sluggerotoole--2020-08-03--Hume’s origin story: fighting injustice at every corner…

It is incumbent upon us all to remember what propelled a young teacher in Derry into frontline politics and change the face of Northern Ireland forever .
The young teacher was John Hume , born into a working-class catholic family he had been given opportunities not afforded to generations before and attended Queen ’ s University Belfast .
In the words of that other Derry giant ( Gerry Anderson ) his generation of queens ’ graduates [ para ] “ went away to university , learned about the country they lived in and came back pissed off.
” Hume was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ awakening ( which wasn ’ t unique to NI of course ) .
Young men and women across the western world began questioning every structure around them , every power and every illegitimate exercise of authority .
Hume used his energies to establish the “ University for Derry Committee ” which united unionist hardliners with nationalists and even socialists to fight for the establishment of the New University of Ulster in the second city .
Derry had been gerrymandered ever since the abolition of PR voting in local elections in the 1920s .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the allocation of seats per districts and allowing voting only on the basis of property ownership , including company ownership , which meant that someone with established business connections in London could vote in the elections of Londonderry without stepping foot in the place .
The university campaign epitomised the fears and prejudices of the time .
Established by the Lockwood committee the unionist administration ensured that a veneer of respectability was maintained at all times .
The report did not have an examination of where to place the new university within its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and recommended one all the same .
The Londonderry corporation for years had refused to build adequate housing in areas which might upset the voting balance , and this resulted in an acute housing shortage in the city .
The Lockwood committee used this as evidence for the unsuitability of the city .
This enraged activists who could see plainly that this was an exclusion by design , the very same party of government who had refused to build adequate housing had used its new university committee to exclude the city on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The structural sectarianism couldn ’ t have been clearer , and it led Hume to quickly campaign on the issue of access to housing .
It was laid bare during these campaigns that a larger sectarian game was being played by the state itself .
According to minutes of a meeting between the so called “ faceless men ” ( unionist reps from Derry lobbying against their own city ) and the ‘ moderate ’ Prime Minister “ O ’ Neill wondered about the intended number of Protestant employees and asked ‘ how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Derry , ‘ is it possible to insure against a radical increase in R [ oman ] C [ atholic ] papes [ sic ] ?
” ( source : CAIN ) It is important to remember this pre-civil rights campaign and how it laid the groundwork for the systemic change which was about to come .
The university campaign was not some fringe issue which the modern campaign is sometimes claimed , it was not only a precursor but a glaring totem for how wrong the old Northern Ireland was .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of this policy or that law , but we never consider that decisions that weren ’ t taken .
John Hume recognised this from the beginning , his life was one of overcoming injustice wherever he saw it and it is this passion which is captured so perfectly in the spiritual “ we shall overcome… ”

It is incumbent upon us all to remember what propelled a young teacher in Derry into frontline politics and change the face of Northern Ireland forever. The young teacher was John Hume, born into a working-class catholic family he had been given opportunities not afforded to generations before and attended University. In the words of that other Derry giant (Gerry Anderson) his generation of queens’ graduates [para] “went away to university, learned about the country they lived in and came back pissed off.”
Hume was at the heart of this 1960s cultural awakening (which wasn’t unique to NI of course). Young men and women across the western world began questioning every structure around them, every power and every illegitimate exercise of authority. Hume used his energies to establish the “University for Derry Committee” which united unionist hardliners with nationalists and even socialists to fight for the establishment of the New University of Ulster in the second city.
Derry had been gerrymandered ever since the abolition of PR voting in local elections in the 1920s. Unionist councillors clinched onto power by controlling the allocation of seats per districts and allowing voting only on the basis of property ownership, including company ownership, which meant that someone with established business connections in London could vote in the elections of Londonderry without stepping foot in the place.
The university campaign epitomised the fears and prejudices of the time. Established by the Lockwood committee the unionist administration ensured that a veneer of respectability was maintained at all times. The report did not have an examination of where to place the new university within its legal remit, yet it took submissions and recommended one all the same. The Londonderry corporation for years had refused to build adequate housing in areas which might upset the voting balance, and this resulted in an acute housing shortage in the city.
The Lockwood committee used this as evidence for the unsuitability of the city. This enraged activists who could see plainly that this was an exclusion by design, the very same party of government who had refused to build adequate housing had used its new university committee to exclude the city on the basis of a shortage of housing. The structural sectarianism couldn’t have been clearer, and it led Hume to quickly campaign on the issue of access to housing.
It was laid bare during these campaigns that a larger sectarian game was being played by the state itself. According to minutes of a meeting between the so called “faceless men” (unionist reps from Derry lobbying against their own city) and the ‘moderate’ Prime Minister “O’Neill wondered about the intended number of Protestant employees and asked ‘how’, in the event of industrialization in Derry, ‘is it possible to insure against a radical increase in R[oman] C[atholic] papes [sic]?” (source: CAIN)
It is important to remember this pre-civil rights campaign and how it laid the groundwork for the systemic change which was about to come. The university campaign was not some fringe issue which the modern campaign is sometimes claimed, it was not only a precursor but a glaring totem for how wrong the old Northern Ireland was. We spend time arguing over the effect of this policy or that law, but we never consider that decisions that weren’t taken. John Hume recognised this from the beginning, his life was one of overcoming injustice wherever he saw it and it is this passion which is captured so perfectly in the spiritual “we shall overcome…”


sluggerotoole--2020-08-03--John Hume: A Story Not Yet Fully Told

John Hume: A Story Not Yet Fully Told

John Hume chose to live with purpose .
He was steadfast in his determination to see peace and a better life , not only for those from his own community , but for all people across the island of Ireland .
Elected a Member of the European Parliament in 1979 , he would go on to serve as MP for Foyle from 1983 to 2005 , and member of the Legislative Assembly for the same constituency between 1998 and 2000 .
He defined future generations opportunities when he stood alongside his joint Nobel Peace Prize win in 1998 with UUP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement .
Though , his legacy is still being realised .
Hume ’ s commitment to justice and equality began at an early age .
He left the path to priesthood to become a schoolteacher in Derry .
As part of his Civil Rights work , Hume strived for adequate housing and an end to discrimination in employment .
He worked to bring a second university to Derry , and co-founded the city ’ s Credit Union .
Of course , perhaps most prominently , he worked to end violence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black leaders involved in the US Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s .
He was a founding member of the Social Democratic and Labour Party ( SDLP ) , although at times disagreed strongly with his political colleagues .
Hume opposed the anti-internment march that took place in Derry on 30 January 1972 , fearing it would end in violence .
His fears were realised .
Throughout the 1970s and 1980s he made regular trips to the USA to rally Irish American leaders to the cause of peace in Northern Ireland .
Hume @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both sides of the Atlantic .
He is remembered for his dogged determination to speak with anyone who could held bring about peace .
British civil servants described him as a thoughtful and skilful politician .
In my own writings about the conflict , we must remember that during the conflict ’ s darkest days , Hume was there .
He made it a priority to attend funerals of those who died as a result of violence , he shared in their grief and offered comfort in whatever way he could .
When @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Army soldiers Derek Wood and David Howes from their car , beating them to death , Fr Alec Reid attempted to resuscitate them and gave them the last rites .
In his pocket was the Sinn Féin position paper addressed to Hume , outlining their plans for peace .
Reid had to return to Clonard Monastery for a fresh copy of the letter before delivering it to Hume as the original was now soaked in blood .
This story , often retold , lives somewhat in infamy .
Nevertheless , it is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in so many moments of heartbreak and tragedy , as well as in hope and faith .
There is much to be said about Hume ’ s ability and willingness to meet with anyone in his pursuit of peace .
He crossed the proverbial aisle , discussing opportunities with unionists and republicans alike .
Even when such actions could mark the end of a political career , Hume forged on and engaged members of Sinn Féin in positive discussion as early as the mid-1980s .
He would speak with whoever necessary to reach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and peacefully .
It is testament to Hume ’ s long , important , and varied legacy that it has been difficult to capture in one single scholarly work .
The trope of Hume as the ‘ Derryman ’ is one regularly employed in the public imagination .
While Gerard Murray , Paul Routledge , George Drower , and Barry White have produced journalistic accounts of parts of Hume ’ s life , Simon Prince has written on Hume ’ s self-help and civil rights career .
Niall Ó Dochartaigh carefully examined Hume @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that became Bloody Sunday .
Through the use of Hume ’ s own words , Sean Farren pieced together a narrative of his life .
Tommy Dolan has engaged with the intellectual origins of Hume ’ s political thinking during his time at Maynooth and P.J .
McLaughlin demonstrated how Hume changed the face and idea of Irish nationalism .
Through key interviews , Maurice Fitzpatrick weaved together a narrative Hume ’ s time in America .
Yet we still need a text that synthesizes Hume ’ s life and re-examines his legacy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fitt and the SDLP : ‘ In a Minority of One ’ .
A story that is yet untold which includes Hume ’ s relationships not just across these islands or in the USA , but with those across political parties , churches , and communities could reveal in even greater ways Hume ’ s impact .
Dr Maggie Scull is an Adjunct Professor of British and Irish History at Syracuse University London .
Her first book , The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Troubles , 1968-98 was published by Oxford University @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her on Twitter @ maggiemscull

John Hume chose to live with purpose. He was steadfast in his determination to see peace and a better life, not only for those from his own community, but for all people across the island of Ireland. Elected a Member of the European Parliament in 1979, he would go on to serve as MP for Foyle from 1983 to 2005, and member of the Legislative Assembly for the same constituency between 1998 and 2000. He defined future generations opportunities when he stood alongside his joint Nobel Peace Prize win in 1998 with UUP leader David Trimble for their work on the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. Though, his legacy is still being realised.
Hume’s commitment to justice and equality began at an early age. He left the path to priesthood to become a schoolteacher in Derry. As part of his Civil Rights work, Hume strived for adequate housing and an end to discrimination in employment. He worked to bring a second university to Derry, and co-founded the city’s Credit Union. Of course, perhaps most prominently, he worked to end violence. Hume learned from and listened to Black leaders involved in the US Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s. He was a founding member of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), although at times disagreed strongly with his political colleagues. Hume opposed the anti-internment march that took place in Derry on 30 January 1972, fearing it would end in violence. His fears were realised.
Throughout the 1970s and 1980s he made regular trips to the USA to rally Irish American leaders to the cause of peace in Northern Ireland. Hume wielded significant influence in the debate on both sides of the Atlantic. He is remembered for his dogged determination to speak with anyone who could held bring about peace. British civil servants described him as a thoughtful and skilful politician.
In my own writings about the conflict, we must remember that during the conflict’s darkest days, Hume was there. He made it a priority to attend funerals of those who died as a result of violence, he shared in their grief and offered comfort in whatever way he could. When angry mourners in Belfast dragged undercover British Army soldiers Derek Wood and David Howes from their car, beating them to death, Fr Alec Reid attempted to resuscitate them and gave them the last rites. In his pocket was the Sinn Féin position paper addressed to Hume, outlining their plans for peace. Reid had to return to Clonard Monastery for a fresh copy of the letter before delivering it to Hume as the original was now soaked in blood. This story, often retold, lives somewhat in infamy. Nevertheless, it is a clear reminder of Hume’s presence in so many moments of heartbreak and tragedy, as well as in hope and faith.
There is much to be said about Hume’s ability and willingness to meet with anyone in his pursuit of peace. He crossed the proverbial aisle, discussing opportunities with unionists and republicans alike. Even when such actions could mark the end of a political career, Hume forged on and engaged members of Sinn Féin in positive discussion as early as the mid-1980s. He would speak with whoever necessary to reach his goal of ending the violence fairly and peacefully.
It is testament to Hume’s long, important, and varied legacy that it has been difficult to capture in one single scholarly work. The trope of Hume as the ‘Derryman’ is one regularly employed in the public imagination. While Gerard Murray, Paul Routledge, George Drower, and Barry White have produced journalistic accounts of parts of Hume’s life, Simon Prince has written on Hume’s self-help and civil rights career. Niall Ó Dochartaigh carefully examined Hume’s opposition to the anti-internment march that became Bloody Sunday. Through the use of Hume’s own words, Sean Farren pieced together a narrative of his life. Tommy Dolan has engaged with the intellectual origins of Hume’s political thinking during his time at Maynooth and P.J. McLaughlin demonstrated how Hume changed the face and idea of Irish nationalism. Through key interviews, Maurice Fitzpatrick weaved together a narrative Hume’s time in America. Yet we still need a text that synthesizes Hume’s life and re-examines his legacy, like Sarah Campbell’s Gerry Fitt and the SDLP: ‘In a Minority of One’. A story that is yet untold which includes Hume’s relationships not just across these islands or in the USA, but with those across political parties, churches, and communities could reveal in even greater ways Hume’s impact.
Dr Maggie Scull is an Adjunct Professor of British and Irish History at Syracuse University London. Her first book, The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Troubles, 1968-98 was published by Oxford University Press in 2019. You can follow her on Twitter @maggiemscull


sluggerotoole--2020-08-03--We have far more in common, than we have to divide us, is what John Hume used to say. He was right.

Prior to meeting John Hume in my role as the Communications Director for the UUP talks team in 1996 , my most vivid memories of him were of his relentless single transferable speech – which he delivered at every opportunity in the early 1990 ’ s .
Those of my vintage and older will remember it because every time he was interviewed he started into it .
It went along the lines of , ‘ We need to get an agreement……we need an agreement between all sides……we need to build a new agreed Ireland…..we have far more in common than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get an agreement between our people…..we need to get an agreement….. ’ It was monotonous .
It was repetitive .
It was actually infuriating at times to me as a unionist .
He never seemed to talk about specifics or the issue of the day .
All he talked about was that we needed to get an agreement .
I used to think , would you ever give over ?
!
What about the IRA ?
What about this ?
What about that ?
He never seemed to focus on the detail .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ goal .
In early 1996 there was residual animosity towards him from Unionism , going back to the previous failed talks initiative in the early 90 ’ s .
The UUP blamed Hume ’ s fixation of wanting to include Sinn Fein in a deal , for that process collapsing .
There was genuine fear and scepticism in 1996 , that the same would happen again .
So , I was surprised in a good way , when we had our very first bilateral meeting with John and the SDLP talks team in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s ground floor office in Castle Buildings .
Hume came into the room and sat himself down on a low seat and very casually kicked off the discussion .
It was really quite simple in his eyes .
He basically said , ‘ Look , we ’ re all here to try to get an Agreement .
You ( the UUP ) want an Assembly .
That ’ s fine .
We want a North South dimension to an Agreement – whether that ’ s a North-South Council or whatever .
That ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to our identity and our politics .
If we can get an agreement that allows us to share power in Stormont and we can get the North-South piece right , we ’ ll have a deal.
’ Trimble replied positively and affirmed if that was the case , then we were on the same page .
If the North South piece was for mutual benefit and not a threat to unionism , we ( the UUP ) were up for it .
When the meeting finished , I thought to myself , my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sorted in no time at all !
As it turned out , it was a bit more difficult than that .
It took a lot longer to work through the detail than any of us ever imagined and the arrival of Sinn Fein in August 1997 into the talks process , made everything hugely emotive and incredibly difficult .
The DUP and others walked out in protest .
The centre ground of the UUP and SDLP ( who were the biggest parties respectively ) was at risk of being completely pulled apart .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ together , the talks process and any chance of peace , would collapse .
Fast forward to today in 2020 , all those years later and the institutional structure and architecture of the Good Friday Agreement remains intact .
It ’ s not perfect and it needs to evolve and improve – but we have made enormous progress as a society because of it .
I will always remember David Trimble and John Hume at the referendum concert in May 1998 .
I had the good fortune to be involved in it , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and ensure David Trimble actually took part in it !
Tim Attwood and Conal McDevitt ( and many others ) delivered the music and John Hume .
Trimble and Hume were so nervous before it .
It could have gone wrong on so many levels but it didn ’ t .
It worked .
We had our image – the defining image of the campaign .
It gave us the glimpse of the future we all wanted .
We had another very special occasion in Oslo in December 1998 when John and David @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ m not sure two men from both traditions on this island will ever experience stress levels in their political careers like Trimble and Hume .
They deserved that global recognition .
They earned it .
As the news of John ’ s passing broke this morning I was picking up my nephew from England at Aldergrove .
He was born on the 15 February 1999 which , as it happens , was a very significant day in the then fledgling Northern Ireland Assembly .
He innocently asked me about John Hume @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to say .
After a moment I said , ‘ It probably sounds strange coming from me .
It almost feels like a death in the family.
’  We have far more in common , than we have to divide us , is what John Hume used to say .
He was right .
David Kerr was the Director of Communications for the Ulster Unionist Party during the talks which led to the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 .

Prior to meeting John Hume in my role as the Communications Director for the UUP talks team in 1996, my most vivid memories of him were of his relentless single transferable speech – which he delivered at every opportunity in the early 1990’s.
Those of my vintage and older will remember it because every time he was interviewed he started into it. It went along the lines of, ‘We need to get an agreement……we need an agreement between all sides……we need to build a new agreed Ireland…..we have far more in common than we have to divide us……we need to get an agreement between our people…..we need to get an agreement…..’
It was monotonous. It was repetitive. It was actually infuriating at times to me as a unionist. He never seemed to talk about specifics or the issue of the day. All he talked about was that we needed to get an agreement. I used to think, would you ever give over?! What about the IRA? What about this? What about that?
He never seemed to focus on the detail. He wanted everyone to focus on the goal.
In early 1996 there was residual animosity towards him from Unionism, going back to the previous failed talks initiative in the early 90’s. The UUP blamed Hume’s fixation of wanting to include Sinn Fein in a deal, for that process collapsing. There was genuine fear and scepticism in 1996, that the same would happen again.
So, I was surprised in a good way, when we had our very first bilateral meeting with John and the SDLP talks team in June 1996, in David Trimble’s ground floor office in Castle Buildings.
Hume came into the room and sat himself down on a low seat and very casually kicked off the discussion.
It was really quite simple in his eyes. He basically said, ‘Look, we’re all here to try to get an Agreement. You (the UUP) want an Assembly. That’s fine. We want a North South dimension to an Agreement – whether that’s a North-South Council or whatever. That’s what we want to give reflection to our identity and our politics. If we can get an agreement that allows us to share power in Stormont and we can get the North-South piece right, we’ll have a deal.’
Trimble replied positively and affirmed if that was the case, then we were on the same page. If the North South piece was for mutual benefit and not a threat to unionism, we (the UUP) were up for it.
When the meeting finished, I thought to myself, my goodness, we’ll have this sorted in no time at all!
As it turned out, it was a bit more difficult than that. It took a lot longer to work through the detail than any of us ever imagined and the arrival of Sinn Fein in August 1997 into the talks process, made everything hugely emotive and incredibly difficult.
The DUP and others walked out in protest. The centre ground of the UUP and SDLP (who were the biggest parties respectively) was at risk of being completely pulled apart. Unless Trimble and Hume could hold it together, the talks process and any chance of peace, would collapse.
Fast forward to today in 2020, all those years later and the institutional structure and architecture of the Good Friday Agreement remains intact. It’s not perfect and it needs to evolve and improve – but we have made enormous progress as a society because of it.
I will always remember David Trimble and John Hume at the referendum concert in May 1998. I had the good fortune to be involved in it, my most important role being to convince and ensure David Trimble actually took part in it! Tim Attwood and Conal McDevitt (and many others) delivered the music and John Hume. Trimble and Hume were so nervous before it. It could have gone wrong on so many levels but it didn’t. It worked. We had our image – the defining image of the campaign. It gave us the glimpse of the future we all wanted.
We had another very special occasion in Oslo in December 1998 when John and David were awarded the Nobel peace prize. I’m not sure two men from both traditions on this island will ever experience stress levels in their political careers like Trimble and Hume. They deserved that global recognition. They earned it.
As the news of John’s passing broke this morning I was picking up my nephew from England at Aldergrove. He was born on the 15 February 1999 which, as it happens, was a very significant day in the then fledgling Northern Ireland Assembly. He innocently asked me about John Hume. I wasn’t sure what to say. After a moment I said, ‘It probably sounds strange coming from me. It almost feels like a death in the family.’
We have far more in common, than we have to divide us, is what John Hume used to say. He was right.
————————-
David Kerr was the Director of Communications for the Ulster Unionist Party during the talks which led to the Good Friday Agreement in 1998.


Remembering John Hume

Since news of John Hume ’ s death emerged yesterday ( 3 August 2020 ) , there has been an outpouring of obituaries and tributes to the man who is considered the architect of peace in Northern Ireland .
These were immediate , as is the case with obituaries of key figures in society , and Hume has not been a well man for some time .
Obituaries play a key role in how individuals and their legacies are remembered after their death , and can be considered as sites of collective memory .
Bridget Fowler describes obituaries as ‘ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far from being a series of random recollections of individuals , obituaries represent the activities of social or collective memory .
The idea that these obituaries and tributes will be the ‘ first stab ’ at writing about John Hume ’ s life seems strange for a man of whom no less than seven books have been written ( including two by Hume himself ) as well as many journal articles , documentaries , and op ed pieces about him .
In many ways , the memory and legacy of Hume has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ name has become synonymous with ‘ peacemaker ’ in Ireland , north and south , as well as further afield .
Out of the seven men ( ‘ the magnificent seven ’ as they were termed ) who came together to form the SDLP in August 1970 , John Hume was the sixth to die ( Austin Currie is now the only surviving founding member ) .
In the obituaries of the other five men ( certainly Fitt , Devlin , O ’ Hanlon and Cooper ) , their early activism in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most in their obituaries , their contributions to the party they helped to form taking second place .
This is probably unsurprising given that all bar Hume had either left the party or were on its periphery by the time Hume became leader in 1979 .
The party dedicates a section of its website to John Hume ( not Gerry Fitt , who was their first leader ) and it is clear from internal party documents that Hume shaped much of their early thinking on many issues , moulding it towards social democracy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ‘ labour ’ .
He was the only founding member of the party who continued to be deeply involved in Northern Irish politics throughout the 1980s and 1990s , and became a well thought of figure on the international stage , both in Brussels and in Washington .
No other figure in recent Northern Irish history commands such longevity and recognition ( bar perhaps Gerry Adams , although Hume is much less controversial and more universally liked across all spectrums of political opinion ) .
Central to the obituaries of Hume is his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his dedication to the Good Friday Agreement , and his ability to sacrifice much personally for the greater good .
Often called a statesman because of his willingness to confront the Provisional IRA and speak to Sinn Féin in the late 1980s when they were persona non grata , I believe Hume was more pragmatic than statesmanlike here .
He believed that instead of allowing Sinn Féin to shout from the side lines and disrupt any political negotiations that were taking place , that if they were brought into the process , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could be the spokespeople for northern nationalism without problems .
This was not the case of course , but I do not believe Hume saw that coming .
It is difficult right now to offer any criticisms of Hume so his memory will be shaped by , and enshrined in , a saintly quality .
Hopefully in the future , we can see him in the round , flaws and all , as it does not take away from his many , many achievements .
But that is for future historians .
For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ John , and rest easy .
Sarah Campbell is a Senior Lecturer in Irish and British History at Newcastle University .
Her monograph , Gerry Fitt and the SDLP : ‘ In a minority of one ’ was published by Manchester University Press in 2015 .

Since news of John Hume’s death emerged yesterday (3 August 2020), there has been an outpouring of obituaries and tributes to the man who is considered the architect of peace in Northern Ireland. These were immediate, as is the case with obituaries of key figures in society, and Hume has not been a well man for some time. Obituaries play a key role in how individuals and their legacies are remembered after their death, and can be considered as sites of collective memory. Bridget Fowler describes obituaries as ‘the first stab at biography’ but far from being a series of random recollections of individuals, obituaries represent the activities of social or collective memory. The idea that these obituaries and tributes will be the ‘first stab’ at writing about John Hume’s life seems strange for a man of whom no less than seven books have been written (including two by Hume himself) as well as many journal articles, documentaries, and op ed pieces about him. In many ways, the memory and legacy of Hume has been shaped for a while now. His name has become synonymous with ‘peacemaker’ in Ireland, north and south, as well as further afield.
Out of the seven men (‘the magnificent seven’ as they were termed) who came together to form the SDLP in August 1970, John Hume was the sixth to die (Austin Currie is now the only surviving founding member). In the obituaries of the other five men (certainly Fitt, Devlin, O’Hanlon and Cooper), their early activism in the civil rights movement was what was emphasised most in their obituaries, their contributions to the party they helped to form taking second place. This is probably unsurprising given that all bar Hume had either left the party or were on its periphery by the time Hume became leader in 1979. The party dedicates a section of its website to John Hume (not Gerry Fitt, who was their first leader) and it is clear from internal party documents that Hume shaped much of their early thinking on many issues, moulding it towards social democracy and nationalism, and gradually sidelining the ‘labour’.
He was the only founding member of the party who continued to be deeply involved in Northern Irish politics throughout the 1980s and 1990s, and became a well thought of figure on the international stage, both in Brussels and in Washington. No other figure in recent Northern Irish history commands such longevity and recognition (bar perhaps Gerry Adams, although Hume is much less controversial and more universally liked across all spectrums of political opinion).
Central to the obituaries of Hume is his contribution to peace in Northern Ireland, his dedication to the Good Friday Agreement, and his ability to sacrifice much personally for the greater good. Often called a statesman because of his willingness to confront the Provisional IRA and speak to Sinn Féin in the late 1980s when they were persona non grata, I believe Hume was more pragmatic than statesmanlike here. He believed that instead of allowing Sinn Féin to shout from the side lines and disrupt any political negotiations that were taking place, that if they were brought into the process, they would collapse under it and the SDLP could be the spokespeople for northern nationalism without problems. This was not the case of course, but I do not believe Hume saw that coming.
It is difficult right now to offer any criticisms of Hume so his memory will be shaped by, and enshrined in, a saintly quality. Hopefully in the future, we can see him in the round, flaws and all, as it does not take away from his many, many achievements. But that is for future historians. For now, we say thank you, John, and rest easy.
Sarah Campbell is a Senior Lecturer in Irish and British History at Newcastle University. Her monograph, Gerry Fitt and the SDLP: ‘In a minority of one’ was published by Manchester University Press in 2015.


sluggerotoole--2020-08-04--Slugger TV-Remembering John Hume

Slugger TV-Remembering John Hume

I was joined by SDLP Councillor and former Mayor of Derry City and Strabane District Council , John Boyle , @ @ @ @ @ journalist Allison Morris and former BBC NI political editor Stephen Grimason to discuss the life @ @ @ @ @ John Hume .
Recorded and edited by Alan Meban @ alaninbelfast .

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sluggerotoole--2020-08-05--The challenge of Infrastructure…

The challenge of Infrastructure…

In 1948 , just 3 years after the end of World War 2 , the NHS was born .
At a time of deep financial uncertainty .
In 2020 , another time of deep uncertainty , the NHS has led the way .
Just like in 1948 a dramatic change in direction is possible post Covid19 .
Health service reforms need to happen , education as well , but suddenly the pressing need is our economy and infrastructure to support future growth .
At the end of May our Alliance council group in Lisburn Castlereagh received an economic Covid19 briefing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the University of Ulster .
During that meeting what struck me wasn ’ t the sudden levels of economic downturn and the numbers moving onto Universal Credit ( that ’ s pretty obvious when the government closes down an economy during a pandemic ) - in fact what struck me was the poor PMI rate , the economic growth rate of Northern Ireland .
The figures shown were from 1998 .
The rate of economic growth here post GFA is pretty pathetic .
There are many reasons why .
There are also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the facts can ’ t be denied .
So how do we improve our area ?
How do we attract major capital investment , as we have seen south of the border ?
How do we begin to bring the northern economy in line with the sustained growth the Republic have seen ?
How do we attract major technology companies ?
How can we raise the average salary and personal wealth in the North to line up with the South ?
To encourage capital investment from leading international companies , they need access @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But equally , maybe more importantly , they need highly qualified , skilled and motivated employees who are easily accessible .
We need to think island-wide , being connected to European and UK markets .
High-speed internet connections , available to everyone are essential to connect companies and enable employees working from home .
A structural 5G network rolled out is essential to our growth , as is the ability to move people and goods quickly .
What if we had a Japanese style bullet train that moved people quickly , efficiently and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ island ?
Where you could work in a technology park in the Lagan Valley area , live in Dublin and be here in under 35/40 minutes .
Or visa-versa .
Live in Cork or Limerick and commute quickly into Dublin .
Where Derry , in the north-west is actually connected by motorway and also a high-speed train .
Where residents from anywhere on the Island could be in Dublin or Belfast within an hour .
This would help open the potential to attract world-leading companies north , and provide them with the opportunity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from anywhere on the island , and equally open up jobs opportunities for our residents .
Creating employment opportunities for a highly skilled workforce – from anywhere .
Connecting businesses and supply chains .
Brexit changes could open up a new world to us , with access to both the UK and EU markets , boosted by a new 5G network rollout .
The bullet train isn ’ t an upgrade of our current train network but additional to it .
Like the bone skeleton of the island , linking Derry , Belfast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wexford etc .
Draw an outline map of the island of Ireland , and draw a stickman inside it and you get the basic picture .
In addition to that , our current local train and bus networks would be upgraded .
Upgrading current lines to link suburban areas faster and reimagined .
Reopening the Ballinderry line outside Belfast and creating a Circle Line in and out of Belfast , linking the International Airport .
In Dublin : linking Dublin Airport via a high-speed train line .
Interconnecting the Bullet train with urbanised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and cost-effectively .
Changing habits and moving people from using the car to working from home with high-speed internet connections and using a world-class public transport system .
All of sudden , you don ’ t have such a large Dublin housing crisis , as you wouldn ’ t have to live in and around Dublin to work there , living within 100miles radius and you could be there in 40 minutes and that becomes the commuter belt .
All of a sudden our current motorways could start moving again , by reducing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at peak times .
Building large park-and ride carparks for connecting rural areas with the suburban transport network and Bullet Train stations .
Reducing emissions .
Cleaning the air that we breathe .
The population on the island , over time , could start to be more evenly spread , as could financial wealth .
All of a sudden you start to put in an infrastructure system capable of delivering the type of green economy and growth which the north craves and which is essential .
With Brexit looming , an economy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ available and can be created anywhere .
A transformation in the northern economy , not unlike the industrial revolution centuries ago .
In my Council area , a large technology park strategically located at the M1 /A1 junction at Blaris on a new link road would start to remove the M1 morning carpark into Belfast .
The canvas to produce highly skilled jobs , within a large technology /industrial zone , that is linked by road , rail , and cycle .
Quick access to ports and airports .
With the ECB and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up eye-watering amount of potential cheap finance to ignite our economies , is now not the time to start actioning the dream ?
Build an island-wide infrastructure program that would rival any engineering project and transport system on the planet .
Is now not the time to breath life into areas across this island outside of Dublin and reinvent our economy in the north ?
Change brings hope .
Right now we could do with a lot of hope .
David Honeyford is an Alliance Party Councillor at Lisburn Castlereagh City Council .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Shutterbug75 is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

In 1948, just 3 years after the end of World War 2, the NHS was born. At a time of deep financial uncertainty. In 2020, another time of deep uncertainty, the NHS has led the way. Just like in 1948 a dramatic change in direction is possible post Covid19. Health service reforms need to happen, education as well, but suddenly the pressing need is our economy and infrastructure to support future growth.
At the end of May our Alliance council group in Lisburn Castlereagh received an economic Covid19 briefing, by Richard Johnston, an Economist from the University of Ulster. During that meeting what struck me wasn’t the sudden levels of economic downturn and the numbers moving onto Universal Credit (that’s pretty obvious when the government closes down an economy during a pandemic)- in fact what struck me was the poor PMI rate, the economic growth rate of Northern Ireland. The figures shown were from 1998. The rate of economic growth here post GFA is pretty pathetic. There are many reasons why. There are also many excuses as to why.
But the facts can’t be denied. So how do we improve our area? How do we attract major capital investment, as we have seen south of the border? How do we begin to bring the northern economy in line with the sustained growth the Republic have seen? How do we attract major technology companies? How can we raise the average salary and personal wealth in the North to line up with the South?
Infrastructure
To encourage capital investment from leading international companies, they need access to markets and favourable tax rates. But equally, maybe more importantly, they need highly qualified, skilled and motivated employees who are easily accessible. We need to think island-wide, being connected to European and UK markets.
High-speed internet connections, available to everyone are essential to connect companies and enable employees working from home. A structural 5G network rolled out is essential to our growth, as is the ability to move people and goods quickly.
What if we had a Japanese style bullet train that moved people quickly, efficiently and in an environmentally friendly way around this island? Where you could work in a technology park in the Lagan Valley area, live in Dublin and be here in under 35/40 minutes. Or visa-versa. Live in Cork or Limerick and commute quickly into Dublin. Where Derry, in the north-west is actually connected by motorway and also a high-speed train. Where residents from anywhere on the Island could be in Dublin or Belfast within an hour.
This would help open the potential to attract world-leading companies north, and provide them with the opportunity to attract the best employees and talent from anywhere on the island, and equally open up jobs opportunities for our residents. Creating employment opportunities for a highly skilled workforce – from anywhere. Connecting businesses and supply chains. Brexit changes could open up a new world to us, with access to both the UK and EU markets, boosted by a new 5G network rollout.
Stickman
The bullet train isn’t an upgrade of our current train network but additional to it. Like the bone skeleton of the island, linking Derry, Belfast, Limerick, Dublin, Cork, Wexford etc. Draw an outline map of the island of Ireland, and draw a stickman inside it and you get the basic picture.
Circle Line
In addition to that, our current local train and bus networks would be upgraded. Upgrading current lines to link suburban areas faster and reimagined. Reopening the Ballinderry line outside Belfast and creating a Circle Line in and out of Belfast, linking the International Airport. In Dublin: linking Dublin Airport via a high-speed train line. Interconnecting the Bullet train with urbanised cities. Moving people quickly and easily and cost-effectively. Changing habits and moving people from using the car to working from home with high-speed internet connections and using a world-class public transport system.
All of sudden, you don’t have such a large Dublin housing crisis, as you wouldn’t have to live in and around Dublin to work there, living within 100miles radius and you could be there in 40 minutes and that becomes the commuter belt. All of a sudden our current motorways could start moving again, by reducing the number of cars on the road at peak times. Building large park-and ride carparks for connecting rural areas with the suburban transport network and Bullet Train stations. Reducing emissions. Cleaning the air that we breathe.
The population on the island, over time, could start to be more evenly spread, as could financial wealth.
All of a sudden you start to put in an infrastructure system capable of delivering the type of green economy and growth which the north craves and which is essential. With Brexit looming, an economy, island-wide, where highly skilled jobs are available and can be created anywhere. A transformation in the northern economy, not unlike the industrial revolution centuries ago.
In my Council area, a large technology park strategically located at the M1 /A1 junction at Blaris on a new link road would start to remove the M1 morning carpark into Belfast. The canvas to produce highly skilled jobs, within a large technology /industrial zone, that is linked by road, rail, and cycle. Quick access to ports and airports.
With the ECB and the UK treasury likely to be opening up eye-watering amount of potential cheap finance to ignite our economies, is now not the time to start actioning the dream? Build an island-wide infrastructure program that would rival any engineering project and transport system on the planet. Is now not the time to breath life into areas across this island outside of Dublin and reinvent our economy in the north?
Change brings hope. Right now we could do with a lot of hope.
David Honeyford is an Alliance Party Councillor at Lisburn Castlereagh City Council. You can follow him on Twitter…
Photo by Shutterbug75 is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-08-04--Slugger TV – Remembering John Hume

Slugger TV – Remembering John Hume


sluggerotoole--2020-08-06--Féile Discussion: British or Irish or both? Unionism, Protestantism and the national question …

The Virtual Féile is well underway , with events continuing through Sunday .
Monday , I took part in a lunchtime discussion on unionism around the theme of ‘ British , or Irish or both : unionism , Protestantism and the national question ’ .
It was chaired by Prof Jennifer Todd and my conversation partner was Prof Christine Bell .
The conversation was framed in this way : You can watch our conversation here : During the conversation , we at times struggled to articulate the contents of unionist identity .
This may in part be due to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instructively on this in Saturday ’ s Irish Times , in the context of a possible border poll .
In my initial contribution , I will make three points : the first is about why it is so difficult for some unionists to identify as Irish ; the second is about the changing role of religion and its impact on identity ; and the third is about those who identify as Northern Irish or as ‘ neither unionist nor nationalist ’ .
My first point is that while partition contributed to a decline @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to identify as Irish , it was the violence of the Troubles that copper-fastened this trend .
Richard Rose ’ s often-cited , pre-Troubles 1968 survey gave us these statistics : Among Protestants , 39 % identified as British , 32 % as Ulster , and 20 % as Irish .
But in 1989 , a survey by Edward Moxon-Browne gave us these figures : 68 % identified as British , 14 % as Ulster , and just 3 % as Irish .
I tend to agree with Moxon-Browne ’ s reasoning for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] ‘ after having borne the brunt of the IRA campaign , Protestants have swung more definitely towards adopting the label “ British ” ’ .In other words , violence not only reflected the polarization of society , it increased it .
The legacy of the IRA ’ s violent campaign makes it very difficult for some Protestants to even contemplate identifying as Irish .
In my research , some Protestants and Unionists told me that republicans are engaging in a campaign to ‘ rewrite history ’ , with Sinn Féin presenting themselves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the ‘ armed struggle ’ was morally justified .
They see no place for themselves or their story in this version of history .
From their perspective , their husbands , sons , wives , and daughters were murdered either innocently going about their daily business ; or , in the case of those who joined the RUC , trying to protect society from terrorism .
Murder and terrorism is the language they would use .
For them , to identify as Irish would be to identify with perpetrators who they believe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Today ’ s discussion is not about dealing with the past .
But our failure to have a comprehensive , joined-up process which gives people from all perspectives a chance to tell their story or find out what really happened during the Troubles means that legacy issues continue to haunt all discussions about future political arrangements on this island .
There is unlikely to be any growth in affinity between unionism and Irish identity as long as a substantial number of unionists remain convinced that in their view , the IRA has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ second point is that the close link between the Catholic Church , the Irish state , and Irish identity , especially in the decades immediately after partition , has been a major reason why unionists have had problems identifying as Irish .
Unionists believed that the Republic was a ‘ Catholic ’ state – and with seemingly good cause : Catholic social teaching on matters like contraception , divorce and abortion was for many years reflected in the laws of the Irish state ; and the State seemed to give the Church free @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and education .
Unionists also feared that in a Catholic state , their freedom to practice their religion would be compromised .
Fear is not too strong a word here : for centuries , across Europe , it was all too common for Catholics and Protestants to violently persecute each other , especially when the other was a minority .
If you doubt the potency of this fear it is worth refreshing your memory by revisiting the anti-Catholic rhetoric of the Rev Ian Paisley , and remembering that the congregation he built for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Presbyterian Church ’ .
The martyrs Paisley was referring to stretch back across centuries of Irish , British and European history – and his church building remains a stark , physical reminder of it .
Protestant martyrs also are prominently displayed on the banners of the Orange Order , featuring in their annual parades .
Since the mid-1990s , increasing secularization , coupled with the fall-out from the abuse scandals in the Catholic Church , has meant that the link between the Catholic Church , the Irish state , and Irish identity has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ completely .
And this has removed a major reason why Unionists might have problems identifying as Irish .
On the one hand , this might seem so obvious as to hardly merit mentioning .
But it is worth mentioning , not least because there is a possibility , at the present juncture of this island ’ s history , that churches might play a unifying rather than divisive role in contributing to future societal arrangements .
This , as far as I can see , is historically very unusual , if not unique @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clergy made to peacemaking during the Troubles .
But despite their divisive past , the churches are , after all , among the island ’ s few longstanding all-island institutions : Protestants belong to Irish churches , not British churches .
In recent years , there have been unprecedented levels of collaboration at the denominational , church leaders-level on issues like preparing for Brexit and responding to the Covid-19 pandemic .
Conservative Catholics and Protestants have made common cause on opposing abortion legislation in both jurisdictions ( I have even heard Catholic priests @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its stance on abortion . )
At the same time , there is scant evidence of an ecumenical , overarching ‘ Irish Christian ’ identity , encompassing the Catholic and Protestant traditions , developing at the grassroots level in Northern Ireland and in that way , encouraging Protestants to embrace Irishness as an aspect of their identity .
But with the historical fear of the Catholic Church now so comprehensively removed from Unionist consciousness , I do not think the development of an Irish Christian identity is entirely out of the question , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ display of this potential unity is the ‘ Irish blessing ’ video , a thoroughly cross-border , ecumenical and multiracial project in which Irish Christians from a range of traditions sang ‘ Be Thou My Vision ’ as a tribute to those keeping society together during the Covid-19 pandemic – both Irish dancers and Lambeg drumming feature in it .
It was released on YouTube on Pentecost Sunday ( 31 May ) this year and is approaching one million views ( since the discussion was recorded , it has surpassed one million views @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to witness to the fact that the pandemic has taught us that as an island , we are all in this together and we need to work together across borders and across national and religious identities .
But having said that , the churches ’ effectiveness in doing this is as yet relatively untested .
And the secularization that has helped remove some Unionists ’ fear of the Catholic Church also hinders all churches ’ ability to have significant societal impact .
My third point is about ‘ Northern Irish ’ identity , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inclusive identity that has room for both Irishness and Britishness .
Over the last few years , depending on the poll , 20-25 % of people identify as Northern Irish .
Young Protestants and people of ‘ no religion ’ or ‘ other religions ’ are more likely to choose Northern Irish identity than any other groups .
And those who identify as ‘ no religion ’ are more likely to come from Protestant than Catholic backgrounds .
Are such trends signs that younger Protestants and non-religious people from Protestant backgrounds are more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This may very well be the case .
But as always , survey data should be interpreted cautiously because surveys – by their very nature – do not give people a chance to explain what they mean by ‘ Northern Irish ’ .
At the same time , the 2018 Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey found that 50 % of the population now describe themselves as ‘ neither unionist nor nationalist ’ .
This is a historic high , rising from 33 % in 1998 .
Women , people under 45 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were most likely to identify as ‘ neither ’ .
Although the ‘ neither ’ group fell to 39 % in the 2019 Life and Times , it still remains a larger group than Unionists ( 33 % ) or Nationalists ( 23 % ) .
For me , this raises questions about how well-represented a large ‘ non-aligned ’ group may feel in a Northern Ireland where – because of how the Assembly is structured – the only identifications that really count are ‘ unionist ’ and ‘ nationalist ’ .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whether those structures are still ‘ fit for purpose ’ and what it means if a growing swathe of Northern Ireland ’ s population is unrepresented and therefore alienated and apathetic .
We have a situation now where young people , who are more likely to identify as ‘ neither ’ , lack political representation , are suffering the effects of intergenerational trauma due to previous generations ’ failures in dealing with the legacy of the past , and are disproportionately disadvantaged educationally and economically by the pandemic .
We need to find @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a say in what their future looks like , beyond the national question .

The Virtual Féile is well underway, with events continuing through Sunday.
Monday, I took part in a lunchtime discussion on unionism around the theme of ‘British, or Irish or both: unionism, Protestantism and the national question’. It was chaired by Prof Jennifer Todd and my conversation partner was Prof Christine Bell.
The conversation was framed in this way:
Until the late 19thcentury, it was commonplace for unionists and Protestants of all varieties to see no problem in identifying as Irish. The rise of Ulster unionism and partition, changed this. As discussions about the future political arrangements on this island develop, what affinity is there nowadays between unionism and Irish identity? What sorts of (post-) unionist politics can, while affirming British links and identities, also affirm Irishness?
You can watch our conversation here:
During the conversation, we at times struggled to articulate the contents of unionist identity. This may in part be due to the diversity within unionism. Alex Kane wrote instructively on this in Saturday’s Irish Times, in the context of a possible border poll.
I’ve reproduced my opening remarks below:
In my initial contribution, I will make three points: the first is about why it is so difficult for some unionists to identify as Irish; the second is about the changing role of religion and its impact on identity; and the third is about those who identify as Northern Irish or as ‘neither unionist nor nationalist’.
My first point is that while partition contributed to a decline in the tendency of unionists and Protestants to identify as Irish, it was the violence of the Troubles that copper-fastened this trend.
Richard Rose’s often-cited, pre-Troubles 1968 survey gave us these statistics: Among Protestants, 39% identified as British, 32% as Ulster, and 20% as Irish. But in 1989, a survey by Edward Moxon-Browne gave us these figures: 68% identified as British, 14% as Ulster, and just 3% as Irish. I tend to agree with Moxon-Browne’s reasoning for the stark change: [he said] ‘after having borne the brunt of the IRA campaign, Protestants have swung more definitely towards adopting the label “British”’.In other words, violence not only reflected the polarization of society, it increased it.
The legacy of the IRA’s violent campaign makes it very difficult for some Protestants to even contemplate identifying as Irish. In my research, some Protestants and Unionists told me that republicans are engaging in a campaign to ‘rewrite history’, with Sinn Féin presenting themselves as righteous civil rights campaigners and claiming that the ‘armed struggle’ was morally justified.
They see no place for themselves or their story in this version of history. From their perspective, their husbands, sons, wives, and daughters were murdered either innocently going about their daily business; or, in the case of those who joined the RUC, trying to protect society from terrorism. Murder and terrorism is the language they would use. For them, to identify as Irish would be to identify with perpetrators who they believe are not even sorry for those deaths.
Today’s discussion is not about dealing with the past. But our failure to have a comprehensive, joined-up process which gives people from all perspectives a chance to tell their story or find out what really happened during the Troubles means that legacy issues continue to haunt all discussions about future political arrangements on this island. There is unlikely to be any growth in affinity between unionism and Irish identity as long as a substantial number of unionists remain convinced that in their view, the IRA has literally gotten away with murder.
My second point is that the close link between the Catholic Church, the Irish state, and Irish identity, especially in the decades immediately after partition, has been a major reason why unionists have had problems identifying as Irish. Unionists believed that the Republic was a ‘Catholic’ state – and with seemingly good cause: Catholic social teaching on matters like contraception, divorce and abortion was for many years reflected in the laws of the Irish state; and the State seemed to give the Church free reign to run entire sectors like health and education.
Unionists also feared that in a Catholic state, their freedom to practice their religion would be compromised. Fear is not too strong a word here: for centuries, across Europe, it was all too common for Catholics and Protestants to violently persecute each other, especially when the other was a minority.
If you doubt the potency of this fear it is worth refreshing your memory by revisiting the anti-Catholic rhetoric of the Rev Ian Paisley, and remembering that the congregation he built for himself is called ‘Martyrs Memorial Free Presbyterian Church’. The martyrs Paisley was referring to stretch back across centuries of Irish, British and European history – and his church building remains a stark, physical reminder of it. Protestant martyrs also are prominently displayed on the banners of the Orange Order, featuring in their annual parades.
Since the mid-1990s, increasing secularization, coupled with the fall-out from the abuse scandals in the Catholic Church, has meant that the link between the Catholic Church, the Irish state, and Irish identity has been dramatically weakened, if not severed completely. And this has removed a major reason why Unionists might have problems identifying as Irish.
On the one hand, this might seem so obvious as to hardly merit mentioning. But it is worth mentioning, not least because there is a possibility, at the present juncture of this island’s history, that churches might play a unifying rather than divisive role in contributing to future societal arrangements. This, as far as I can see, is historically very unusual, if not unique, notwithstanding the contributions some churches and clergy made to peacemaking during the Troubles. But despite their divisive past, the churches are, after all, among the island’s few longstanding all-island institutions: Protestants belong to Irish churches, not British churches.
In recent years, there have been unprecedented levels of collaboration at the denominational, church leaders-level on issues like preparing for Brexit and responding to the Covid-19 pandemic. Conservative Catholics and Protestants have made common cause on opposing abortion legislation in both jurisdictions (I have even heard Catholic priests encouraging parishioners to vote DUP because of its stance on abortion.)
At the same time, there is scant evidence of an ecumenical, overarching ‘Irish Christian’ identity, encompassing the Catholic and Protestant traditions, developing at the grassroots level in Northern Ireland and in that way, encouraging Protestants to embrace Irishness as an aspect of their identity.
But with the historical fear of the Catholic Church now so comprehensively removed from Unionist consciousness, I do not think the development of an Irish Christian identity is entirely out of the question, even in Northern Ireland.
One recent display of this potential unity is the ‘Irish blessing’ video, a thoroughly cross-border, ecumenical and multiracial project in which Irish Christians from a range of traditions sang ‘Be Thou My Vision’ as a tribute to those keeping society together during the Covid-19 pandemic – both Irish dancers and Lambeg drumming feature in it. It was released on YouTube on Pentecost Sunday (31 May) this year and is approaching one million views (since the discussion was recorded, it has surpassed one million views).
The churches have an opportunity to witness to the fact that the pandemic has taught us that as an island, we are all in this together and we need to work together across borders and across national and religious identities. But having said that, the churches’ effectiveness in doing this is as yet relatively untested. And the secularization that has helped remove some Unionists’ fear of the Catholic Church also hinders all churches’ ability to have significant societal impact.
My third point is about ‘Northern Irish’ identity, which on the surface seems like an inclusive identity that has room for both Irishness and Britishness. Over the last few years, depending on the poll, 20-25% of people identify as Northern Irish. Young Protestants and people of ‘no religion’ or ‘other religions’ are more likely to choose Northern Irish identity than any other groups. And those who identify as ‘no religion’ are more likely to come from Protestant than Catholic backgrounds.
Are such trends signs that younger Protestants and non-religious people from Protestant backgrounds are more open to some sort of Irishness? This may very well be the case. But as always, survey data should be interpreted cautiously because surveys – by their very nature – do not give people a chance to explain what they mean by ‘Northern Irish’.
At the same time, the 2018 Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey found that 50% of the population now describe themselves as ‘neither unionist nor nationalist’. This is a historic high, rising from 33% in 1998. Women, people under 45, and people of ‘no religion’ were most likely to identify as ‘neither’. Although the ‘neither’ group fell to 39% in the 2019 Life and Times, it still remains a larger group than Unionists (33%) or Nationalists (23%).
For me, this raises questions about how well-represented a large ‘non-aligned’ group may feel in a Northern Ireland where – because of how the Assembly is structured – the only identifications that really count are ‘unionist’ and ‘nationalist’. We should be asking quite fundamental questions about whether those structures are still ‘fit for purpose’ and what it means if a growing swathe of Northern Ireland’s population is unrepresented and therefore alienated and apathetic.
We have a situation now where young people, who are more likely to identify as ‘neither’, lack political representation, are suffering the effects of intergenerational trauma due to previous generations’ failures in dealing with the legacy of the past, and are disproportionately disadvantaged educationally and economically by the pandemic. We need to find ways for those young people to have a say in what their future looks like, beyond the national question.


sluggerotoole--2020-08-06--Introducing #TheReset – how we can react positively to the challenge of Covid-19? A new project from

Introducing #TheReset – how we can react positively to the challenge of Covid-19? A new project from Slugger in partnership with the Ulster Bank…

We are living through historic times .
Never has the Lenin quote ‘ “ There are decades where nothing happens ; and there are weeks where decades happen ” been more apt .
We are witnessing considerable changes to our way of life – the way we work , the way we learn , the way we shop , the way we spend our free time .
Some of this change will be negative , but some will also be positive .
Slugger is launching a new project around how we can react positively to the challenge of Covid-19 and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ calling it The Reset , and we are pleased to partner with Ulster Bank .
We plan to use to use the project as a stimulus for discussion about what needs to happen to secure a recovery .
The project will encompass opinion pieces , podcasts , and live online debates over the next two months .
We hope to inspire and highlight creative responses from the business sector and wider community .
If you would like to be involved in the project please do contact me [ email protected ] As Mark @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The economy needs innovative ideas and measures from all stakeholders and government .
What we need is an ongoing significant discussion at NI Plc level , and very little should be off the table given the scale of the challenge.
” “ We need to look towards the next phases of the crisis , quickly identify the opportunities presented to Northern Ireland but also deal with the many structural challenges that the crisis has left .
”

We are living through historic times. Never has the Lenin quote ‘“There are decades where nothing happens; and there are weeks where decades happen” been more apt.
We are witnessing considerable changes to our way of life – the way we work, the way we learn, the way we shop, the way we spend our free time. Some of this change will be negative, but some will also be positive.
Slugger is launching a new project around how we can react positively to the challenge of Covid-19 and help the economy recover. We are calling it The Reset, and we are pleased to partner with Ulster Bank. We plan to use to use the project as a stimulus for discussion about what needs to happen to secure a recovery.
The project will encompass opinion pieces, podcasts, and live online debates over the next two months. We hope to inspire and highlight creative responses from the business sector and wider community. If you would like to be involved in the project please do contact me [email protected]
As Mark Crimmins from Ulster Bank says: “The economy needs innovative ideas and measures from all stakeholders and government. What we need is an ongoing significant discussion at NI Plc level, and very little should be off the table given the scale of the challenge.”
“We need to look towards the next phases of the crisis, quickly identify the opportunities presented to Northern Ireland but also deal with the many structural challenges that the crisis has left.”


sluggerotoole--2020-08-07--Northern Ireland’s future demands new energy and ideas from the BBC

The atmosphere that has been nurtured on BBC Radio Ulster and Foyle since the peace process has driven away more voices than it has attracted .
Only the most vocal of our politicians are regulars .
Most clerics avoid it like the plague .
Key personnel in many of our most important institutions never appear , most likely out of fear .
Many do not feel equipped to partake in an atmosphere that is not always conducive to explanation or exploration .
That critique has been less prevalent during lockdown .
Virologists have taken over the airways and commentators and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scientists themselves .
But that is not going to last forever .
We are on the threshold of some major debates that have proven themselves very capable of raising passions and hackles .
Brexit will shortly push its way back onto the agenda and an economic border on the Irish Sea will crash on to the airways .
When and how to prepare the border poll promised in the Good Friday Agreement hasn ’ t gone away .
These critical discussions will take place in the years marking the centenary of the establishment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ well advised to begin exploring its capability of handling the coming debates in a way that does more good than harm .
As a BBC NI broadcaster in another age long removed to England , I ’ m simply not well enough qualified to judge the fairness of Denis ’ piece .
Nolan whose coordination from brain to mouth is among fastest I know , is Marmite man and seems almost bigger than BBCNI itself .
Talkback regularly with William Crawley is a soberer offering .
Mark Carruthers interrogates the politicians and commentators @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can of course access the local output on iPlayer and BBC Sounds but there ’ s a bigger world out there , life is too short etc etc .
I only tune in on big occasions .
On visits “ home ” I give Radio Ulster a go but usually recoil after an hour or so .
I ’ m just not used to it any more .
Whether this says more about me or it I ’ m not sure .
But if this was my daily diet it would drive me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of BBC NI posts a lifetime ago and as former commissioning editor of BBC Radio current affairs magazine and documentary programmes in London , I ’ m familiar with most of the problems of news broadcasting .
The BBC can not afford to go too far ahead of the agenda however stuck in the mud it may be .
It can only go so far in the search for gold among the dross .
The audience will sense a false note of preachiness in striving too hard to be “ constructive ” .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The main difference between my time and today is that when the Troubles started we had so little airtime .
Then in 1975 Radio Ulster made an unconfident start and expanded news based content only gradually .
Then we had the absurd Sinn Fein ban accompanied by their growing emergence on the political scene .
Inevitably this left all broadcasters open to attack from opposite sides either as censors or rebels against legitimate authority .
For many years the incident level was so high that we chronicled the Troubles more than we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happening to society .
An occupational hazard of local broadcasting is to keep topping up or updating what we know , assuming that everybody basically knows the score .
We can ’ t keep going back to basics every day from Heaven ’ s sake .
Yet very often it ’ s the fundamentals that are either poorly understood , or are changing in ways that are not yet clear , particularly in a divided community which has gone through so much as a whole , but differently according to community and district @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dominant than ever as a resource , in spite of the proliferation of other media .
It is incomparably a better service and better funded than during the height of the Troubles , despite present cuts .
Nevertheless I ’ m proud of the pioneering we did in the early decades in all areas including journalism , arts features and remarkably , network drama .
In those days people were often reluctant to appear even to talk about history and local heritage in case it would somehow expose them to attack or criticism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ done .
The forthcoming post Brexit agenda will be complex and confusing but hopefully less life threatening than the bad old days .
In GB Brexit has opened up a chasm of difference which is threatening the very survival of the state and imposing new strains on BBC impartiality .
In its own unique situation , BBC NI has experienced similar challenges for decades .
Today the agenda is less about life and death and more about the quality of life .
The way ahead of for less reactive comment in the name @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which have not yet emerged into politics .
To succeed it will need the cooperation of a wider cast .
The agendas of poverty , health and education are not yet led by politicians .
It took the RHI scandal to expose the stark deficiencies in governance in their full horror .
There are scores perhaps hundreds of people who have better prescriptions .
Many of them are in the public service and are therefore inhibited from speaking .
A few are independent and able to do so .
Many others recently retired @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reporting of Assembly committees can produce sharper stories .
Denis Bradley ’ s repeated claims ought to motivate all the local broadcasters beyond the rote PR response .
BBC NI should dispel the impression of coasting along well worn tramlines .
New energy and innovation are needed .
So is a fuller response from civil society , to create a wider public debate that raises sights rather than depresses them .
Denis Bradley should tell the fearful to stop acting like wet lettuces and speak out at last .

Denis Bradley writing in the Irish News
The atmosphere that has been nurtured on BBC Radio Ulster and Foyle since the peace process has driven away more voices than it has attracted. Only the most vocal of our politicians are regulars. Most clerics avoid it like the plague. Key personnel in many of our most important institutions never appear, most likely out of fear. Many do not feel equipped to partake in an atmosphere that is not always conducive to explanation or exploration.
That critique has been less prevalent during lockdown. Virologists have taken over the airways and commentators and listeners have left the disagreements to the scientists themselves. But that is not going to last forever.
We are on the threshold of some major debates that have proven themselves very capable of raising passions and hackles. Brexit will shortly push its way back onto the agenda and an economic border on the Irish Sea will crash on to the airways. When and how to prepare the border poll promised in the Good Friday Agreement hasn’t gone away.
These critical discussions will take place in the years marking the centenary of the establishment of Northern Ireland.
BBC would be well advised to begin exploring its capability of handling the coming debates in a way that does more good than harm.
As a BBC NI broadcaster in another age long removed to England, I’m simply not well enough qualified to judge the fairness of Denis’ piece. Nolan whose coordination from brain to mouth is among fastest I know, is Marmite man and seems almost bigger than BBCNI itself. Talkback regularly with William Crawley is a soberer offering. Mark Carruthers interrogates the politicians and commentators with commendable if familiar tenacity.
I can of course access the local output on iPlayer and BBC Sounds but there’s a bigger world out there, life is too short etc etc. I only tune in on big occasions. On visits “home” I give Radio Ulster a go but usually recoil after an hour or so. I’m just not used to it any more. Whether this says more about me or it I’m not sure. But if this was my daily diet it would drive me crazy.
Having briefly held a couple of BBC NI posts a lifetime ago and as former commissioning editor of BBC Radio current affairs magazine and documentary programmes in London, I’m familiar with most of the problems of news broadcasting. The BBC cannot afford to go too far ahead of the agenda however stuck in the mud it may be. It can only go so far in the search for gold among the dross. The audience will sense a false note of preachiness in striving too hard to be “constructive”. Those are problems in responding to Denis.
The main difference between my time and today is that when the Troubles started we had so little airtime. Then in 1975 Radio Ulster made an unconfident start and expanded news based content only gradually. The absurd Sinn Fein ban followed, accompanied by their growing emergence on the political scene. Inevitably this left all broadcasters open to attack from opposite sides either as censors or rebels against legitimate authority. For many years the incident level was so high that we chronicled the Troubles more than have the time and frankly the energy to explain what was really happening to society. An occupational hazard of local broadcasting is to keep topping up or updating what we know, assuming that everybody knows the basic score. We can’t keep going back to basics every day from Heaven’s sake. Yet very often it’s the fundamentals that are either poorly understood, or are changing in ways that are not yet clear, particularly in a divided community which has gone through so much as a whole, but differently according to community and district.
Today, BBC NI is more dominant than ever as a resource, in spite of the proliferation of other media. It is incomparably a better service and better funded than during the height of the Troubles, despite present cuts. Nevertheless I’m proud of the pioneering we did in the early decades in all areas including journalism, arts features and remarkably, network drama. In those days people were often reluctant to appear even to talk about history and local heritage in case it would somehow expose them to attack or criticism. Somehow my colleagues got the job done.
The forthcoming post Brexit agenda will be complex and confusing but hopefully less life threatening than in the bad old days. In GB Brexit has opened up a chasm of difference which is threatening the very survival of the state and imposing new strains on BBC impartiality.
In its own unique situation, BBC NI has experienced similar challenges for decades. Today the agenda is less about life and death and more about the quality of life. The way ahead of for less reactive comment in the name of accountability and more searching for solutions which have not yet emerged into politics. To succeed it will need the cooperation of a wider cast. The agendas of poverty, health and education are not yet led by politicians. It took the RHI scandal to expose the stark deficiencies of governance in their full horror. There are scores perhaps hundreds of people who have better prescriptions. Many of them are in the public service and are therefore inhibited from speaking. A few are independent and able to do so . Many others recently retired should have no such inhibitions. Critical reporting of Assembly committees can produce sharper stories.
Denis Bradley’s repeated claims ought to motivate all the local broadcasters beyond the rote PR response.
BBC NI should dispel the impression of coasting along well worn tramlines. New energy and innovation are needed. So is a fuller response from civil society, to create a wider public debate that raises sights rather than depresses them. Denis Bradley should tell the fearful to stop acting like wet lettuces and speak out at last.