sluggerotoole--2020-04-15--A coalition pact in the Republic awaits wider approval

So the two traditional parties of government in the Republic have struck their coalition deal .
They ’ ve taken their time .
Southern government formation now looks more continental than ever .
They ’ ve had the great excuse of tackling something even more important than creating a new government after an election .
Fianna Fail and Fine Gael profess the need for a national coalition in response to Covid 19 .
But in truth the emergency does no more than give them cover for what would have been inevitable anyway .
Pat Leahy in the Irish Times isn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be but at least it ’ s “ historic.
” Neither party likes it much ; that is the truth .
They can see the electoral pitfalls , like everyone else… To many on the outside , this will appear as a last desperate bid by the old duopoly to keep their grip on power .
Inside , it will look very different .
It will look like a historic compromise , putting aside of age-old differences in the public interest .
Never mind for a moment that those differences are less visible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parties , those differences matter .
Their leaders will present it as a political sacrifice – perhaps of their parties – in the public interest .
Take them at their word if you like , or don ’ t .
Either way , my guess is they will be judged on their deeds , and on their results in government .
But this deal doesn ’ t guarantee a government .
With 80 seats needed for a majority , the FF/FG coalition would still be 8 seats short of majority minus the Ceann @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 72 seats , FF has 37 TDs , 35 FG ( and we don ’ t talk about Sinn Fein ’ s 37 ) Attention now shifts to the minority parties , especially the Greens with 12 seats .
Their reluctance to join a government is obvious ; remembering the fate of Labour , they don ’ t want to be tarred with the brush of “ austerity ” once the immediate pandemic crisis lifts .
Does the 24 pages of the would be coalition ’ s Programme for Government offer them assurances @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such documents it ’ s mainly aspirational , although it does try to answer some buttons firmly pressed by the voters in February .
To pick out a few of the more specific : .No increases in income tax and/or Universal Social Charge ( USC ) and no cuts to established core social welfare rates .
Expand our health infrastructure and expedite the implementation of a universal healthcare service , Prioritise the reduction of family homelessness , providing long-term secure accommodation for those in emergency accommodation and preventing new cases of homelessness .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the affordability of housing , employing all measures up to and including referenda .
• Empower and fund the Land Development Agency to build homes on public and private land , to deliver new homes for affordable and private purchase , social housing , and cost-rental accommodation .
• Prioritise home ownership and affordable purchase schemes , which will enable more people to own their homes and increase the number of new social houses .
Well down the 24 pages of the programme on page 19 comes the North .
It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for both parties We are committed to working with all traditions on the island , to build consensus around a shared future .
This consensus will be underpinned by the terms and institutions of the Good Friday Agreement and by absolute respect for the principle of consent enshrined therein .
We will establish a Unit within the Department of An Taoiseach to work towards a consensus on a united This unit will examine the political , social , economic and cultural considerations underpinning a future in which all traditions are mutually In order @ @ @ @ @ @ @ • Prioritise protection of the Peace Process and the all-island economy , in the context of the future UK-EU Brexit agreement .
• Ensure that the Northern Ireland deal , New Decade , New Approach , is implemented .
This will include investing in cross-border infrastructure , such as the A5 , the Narrow Water Bridge , cross-border greenways , the Ulster Canal , as well as examining high-speed cross-border rail services .
iii .
Expand the British-Irish Council and the British-Irish Intergovernmental • Ensure mechanisms are put in place to deal with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outlined in the Stormont House Agreement .
• Enhance , develop and deepen all aspects of north-south cooperation • COVID-19 has reinforced the need to protect public health for everyone on the island of Ireland , we will continue to deepen and strengthen north-south health links as recently outlined in the Memorandum of vii .
Continue to mark the Decade of Centenaries , in an inclusive , viii .
Implement the PEACE IV Programme in full and secure PEACE Plus ‘

So the two traditional parties of government in the Republic have struck their coalition deal. They’ve taken their time. Southern government formation now looks more continental than ever. They’ve had the great excuse of tackling something even more important than creating a new government after an election. Fianna Fail and Fine Gael profess the need for a national coalition in response to Covid 19. But in truth the emergency does no more than give them cover for what would have been inevitable anyway. Pat Leahy in the Irish Times isn’t sure how popular it will be but at least it’s “historic.”
Neither party likes it much; that is the truth. They can see the electoral pitfalls, like everyone else… To many on the outside, this will appear as a last desperate bid by the old duopoly to keep their grip on power. Inside, it will look very different. It will look like a historic compromise, putting aside of age-old differences in the public interest. Never mind for a moment that those differences are less visible to the outside; to the two parties, those differences matter. Their leaders will present it as a political sacrifice – perhaps of their parties – in the public interest. Take them at their word if you like, or don’t. Either way, my guess is they will be judged on their deeds, and on their results in government.
But this deal doesn’t guarantee a government . With 80 seats needed for a majority, the FF/FG coalition would still be 8 seats short of majority minus the Ceann Comhairle.; With a total of 72 seats, FF has 37 TDs, 35 FG (and we don’t talk about Sinn Fein’s 37)
Attention now shifts to the minority parties, especially the Greens with 12 seats. Their reluctance to join a government is obvious; remembering the fate of Labour, they don’t want to be tarred with the brush of “austerity” once the immediate pandemic crisis lifts.
Does the 24 pages of the would be coalition’s Programme for Government offer them assurances? . Not really. Like all such documents it’s mainly aspirational, although it does try to answer some buttons firmly pressed by the voters in February.
To pick out a few of the more specific:
.No increases in income tax and/or Universal Social Charge (USC) and no cuts to established core social welfare rates.
Expand our health infrastructure and expedite the implementation of a universal healthcare service,
Prioritise the reduction of family homelessness, providing long-term secure accommodation for those in emergency accommodation and preventing new cases of homelessness.
Reduce the cost of land to improve the affordability of housing, employing all measures up to and including referenda.
Empower and fund the Land Development Agency to build homes on public and private land, to deliver new homes for affordable and private purchase, social housing, and cost-rental accommodation. Prioritise home ownership and affordable purchase schemes, which will enable more people to own their homes and increase the number of new social houses.
Well down the 24 pages of the programme on page 19 comes the North. It’s a careful reiteration of the status quo for both parties
.Mission: A Shared Island
We are committed to working with all traditions on the island, to build
consensus around a shared future. This consensus will be underpinned by the
terms and institutions of the Good Friday Agreement and by absolute respect
for the principle of consent enshrined therein. We will establish a Unit within
the Department of An Taoiseach to work towards a consensus on a united
island.
This unit will examine the political, social, economic and cultural
considerations underpinning a future in which all traditions are mutually
respected.
In order to do this, we will:
Prioritise protection of the Peace Process and the all-island economy, in
the context of the future UK-EU Brexit agreement.
Ensure that the Northern Ireland deal, New Decade, New Approach, is
implemented. This will include investing in cross-border infrastructure,
such as the A5, the Narrow Water Bridge, cross-border greenways, the
Ulster Canal, as well as examining high-speed cross-border rail services.
iii. Expand the British-Irish Council and the British-Irish Intergovernmental
Conference (BIIGC), to strengthen north-south and east-west links.
Ensure mechanisms are put in place to deal with the legacy of the
Troubles, as outlined in the Stormont House Agreement.
Enhance, develop and deepen all aspects of north-south cooperation
thus strengthening the all-island economy.
COVID-19 has reinforced the need to protect public health for everyone
on the island of Ireland, we will continue to deepen and strengthen
north-south health links as recently outlined in the Memorandum of
Understanding.
vii. Continue to mark the Decade of Centenaries, in an inclusive,
appropriate, and sensitive manner.
viii. Implement the PEACE IV Programme in full and secure PEACE Plus ‘
(“United island” sounds a bit less dramatic than “ united Ireland.” There’s no mention of unity referendums. All the same, the cautious minimum has been pledged.)


sluggerotoole--2020-04-15--How does our press emerge from lockdown? Part two: Regional Daily Newspapers

Last week wrote of our local weekly newspaper sector and of the need to save them .
I also said that I thought a lot of them COULD be saved if the will is there .
But what of our three dailies ?
There may be less scope there for a happy ending in a sector that across the British Isles has been in freefall for over a decade .
Up until the end of the troubles , the picture here was a simple one .
The Belfast Telegraph , an evening paper , sold about one and a half @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was seen as a uniquely cross community paper bridging the gap between its decidedly green and orange competitors .
In reality it was a slightly more complex position than that but it ’ s not a bad place to start .
Today ’ s picture bears no resemblance even to the late 1990s .
Readership of the Telegraph and Irish News are pretty much neck and neck with the News Letter selling about a third of the other two .
But the global picture is worrying , as collectively they sell in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were selling at the time of the Good Friday Agreement .
This is a nationwide problem for the industry , but the unique political cleavages here mean we have a greater need for a potent local daily press .
Yet we are abandoning it .
Why is this , and is it possible to stem this decline ?
We need to look at the three papers to allow us to even consider the question .
The Irish News is the local daily newspaper that ’ s proved most resilient .
It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fallen by about a quarter , a much slower rate of decline than the UK ’ s former evening papers which have fallen by up to 80 % over the same period .
There are several attributable factors .
Certainly the change in demographics , and the development of a more confident and younger Catholic population played a part in strengthening the paper ’ s position , But to overplay that would be to sell short the strategic strengths of the Fitzpatrick family , owners of the paper since the 1980s .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and locally owned has meant the paper has not been subject to the catastrophic and often idiotic corporate management that has beset the other two .
The Irish News succeeded where the other two failed , by broadening its readership throughout all elements of its community .
It has been confident in its role as a Catholic paper and has developed in a way that most elements of the Catholic community ( be they Nationalist , Republican or even pragmatically pro-union or be they simply GAA supporters drawn in by the paper ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Also , it never really sought to broaden its base outside its host community .
Certain readers here may indignantly rail against this , but it is the commercially sensible thing to do .
It is not the job of newspapers to be neutral and appeal to everyone .
They serve specific groups with shared interests and outlooks .
The Irish News understands that role and performs it well .
The same can ’ t always be said of others .
The other thing the Irish News did early in the digital age @ @ @ @ @ @ @ online content behind a paywall .
This was done when most daily papers were putting nearly all content online free .
This caused an almost overnight haemorrhaging of print readers for its rivals but not for the Irish News .
It needs to be understood this was generally done against the wishes of local editors and management in papers like the Tele and News Letter but as minor components of major corporates their views weren ’ t heeded .
So , a big , long term win for the Irish News but no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ falling , albeit at a slower rate .
Similarly , the News Letter comes in for criticism as an “ orange ” paper with a conservative ( small c ) , rural readership .
Those accusations are true and there ’ s nothing wrong with them .
The paper ’ s readership is overwhelmingly Protestant and rural .
So that makes it more brave and admirable that the editor was prepared to give Sam McBride free rein to investigate then report his findings on RHI .
That can ’ t have sat well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ m sure it has cost them significant sales and any goodwill and patronage it might have expected from the DUP .
Commercially it probably wasn ’ t the right thing to do .
But in terms of editorial integrity I can think of very few comparable situations .
Would the Irish News have taken such a strong line if the minister in the eye of that storm had been from Sinn Fein ?
It ’ s debatable .
The News Letter is strong on local sport ( despite having it ’ s staffing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ owner ) and carries a diverse range of lifestyle features outside its comfort zone .
But with a daily sale under 12,000 and with no meaningful Belfast presence since a catastrophic decision in the 90s to launch then withdraw a free home distributed edition there , it ’ s hard to see any strategy that can deliver even a medium-term revival .
But what about the Belfast Telegraph , once the dominant force in media here ?
I think the primary failing here occurred in the aftermath of the Good Friday Agreement .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to produce the Tele during the troubles .
Daily atrocities and continual political upheaval meant there was no shortage of reportable news to fit in with lunchtime deadlines , and the Telegraph had a raft of good reporters who were able to do so to a pretty high standard .
It also had an exceptionally strong sports section .
But the problem wasn ’ t front or back page .
It was a lethargy allowed to set in over decades with columnists there so long that over familiarity led to disinterest and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to these older , often stale voices .
It was seen as a cash cow by various corporate owners due to its strong advertising revenues .
But a lack of strategy or meaningful analysis of its readership in the latter part of the good days left it exposed and vulnerable to the point where the current Editor inherited a poisoned chalice .
One third of the BT readership is still Catholic .
That was resolutely the case throughout the troubles and – despite accusations that the paper has taken on a more overtly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has remained the case .
So , it can still legitimately claim to be the nearest thing we have to a cross community indigenous daily newspaper .
But is that enough to sustain it long term at a time when all major Classified advertising streams have migrated online , and government ad spend has been steadily reducing ?
Dubious .
The most worrying development for local publishers is that today , of the newspapers that carry Northern Ireland based editorial half of those who read them choose either the Sun or Daily Mirror @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between them with the Sun read by nearly twice as many Protestants and the Mirror by two thirds more Catholics .
This has a historic basis in the positions taken by the two papers ( particularly the Mirror in its “ Troops Out ” phase ) during the Troubles .
Both perceptions are outdated but still reflected in readership profiles .
The Sun doesn ’ t currently have an identifiably “ Protestant ” or Unionist position but the conservative politics of the paper – allied to decent coverage of the Irish League and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much of the broad pro-union community .
So , are regional dailies damaged beyond repair in the Digital age ?
Ultimately , I don ’ t think there will be room in this market for both the Telegraph and News Letter .
The ultimate demise of the latter may be slowed , but not under current ownership by a company just out of receivership and perpetually up for sale .
Had it been bought by a private enterprise led by someone with publishing experience and a strong unionist outlook the picture might look @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an increasingly remote possibility .
Possibly some sort of amalgamation of the two under new ownership could help , but it would need to define itself clearly in a way that strengthens its position within the pro-union community while maintaining the Tele ’ s still reasonable cross community credentials .
That must be the tallest of tall orders .
A lot of papers across the UK will have had their demise hastened by this virus and its aftermath .
I ’ ve been saying for 15 years that those that survive long term @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – preferably philanthropic – local owners committed to serving their communities .
The Irish News vindicates that view .
However , we need at least one other paper to serve our interests , deliver our news and hold those in power to account .
Before it ’ s too late .

Last week wrote of our local weekly newspaper sector and of the need to save them. I also said that I thought a lot of them COULD be saved if the will is there. But what of our three dailies? There may be less scope there for a happy ending in a sector that across the British Isles has been in freefall for over a decade.
Up until the end of the troubles, the picture here was a simple one. The Belfast Telegraph, an evening paper, sold about one and a half times the two morning papers combined and was seen as a uniquely cross community paper bridging the gap between its decidedly green and orange competitors. In reality it was a slightly more complex position than that but it’s not a bad place to start.
Today’s picture bears no resemblance even to the late 1990s. Readership of the Telegraph and Irish News are pretty much neck and neck with the News Letter selling about a third of the other two. But the global picture is worrying, as collectively they sell in the region of one third of what they were selling at the time of the Good Friday Agreement. This is a nationwide problem for the industry, but the unique political cleavages here mean we have a greater need for a potent local daily press. Yet we are abandoning it. Why is this, and is it possible to stem this decline? We need to look at the three papers to allow us to even consider the question.
The Irish News is the local daily newspaper that’s proved most resilient. It’s sale in the past 20 years has fallen by about a quarter, a much slower rate of decline than the UK’s former evening papers which have fallen by up to 80% over the same period. There are several attributable factors. Certainly the change in demographics, and the development of a more confident and younger Catholic population played a part in strengthening the paper’s position, But to overplay that would be to sell short the strategic strengths of the Fitzpatrick family, owners of the paper since the 1980s.
The fact that the Irish News is privately and locally owned has meant the paper has not been subject to the catastrophic and often idiotic corporate management that has beset the other two.
The Irish News succeeded where the other two failed, by broadening its readership throughout all elements of its community. It has been confident in its role as a Catholic paper and has developed in a way that most elements of the Catholic community (be they Nationalist, Republican or even pragmatically pro-union or be they simply GAA supporters drawn in by the paper’s strong coverage) could embrace. Also, it never really sought to broaden its base outside its host community. Certain readers here may indignantly rail against this, but it is the commercially sensible thing to do. It is not the job of newspapers to be neutral and appeal to everyone. They serve specific groups with shared interests and outlooks. The Irish News understands that role and performs it well. The same can’t always be said of others.
The other thing the Irish News did early in the digital age was to put the bulk of its online content behind a paywall. This was done when most daily papers were putting nearly all content online free. This caused an almost overnight haemorrhaging of print readers for its rivals but not for the Irish News. It needs to be understood this was generally done against the wishes of local editors and management in papers like the Tele and News Letter but as minor components of major corporates their views weren’t heeded. So, a big, long term win for the Irish News but no room for complacency as sales are still falling, albeit at a slower rate.
Similarly, the News Letter comes in for criticism as an “orange” paper with a conservative (small c), rural readership. Those accusations are true and there’s nothing wrong with them. The paper’s readership is overwhelmingly Protestant and rural. So that makes it more brave and admirable that the editor was prepared to give Sam McBride free rein to investigate then report his findings on RHI. That can’t have sat well with the core base and I’m sure it has cost them significant sales and any goodwill and patronage it might have expected from the DUP. Commercially it probably wasn’t the right thing to do. But in terms of editorial integrity I can think of very few comparable situations. Would the Irish News have taken such a strong line if the minister in the eye of that storm had been from Sinn Fein? It’s debatable.
The News Letter is strong on local sport (despite having it’s staffing levels butchered by it’s London-based owner) and carries a diverse range of lifestyle features outside its comfort zone. But with a daily sale under 12,000 and with no meaningful Belfast presence since a catastrophic decision in the 90s to launch then withdraw a free home distributed edition there, it’s hard to see any strategy that can deliver even a medium-term revival.
But what about the Belfast Telegraph, once the dominant force in media here? I think the primary failing here occurred in the aftermath of the Good Friday Agreement. Quite simply, it was relatively easy to produce the Tele during the troubles. Daily atrocities and continual political upheaval meant there was no shortage of reportable news to fit in with lunchtime deadlines, and the Telegraph had a raft of good reporters who were able to do so to a pretty high standard. It also had an exceptionally strong sports section. But the problem wasn’t front or back page. It was a lethargy allowed to set in over decades with columnists there so long that over familiarity led to disinterest and a younger generation that didn’t relate to these older, often stale voices. It was seen as a cash cow by various corporate owners due to its strong advertising revenues. But a lack of strategy or meaningful analysis of its readership in the latter part of the good days left it exposed and vulnerable to the point where the current Editor inherited a poisoned chalice.
One third of the BT readership is still Catholic. That was resolutely the case throughout the troubles and – despite accusations that the paper has taken on a more overtly unionist stance in recent times – that has remained the case. So, it can still legitimately claim to be the nearest thing we have to a cross community indigenous daily newspaper. But is that enough to sustain it long term at a time when all major Classified advertising streams have migrated online, and government ad spend has been steadily reducing? Dubious.
The most worrying development for local publishers is that today, of the newspapers that carry Northern Ireland based editorial half of those who read them choose either the Sun or Daily Mirror. There remains a clear Protestant/Catholic difference between them with the Sun read by nearly twice as many Protestants and the Mirror by two thirds more Catholics. This has a historic basis in the positions taken by the two papers (particularly the Mirror in its “Troops Out” phase) during the Troubles. Both perceptions are outdated but still reflected in readership profiles. The Sun doesn’t currently have an identifiably “Protestant” or Unionist position but the conservative politics of the paper – allied to decent coverage of the Irish League and the NI team – sits easily with much of the broad pro-union community.
So, are regional dailies damaged beyond repair in the Digital age? Ultimately, I don’t think there will be room in this market for both the Telegraph and News Letter. The ultimate demise of the latter may be slowed, but not under current ownership by a company just out of receivership and perpetually up for sale. Had it been bought by a private enterprise led by someone with publishing experience and a strong unionist outlook the picture might look different today, but that looks like an increasingly remote possibility. Possibly some sort of amalgamation of the two under new ownership could help, but it would need to define itself clearly in a way that strengthens its position within the pro-union community while maintaining the Tele’s still reasonable cross community credentials. That must be the tallest of tall orders.
A lot of papers across the UK will have had their demise hastened by this virus and its aftermath. I’ve been saying for 15 years that those that survive long term will be in the hands of private – preferably philanthropic – local owners committed to serving their communities. The Irish News vindicates that view. However, we need at least one other paper to serve our interests, deliver our news and hold those in power to account. Before it’s too late.


sluggerotoole--2020-04-15--An idea for helping with home delivery…

An idea for helping with home delivery…

Having been self-isolating for a week and with some time on my hands , I determined to design a simple to use online System to assist organisations who wanted to get involved in home delivery .
The basic concept being , that some organisations , be they charities , sports clubs , churches or government agencies , may wish to supplement the existing and official agencies providing home delivery services and that such a system would offer them a useful and structured means of getting involved .
( See screenshot below ) .
Conceivably some organisations may wish to continue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health crisis has passed as a means of supporting those associated with their organisation or those their organisation would simply like to assist on an ongoing basis .
An excellent example ( albeit on a greater scale ) of an organisation now getting involved in home delivery is the GAA teaming up with SuperValu and Centra in their Club together initiative .
The purpose of posting on Slugger , is both to invite comments ( negative and positive ) on the concept in particular and the subject of home delivery in general .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ from any organisations currently engaged in home delivery who might benefit from an online System or organisations who might like to be engaged .
Exchange of ideas and collaboration very much welcomed .
Please email me on kieron @ officeobjects.com if you would like more information or would like to arrange a demonstration .
Photo by ColiN00B is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

Having been self-isolating for a week and with some time on my hands, I determined to design a simple to use online System to assist organisations who wanted to get involved in home delivery.
The basic concept being, that some organisations, be they charities, sports clubs, churches or government agencies, may wish to supplement the existing and official agencies providing home delivery services and that such a system would offer them a useful and structured means of getting involved. (See screenshot below).
Conceivably some organisations may wish to continue to use the System after the current health crisis has passed as a means of supporting those associated with their organisation or those their organisation would simply like to assist on an ongoing basis.
The system is strictly non-commercial.
An excellent example (albeit on a greater scale) of an organisation now getting involved in home delivery is the GAA teaming up with SuperValu and Centra in their Club together initiative.
The purpose of posting on Slugger, is both to invite comments (negative and positive) on the concept in particular and the subject of home delivery in general.
I would also particularly like to hear from any organisations currently engaged in home delivery who might benefit from an online System or organisations who might like to be engaged.
Exchange of ideas and collaboration very much welcomed.
Please email me on [email protected] if you would like more information or would like to arrange a demonstration.
Photo by ColiN00B is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-04-15--View from New York – 15 days later – the new normal…

After submitting my first , then second ( and I assumed last ever ) posting to Slugger on the C19 pandemic from my viewpoint in Brooklyn , New York , I figured I was done .
The headlines out of Ireland and Britain have already begun to reflect the horrors across the pond here in the US , and there seems to be no need to revisit what is now the day-to-day reality for all of us .
Whether it be the hard-to-fathom daily statistics on staggering C19 infections and deaths , or the mundane but nevertheless depressing – and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to cope with shelter-at-home restrictions , we ’ re all in the same boat now .
Over the last month , my life , like so many others has moved online .
To say I ’ m generally not an enthusiastic user of social media is an understatement .
My Instagram account was hijacked by my dog upon her arrival over four years ago ; prior to that it was all pictures of sunsets and beaches and streetscapes .
I ’ m rapidly approaching my mid-century and I still like an old fashioned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ handwritten letters .
Kids at work ( read anyone under 40 ) laugh at me when I am impressed by their breakneck two-thumb texting skills whilst holding a face-to-face conversation with me .
I was doing well to be a two finger keyboard typist for years before smart phones arrived .
When a student at Queen ’ s we hand-wrote our essays and theses and paid the faculty “ secretaries ” a pound a page to type them up .
However , spending the majority of time indoors this last month , save @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the park with the dog , suffocating face mask in place , fundamentalist member of the SDO ( socially-distant-observant ) denomination , has compelled me to spend more time online .
I have been seeing my doctor via telemedicine for check-ups since I was ill , and my crew at work hold all our meetings on Zoom .
It didn ’ t take long for the novelty of the latter to wear off and now when up to 200 of us hold our end-of-week town-hall conferences , people quickly kill their video and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pyjamas holding glasses of beer or wine at 2 pm .
In fairness to my employer , a wellness team was established very early-on in this crisis and they call every single employee every day for a quick chat .
Not to make sure you ’ re up and working of course , just to make sure you ’ re still alive .
I have a video meeting scheduled for tomorrow and I warned everyone that I will be wearing my face-mask , not because of the virus , but because I haven @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Meanwhile , I am very much aware how exceptionally fortunate I am to remain in employment when “ official ” unemployment figures here since this began recently topped 20 million .
Friends included .
Last night I was writing a letter , sorry , email exchange with a friend-of-old ( as opposed to an old friend ) who recently moved to Eastbourne on the south coast of England from London to see how she was doing .
It quickly dawned on me that we were sharing many of the same experiences , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , by way of Belfast .
The anxiety-inducing trips to the supermarket , coupled with gratitude – and guilt – for the employees on the frontline .
Crazy , vivid dreams seem to be all the rage these days .
Eating and watching TV at 3 am and taking a siesta at 3 pm is perfectly acceptable now .
Another friend of mine said “ airport rules ” are universally in force , meaning non-judgmental beer with ( late ) breakfast .
All the liquor stores , aka offies , near me are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but the local fancy wine shop launched an app and you can order and schedule your delivery time from your phone .
I tried it today .
The delivery person was wearing home-made PPE and I answered the door wearing my DIY bandanna face mask and Marigolds .
Between us we could do a passable Frank N. Furter impersonation at the Rocky Horror Show in QFT .
He/she/they left the bag of essentials a couple of feet from the apartment door , I thanked he/her/them profusely ( I ’ ve already over-tipped danger @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have to physically exchange cash ) , and we wished each other good health .
To be honest , part of me hopes this doesn ’ t change after the pandemic is over .
But then I come inside , pour a glass , and switch on the TV or fire up the laptop , and look at the news .
April 14th , 2020 : New York City death toll soars to over 10,000 ( 500 when I wrote my first post a few weeks ago ) .
Collections of die-at-home bodies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New Yorkers died in NYC in the last month than the same period last year ( NY Times ) .
Disproportionately higher numbers from poor and minority ethnic communities are dying .
Hart Island ( NYC ’ s paupers ’ graveyard ) in The Bronx is burying coffins in mass graves stacked three high ( Hart Island has a fascinating history , should you wish to look it up ) … And the US Navy hospital warship and the enormous convention center converted into a field hospital I mentioned before ?
Practically empty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ diplomatically call administrative misunderstandings between the Federal administration and the State government .
Several northeastern States around New York have essentially joined forces to work together in what they say is a lack of Federal coordination or national governance and are going it alone .
Last time that happened in the 1800s , there was a bit of a skirmish that lasted a few years… I believe someone said BTL on my last post said that rates of testing in the US were high , but the fact is that less than 1 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been tested , so we have no real idea how many souls are sick and dying or dead from this virus .
Maybe you saw the news about the captain of the US Navy aircraft carrier relieved of his duties for pleading for assistance for his crew of almost 5,000 ?
I just checked the news and around 1,000 of those sailors have tested positive so far , as did the captain .
On a nuclear warship .
I ’ m off to pour another glass of pinot collapso… “ USNS Comfort for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ licensed under CC BY-SA

After submitting my first, then second (and I assumed last ever) posting to Slugger on the C19 pandemic from my viewpoint in Brooklyn, New York, I figured I was done. The headlines out of Ireland and Britain have already begun to reflect the horrors across the pond here in the US, and there seems to be no need to revisit what is now the day-to-day reality for all of us. Whether it be the hard-to-fathom daily statistics on staggering C19 infections and deaths, or the mundane but nevertheless depressing – and oftentimes hilarious – musings of everyone trying to cope with shelter-at-home restrictions, we’re all in the same boat now.
Over the last month, my life, like so many others has moved online. To say I’m generally not an enthusiastic user of social media is an understatement. My Instagram account was hijacked by my dog upon her arrival over four years ago; prior to that it was all pictures of sunsets and beaches and streetscapes. I’m rapidly approaching my mid-century and I still like an old fashioned phone-call. My emails probably read like handwritten letters. Kids at work (read anyone under 40) laugh at me when I am impressed by their breakneck two-thumb texting skills whilst holding a face-to-face conversation with me. I was doing well to be a two finger keyboard typist for years before smart phones arrived. When a student at Queen’s we hand-wrote our essays and theses and paid the faculty “secretaries” a pound a page to type them up.
However, spending the majority of time indoors this last month, save for regular mental-and-physical health-saving walks outside in the park with the dog, suffocating face mask in place, fundamentalist member of the SDO (socially-distant-observant) denomination, has compelled me to spend more time online. I have been seeing my doctor via telemedicine for check-ups since I was ill, and my crew at work hold all our meetings on Zoom. It didn’t take long for the novelty of the latter to wear off and now when up to 200 of us hold our end-of-week town-hall conferences, people quickly kill their video and start texting off-grid pictures of themselves in pyjamas holding glasses of beer or wine at 2 pm. In fairness to my employer, a wellness team was established very early-on in this crisis and they call every single employee every day for a quick chat. Not to make sure you’re up and working of course, just to make sure you’re still alive. I have a video meeting scheduled for tomorrow and I warned everyone that I will be wearing my face-mask, not because of the virus, but because I haven’t shaved since March 19th.
Meanwhile, I am very much aware how exceptionally fortunate I am to remain in employment when “official” unemployment figures here since this began recently topped 20 million. Friends included.
Last night I was writing a letter, sorry, email exchange with a friend-of-old (as opposed to an old friend) who recently moved to Eastbourne on the south coast of England from London to see how she was doing. It quickly dawned on me that we were sharing many of the same experiences, as were my friends from Australia to California, by way of Belfast. The anxiety-inducing trips to the supermarket, coupled with gratitude – and guilt – for the employees on the frontline. Crazy, vivid dreams seem to be all the rage these days. Eating and watching TV at 3 am and taking a siesta at 3 pm is perfectly acceptable now. Another friend of mine said “airport rules” are universally in force, meaning non-judgmental beer with (late) breakfast. All the liquor stores, aka offies, near me are voluntarily physically shuttered for the duration, but the local fancy wine shop launched an app and you can order and schedule your delivery time from your phone. I tried it today. The delivery person was wearing home-made PPE and I answered the door wearing my DIY bandanna face mask and Marigolds. Between us we could do a passable Frank N. Furter impersonation at the Rocky Horror Show in QFT. He/she/they left the bag of essentials a couple of feet from the apartment door, I thanked he/her/them profusely (I’ve already over-tipped danger money online so we don’t have to physically exchange cash), and we wished each other good health. To be honest, part of me hopes this doesn’t change after the pandemic is over.
But then I come inside, pour a glass, and switch on the TV or fire up the laptop, and look at the news.
April 14th, 2020: New York City death toll soars to over 10,000 (500 when I wrote my first post a few weeks ago). Collections of die-at-home bodies has increased ten-fold. Three thousand more New Yorkers died in NYC in the last month than the same period last year (NY Times). Disproportionately higher numbers from poor and minority ethnic communities are dying. Hart Island (NYC’s paupers’ graveyard) in The Bronx is burying coffins in mass graves stacked three high (Hart Island has a fascinating history, should you wish to look it up)… And the US Navy hospital warship and the enormous convention center converted into a field hospital I mentioned before? Practically empty, due to what I’ll diplomatically call administrative misunderstandings between the Federal administration and the State government. Several northeastern States around New York have essentially joined forces to work together in what they say is a lack of Federal coordination or national governance and are going it alone. Last time that happened in the 1800s, there was a bit of a skirmish that lasted a few years… I believe someone said BTL on my last post said that rates of testing in the US were high, but the fact is that less than 1% of the population of 330,000,000 has been tested, so we have no real idea how many souls are sick and dying or dead from this virus. Maybe you saw the news about the captain of the US Navy aircraft carrier relieved of his duties for pleading for assistance for his crew of almost 5,000? I just checked the news and around 1,000 of those sailors have tested positive so far, as did the captain. On a nuclear warship. I’m off to pour another glass of pinot collapso…
“USNS Comfort for NYC” by Mobilus In Mobili is licensed under CC BY-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-04-14--So what are the total UK Covid-19 deaths? 10,000? 20,000? Does anyone know?

You would imagine it would be a simple enough process to track how many people are dying from Covid-19 but it seems like a lot of things in life it is more complex than it first appears .
The government stats are 10,000 but they only track deaths in hospitals .
But with experts saying around half of Covid-19 deaths are in care homes , this means we are vastly undercounting deaths .
Then what about deaths in the community ?
The people who die at home and never see a hospital , are they being tracked ?
I realise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you would think it is important to get reliable data .
How can the government make good decisions with wonky data ?
Our maybe they have the data but are reluctant to share it with the rest of us ?
In a related note is anyone surprised how the UK Government seems to get getting an easy ride over their handling of the crisis ?
The UK is due to have the largest death toll in Europe , a fact most of the press seems pretty nonchalant about .
But maybe the wind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from this : To this in the space of 2 days : Photo by cottonbro is licensed under CC0

You would imagine it would be a simple enough process to track how many people are dying from Covid-19 but it seems like a lot of things in life it is more complex than it first appears.
The government stats are 10,000 but they only track deaths in hospitals. But with experts saying around half of Covid-19 deaths are in care homes, this means we are vastly undercounting deaths. Then what about deaths in the community? The people who die at home and never see a hospital, are they being tracked?
I realise we are in a fast-moving situation but you would think it is important to get reliable data. How can the government make good decisions with wonky data? Our maybe they have the data but are reluctant to share it with the rest of us?
In a related note is anyone surprised how the UK Government seems to get getting an easy ride over their handling of the crisis? The UK is due to have the largest death toll in Europe, a fact most of the press seems pretty nonchalant about.
But maybe the wind is changing, the Mail has gone from this:
To this in the space of 2 days:
Photo by cottonbro is licensed under CC0


sluggerotoole--2020-04-14--Not even a global pandemic can bring Sinn Fein to welcome help from the Brits…

Sinn Fein ’ s recent criticism of Stormont ’ s Health Minister Robin Swann was a curious occurrence in even more curious times .
The UUP MLA ’ s decision to utilise the UK military to support logistic functions like distribution of PPE and construction of a NI Nightingale facility , was layered with realism , a sense of urgency and for once , relative political neutrality .
And yet , Michelle O ’ Neill criticised the decision , based not on the intended use of the UK military , but on the lack of consultation that the health minister @ @ @ @ @ @ @ despite only nine days earlier , Sinn Fein ’ s Finance Minister indicating support for the Military Aid to the Civil Authority ( MACA ) request .
This wasn ’ t O ’ Neill ’ s only foray into dissention since the COVID-19 crisis broke , having already intervened with concerns that NI schools hadn ’ t closed in line with their Irish counterparts .
It is somewhat ironic then , that when pushed by the press as to her party ’ s support for the use of UK military , she reprimanded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grounds of mutual support and collaboration within the Executive .
Indeed , voicing opposition during a crisis is fine , essential and has arguably caused the UK government to change course at times in its COVID-19 response , so therefore has merit .
However , O ’ Neill ’ s criticism highlighted that Swann hadn ’ t consulted with the Executive despite her own party ’ s already public acquiescence , which has painted her in somewhat of a bureaucratic ‘ jobsworth ’ light , appearing more concerned with sticking to prescriptive rules @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decisive action to save lives .
This episode has shone a spotlight on party leadership , and comparatively , other party leaders appear to be handling it better than Sinn Fein ’ s leader in the north .
Her 2013 support for deployment of Irish Air Corps during severe weather in NI ( a significantly smaller scale crisis ) , demonstrates that she understands the necessity of military support , but only when it is delivered by state actors that are aligned with her political agenda .
So , Sinn Fein ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lives ’ and ‘ not politics ’ at this time , are somewhat disingenuous .
All in all , it has made Sinn Fein ’ s leadership in the north seem weak , ineffectual and absent of the mettle to accept Executive decisions .
Indeed , their dissent to date has achieved little and if anything , can be construed as frustrating a united crisis response .
It can be put down to not much more than Sinn Fein ’ s failure to exorcise crude legacy ghosts and their everlasting binary inner monologue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bad and Irish is good .
Not only this , but Alliance ’ s Naomi Long and SDLP ’ s Colum Eastwood have both espoused more appropriate leadership than O ’ Neill , demonstrating that they are able to effectively collaborate whereas Sinn Fein struggles to understand the basic capabilities and resources that a UK MACA response brings .
Eastwood ’ s thoughtful approach is something that unionists will relate to and respect due to the cultural relationship of their ‘ Britishness ’ to the state itself , the military being a key @ @ @ @ @ @ @ driven a coach and horses through Sinn Fein ’ s faltering strategic narrative that there is a place in a United Ireland for unionist voices , when it can not bring itself to accept UK military aid now ; if not during the biggest crisis of our lifetime , then when ?
It raises the question as to whether after Sinn Fein ’ s disastrous performance in Foyle in the 2019 Westminster election where they unexpectedly lost to the SDLP , they ’ re so desperate to re-connect with their grass roots supporters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ low trust and credibility of the NI Institutions at a time when normal people need it most .
If anything , this has unveiled cracks in the Sinn Fein deputy leader ’ s façade , underscoring her political immaturity by point scoring during a crisis that affects both communities and others .
A more mature and defensible position would have been to qualify support for timebound , caveated UK military support , but alas , her republican charged inner monologue kicked in to make sure them pesky Brits don ’ t help out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Talks – Michelle O ’ Neill ” by Sinn Féin is licensed under CC BY

Sinn Fein’s recent criticism of Stormont’s Health Minister Robin Swann was a curious occurrence in even more curious times.
The UUP MLA’s decision to utilise the UK military to support logistic functions like distribution of PPE and construction of a NI Nightingale facility, was layered with realism, a sense of urgency and for once, relative political neutrality. And yet, Michelle O’Neill criticised the decision, based not on the intended use of the UK military, but on the lack of consultation that the health minister undertook with the Executive. This is despite only nine days earlier, Sinn Fein’s Finance Minister indicating support for the Military Aid to the Civil Authority (MACA) request.
This wasn’t O’Neill’s only foray into dissention since the COVID-19 crisis broke, having already intervened with concerns that NI schools hadn’t closed in line with their Irish counterparts. It is somewhat ironic then, that when pushed by the press as to her party’s support for the use of UK military, she reprimanded them for failing to focus reporting on grounds of mutual support and collaboration within the Executive. Indeed, voicing opposition during a crisis is fine, essential and has arguably caused the UK government to change course at times in its COVID-19 response, so therefore has merit. However, O’Neill’s criticism highlighted that Swann hadn’t consulted with the Executive despite her own party’s already public acquiescence, which has painted her in somewhat of a bureaucratic ‘jobsworth’ light, appearing more concerned with sticking to prescriptive rules at a time that requires disruption and decisive action to save lives.
This episode has shone a spotlight on party leadership, and comparatively, other party leaders appear to be handling it better than Sinn Fein’s leader in the north. Her 2013 support for deployment of Irish Air Corps during severe weather in NI (a significantly smaller scale crisis), demonstrates that she understands the necessity of military support, but only when it is delivered by state actors that are aligned with her political agenda. So, Sinn Fein’s claims that they are about ‘saving lives’ and ‘not politics’ at this time, are somewhat disingenuous.
All in all, it has made Sinn Fein’s leadership in the north seem weak, ineffectual and absent of the mettle to accept Executive decisions. Indeed, their dissent to date has achieved little and if anything, can be construed as frustrating a united crisis response. It can be put down to not much more than Sinn Fein’s failure to exorcise crude legacy ghosts and their everlasting binary inner monologue whispering in their ear that British is bad and Irish is good.
Not only this, but Alliance’s Naomi Long and SDLP’s Colum Eastwood have both espoused more appropriate leadership than O’Neill, demonstrating that they are able to effectively collaborate whereas Sinn Fein struggles to understand the basic capabilities and resources that a UK MACA response brings. Eastwood’s thoughtful approach is something that unionists will relate to and respect due to the cultural relationship of their ‘Britishness’ to the state itself, the military being a key strand.
O’Neill has singlehandedly driven a coach and horses through Sinn Fein’s faltering strategic narrative that there is a place in a United Ireland for unionist voices, when it cannot bring itself to accept UK military aid now; if not during the biggest crisis of our lifetime, then when?
It raises the question as to whether after Sinn Fein’s disastrous performance in Foyle in the 2019 Westminster election where they unexpectedly lost to the SDLP, they’re so desperate to re-connect with their grass roots supporters that they’ll risk the already low trust and credibility of the NI Institutions at a time when normal people need it most. If anything, this has unveiled cracks in the Sinn Fein deputy leader’s façade, underscoring her political immaturity by point scoring during a crisis that affects both communities and others. A more mature and defensible position would have been to qualify support for timebound, caveated UK military support, but alas, her republican charged inner monologue kicked in to make sure them pesky Brits don’t help out too much…
“Day 2 of Stormont Talks – Michelle O’Neill” by Sinn Féin is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-04-14--“No Change” is not an option…

“No Change” is not an option…

Brexit , changing demographics , the rise of Sinn Fein , and even Coronavirus have all given significant impetus into the argument for a United Ireland .
However , the majority of people who live in Northern Ireland want to maintain the status quo , and even on current trends that is unlikely to change anytime soon .
But what does “ no change ” actually mean ?
The border debate tends to focus on what a United Ireland would look like , which obscures the debate of where we are now .
Unfortunately , the evidence shows that maintaining @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that embeds negative outcomes for everyone .
Negative outcomes if you are British , negative outcomes if you are Irish , negative outcomes for all of us who live here .
Maintaining the status quo is the loose-loose option .
This argument may not reflect everyday experience .
We all live in a beautiful country with strong families and communities and , for the most part , a good quality of life .
But the land we inhabit and the qualities we share as a people are not the same an effective and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Northern Ireland is badly mis-managed and structurally dysfunctional .
For 22 years the political leadership of Northern Ireland has limped on from crisis to crisis .
With five different parties in government , and an Executive led by two diametrically opposed rivals , this is not surprising .
The list of disasters is a long one – abolition of the eleven plus with no agreed system put in its place ; a planning framework implemented by one Minister but successfully challenged in the Courts by another ; prolonged disputes over justice , culture/identity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suspensions , including 5 years in 2002 and three years in 2017 .
This is a political system that has never worked .
And , due to its inherent flaws , it is a system that can not work .
But is it legitimate to complain – peace is better than war , right ?
This is essentially a false dichotomy .
Almost anything is better than violence , but we set ourselves a very low bar if we can not demand a government that functions to a minimum standard of competence .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ able to tackle the deep-rooted structural problems that strangle our state .
Take the health service .
The 2016 Bengou Report highlighted the inability of modern health systems to duplicate specialisation and the serious deterioration that would follow without urgent change .
Bluntly this means we need to close hospitals and consolidate resource , something the previous Donaldson report explicitly referenced .
There is no question that this is a difficult and complex decision .
Unfortunately , it is a decision Northern Ireland is not capable of making .
The big calls were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 50 % of the NI budget funding a deeply flawed system on the brink of collapse .
In 2019 less than 1,500 people in England were waiting more than a year for treatment .
In Northern Ireland , with a fraction of the population , the figure was 120,000 – an outcome 3000 times worse .
And if the big challenge has been ducked in health the same can be said of education .
Yes , our grammar schools do well with over 90 % of pupils securing 5 GCSE ’ s at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a sharp divide .
For boys in controlled schools the figure is 26 % , the worst results in the UK .
There are parts of the Province where educational under-achievement is engrained for generation after generation .
Is this really good enough for our society ?
And the traditional approach of throwing money at a problem does not work .
These are issues that require structural reform , intelligent design , and difficult trade-offs that will produce better outcomes across a broader base .
Contrast this with the current reality , where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because of a divided society that has never been healed .
And the list goes on .
We don ’ t have water rates because this would be too unpopular .
As a result we have infrastructure that has been starved of capital and is on the point of structural collapse .
Inequalities that were in clear breach of human rights obligations , let alone fairness or compassion , were ended by Westminster , not Stormont .
We have 26,000 UK and NICS civil servants managing the affairs of 1.8m people – 14.4 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is just 8 .
Sadly these inflated figures don ’ t even bring a higher degree of capacity or expertise , as the RHI report clearly shows .
And if these outcomes are bad for our people they are bad for our neighbours too .
Westminister provides an annual subsidy of £9 billion , which is higher than the net budget for the EU .
And it ’ s not just financial as a divided Northern Ireland has often harmed UK strategic relationships , including Dublin and Washington .
Whilst in the Republic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ particularly post-Brexit , is a continuing source of political and economic instability .
So , if our divided society can agree on just one thing , let us agree that preserving the status quo is not a viable option for anyone .
We can ’ t duck debate for any longer .
Something has to change .

Brexit, changing demographics, the rise of Sinn Fein, and even Coronavirus have all given significant impetus into the argument for a United Ireland. However, the majority of people who live in Northern Ireland want to maintain the status quo, and even on current trends that is unlikely to change anytime soon.
But what does “no change” actually mean? The border debate tends to focus on what a United Ireland would look like, which obscures the debate of where we are now. Unfortunately, the evidence shows that maintaining the status quo is a sub-optimal choice that embeds negative outcomes for everyone. Negative outcomes if you are British, negative outcomes if you are Irish, negative outcomes for all of us who live here. Maintaining the status quo is the loose-loose option.
This argument may not reflect everyday experience. We all live in a beautiful country with strong families and communities and, for the most part, a good quality of life. But the land we inhabit and the qualities we share as a people are not the same an effective and well-run State. In terms of governance Northern Ireland is badly mis-managed and structurally dysfunctional.
For 22 years the political leadership of Northern Ireland has limped on from crisis to crisis. With five different parties in government, and an Executive led by two diametrically opposed rivals, this is not surprising. The list of disasters is a long one – abolition of the eleven plus with no agreed system put in its place; a planning framework implemented by one Minister but successfully challenged in the Courts by another; prolonged disputes over justice, culture/identity, and welfare reform; and numerous suspensions, including 5 years in 2002 and three years in 2017. This is a political system that has never worked. And, due to its inherent flaws, it is a system that cannot work.
But is it legitimate to complain – peace is better than war, right? This is essentially a false dichotomy. Almost anything is better than violence, but we set ourselves a very low bar if we cannot demand a government that functions to a minimum standard of competence.
Unfortunately, our politics will never be able to tackle the deep-rooted structural problems that strangle our state. Take the health service. The 2016 Bengou Report highlighted the inability of modern health systems to duplicate specialisation and the serious deterioration that would follow without urgent change. Bluntly this means we need to close hospitals and consolidate resource, something the previous Donaldson report explicitly referenced. There is no question that this is a difficult and complex decision. Unfortunately, it is a decision Northern Ireland is not capable of making. The big calls were ducked and we now spend more than 50% of the NI budget funding a deeply flawed system on the brink of collapse. In 2019 less than 1,500 people in England were waiting more than a year for treatment. In Northern Ireland, with a fraction of the population, the figure was 120,000 – an outcome 3000 times worse.
And if the big challenge has been ducked in health the same can be said of education. Yes, our grammar schools do well with over 90% of pupils securing 5 GCSE’s at grades A-C. Unfortunately, this masks a sharp divide. For boys in controlled schools the figure is 26%, the worst results in the UK. There are parts of the Province where educational under-achievement is engrained for generation after generation. Is this really good enough for our society? And the traditional approach of throwing money at a problem does not work. These are issues that require structural reform, intelligent design, and difficult trade-offs that will produce better outcomes across a broader base. Contrast this with the current reality, where key services like education are wastefully duplicated because of a divided society that has never been healed.
And the list goes on. We don’t have water rates because this would be too unpopular. As a result we have infrastructure that has been starved of capital and is on the point of structural collapse. Inequalities that were in clear breach of human rights obligations, let alone fairness or compassion, were ended by Westminster, not Stormont. We have 26,000 UK and NICS civil servants managing the affairs of 1.8m people – 14.4 per 1,000. In Scotland the figure is just 8. Sadly these inflated figures don’t even bring a higher degree of capacity or expertise, as the RHI report clearly shows.
And if these outcomes are bad for our people they are bad for our neighbours too. Westminister provides an annual subsidy of £9 billion, which is higher than the net budget for the EU. And it’s not just financial as a divided Northern Ireland has often harmed UK strategic relationships, including Dublin and Washington. Whilst in the Republic the status quo in Northern Ireland, particularly post-Brexit, is a continuing source of political and economic instability.
So, if our divided society can agree on just one thing, let us agree that preserving the status quo is not a viable option for anyone. We can’t duck debate for any longer. Something has to change.


sluggerotoole--2020-04-13--Busting the Myths Part III: The Easter Rising…

The Easter Rising has gone down in Irish History as a watershed moment .
For Republicans especially it is the seminal moment in recent Irish History commemorated with parades and rallies at Easter every year .
Many to this day still believe the Rising was an unexpected event from the British perspective .
There is a belief that the British were taken totally by surprise by a well- disciplined force , the Irish Volunteers , as most of the Dublin Garrison had left to enjoy the Bank Holiday Easter Monday and attend the horse racing at Fairyhouse which was hosting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Busting the Myths I will try to examine the Rising from a different angle .
Did British Intelligence allow the Rising to go ahead to further the aims of some of their hierarchy and force a confrontation once and for all with Irish Volunteer Movement and is the standard narrative of a shell shocked British establishment coming to terms with a surprise attack fully accurate ?
The Easter Rising took place mainly in Dublin between 24th April and 30th April 1916 .
The event was masterminded by a seven man IRB ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these plans unknown largely to those on the ground- the Irish Volunteers and the Irish Citizen Army .
Even some IRB and Irish Volunteer leaders such as Bulmer Hobson and Eoin MacNeil were in the dark .
At the last minute the MacNeil however became aware of the plans and attempted to have the Rising cancelled by issuing countermanding orders .
His attempts were ultimately futile as the Rising was cancelled for one day and commenced not on Easter Sunday as planned but on Easter Monday .
One of the signatories Seán Mac @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bulmer Hobson , who had agreed with MacNeil ’ s position held under house arrest at gunpoint and circumvented MacNeil ’ s orders by contacting reliable , as he saw it , Volunteer units .
Ireland at this time was ruled by three administrators , the Lord Lieutenant , the Chief Secretary for Ireland and the Under Secretary for Ireland .
In 1916 these positions were held by Lord Wimborne , Augustine Birrell and Matthew Nathan respectively .
These three men would be at the heart of what was to come .
Prior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disagreed with each other on the best way to counter an increasingly aggressive and assertive Volunteer movement who openly drilled on the streets of Dublin .
Birrell and Nathan felt that any heavy handed approach would be counter- productive and that such moves would antagonise public opinion against Britain .
Wimborne disagreed and he was supported in this assessment by British Intelligence who were aghast at the pacifist approach taken by the Chief and Under Secretaries .
Indeed there was a great deal of friction between both sides .
A huge problem that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even refusal to have dealt with the Unionist armed mobilisation of 1912-1914 .
When the army had been ordered North most of the officers had offered to resign their commissions rather than enforce Home Rule on Ulster .
For Birrell and Nathan it seemed that to now put down the Irish Volunteers would provoke a ferocious backlash which would show the British to be one sided in Irish affairs confirming to many that the Nationalist Revolutionaries were right all along .
However British Intelligence had gleaned some top secret information- there was a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Easter Sunday .
British Naval Intelligence and the top secret ‘ Room 40 ’ which had broken the German codes had also intercepted communication between Clan na Gael in America and the German Authorities .
In fact the British knew a full two months before the Rising occurred that one was planned for Easter Sunday after intercepting a communication from John Devoy of Clan na Gael and the Germans .
Augustine Birrell and Matthew Nathan were informed of these interceptions by Admiral Bayly but as they were not informed from where the information @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and insisted they could not act upon it .
General Friend Commander in Chief in Ireland was also informed that a Rising was imminent .
However the really key information crucial to the Dublin authorities understanding was not passed on .
That information was that British Intelligence had it from an extremely reliable source , namely Room 40 , that there would be an uprising on 23rd April 1916 .
Was it to keep Room 40 , a crucial naval intelligence source secret or was there something more sinister .
Why this information @ @ @ @ @ @ @ question .
However Roger Casement who was famously arrested on board the Aud with an array of weaponry destined for the rebels declared that during his interrogation he offered to call on the Volunteers to desist from action on Easter Sunday .
His Military Intelligence interrogators however told him , “ It is a festering sore , much better that it comes to a head ” .
Casement ’ s interrogators had been Reginald Hall and Basil Thomson .
The week before the Rising two informers within the Volunteers codenamed ‘ Chalk ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ handlers that they had received orders to prepare for mobilisation as they were ‘ going out ’ on Easter Sunday and some may not come back .
Armed with this information and the intercepts it seems incredible that the British did not intervene before the rebels struck .
It is even more amazing that the Prime Minister who was also fully aware of the Intelligence available and from whence it came did not directly intervene .
Rather he did nothing and the Rising went ahead as planned .
To be fair to Nathan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ place to arrest key activists after the capture of the Aud and Roger Casement .
However by the time those plans were being put into place Padraig Pearse was reading the proclamation on the steps of the GPO .
It is my contention that British Intelligence had achieved what they had been advocating for months and it had been in their interests to let the Rising occur .
Certainly those on the ground were taken by surprise at the outbreak of Rebellion and most British forces in Dublin were enjoying the horse racing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the takeover in Dublin .
There also does seem to be some evidence that the Dublin Administration was drip fed information but without the verification needed were reluctant to take decisive action .
However , now there had been open confrontation with the Volunteers who were decimated with their leadership executed and their rank and file interned .
Dublin city centre lay in ruins and the population were hostile to what had occurred .
Birrell and Nathan had resigned , totally discredited and were out of the picture whilst Wimborne who had declared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vindicated .
However the British Intelligence apparatus had miscalculated the fallout from the Rising .
Not six years later Ireland would see a Free State established and the partition of the island .
The fallout from the Rising was considerable and in the end although a terrible defeat for the Volunteers in the short term , in the long term Easter week would and still does illicit a massive emotional response in Nationalist Ireland .
It is the great question we can ’ t answer , if the British had intervened before the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then did ?
I will leave it to the readers to debate that one .

The Easter Rising has gone down in Irish History as a watershed moment. For Republicans especially it is the seminal moment in recent Irish History commemorated with parades and rallies at Easter every year. Many to this day still believe the Rising was an unexpected event from the British perspective. There is a belief that the British were taken totally by surprise by a well- disciplined force, the Irish Volunteers, as most of the Dublin Garrison had left to enjoy the Bank Holiday Easter Monday and attend the horse racing at Fairyhouse which was hosting the Grand National. In this piece of Busting the Myths I will try to examine the Rising from a different angle. Did British Intelligence allow the Rising to go ahead to further the aims of some of their hierarchy and force a confrontation once and for all with Irish Volunteer Movement and is the standard narrative of a shell shocked British establishment coming to terms with a surprise attack fully accurate?
The Easter Rising took place mainly in Dublin between 24th April and 30th April 1916. The event was masterminded by a seven man IRB (Irish Republican Brotherhood) military council with these plans unknown largely to those on the ground- the Irish Volunteers and the Irish Citizen Army. Even some IRB and Irish Volunteer leaders such as Bulmer Hobson and Eoin MacNeil were in the dark. At the last minute the MacNeil however became aware of the plans and attempted to have the Rising cancelled by issuing countermanding orders. His attempts were ultimately futile as the Rising was cancelled for one day and commenced not on Easter Sunday as planned but on Easter Monday. One of the signatories Seán Mac Diarmada was so enraged that he had Bulmer Hobson, who had agreed with MacNeil’s position held under house arrest at gunpoint and circumvented MacNeil’s orders by contacting reliable, as he saw it, Volunteer units.
Ireland at this time was ruled by three administrators, the Lord Lieutenant, the Chief Secretary for Ireland and the Under Secretary for Ireland. In 1916 these positions were held by Lord Wimborne, Augustine Birrell and Matthew Nathan respectively. These three men would be at the heart of what was to come. Prior to the Rising these three men had disagreed with each other on the best way to counter an increasingly aggressive and assertive Volunteer movement who openly drilled on the streets of Dublin. Birrell and Nathan felt that any heavy handed approach would be counter- productive and that such moves would antagonise public opinion against Britain. Wimborne disagreed and he was supported in this assessment by British Intelligence who were aghast at the pacifist approach taken by the Chief and Under Secretaries. Indeed there was a great deal of friction between both sides.
A huge problem that the British faced was its inability or even refusal to have dealt with the Unionist armed mobilisation of 1912-1914. When the army had been ordered North most of the officers had offered to resign their commissions rather than enforce Home Rule on Ulster. For Birrell and Nathan it seemed that to now put down the Irish Volunteers would provoke a ferocious backlash which would show the British to be one sided in Irish affairs confirming to many that the Nationalist Revolutionaries were right all along. However British Intelligence had gleaned some top secret information- there was a rebellion planned in Ireland to commence on Easter Sunday. British Naval Intelligence and the top secret ‘Room 40’ which had broken the German codes had also intercepted communication between Clan na Gael in America and the German Authorities. In fact the British knew a full two months before the Rising occurred that one was planned for Easter Sunday after intercepting a communication from John Devoy of Clan na Gael and the Germans.
Augustine Birrell and Matthew Nathan were informed of these interceptions by Admiral Bayly but as they were not informed from where the information came they dismissed it as too vague and insisted they could not act upon it. General Friend Commander in Chief in Ireland was also informed that a Rising was imminent. However the really key information crucial to the Dublin authorities understanding was not passed on. That information was that British Intelligence had it from an extremely reliable source, namely Room 40, that there would be an uprising on 23rd April 1916. Was it to keep Room 40, a crucial naval intelligence source secret or was there something more sinister. Why this information was not passed on remains an open question. However Roger Casement who was famously arrested on board the Aud with an array of weaponry destined for the rebels declared that during his interrogation he offered to call on the Volunteers to desist from action on Easter Sunday. His Military Intelligence interrogators however told him, “It is a festering sore, much better that it comes to a head”. Casement’s interrogators had been Reginald Hall and Basil Thomson.
The week before the Rising two informers within the Volunteers codenamed ‘Chalk’ and ‘Granite’ had informed their handlers that they had received orders to prepare for mobilisation as they were ‘going out’ on Easter Sunday and some may not come back. Armed with this information and the intercepts it seems incredible that the British did not intervene before the rebels struck. It is even more amazing that the Prime Minister who was also fully aware of the Intelligence available and from whence it came did not directly intervene. Rather he did nothing and the Rising went ahead as planned. To be fair to Nathan and Birrell they had advanced plans in place to arrest key activists after the capture of the Aud and Roger Casement. However by the time those plans were being put into place Padraig Pearse was reading the proclamation on the steps of the GPO.
It is my contention that British Intelligence had achieved what they had been advocating for months and it had been in their interests to let the Rising occur. Certainly those on the ground were taken by surprise at the outbreak of Rebellion and most British forces in Dublin were enjoying the horse racing at Fairy house when they heard of the takeover in Dublin. There also does seem to be some evidence that the Dublin Administration was drip fed information but without the verification needed were reluctant to take decisive action. However, now there had been open confrontation with the Volunteers who were decimated with their leadership executed and their rank and file interned. Dublin city centre lay in ruins and the population were hostile to what had occurred. Birrell and Nathan had resigned, totally discredited and were out of the picture whilst Wimborne who had declared martial law during Easter Week was fully vindicated. However the British Intelligence apparatus had miscalculated the fallout from the Rising. Not six years later Ireland would see a Free State established and the partition of the island. The fallout from the Rising was considerable and in the end although a terrible defeat for the Volunteers in the short term, in the long term Easter week would and still does illicit a massive emotional response in Nationalist Ireland. It is the great question we can’t answer, if the British had intervened before the Rising would events have transpired as they then did? I will leave it to the readers to debate that one.


sluggerotoole--2020-04-13--Fergus on Monday: Easter Holidays

Fergus on Monday: Easter Holidays

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sluggerotoole--2020-04-13--COVID19 Spread In Both Irelands, the UK and Selected Countries: The Geography of COVID19 in Ireland

The map below displays how your county or council is doing in terms of COVID19 cases , relative to the jurisdictional average for COVID19 cases .
The approach taken is to work out a county ’ s /council ’ s share of its jurisdictional population , and then work out its share of jurisdictional Covid19 cases , then divide this ‘ case ’ percentage by the population percentage .
That will tell us whether the county/council is above or below average .
The map shows how the greater Dublin and Belfast areas and , surprisingly , Cavan-Westmeath , are the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to these areas , ask yourself if you really have to .
Some large cities ( Cork , Derry , Galway and Waterford ) and hinterland are well below average incidence .
The border is not a zone of high-contrast Covid19 incidence ( e.g .
Donegal – Derry & Strabane , or Louth – Newry , Mourne & Down ) .
The high-contrast boundaries are in RoI .
For example , Wexford-Wicklow , or Roscommon-Westmeath .
If you live in Gorey , do you really need to travel to Arklow ?
The death @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both Irelands .
The UK has still a way to travel on its flattening trajectory compared to both North and South .
The relative death rate between RoI and NI is swinging back towards the population ratio .
The late arrival of Southern test results from Germany has skewed upwards the number of positive cases .
Globally , the rates of increase of both cases and deaths are at their lowest value for over a month .
Good news .
Further details , and many more graphs can be found at my COVIDWATCH @ @

The map below displays how your county or council is doing in terms of COVID19 cases, relative to the jurisdictional average for COVID19 cases.
The approach taken is to work out a county’s /council’s share of its jurisdictional population, and then work out its share of jurisdictional Covid19 cases, then divide this ‘case’ percentage by the population percentage. That will tell us whether the county/council is above or below average.
The map shows how the greater Dublin and Belfast areas and, surprisingly, Cavan-Westmeath, are the epicentres. If you have to travel to these areas, ask yourself if you really have to.
Some large cities (Cork, Derry, Galway and Waterford) and hinterland are well below average incidence.
The border is not a zone of high-contrast Covid19 incidence (e.g. Donegal – Derry & Strabane, or Louth – Newry, Mourne & Down).
The high-contrast boundaries are in RoI. For example, Wexford-Wicklow, or Roscommon-Westmeath. If you live in Gorey, do you really need to travel to Arklow?
The death rate curves are continuing to flatten in both Irelands. The UK has still a way to travel on its flattening trajectory compared to both North and South.
The relative death rate between RoI and NI is swinging back towards the population ratio.
The late arrival of Southern test results from Germany has skewed upwards the number of positive cases.
Globally, the rates of increase of both cases and deaths are at their lowest value for over a month. Good news.
Further details, and many more graphs can be found at my COVIDWATCH webpage.


sluggerotoole--2020-04-12--Milkmen, breadmen and big knickers…

Milkmen, breadmen and big knickers…

It ’ s all gone retro , we ’ ve got a milkman again and not a moment too soon .
It all came about by the power of social media , I found the local supplier listed and hey presto , 4 litres of milk twice a week , thank you very much .
Milk is high priority in this household , I have two teenagers and they ’ re both cereal killers .
I know who the milkman is , he ’ s a familiar figure in our local area delivering milk to shops .
One of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ six degrees of separation .
The milkman ’ s Mum was a nurse in the local GP surgery , I met her once , a lovely woman .
As I was using my married name she didn ’ t know the lineage , around here it ’ s not , “ what ’ s your name ” …it ’ s “ who are ye ?
” When I told her who I was she told me an interesting story which showed we had a connection .
Many years ago her husband phoned her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and was the first time he ’ d done it .
He phoned her to tell her that a good friend had died suddenly , that good friend was my Dad .
My Dad had another one of those retro occupations , a bread man-or to give him his correct title , a bread server .
He worked for Mother ’ s Pride .
Memories of a van belonging to a bread man in the 1970s evokes a certain mix of aromas .
Savoury , sweet and the scent of the plastic front @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the smell of fresh bread .
There ’ s really nothing like it .
Out he would go at silly o ’ clock to fill his van at the depot , have the craic with his co-workers and friends and begin his rounds .
Every day was different and I know for a fact that his customers would be very happy to see him .
Even now , over 40 years since his sudden tragic death , I meet people who fondly remember him , mainly because he was the bearer of weekly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Dad also helped out his customers , above and beyond the call of duty .
Like many others in his line of work he visited customers living in rural and remote areas , they had no means of transport and relied on my Dad and other bread men to collect their pensions , collect their newspapers , bring them other groceries , fix their cookers and in some cases , ( and this is from another bread man ) go and collect their customer ’ s new big knickers that had been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ town .
I jest not .
I wonder about that life , long gone .
It pleases and heartens me that in these days of lockdown the old fashioned occupations are staging a comeback due to public demand .
I even see some folks can have their newspapers delivered .
It feels like we are living in an age of nostalgia .
We ’ re finding out that it ’ s not all about the big brands , shopping local is now more important than ever .
Home deliveries are popping up all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did there ? )
.
I was able to buy a special birthday gift for a close friend via WhatsApp video call , pay for it and even had it delivered as her workplace was across the street from the gift shop .
Maybe we can take some of our extra spare time to be grateful for the all the subtle changes and the people who have shown their true colours to be our real helpers .
The workers that we really need and can rely on .
So , a big round @ @ @ @ @ @ @ heroes of our time .
The girl inside of me who was 9 years old in 1979 is delighted to know that things have gone full circle .
Long may it continue .

It’s all gone retro, we’ve got a milkman again and not a moment too soon. It all came about by the power of social media, I found the local supplier listed and hey presto, 4 litres of milk twice a week, thank you very much. Milk is high priority in this household, I have two teenagers and they’re both cereal killers.
I know who the milkman is, he’s a familiar figure in our local area delivering milk to shops. One of the benefits of country life is dispensing with six degrees of separation. The milkman’s Mum was a nurse in the local GP surgery, I met her once, a lovely woman. As I was using my married name she didn’t know the lineage, around here it’s not, “what’s your name”…it’s “who are ye?” When I told her who I was she told me an interesting story which showed we had a connection. Many years ago her husband phoned her to her workplace. This was unusual and was the first time he’d done it. He phoned her to tell her that a good friend had died suddenly, that good friend was my Dad.
My Dad had another one of those retro occupations, a bread man-or to give him his correct title, a bread server. He worked for Mother’s Pride. Memories of a van belonging to a bread man in the 1970s evokes a certain mix of aromas. Savoury, sweet and the scent of the plastic front seat of the van all mingled with the smell of fresh bread. There’s really nothing like it. Out he would go at silly o’clock to fill his van at the depot, have the craic with his co-workers and friends and begin his rounds. Every day was different and I know for a fact that his customers would be very happy to see him. Even now, over 40 years since his sudden tragic death, I meet people who fondly remember him, mainly because he was the bearer of weekly treats of buns, cakes and crisps.
Dad also helped out his customers, above and beyond the call of duty. Like many others in his line of work he visited customers living in rural and remote areas, they had no means of transport and relied on my Dad and other bread men to collect their pensions, collect their newspapers, bring them other groceries, fix their cookers and in some cases, (and this is from another bread man) go and collect their customer’s new big knickers that had been ordered from the big shop in the town. I jest not.
I wonder about that life, long gone. It pleases and heartens me that in these days of lockdown the old fashioned occupations are staging a comeback due to public demand. I even see some folks can have their newspapers delivered.
It feels like we are living in an age of nostalgia. We’re finding out that it’s not all about the big brands, shopping local is now more important than ever. Home deliveries are popping up all over the shop (see what I did there?). I was able to buy a special birthday gift for a close friend via WhatsApp video call, pay for it and even had it delivered as her workplace was across the street from the gift shop.
Maybe we can take some of our extra spare time to be grateful for the all the subtle changes and the people who have shown their true colours to be our real helpers. The workers that we really need and can rely on. So, a big round of applause to them all, the heroes of our time. The girl inside of me who was 9 years old in 1979 is delighted to know that things have gone full circle. Long may it continue.


sluggerotoole--2020-04-11--How not being a 90s Supermodel can help in lockdown…

Back in the heady days of pre-lockdown ( remember them ? )
a friend and her son had asked us to join them for dinner .
I politely declined and suggested they visit us instead .
You see , I like to compare myself to the supermodels of the 90s who wouldn ’ t get out of bed for less than £10K .
My reluctance to go out in the evening is unrelated to any financial incentive or indeed my appearance , I simply can ’ t do it .
My inability to go out is by way of becoming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ago , which wasn ’ t diagnosed until 7 years after the tick bite .
My life , as I knew it then , was flipped 180 degrees .
I had stroke symptoms , including limb weakness and speech problems .
When I could talk it was with slurred speech and my tongue would get stuck on some sounds .
I did a really great impression of Max Headroom !
At this stage I ’ d like to pay tribute to my children , for lots of reasons but mostly because they in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Or read my texts .
I typed out what I wanted to say on my mobile phone to communicate with them .
My approach has always been to be as open as possible with my children , explaining everything that was happening .
I ’ m a driven person , I was always striving to improve every aspect of my work and life .
I had been busy , working at a job that I loved while the kids were at school , playing tennis , catching up with friends over coffee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was pretty good .
So imagine the shock to my system , not just of the physical collapse but the mental aspect of being suddenly and completely incapacitated .
I tried , in vain , to continue with the same prevailing attitude of living the same active lifestyle .
I was very impatient for a diagnosis of this mystery illness and getting back to work as I had no other income .
Occasionally friends would kindly point out to me that I was being very hard on myself .
This resulted in me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that I was being hard on myself .
A little part of me died inside each time I realised I could no longer do what I wanted to .
Now I can quietly accept my new normal and move on , however I do have my moments of feeling upset .
How can we all accept this new normal of isolating and living indoors ?
How can we screech to a halt and be content in our new slow lives in order to somehow live with it ?
I ’ m not an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on my lived experience .
The biggest stealer of joy is resistance .
By pushing away uncomfortable feelings you may be increasing your discomfort or fear .
Change is hard .
Acceptance of change may be even harder .
We are all in a new and unfamiliar place .
Do what you can to be gentle with yourself and those around you who may be struggling .
Have reasonable expectations .
Adapting to this new life is something we are all doing .
Try to allow yourself to feel uncomfortable or a bit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into those feelings , instead of amplifying them by pushing them away .
I ’ m not one for saccharine affirmations , I prefer more practical and useful tips .
I have a fighting spirit and a realistic attitude .
We can ’ t just positively affirm our way out of problems .
Many hours of CBT have helped me to get to this place of acceptance and allowing .
I can ’ t take all the credit !
So back now to my visit from our friends , we were chatting candidly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the world to rights .
The conversation turned to how my kids felt about having a disabled Mum .
I sat and waited with bated breath to see if I could discover something new , and I did .
My son answered that we always had hope .
Photo by geralt is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

Back in the heady days of pre-lockdown (remember them?) a friend and her son had asked us to join them for dinner. I politely declined and suggested they visit us instead. You see, I like to compare myself to the supermodels of the 90s who wouldn’t get out of bed for less than £10K.
I don’t do evenings.
My reluctance to go out in the evening is unrelated to any financial incentive or indeed my appearance, I simply can’t do it. My inability to go out is by way of becoming ill with Lyme disease a few years ago, which wasn’t diagnosed until 7 years after the tick bite.
My life, as I knew it then, was flipped 180 degrees. I had stroke symptoms, including limb weakness and speech problems. When I could talk it was with slurred speech and my tongue would get stuck on some sounds. I did a really great impression of Max Headroom! At this stage I’d like to pay tribute to my children, for lots of reasons but mostly because they in effect learned how to read my mind. Or read my texts. I typed out what I wanted to say on my mobile phone to communicate with them. My approach has always been to be as open as possible with my children, explaining everything that was happening.
I’m a driven person, I was always striving to improve every aspect of my work and life. I had been busy, working at a job that I loved while the kids were at school, playing tennis, catching up with friends over coffee and being bad at running. Life was pretty good. So imagine the shock to my system, not just of the physical collapse but the mental aspect of being suddenly and completely incapacitated. I tried, in vain, to continue with the same prevailing attitude of living the same active lifestyle. I was very impatient for a diagnosis of this mystery illness and getting back to work as I had no other income. Occasionally friends would kindly point out to me that I was being very hard on myself. This resulted in me being hard on myself for not realising that I was being hard on myself. A little part of me died inside each time I realised I could no longer do what I wanted to. Now I can quietly accept my new normal and move on, however I do have my moments of feeling upset.
How can we all accept this new normal of isolating and living indoors? How can we screech to a halt and be content in our new slow lives in order to somehow live with it? I’m not an expert and can only give advice based on my lived experience. The biggest stealer of joy is resistance. By pushing away uncomfortable feelings you may be increasing your discomfort or fear. Change is hard. Acceptance of change may be even harder. We are all in a new and unfamiliar place.
Do what you can to be gentle with yourself and those around you who may be struggling. Have reasonable expectations. Adapting to this new life is something we are all doing. Try to allow yourself to feel uncomfortable or a bit lost. That way you might settle into those feelings, instead of amplifying them by pushing them away.
I’m not one for saccharine affirmations, I prefer more practical and useful tips.
pain + pain = pain
pain + resistance = suffering
I have a fighting spirit and a realistic attitude. We can’t just positively affirm our way out of problems. Many hours of CBT have helped me to get to this place of acceptance and allowing. I can’t take all the credit!
So back now to my visit from our friends, we were chatting candidly over our tea and cake, setting the world to rights. The conversation turned to how my kids felt about having a disabled Mum. I sat and waited with bated breath to see if I could discover something new, and I did.
My son answered that we always had hope.
Photo by geralt is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA