub-esque restaurants based in Belfast’s city centre and Queen’s Quarter that delivers hearty local cuisine at incredibly reasonable prices. They even plaster their menus in hangover recommendations, knocking away your booze-related regrets one soda bread at a time.
3, Better public transport… I know we do like to complain about it, but Belfast’s investment in its road system has a longer history than Dublin, plus…
Belfast’s more compact size means that you won’t even need public transport most of the time. Use your most efficient form of transport—walking—and see the beauty of the city as you commute.
4, Accessibility… Small centre means never having to take a bus or a tram, you can still walk almost everywhere in the city centre, and beyond the new Glider buses now take you right across town..
…it’s super common in Dublin to live an hour’s drive away, or even further afield, and travel in and out of the city centre to cut down on expenses. But this is hardly an issue up north, where travelling from the suburbs into the heart of the city takes hardly any time at all.
5, Affordability… It’s not just the rents that are sky-high in Dublin, there’s a premium on almost everything else. You can buy cheaply, but you need to know where to look…
While you’ll frequent bars in Dublin that demand at least €5-8 for a pint, you’ll be hard-pressed to find any pub in Belfast that asks for more than £5 (note that Belfast uses a different currency) for a pint of an equal standard.
What do you love best about Belfast and, more importantly, what are your recommendations for first-time visitors? Adds: Comments on what you prefer about Dublin are also allowed.
Photo by Steven Hylands is licensed under CC0


sluggerotoole--2020-01-19--First poll of #GE2020 is a blow to Fine Gael and a boost to Fianna Fáil…

For further reference , here ’ s the shift in standing from the last poll in December : Not good news for Fine Gael .
Even if this proves to be an outlier it sets a sour tone at the start of the campaign : 20 % is the lowest rating it ’ s ever had .
The Sinn Féin figure just three days before the local elections in this poll was 18 % but they came in at just 9.48 % of the actual vote .
The Green figure looks like an underestimation .
Not sure about the Labour @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the volatility within the company ’ s SF figure , it is hard to figure where any of the smaller parties and independents actually are if we are only going on this poll .
Accurate or not , the result is good news for Micheál Martin ’ s Fianna Fáil on a number of levels .
One , from early it casts him a Taoiseach in waiting .
Two , rather than fielding questions about ‘ what if ‘ he fails to return to Government , he may message voters to end past @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the week , Fergus Finlay warned the Taoiseach in his column in the Irish Examiner : The thing is , there was barely a word about what Leo and his government were going to do if elected .
All the signs were of a Taoiseach so impressed by his own record that he hadn ’ t given a moment ’ s thought to unfinished business .
This election will be fought against the backdrop of an unequal society .
We ’ re a rich country with terrible childcare policies , with 4,000 homeless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ young people for whom the property ladder is a pipe-dream .
We ’ re a rich country , where the only sector of society that endures record unemployment is people with disabilities .
The Taoiseach can not go into , and through , an election campaign without answers to those issues .
If he does , he will end up wondering how a government that managed Brexit brilliantly and restored a power-sharing executive in Northern Ireland still ended up being rejected by the people .
Stephen O ’ Brien puts the blame for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I ’ m not so sure .
There ’ s a cocktail of issues Fine Gael has struggled to get a hold of , not least a deep unease with them in rural Ireland , over falling prices in farming ( and the abiding threat of Brexit to Irish agriculture ) .
There ’ s also housing and health , but some southern observers also suggest that Leo ’ s close association with many liberal causes hasn ’ t gone down well with a lot of the conservative Catholic vote outside Dublin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ways , Martin has been just as associated with as the Taoiseach .
The difference being overall positioning , tone , better playing of the many small margins you have to win to be successful in the south and a fair amount of luck .
He has another week before the Sunday Business Post brings out its Red C and we get a better idea of how the land lies .
It is far from in the bag , mostly because for most of the last ten years no one party or party @ @ @ @ @ @ @ larger narrative .
With this poll likely to be fairly soft , Martin ’ s next challenge will be to outline a moral tale that connects with a much broader swathe of Irish opinion .

For further reference, here’s the shift in standing from the last poll in December:
🚨 #GE2020 POLL 🚨
Sunday Times/Behaviour & Attitudes
(January 2-14, MoE 3.3%) Fianna Fáil 32 (+5 in four weeks)
Fine Gael 20 (-7)
Sinn Féin 19 (-1)
Greens 7 (+1)
Labour 4 (-2)
Independent Alliance 3 (+1)
Solidarity-PBP 2 (-1)
Social Democrats 1
Renua 1 (+1)
Inds and others 10 — Gavan Reilly (@gavreilly) January 19, 2020
Not good news for Fine Gael. Even if this proves to be an outlier it sets a sour tone at the start of the campaign: 20% is the lowest rating it’s ever had. The Sinn Féin figure just three days before the local elections in this poll was 18% but they came in at just 9.48% of the actual vote.
The Green figure looks like an underestimation. Not sure about the Labour or independent figures either. Indeed with the volatility within the company’s SF figure, it is hard to figure where any of the smaller parties and independents actually are if we are only going on this poll.
Accurate or not, the result is good news for Micheál Martin’s Fianna Fáil on a number of levels. One, from early it casts him a Taoiseach in waiting. Two, rather than fielding questions about ‘what if‘ he fails to return to Government, he may message voters to end past uncertainty by maximising FF seats.
During the week, Fergus Finlay warned the Taoiseach in his column in the Irish Examiner:
The thing is, there was barely a word about what Leo and his government were going to do if elected. All the signs were of a Taoiseach so impressed by his own record that he hadn’t given a moment’s thought to unfinished business. This election will be fought against the backdrop of an unequal society. We’re a rich country with terrible childcare policies, with 4,000 homeless children, with an entire generation of young people for whom the property ladder is a pipe-dream. We’re a rich country, where the only sector of society that endures record unemployment is people with disabilities. The Taoiseach cannot go into, and through, an election campaign without answers to those issues. If he does, he will end up wondering how a government that managed Brexit brilliantly and restored a power-sharing executive in Northern Ireland still ended up being rejected by the people.
Stephen O’Brien puts the blame for this apparent collapse on the RIC controversy, I’m not so sure. There’s a cocktail of issues Fine Gael has struggled to get a hold of, not least a deep unease with them in rural Ireland, over falling prices in farming (and the abiding threat of Brexit to Irish agriculture).
There’s also housing and health, but some southern observers also suggest that Leo’s close association with many liberal causes hasn’t gone down well with a lot of the conservative Catholic vote outside Dublin either. Causes that, in many ways, Martin has been just as associated with as the Taoiseach.
The difference being overall positioning, tone, better playing of the many small margins you have to win to be successful in the south and a fair amount of luck. He has another week before the Sunday Business Post brings out its Red C and we get a better idea of how the land lies.
It is far from in the bag, mostly because for most of the last ten years no one party or party leader has been able to capture the larger narrative. With this poll likely to be fairly soft, Martin’s next challenge will be to outline a moral tale that connects with a much broader swathe of Irish opinion.


sluggerotoole--2020-01-19--From the Kingdom to the Compound. What happened to church-related community development?

On a Sunday afternoon in June last year nearly 2000 people gathered at CS Lewis Square in East Belfast for an evangelistic rally organised by a partnership of six of the largest churches in the city .
CS Lewis Square is an impressive example of designing and implementing civic space .
It ’ s a testament to the imagination , vision and perseverance of the community and voluntary sector and its commitment to inter-agency collaboration .
Furthermore , naming the Square after one of Belfast ’ s most notable authors and theologians is also an affectionate nod to Lewis ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the Christian Community Work Alliance ( CCWA ) named “ Acting in Good Faith : Churches , Change and Regeneration ” in 2004 , the then Permanent Secretary of the Department for Social Development Alan Shannon spoke in similar terms of the value churches and faith-based organisations add to regenerating neighbourhoods while building capacity in institutions and agencies to work in dialogue with local groups to shape and determine change in their communities .
This followed on from the Third-Way optics of Blairism which certainly played a role in bringing the impact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s policy development .
This was not a one-way conversation .
Faith in the City – published by the Archbishop of Canterbury ’ s Commission on Urban Priority Areas in 1985 , was a landmark document in rallying churches and challenging the Government , and provided significant impetus for church-related community development work .
Fast forward to 2019 .
Umbrella organisations like the CCWA no longer exist and many of the organisations profiled as examples of good practice in the 2004 report operate in greatly reduced capacity .
The role played by church-related @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much diminished when it comes to playing a major role in civic regeneration or the urgent policy work of addressing long-term socio-economic disadvantage .
It is interesting that the most progressive relationships between the faith-based sector and central government developed before the restoration of Stormont in 2007 .
While MLAs no doubt offered personal support to faith-based projects , positive policy development was not on the same scale as before .
The formal onset of austerity policies following the global economic clash led to a sharp rise in food bank usage .
Unsurprisingly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and remain , at the forefront of responding to this need .
It could be argued that wider discussions around the churches ’ role in long-term preventative , justice-based work in local communities became sidelined by more immediate , tangible need .
Other issues such as burn-out suffered from pioneering leaders , and failure to integrate community models of church into the mainstream language of mission , are undoubtedly contributing factors .
Furthermore , as the US culture wars ’ focus on personal morality and abortion as defining issues take hold on this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for conversations within NI churches on social and community engagement becomes more contested .
Social justice runs deep in the scriptures , given voice by the Old Testament prophets , embodied in Jesus ’ life , and lived out in the upside-down economics of the early church , but now appears even more politically tainted within congregations than before .
The policy dialogue about the role of community development from a faith-based perspective in neighbourhood regeneration sits with the Department for Communities but with little current strategic direction other than a consultative role @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regeneration policy stagnates , this feels like a missed opportunity .
Evangelistic rallies , large anti-abortion protests , and even the highly-organised food bank warehouses all look good but sit firmly within the comfort zone of mainstream Evangelicalism .
In the words of Rev .
Martin Luther King Jr. : “ True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar… it comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.
” This is a deep challenge to a Northern Irish Church that still sits with considerable privilege and power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power that is too often complicit in abuses of power rather than speaking truth to it .
“ ..the command ‘ to love your neighbour ’ has decisive political dimensions .
People of faith who care about their neighbours also care about the nature of the political context that radically affects them .
The command to love is the key to the relationship between the Kingdom of God and work for a more just society.
” There is a risk that churches will be nostalgic bystanders while Northern Ireland struggles to address complex @ @ @ @ @ @ @ static Narnian statues concealed among the foliage of a vibrant Inner East Belfast park .
“ TITANIC YARDMEN 401 BY ROSS WILSON [ PUBLIC ART LOCATED ON THE NEWTOWNARDS ROAD IN BELFAST ] -151067 ” by infomatique is licensed under CC BY-SA

On a Sunday afternoon in June last year nearly 2000 people gathered at CS Lewis Square in East Belfast for an evangelistic rally organised by a partnership of six of the largest churches in the city.
CS Lewis Square is an impressive example of designing and implementing civic space. It’s a testament to the imagination, vision and perseverance of the community and voluntary sector and its commitment to inter-agency collaboration. Furthermore, naming the Square after one of Belfast’s most notable authors and theologians is also an affectionate nod to Lewis’ international renown.
In a publication produced by the Christian Community Work Alliance (CCWA) named “Acting in Good Faith: Churches, Change and Regeneration” in 2004, the then Permanent Secretary of the Department for Social Development Alan Shannon spoke in similar terms of the value churches and faith-based organisations add to regenerating neighbourhoods while building capacity in institutions and agencies to work in dialogue with local groups to shape and determine change in their communities.
This followed on from the Third-Way optics of Blairism which certainly played a role in bringing the impact of religious congregations into New Labour’s policy development. This was not a one-way conversation. Faith in the City – published by the Archbishop of Canterbury’s Commission on Urban Priority Areas in 1985, was a landmark document in rallying churches and challenging the Government, and provided significant impetus for church-related community development work.
Fast forward to 2019. Umbrella organisations like the CCWA no longer exist and many of the organisations profiled as examples of good practice in the 2004 report operate in greatly reduced capacity. The role played by church-related community development in Northern Ireland is now much diminished when it comes to playing a major role in civic regeneration or the urgent policy work of addressing long-term socio-economic disadvantage.
It is interesting that the most progressive relationships between the faith-based sector and central government developed before the restoration of Stormont in 2007. While MLAs no doubt offered personal support to faith-based projects, positive policy development was not on the same scale as before.
The formal onset of austerity policies following the global economic clash led to a sharp rise in food bank usage. Unsurprisingly, churches and faith-based organisations were, and remain, at the forefront of responding to this need. It could be argued that wider discussions around the churches’ role in long-term preventative, justice-based work in local communities became sidelined by more immediate, tangible need. Other issues such as burn-out suffered from pioneering leaders, and failure to integrate community models of church into the mainstream language of mission, are undoubtedly contributing factors.
Furthermore, as the US culture wars’ focus on personal morality and abortion as defining issues take hold on this side of the Atlantic, the space for conversations within NI churches on social and community engagement becomes more contested. Social justice runs deep in the scriptures, given voice by the Old Testament prophets, embodied in Jesus’ life, and lived out in the upside-down economics of the early church, but now appears even more politically tainted within congregations than before.
The policy dialogue about the role of community development from a faith-based perspective in neighbourhood regeneration sits with the Department for Communities but with little current strategic direction other than a consultative role. While the Government’s flagship regeneration policy stagnates, this feels like a missed opportunity.
Evangelistic rallies, large anti-abortion protests, and even the highly-organised food bank warehouses all look good but sit firmly within the comfort zone of mainstream Evangelicalism. In the words of Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.: “True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar… it comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.”
This is a deep challenge to a Northern Irish Church that still sits with considerable privilege and power in its pews. A privilege and power that is too often complicit in abuses of power rather than speaking truth to it.
The 2004 report states:
“..the command ‘to love your neighbour’ has decisive political dimensions. People of faith who care about their neighbours also care about the nature of the political context that radically affects them. The command to love is the key to the relationship between the Kingdom of God and work for a more just society.”
There is a risk that churches will be nostalgic bystanders while Northern Ireland struggles to address complex socio-economic inequalities, like the iconic but static Narnian statues concealed among the foliage of a vibrant Inner East Belfast park.
“TITANIC YARDMEN 401 BY ROSS WILSON [ PUBLIC ART LOCATED ON THE NEWTOWNARDS ROAD IN BELFAST]-151067” by infomatique is licensed under CC BY-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-01-20--No Peter Weir, there is nothing to be said for saying another Mass…

You might remember the Fr Ted episode Speed 3 .
Here is a handy episode summary from IMDB : Ted is shocked to find that Pat Mustard , the island milkman , has been having affairs with his lady customers – possibly including Mrs. Doyle – and reports him to the dairy manager .
As a result Pat gets sacked and Dougal takes on the delivery route , as the manager trusts a man of God .
A vengeful Mustard has attached a bomb to the milk float which will activate at four miles an hour and detonate if the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ manages to save Dougal thanks to a decorative brick that Mrs Doyle has brought into the house and Pat Mustard ends up literally – and fatally – hoisted by his own petard .
I was thinking about this episode while reading Simon Doyle ’ s excellent report in today ’ s Irish News on the new education Minister Peter Weirs plans to deal with the continuing issue of educational underachievement in working-class protestant boys .
How does Peter Weir plan to address this issue ?
With another review of course !
In the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to come up with ideas to save Dougal .
While brainstorming ideas one of the priests utters the immortal line ‘ is there anything to be said for saying another mass ?
’ There have been 7 reviews into this issue in the last 10 years , from Simons article : : : Peace Monitoring Report ( 2019 ) : The CRC noted under-achievement among working class pupils generally , adding “ working class Protestant boys continue to have lower educational attainment than Catholic boys ” .
It criticised the “ failure of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regarding the structure of education in NI ” .
: : No Child Left Behind ( 2016 ) : Led by DUP councillor Peter Martin , it reported that many of those most affected by underachievement came from the Protestant community .
Mr Martin made several recommendations including addressing low parental expectations and aspirations .
It also said early intervention in pupil non-attendance by schools should be a priority .
: : Investigating Links in Achievement and Deprivation ( 2015 ) : Commissioned by the Office of the First and Deputy First Minister @ @ @ @ @ @ @ current system of academic selection claiming it reinforced “ privilege and disadvantage ” .
It found Catholic areas had higher levels of attainment in GCSEs than Protestant areas .
: : Education Inequalities in Northern Ireland ( 2015 ) : The Equality Commission/Queen ’ s University found Protestant males entitled to free school meals had the lowest GCSE and A-level attainment rates and lowest proportions of school leavers moving on to higher education .
It said the particular barriers to educational equality for Protestant males “ must be considered closely ” .
: @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It offered 20 proposals to improve education in Protestant , unionist and loyalist areas , including scrapping academic selection .
Originally instigated by the Unionist Forum after flag protests , its final report was never agreed by main unionist parties .
The PUP ’ s John Kyle continued the research .
: : Peace Monitoring Report ( 2014 ) : The CRC compared ethnic groups using five good GCSE grades as the measure of success .
It found half of Protestant boys failed to achieve this and warned they were being left behind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who led the research , said the attainment gap was “ colossal ” .
: : A Call To Action ( 2011 ) : Made up of educationalists , academics , community and voluntary representatives and early years providers , it recommended capping grammar places adding academic selection accentuated social division .
Community and cultural factors , it said , affected how Protestant families perceived education and participation in schools .
Let me repeat for clarity , 7 feckin ’ reviews already and Peter Weir wants to do another one ?
To paraphrase @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for reviews and there is a time for action , this is a time for action .
This was Peter Weir ’ s response to being asked if another review was needed : Not just in health but in all areas , our politicians are very found of putting off decisions and kicking the can down the road .
Can we get # justfeckindoit trending on Twitter ?

You might remember the Fr Ted episode Speed 3. Here is a handy episode summary from IMDB:
Ted is shocked to find that Pat Mustard, the island milkman, has been having affairs with his lady customers – possibly including Mrs. Doyle – and reports him to the dairy manager. As a result Pat gets sacked and Dougal takes on the delivery route, as the manager trusts a man of God. A vengeful Mustard has attached a bomb to the milk float which will activate at four miles an hour and detonate if the speed then falls below four. Ted manages to save Dougal thanks to a decorative brick that Mrs Doyle has brought into the house and Pat Mustard ends up literally – and fatally – hoisted by his own petard.
I was thinking about this episode while reading Simon Doyle’s excellent report in today’s Irish News on the new education Minister Peter Weirs plans to deal with the continuing issue of educational underachievement in working-class protestant boys. How does Peter Weir plan to address this issue? With another review of course! In the Fr Ted Episode, they are trying to come up with ideas to save Dougal. While brainstorming ideas one of the priests utters the immortal line ‘is there anything to be said for saying another mass?’
There have been 7 reviews into this issue in the last 10 years, from Simons article:
:: Peace Monitoring Report (2019): The CRC noted under-achievement among working class pupils generally, adding “working class Protestant boys continue to have lower educational attainment than Catholic boys”. It criticised the “failure of the NI government to tackle fundamental problems regarding the structure of education in NI”. :: No Child Left Behind (2016): Led by DUP councillor Peter Martin, it reported that many of those most affected by underachievement came from the Protestant community. Mr Martin made several recommendations including addressing low parental expectations and aspirations. It also said early intervention in pupil non-attendance by schools should be a priority. :: Investigating Links in Achievement and Deprivation (2015): Commissioned by the Office of the First and Deputy First Minister, ILiAD recommended the end of the current system of academic selection claiming it reinforced “privilege and disadvantage”. It found Catholic areas had higher levels of attainment in GCSEs than Protestant areas. :: Education Inequalities in Northern Ireland (2015): The Equality Commission/Queen’s University found Protestant males entitled to free school meals had the lowest GCSE and A-level attainment rates and lowest proportions of school leavers moving on to higher education. It said the particular barriers to educational equality for Protestant males “must be considered closely”. :: Firm Foundations (2014): It offered 20 proposals to improve education in Protestant, unionist and loyalist areas, including scrapping academic selection. Originally instigated by the Unionist Forum after flag protests, its final report was never agreed by main unionist parties. The PUP’s John Kyle continued the research. :: Peace Monitoring Report (2014): The CRC compared ethnic groups using five good GCSE grades as the measure of success. It found half of Protestant boys failed to achieve this and warned they were being left behind. Dr Paul Nolan, the academic who led the research, said the attainment gap was “colossal”. :: A Call To Action (2011): Made up of educationalists, academics, community and voluntary representatives and early years providers, it recommended capping grammar places adding academic selection accentuated social division. Community and cultural factors, it said, affected how Protestant families perceived education and participation in schools.
Let me repeat for clarity, 7 feckin’ reviews already and Peter Weir wants to do another one? To paraphrase Fr Ted, there is a time for reviews and there is a time for action, this is a time for action. This was Peter Weir’s response to being asked if another review was needed:
“Even if there have been a lot of reports in the past, it would be a little bit conceited if we did not think there was not anything new that could emerge.”
Not just in health but in all areas, our politicians are very found of putting off decisions and kicking the can down the road. Can we get #justfeckindoit trending on Twitter?


sluggerotoole--2020-01-20--Invisibility of the water rate makes it hard persuade NI public they have to pay for it.

The NI Executive must consider allowing Northern Ireland Water to bring in water charges says Professor Emeritus Paddy Hillyard of Queens University Belfast… NI Water needs at least £2.5bn to address capacity issues and to continue providing essential water and wastewater services – despite the Government providing just £2bn to the new Stormont Executive in total .
Mr Hillyard added : “ Every year the subsidy to NI Water has been between £250m to £300m .
In the 11 years our reports have been gathering dust , the total subsidy has come to just over £3bn .
“ As the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ funds to Northern Ireland from the Treasury – does not cover water charges , this sum has had to be taken from the health and education budgets .
“ This loss of income therefore partly explains the deplorable state of our health and education systems , ” he said .
It ’ s not included in Barnett because the water supply network companies were sold off in the 90s .
Currently , it comes via the rates and despite noises off there is unanimity between the DUP and Sinn Féin on the matter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the cost of producing and safely distributing water is not reflected in the money gathered in to pay for it .
Since the price is bundled into the regional rate , the public wrongly perceives water as a free resource .
In addition , most European water providers face or have already faced industrial-scale investment issues in order to tackle long term neglect .
But historic under-investment can face engineers with notoriously hard to predict technical and cost issues .
There are many other key infrastructural projects likely to take precedence over water @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rate is part of the problem of persuading the public they have to pay for it .
Photo by Arcaion is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

The NI Executive must consider allowing Northern Ireland Water to bring in water charges says Professor Emeritus Paddy Hillyard of Queens University Belfast…
Lauren Harte of the Bel Tel reports…
NI Water needs at least £2.5bn to address capacity issues and to continue providing essential water and wastewater services – despite the Government providing just £2bn to the new Stormont Executive in total. Mr Hillyard added: “Every year the subsidy to NI Water has been between £250m to £300m. In the 11 years our reports have been gathering dust, the total subsidy has come to just over £3bn. “As the Barnett formula – the mechanism for allocating funds to Northern Ireland from the Treasury – does not cover water charges, this sum has had to be taken from the health and education budgets. “This loss of income therefore partly explains the deplorable state of our health and education systems,” he said.
It’s not included in Barnett because the water supply network companies were sold off in the 90s. Currently, it comes via the rates and despite noises off there is unanimity between the DUP and Sinn Féin on the matter.
I’ve mentioned before, the cost of producing and safely distributing water is not reflected in the money gathered in to pay for it. Since the price is bundled into the regional rate, the public wrongly perceives water as a free resource.
In addition, most European water providers face or have already faced industrial-scale investment issues in order to tackle long term neglect. But historic under-investment can face engineers with notoriously hard to predict technical and cost issues.
There are many other key infrastructural projects likely to take precedence over water, but the sheer invisibility of the rate is part of the problem of persuading the public they have to pay for it.
Photo by Arcaion is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-01-20--Fergus on Monday: Inadequate

Fergus on Monday: Inadequate

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sluggerotoole--2020-01-20--Special Advisers face new rules when they take up their posts, but recruitment process remains in ha

Special Advisers face new rules when they take up their posts, but recruitment process remains in hands of Ministers

This afternoon finance minister Conor Murphy published a new Code of Conduct for Special Advisers and a code governing their appointment , and details of the paybands .
These documents were discussed by the parties within the transparency and governance working group during the recent talks .
Special advisers will continue to be personal appointments by Ministers , with the Civil Service only becoming involved once the chosen name has been supplied by the Minister .
Normal employment law applies to how a Minister recruits their special adviser .
Officials within the Department of Finance will determine which payband applies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the two higher bands normally starting on the minimum .
The lower overall maximum ensures that a special adviser can not be paid more than their minister .
A special advisor ’ s specialist knowledge about their new departmental portfolio will affect their level of salary .
A list of the new special advisers and the salaries of those in paybands 2 and 3 will be published by the department when the recruitment and appointment processes finish .
Paragraph 13 of the new Code of Conduct is an example of going further @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Special Advisers must keep accurate official records , including minutes of relevant meetings , and handle information as openly and transparently as possible within the legal framework .
Special Advisers must use official email systems for communications relating to official business .
Exceptionally , where this is not possible , the Special Adviser must copy any message to their official email account .
Information generated in the course of government business must be handled in accordance with the requirements of the law ( including the Freedom of Information Act ( FoI ) , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regardless of how it is communicated .
15 .
Special advisers are required to declare details of gifts and hospitality received in accordance with the rules set out in the NICS Handbook .
Departments will publish , on a quarterly basis , information about gifts and hospitality received by their departmental special advisers and details of special advisers ’ meetings with external organisations / individuals .
16 .
Information will be published annually about the number and cost of special advisers , including salaries and any severance payments .
The Code of Conduct @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can not do .
5 .
In working with other civil servants , special advisers can , on behalf of their Minister : • convey to officials Ministers ’ views , instructions and priorities , including on issues of presentation .
In doing so , they must take account of any priorities Ministers have set ; • request officials to prepare and provide information and data for Ministers , including internal analyses and papers ; and • review and comment on – but not change , suppress or supplant – advice submitted to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ special advisers must not : • exercise any power in relation to the management of any part of the Northern Ireland Civil Service , except in relation to another special adviser ; otherwise exercise any power conferred by or under any statutory provision , or any power under the prerogative ; • be involved in the line management of civil servants or in matters affecting a civil servant ’ s career such as recruitment , promotion , reward and discipline ; or • ask civil servants to do anything which is inconsistent with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Service Code of Ethics or behave in away which would be inconsistent with standards set by their employing department Paragraph 12 forbids special advisers from leaking confidential information and says that “ the preparation or dissemination of inappropriate material or personal attacks has no part to play in the job of being a special adviser as it has no part to play in the conduct of public life ” .
The Code of Conduct emphasises that “ the responsibility for the management and conduct of special advisers , including discipline , rests with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It is also the appointing Minister ’ s responsibility to ensure that their special adviser ( s ) adhere to this Code of Conduct.
” The Terms and Conditions for special advisers also make clear that severance pay will have to be repaid if reappointed as a Special Adviser or any other paid public role within the time span to which the payment covers .
Once approved by the NI Executive , an updated Ministerial Code and Enforcement processes are expected to be published soon as outlined in New Decade New Approach .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ special advisers may be judged against the NI Civil Service Code of Ethics and the Standards of Conduct in the NICS Staff Handbook ( with its associated complaints and disciplinary process ) , the future enforcement processes , and enforcement against their Minister who will be accountable for the actions of their special adviser .
TUV MLA Jim Allister plans to introduce a Private Members Bill to legislate for improved scrutiny and accountability for special advisers .
He reacted to the finance minister ’ s written statement saying : “ I am firstly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this as a written statement , rather than making an oral statement to the House where relevant issues could have been explored through questions .
“ Much of the content of changes to the Code of Conduct I do not disagree with , but the fundamental point remains : for a Code of Conduct to be given bite it needs to be complemented by legislation underscoring its provisions and providing for enforcement .
My pending Bill affords the opportunity to turn the intent of the Code into reality .
“ One area where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s statement is the retreat which it makes in the Code for Appointment .
The requirement for the appointing minister to consider a widely based pool of candidates has been removed .
This means the non-transparent DUP approach , as enunciated by Jonathan Bell to the RHI Inquiry , namely that the party told him who his adviser would be , is validated .
This is a retrograde step which aids , not addresses , the party hack culture attending Spad appointments .
“ I look forward to engagement on all these issues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ debate , but certainly nothing I see in Mr Murphy ’ s statement dissipates the need for my Bill.
” Don ’ t forget that you can join me along with three ex-SPADs on Saturday afternoon in The Dark Horse to discuss this and the other issues facing the new Assembly and Executive .
Tickets still available .

This afternoon finance minister Conor Murphy published a new Code of Conduct for Special Advisers and a code governing their appointment, and details of the paybands. These documents were discussed by the parties within the transparency and governance working group during the recent talks.
Special advisers will continue to be personal appointments by Ministers, with the Civil Service only becoming involved once the chosen name has been supplied by the Minister. Normal employment law applies to how a Minister recruits their special adviser.
Officials within the Department of Finance will determine which payband applies to each special adviser, with salaries in the two higher bands normally starting on the minimum.
1. up to £54,999
2. £55,000 – 69,999
3. £70,000 – 85,000
The lower overall maximum ensures that a special adviser cannot be paid more than their minister. A special advisor’s specialist knowledge about their new departmental portfolio will affect their level of salary. A list of the new special advisers and the salaries of those in paybands 2 and 3 will be published by the department when the recruitment and appointment processes finish.
Paragraph 13 of the new Code of Conduct is an example of going further than other UK jurisdictions:
13. Special Advisers must keep accurate official records, including minutes of relevant meetings, and handle information as openly and transparently as possible within the legal framework. Special Advisers must use official email systems for communications relating to official business. Exceptionally, where this is not possible, the Special Adviser must copy any message to their official email account. Information generated in the course of government business must be handled in accordance with the requirements of the law (including the Freedom of Information Act (FoI), GDPR and Public Records Act), regardless of how it is communicated. 15. Special advisers are required to declare details of gifts and hospitality received in accordance with the rules set out in the NICS Handbook. Departments will publish, on a quarterly basis, information about gifts and hospitality received by their departmental special advisers and details of special advisers’ meetings with external organisations / individuals. 16. Information will be published annually about the number and cost of special advisers, including salaries and any severance payments. (emphasis added)
The Code of Conduct also explains what special advisers can and cannot do.
5. In working with other civil servants, special advisers can, on behalf of their Minister: • convey to officials Ministers’ views, instructions and priorities, including on issues of presentation. In doing so, they must take account of any priorities Ministers have set; • request officials to prepare and provide information and data for Ministers, including internal analyses and papers; and • review and comment on – but not change, suppress or supplant – advice submitted to Ministers by civil servants 6. But special advisers must not: • authorise the expenditure of public funds; • exercise any power in relation to the management of any part of the Northern Ireland Civil Service, except in relation to another special adviser;otherwise exercise any power conferred by or under any statutory provision, or any power under the prerogative; • be involved in the line management of civil servants or in matters affecting a civil servant’s career such as recruitment, promotion, reward and discipline; or • ask civil servants to do anything which is inconsistent with their obligations under the Northern Ireland Civil Service Code of Ethics or behave in away which would be inconsistent with standards set by their employing department
Paragraph 12 forbids special advisers from leaking confidential information and says that “the preparation or dissemination of inappropriate material or personal attacks has no part to play in the job of being a special adviser as it has no part to play in the conduct of public life”.
The Code of Conduct emphasises that “the responsibility for the management and conduct of special advisers, including discipline, rests with the Minister who made the appointment. It is also the appointing Minister’s responsibility to ensure that their special adviser(s) adhere to this Code of Conduct.”
The Terms and Conditions for special advisers also make clear that severance pay will have to be repaid if reappointed as a Special Adviser or any other paid public role within the time span to which the payment covers.
Once approved by the NI Executive, an updated Ministerial Code and Enforcement processes are expected to be published soon as outlined in New Decade New Approach. In the future, the work of special advisers may be judged against the NI Civil Service Code of Ethics and the Standards of Conduct in the NICS Staff Handbook (with its associated complaints and disciplinary process), the future enforcement processes, and enforcement against their Minister who will be accountable for the actions of their special adviser.
TUV MLA Jim Allister plans to introduce a Private Members Bill to legislate for improved scrutiny and accountability for special advisers. He reacted to the finance minister’s written statement saying:
“I am firstly disappointed that the minister choose to issue this as a written statement, rather than making an oral statement to the House where relevant issues could have been explored through questions. “Much of the content of changes to the Code of Conduct I do not disagree with, but the fundamental point remains: for a Code of Conduct to be given bite it needs to be complemented by legislation underscoring its provisions and providing for enforcement. My pending Bill affords the opportunity to turn the intent of the Code into reality. “One area where I am disappointed with the minister’s statement is the retreat which it makes in the Code for Appointment. The requirement for the appointing minister to consider a widely based pool of candidates has been removed. This means the non-transparent DUP approach, as enunciated by Jonathan Bell to the RHI Inquiry, namely that the party told him who his adviser would be, is validated. This is a retrograde step which aids, not addresses, the party hack culture attending Spad appointments. “I look forward to engagement on all these issues when my proposed Bill comes up for debate, but certainly nothing I see in Mr Murphy’s statement dissipates the need for my Bill.”
– – –
Don’t forget that you can join me along with three ex-SPADs on Saturday afternoon in The Dark Horse to discuss this and the other issues facing the new Assembly and Executive. Tickets still available.


sluggerotoole--2020-01-21--Poll #2 Iposos/MRBI Irish Times: Fianna Fáil eases ahead, Fine Gael struggles, Sinn Féin bounces

Polls are useful but no one poll is ever as useful than the trend set between several .
In this case , the Irish Times poll is viewed as one of the more reliable sounding boards for public opinion in the Republic and it has good news and bad news for the parties .
For Fianna Fáil it confirms a steady rating in this poll since December 2017 at around 25 % .
It also shows them to be the strongest party in both Munster and Connacht-Ulster on 28 % and 34 % respectively .
Not setting the world alight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that ’ s good enough .
Good news too for Sinn Féin who see a massive bounce in their poll rating from 14 % in October ( the last time this poll was conducted ) up 21 % .
Indeed , in the regional ratings , Sinn Féin is strongest in Leinster where it leads Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil on 26 % .
As for Fine Gael , they ’ ve suffered a massive drop ( as they did on Sunday ) of some 7 points .
Indeed , their decline has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in December 2017 when they hit a high of 36 % .
This poll puts them three points below where they finished in 2016 .
It ’ s the fact the drop off has come early in the campaign that will worry FG strategists most .
In the two polls of the February 2016 campaign , they came in at about 28 % and settled around 25 % .
That will put some considerable pressure on the Taoiseach to turn in a good campaign .
Another group worth looking at for trends is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which includes Greens , small leftist parties and Independents .
It ’ s not sudden but has been steady since October 2018 .
On 24 % they roughly constitute a quarter of the electorate .
The poll was taken on Thursday , Friday and Saturday of last week in the very early days of the election campaign , so there is still some time before the electorate begins to tune in .
But it does suggest the traditional big two hold less than 50 % of the electorate .
Interpreting polls is two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The most striking dynamic is the way Fine Gael and Sinn Féin movements seem to mirror each other , but that doesn ’ t necessarily mean that they are going directly from one to the other .
In over seven months of bad news , this is the first glimpse of light Sinn Féin has had .
It comes at a point in the campaign where much of the heavy lifting has been done by frontbenchers like Eoin O ’ Broin and Pearse Doherty .
They are presently using it to press @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Virgin Media One ( formerly TV3 ) to run doubleheader leader debates between Micheál Martin and Leo Varadkar and to include Mary Lou McDonald ( who ’ s barely been seen publicly in this campaign ) .
Fianna Fáil is reportedly happy to see Fine Gael lose ground .
They tend to overshoot national projections by a good four to five per cent ( SF undershoot by almost as much ) .
Regionally their ratings are strengthening in Dublin where they lost all seats in the disastrous 2011 election : The Connacht @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may indicate where some of the upsets are to come out in the rural areas where Varadkar has struggled to get cut through .
Worrying for Sinn Féin is that it has swapped places with FF in Dublin where it has most seats to defend .
This may prove tricky if the Green surge continues .
Their figure is likely to be more reflective of the fact that the party ’ s strongholds are almost exclusively ( but not quite ) in urban areas than any weakness in their ‘ battleground states ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 65s , they re-emerge in this poll as top in two socio-economic categories : C1s and DEs .
AB ’ s are still going for Fine Gael , whilst Sinn Féin dominates the C2s ( the folk most burned by the economic crash ) .
Resisting the urge to panic probably has to be FG ’ s watchword now .
Fianna Fáil will continue to do what they did in 2007 which is not to get distracted by the national fun and games and focus on the parish .
And Sinn Féin needs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

Polls are useful but no one poll is ever as useful than the trend set between several. In this case, the Irish Times poll is viewed as one of the more reliable sounding boards for public opinion in the Republic and it has good news and bad news for the parties.
For Fianna Fáil it confirms a steady rating in this poll since December 2017 at around 25%. It also shows them to be the strongest party in both Munster and Connacht-Ulster on 28% and 34% respectively. Not setting the world alight, but relative to Fine Gael, that’s good enough.
Good news too for Sinn Féin who see a massive bounce in their poll rating from 14% in October (the last time this poll was conducted) up 21%. Indeed, in the regional ratings, Sinn Féin is strongest in Leinster where it leads Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil on 26%.
As for Fine Gael, they’ve suffered a massive drop (as they did on Sunday) of some 7 points. Indeed, their decline has been pretty steady since that same poll in December 2017 when they hit a high of 36%. This poll puts them three points below where they finished in 2016.
It’s the fact the drop off has come early in the campaign that will worry FG strategists most. In the two polls of the February 2016 campaign, they came in at about 28% and settled around 25%. That will put some considerable pressure on the Taoiseach to turn in a good campaign.
Another group worth looking at for trends is the growth in the “others” which includes Greens, small leftist parties and Independents. It’s not sudden but has been steady since October 2018. On 24% they roughly constitute a quarter of the electorate.
The poll was taken on Thursday, Friday and Saturday of last week in the very early days of the election campaign, so there is still some time before the electorate begins to tune in. But it does suggest the traditional big two hold less than 50% of the electorate.
Interpreting polls is two parts data to one part subjective art. The most striking dynamic is the way Fine Gael and Sinn Féin movements seem to mirror each other, but that doesn’t necessarily mean that they are going directly from one to the other.
In over seven months of bad news, this is the first glimpse of light Sinn Féin has had. It comes at a point in the campaign where much of the heavy lifting has been done by frontbenchers like Eoin O’Broin and Pearse Doherty.
They are presently using it to press a case against the decision by RTÉ and Virgin Media One (formerly TV3) to run doubleheader leader debates between Micheál Martin and Leo Varadkar and to include Mary Lou McDonald (who’s barely been seen publicly in this campaign).
Fianna Fáil is reportedly happy to see Fine Gael lose ground. They tend to overshoot national projections by a good four to five per cent (SF undershoot by almost as much). Regionally their ratings are strengthening in Dublin where they lost all seats in the disastrous 2011 election:
Dublin: FG 23, FF 20, Greens 15, SF 14, Labour 5 Rest of Leinster: SF 26, FG 24, FF 22, Lab 7, Greens 5 Munster: FF 28, FG 21, SF 21, Greens 5, Labour 3 Connacht-Ulster: FF 34, SF 26, FG 22, Greens 3, Labour 0
The Connacht Ulster figure putting FG in third place may indicate where some of the upsets are to come out in the rural areas where Varadkar has struggled to get cut through. Worrying for Sinn Féin is that it has swapped places with FF in Dublin where it has most seats to defend.
This may prove tricky if the Green surge continues. Their figure is likely to be more reflective of the fact that the party’s strongholds are almost exclusively (but not quite) in urban areas than any weakness in their ‘battleground states’.
As well as dominating the over 65s, they re-emerge in this poll as top in two socio-economic categories: C1s and DEs. AB’s are still going for Fine Gael, whilst Sinn Féin dominates the C2s (the folk most burned by the economic crash).
Resisting the urge to panic probably has to be FG’s watchword now. Fianna Fáil will continue to do what they did in 2007 which is not to get distracted by the national fun and games and focus on the parish. And Sinn Féin needs to make hay while the sun shines.


sluggerotoole--2020-01-22--To build good relations in Northern Ireland, they must also exist inside the Executive. Is this even

To build good relations in Northern Ireland, they must also exist inside the Executive. Is this even possible?

It ’ s been a slow start to Stormont .
As you might expect there ’ s been some things that could be actioned quickly ( like pay parity for the nurses ) on matters which were bound up in the negotiations .
On Monday the business of agreeing to unanimously to reject Boris Johnson ’ s Withdrawal Bill was delayed by an hour after Jim Allister raised a point of order objecting to the fact that the motion being voted on could not be amended by Assembly and was therefore not democratic .
Four out of the five Assembly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three of them agreeing ) , with only the DUP expressing its annoyance with the delay to the main debate .
It was the re-emergence of the so-called “ naughty corner ” .
It was a stark reminder that although the option of opposition remains on the statute book as an option , after three years in the wilderness none of three smaller parties are taking the chance of being locked out of ministerial office for the next two years .
Whether that enthusiasm still pertains after they found out the financial limits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ money from Dublin is a write-down of the original offer ) remains to be seen .
That ’ s something that should affect all ministers , but the duopoly won ’ t be handing out favours .
On Saturday afternoon , our Big [ Stormont ] House Party will try to look beyond the public game of party politics and try to unveil what challenges face minister in trying to prove that they can make a difference in the next two years .
Some of those challenges might include : • Getting beyond @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taking actual decisions for the long run whether they are popular or not ; • Tackling the issues in health that came up on the doorstep in December : waiting lists and mental health crisis which is becoming acute ; • Can they work together to build a new relationship with Europe and specifically with the Republic ; • At a time of virtually full employment , what ’ s the plan for building up our stock of well paid new jobs for the future .
• After what has been widely acknowledged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the modern era , how to build a new tourism strategy ; • An honest conversation with the GAA to create new strategic vision for stuck projects like the renewal of Casement Park ; • And finally , in order to build good relations in Northern Ireland , they must also exist inside the Executive .
Is it even possible ?
This is by no means a comprehensive list , but the questions are one we hope our panel of insiders will be able to throw some upon .
If you haven ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your tickets here… Competition time !
We are offering 2 sets of free tickets for the event , to enter just click here .

It’s been a slow start to Stormont. As you might expect there’s been some things that could be actioned quickly (like pay parity for the nurses) on matters which were bound up in the negotiations.
On Monday the business of agreeing to unanimously to reject Boris Johnson’s Withdrawal Bill was delayed by an hour after Jim Allister raised a point of order objecting to the fact that the motion being voted on could not be amended by Assembly and was therefore not democratic.
Four out of the five Assembly parties rejected a motion from Jim (three of them agreeing), with only the DUP expressing its annoyance with the delay to the main debate. It was the re-emergence of the so-called “naughty corner”.
It was a stark reminder that although the option of opposition remains on the statute book as an option, after three years in the wilderness none of three smaller parties are taking the chance of being locked out of ministerial office for the next two years.
Whether that enthusiasm still pertains after they found out the financial limits of the deal (even the A5 money from Dublin is a write-down of the original offer) remains to be seen. That’s something that should affect all ministers, but the duopoly won’t be handing out favours.
On Saturday afternoon, our Big [Stormont] House Party will try to look beyond the public game of party politics and try to unveil what challenges face minister in trying to prove that they can make a difference in the next two years.
Some of those challenges might include:
Getting beyond a culture of consultation towards one of taking actual decisions for the long run whether they are popular or not;
Tackling the issues in health that came up on the doorstep in December: waiting lists and mental health crisis which is becoming acute;
Can they work together to build a new relationship with Europe and specifically with the Republic;
At a time of virtually full employment, what’s the plan for building up our stock of well paid new jobs for the future.
After what has been widely acknowledged to the best Open Golf Championship in the modern era, how to build a new tourism strategy;
An honest conversation with the GAA to create new strategic vision for stuck projects like the renewal of Casement Park;
And finally, in order to build good relations in Northern Ireland, they must also exist inside the Executive. Is it even possible?
This is by no means a comprehensive list, but the questions are one we hope our panel of insiders will be able to throw some upon. If you haven’t booked already, you can get your tickets here…
Competition time! We are offering 2 sets of free tickets for the event, to enter just click here.


sluggerotoole--2020-01-22--Belfast City Council gives the go ahead for the controversial Tribeca development…

Belfast City Council ’ s planning committee has given the go-ahead for the 500million pound Tribeca development in the Cathedral Quarter .
The development is your usual mix of shops , offices , apartments and restaurants .
The developer has a fancy website where you can see all the details .
I have a lot of sympathy for the Save the Cathedral Quarter Campaign but that area has been very run down for years and something does need to be done .
The reduction of Writers Square is no great loss to the city as it is one of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ever come across .
It is a handy venue for Culture Night , but don ’ t get me started on how that great event has descended into a teen drinking extravaganza .
I really do wonder do we need more shops ?
With a lot of retail units lying empty in Belfast City centre already will there be the demand ?
I find it incomprehensible and obscene in equal measures that people can shop so much and buy so much .
Our addiction to fast fashion and useless tat is literally destroying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ since realised I am not the target market for pretty much anything .
Belfast City Council carried out research some years ago that said that Belfast did not have enough high-end retailers .
It seemed well-heeled locals desire more designer brands and high-end boutiques .
I imagine this is the market they will be going after for this development , so don ’ t expect a new Poundland to be opening there anytime soon .
If you doubt the demand for such rich pickings know this – in the week before Christmas the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in over a million pounds a day .
While we are generally a low wage economy we do also have quite a lot of high earners with disposable incomes – just witness the number of BMWs on our roads .
So despite my own personal abhorrence over conspicuous consumption I actually think this development will be a success .
It looks quite nice from the mockups and frankly , anything is an improvement on what is there now .
But Belfast City Council does need a strategy to support small retailers and startups @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to a city and they need to be encouraged as much as possible .
I would also like to see the ugly monstrosity that is Castle Court raised to the ground and an urban park put in its place , but I imagine that will not happen anytime soon .
Lastly whatever you do not press play on this promo video voiced by Jamie Dornan .
I can ’ t be held responsible if you smash your phone throwing it at the wall…

Belfast City Council’s planning committee has given the go-ahead for the 500million pound Tribeca development in the Cathedral Quarter. The development is your usual mix of shops, offices, apartments and restaurants. The developer has a fancy website where you can see all the details.
I have a lot of sympathy for the Save the Cathedral Quarter Campaign but that area has been very run down for years and something does need to be done.
And… those luxury apartments that no one can live in. Tribecca bringing more of the same? Meanwhile, not even the minimum number of affordable housing, and reduced green space #WritersSquare #Belfast @SaveCQBelfast https://t.co/SYfwfviSwC — Harriett Moore B1 (@b1_moore) January 22, 2020
The reduction of Writers Square is no great loss to the city as it is one of the most spectacularly ugly public spaces you will ever come across. It is a handy venue for Culture Night, but don’t get me started on how that great event has descended into a teen drinking extravaganza.
I really do wonder do we need more shops? With a lot of retail units lying empty in Belfast City centre already will there be the demand? I find it incomprehensible and obscene in equal measures that people can shop so much and buy so much. Our addiction to fast fashion and useless tat is literally destroying the planet. But I have long since realised I am not the target market for pretty much anything.
Belfast City Council carried out research some years ago that said that Belfast did not have enough high-end retailers. It seemed well-heeled locals desire more designer brands and high-end boutiques. I imagine this is the market they will be going after for this development, so don’t expect a new Poundland to be opening there any time soon. If you doubt the demand for such rich pickings, know this – in the week before Christmas the Apple Store in Victoria Square was taking in over a million pounds a day. While we are generally a low wage economy we do also have quite a lot of high earners with disposable incomes – just witness the number of BMWs on our roads.
So despite my own personal abhorrence over conspicuous consumption, I actually think this development will be a success. It looks quite nice from the mockups and frankly, anything is an improvement on what is there now.
But Belfast City Council does need a strategy to support small retailers and startups. Independent retailers add individuality and character to a city and they need to be encouraged as much as possible.
I would also like to see the ugly monstrosity that is Castle Court raised to the ground and an urban park put in its place, but I imagine that will not happen anytime soon.
There was a shopping mall
Now it’s all covered with flowers
You’ve got it, you’ve got it
Talking Heads – [Nothing But] Flowers
Lastly whatever you do not press play on this promo video voiced by Jamie Dornan. I can’t be held responsible if you smash your phone throwing it at the wall…


sluggerotoole--2020-01-23--Maps and metaphors guide the way to resolving conflict

Sir George Bain served as Vice Chancellor of Queens University Belfast from 1998-2004 Northern Ireland ( or is it the North of Ireland ? )
is often described as ‘ emerging ’ from 30 years of violence known as ‘ the Troubles ’ , 22 years after they were officially ended by an agreement whose name can not be universally agreed .
The power-sharing Executive and Assembly have finally been restored after a three-year hiatus .
Promised measures for dealing with the legacy of the conflict have come and gone : the proposals of Eames–Bradley ( 2007–2009 ) , Haas–O @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Stormont House Agreement ( 2014 ) , and the Fresh Start Agreement ( 2015 ) followed by the UK government ’ s public consultation on ‘ Addressing the Legacy of Northern Ireland ’ s Past ’ ( May–September 2018 ) .
But is ‘ addressing the past ’ the same as ‘ dealing with ’ it ?
It ’ s a question examined in a new book which explores the language people choose to use and its political and social impact .
Calming Conflict : Northern Ireland , Metaphor and Migration by Dr @ @ @ @ @ @ @ difficulties in finding a common approach to discussing the past .
The book proposes a new educational resource for sharing histories – not just the Troubles , but family and local history stretching back centuries .
The book is published by the Ulster Historical Foundation and the Mellon Centre for Migration Studies and it is the author ’ s long association with the latter which forms the basis for the core proposal of this work .
Migration studies presents the movement of people — and the impact of this on families , communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ central issue in relation to matters of segregation and integration .
The new book ’ s proposed ‘ CALM ’ project takes the form of online atlases : a ‘ Conflict Atlas for Local Migration ’ ( CALM I ) and a ‘ Citizens ’ Atlas for Local Migration ’ ( CALM II ) .
CALM I is primarily for the academics and CALM II for the wider public .
This book convincingly and coherently links the themes of conflict , migration and metaphor .
I am familiar with conflict studies through having @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which excels in the field , when I had the privilege of working with Senator George Mitchell as our chancellor .
I am also familiar with migration through being a migrant myself ( Canadian-born with roots in Ireland and Scotland ) , through having researched and written family history and through serving on the board of the Ulster Historical Foundation .
But I have to admit that I had not previously heard of the academic discipline of ‘ metaphor studies ’ .
This book highlights and examines the way we use metaphor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to use a phrase such as ‘ emerging ’ from conflict , or ‘ moving beyond ’ it .
The fundamental argument of this book is very persuasive : that ‘ hitting on the right metaphor ’ is key if we are to get better at explaining conflict , proposing solutions and persuading others to adopt them .
Beyond this , Calming Conflict is an affirmation of the importance of family and local history and of the view that recording these stories is of social benefit , which should interest the policy-makers and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Importantly , Calming Conflict practises what it preaches .
It not only teases out the tangled way in which ‘ experts ’ have sometimes ‘ calmed ’ but also sometimes ‘ enraged ’ the conflict ; it also makes detailed , well-illustrated proposals in terms of the digital mapping – prototypes can be seen at the book ’ s companion website , developed in partnership with Queen ’ s University ( https : //go.qub.ac.uk/gisCALM ) .
As Dr Lambkin explains , the CALM projects need power-sharing support – between our Colleges ( in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Archives , Libraries , and Museums ( also CALM ! )
.
This need not rely on politicians ; it could be initiated now .

Sir George Bain served as Vice Chancellor of Queens University Belfast from 1998-2004
Northern Ireland (or is it the North of Ireland?) is often described as ‘emerging’ from 30 years of violence known as ‘the Troubles’, 22 years after they were officially ended by an agreement whose name cannot be universally agreed. The power-sharing Executive and Assembly have finally been restored after a three-year hiatus. Promised measures for dealing with the legacy of the conflict have come and gone: the proposals of Eames–Bradley (2007–2009), Haas–O’Sullivan (2013), the Stormont House Agreement (2014), and the Fresh Start Agreement (2015) followed by the UK government’s public consultation on ‘Addressing the Legacy of Northern Ireland’s Past’ (May–September 2018).
But is ‘addressing the past’ the same as ‘dealing with’ it?
It’s a question examined in a new book which explores the language people choose to use and its political and social impact. Calming Conflict: Northern Ireland, Metaphor and Migration by Dr Brian Lambkin also suggests a solution to difficulties in finding a common approach to discussing the past. The book proposes a new educational resource for sharing histories – not just the Troubles, but family and local history stretching back centuries.
The book is published by the Ulster Historical Foundation and the Mellon Centre for Migration Studies and it is the author’s long association with the latter which forms the basis for the core proposal of this work.
Migration studies presents the movement of people — and the impact of this on families, communities and the wider population — as a central issue in relation to matters of segregation and integration. The new book’s proposed ‘CALM’ project takes the form of online atlases: a ‘Conflict Atlas for Local Migration’ (CALM I) and a ‘Citizens’ Atlas for Local Migration’ (CALM II). CALM I is primarily for the academics and CALM II for the wider public.
This book convincingly and coherently links the themes of conflict, migration and metaphor.
I am familiar with conflict studies through having been Vice-Chancellor of Queen’s University, which excels in the field, when I had the privilege of working with Senator George Mitchell as our chancellor.
I am also familiar with migration through being a migrant myself (Canadian-born with roots in Ireland and Scotland), through having researched and written family history and through serving on the board of the Ulster Historical Foundation.
But I have to admit that I had not previously heard of the academic discipline of ‘metaphor studies’. This book highlights and examines the way we use metaphor; for example, whether we choose to use a phrase such as ‘emerging’ from conflict, or ‘moving beyond’ it.
The fundamental argument of this book is very persuasive: that ‘hitting on the right metaphor’ is key if we are to get better at explaining conflict, proposing solutions and persuading others to adopt them.
Beyond this, Calming Conflict is an affirmation of the importance of family and local history and of the view that recording these stories is of social benefit, which should interest the policy-makers and practitioners concerned with community relations strategy.
Importantly, Calming Conflict practises what it preaches. It not only teases out the tangled way in which ‘experts’ have sometimes ‘calmed’ but also sometimes ‘enraged’ the conflict; it also makes detailed, well-illustrated proposals in terms of the digital mapping – prototypes can be seen at the book’s companion website, developed in partnership with Queen’s University (https://go.qub.ac.uk/gisCALM).
As Dr Lambkin explains, the CALM projects need power-sharing support – between our Colleges (in fact, all educational institutions), Archives, Libraries, and Museums (also CALM!). This need not rely on politicians; it could be initiated now.


sluggerotoole--2020-01-23--Parties must find new ways to bring genuine public concerns into Stormont…

I ’ m not a fan of slagging politicians off over money .
The much larger sums they ’ re charged to handle are usually far more important than how much take-home pay they get each month .
And we don ’ t pay half enough attention to what they do with that ( enter RHI , NI Water et al ) .
But the announcement of an MLA pay rise after a three years absence without leave is a hard swallow .
Suzanne Breen writing in the Belfast Telegraph writes : This looks like a massive pat on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should have been doing all along .
And a slap in the face to the rest of us .
It doesn ’ t matter where you stand on New Decade , New Approach .
Whether you want an Irish Language Commissioner , an Ulster-British Commissioner , neither or both .
People of all political persuasions and none are united in opposing this salary hike .
The optics are awful .
To ordinary people from Ballymurphy to Belvoir , this looks like the political establishment rewarding itself while preparing the rest of us for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ MLAs whose pay is going up – that of ministers is rising as well .
No wonder the vast majority of Stormont representatives have so little to say on the issue .
In truth , none of this is to do with the MLAs themselves .
Their pay is set by non-politician members of the Assembly Commission .
It may be a consequence of Sinn Féin ’ s three-year boycott of the institutions , but at moments like this politicians of all parties must take the heat .
The SDLP took their time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it was to announce that their MLAs would donate their salary increases to charity .
Other individual MLAs have since followed suit .
It all demonstrates how there ’ s an awkward balance to be struck that ’ s been ignored up to now .
That balance lies between attending to the business-as-usual of Stormont and managing rising expectations of what Stormont can actually achieve .
The last thirteen years of breakdown , negotiation and stasis has finally triggered a cynical nerve in the NI public .
Tracking the public ’ s views @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that ’ s hardly been a priority for Northern Ireland ’ s political parties where , up till now , not going back to war has been considered to be the only premium matter at stake .
Communal fear and loathing has done the rest .
In a new move , the SDLP also announced a new list of party spokesmen that includes some of their brightest new talents at council level .
Crucially , each theme is based on matters of public concern , not departments .
Like it or not , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
What crashed Stormont was not the inadequacy of the institutions but a political failure to take account both of shifting public opinion and the necessary rigidities of the 1998 powersharing institutions that have drawn the two main governing parties inward and away from voters .
It hasn ’ t helped either that there ’ s been a dearth of the fresh ideas that are always needed to create genuine political flow within Stormont ’ s interdepartmental administration ( “ what can we all get behind ?
” ) .
Whether it can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stage is moot .
MLA wage rises may only be a minor issue on the wider scale of things , but it signals a bigger problem that hasn ’ t gone away .
Developing the ability to generate solutions is the responsibility of politicians , not technocrats who decide MLA pay or indeed run the civil service .

I’m not a fan of slagging politicians off over money. The much larger sums they’re charged to handle are usually far more important than how much take-home pay they get each month. And we don’t pay half enough attention to what they do with that (enter RHI, NI Water et al).
But the announcement of an MLA pay rise after a three years absence without leave is a hard swallow. Suzanne Breen writing in the Belfast Telegraph writes:
This looks like a massive pat on the back for MLAs for doing what they should have been doing all along. And a slap in the face to the rest of us. It doesn’t matter where you stand on New Decade, New Approach. Whether you want an Irish Language Commissioner, an Ulster-British Commissioner, neither or both. People of all political persuasions and none are united in opposing this salary hike. The optics are awful. To ordinary people from Ballymurphy to Belvoir, this looks like the political establishment rewarding itself while preparing the rest of us for austerity. It’s not just MLAs whose pay is going up – that of ministers is rising as well. No wonder the vast majority of Stormont representatives have so little to say on the issue.
In truth, none of this is to do with the MLAs themselves. Their pay is set by non-politician members of the Assembly Commission. It may be a consequence of Sinn Féin’s three-year boycott of the institutions, but at moments like this politicians of all parties must take the heat.
The SDLP took their time to respond, but when they did it was to announce that their MLAs would donate their salary increases to charity. Other individual MLAs have since followed suit. It all demonstrates how there’s an awkward balance to be struck that’s been ignored up to now.
That balance lies between attending to the business-as-usual of Stormont and managing rising expectations of what Stormont can actually achieve. The last thirteen years of breakdown, negotiation and stasis has finally triggered a cynical nerve in the NI public.
Tracking the public’s views is essential for all parties, but that’s hardly been a priority for Northern Ireland’s political parties where, up till now, not going back to war has been considered to be the only premium matter at stake. Communal fear and loathing has done the rest.
In a new move, the SDLP also announced a new list of party spokesmen that includes some of their brightest new talents at council level. Crucially, each theme is based on matters of public concern, not departments. Like it or not, all parties must start doing things differently.
What crashed Stormont was not the inadequacy of the institutions but a political failure to take account both of shifting public opinion and the necessary rigidities of the 1998 powersharing institutions that have drawn the two main governing parties inward and away from voters.
It hasn’t helped either that there’s been a dearth of the fresh ideas that are always needed to create genuine political flow within Stormont’s interdepartmental administration (“what can we all get behind?”). Whether it can manage that without an Opposition at this stage is moot.
MLA wage rises may only be a minor issue on the wider scale of things, but it signals a bigger problem that hasn’t gone away. Developing the ability to generate solutions is the responsibility of politicians, not technocrats who decide MLA pay or indeed run the civil service.
“Intelligence is quickness to apprehend as distinct from ability, which is capacity to act wisely on the thing apprehended.”
— Alfred North Whitehead