sluggerotoole--2020-02-19--The great British culture crisis…

The great British culture crisis…

What is striking is that Dawe foresaw this identity crisis nearly to the year .
On his estimate it would place it on 2019 , I would argue it began with the 2016 referendum result and reached its pinnacle moment in 2019 with Boris Johnson ’ s majority .
His party saw the election for what it was , a clambering for stability by a lower middle and working class English electorate that had been crudely destabilised by the 2008 crisis and a feeling that power was slipping further from their grasp – “ take back control.
” Fintan O @ @ @ @ @ @ @ analysis of Brexit and the general events of the last few years since the vote .
He attributes it to ( a confused ) ‘ English nationalism , ’ in an interview with the guardian on his latest book he says : What is again striking in O ’ Toole ’ s analysis is the parallel between this idea of Englishness with the idea of ‘ Britishness ’ or ‘ Anglo-Irishness ’ of the Northern Protestant .
Like Daw I hail from this community and understand full well the frustrations at the stereotypes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leaders ’ ( mostly of the socially conservative variety ) slip into .
The caricature of the xenophobic Englishman is what the Ulster protestant has had to endure since partition .
Daw outlines this in his compilation of essays ‘ the sound of the shuttle ’ released recently by Irish Academic Press .
In it he casts an eye over the history of Belfast ’ s industrial expansion , the sneering observation of this by outsiders like Keats and the general failure by writers down the ages in their understanding of the northern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like Englishness it is a sometimes confused identity , one of hybridity , something scorned often by the poets such as Yeats in his earlier work that pursued a pure Celtic Ireland ( although himself a protestant ) .
He points to Beckett “ of having to think about one ’ s cultural position , of being literally ‘ self-conscious.
’ More often than not this ‘ self-consciousness ’ is lost whether by the pursuit of profit in the booming Belfast industries or today when we go in our thousands to English universities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his roots and the ‘ self-consciousness ’ reappeared when in his later work his poems took a sharper turn , a grittier turn and a tone of almost regret that he had in part caused many young Irish men to meet their death in a struggle against the British state .
It is like the gritty realism of Northern culture balances out the dreamy romance of an ‘ Celtic ’ culture .
The ‘ Ulsterisation ’ of British politics ( moreover English politics ) described by Sam McBride eloquently in this piece have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been obtained by the Tory party .
That victory has been built on the back of such a stratification of political positioning , the regions so long left behind want their self-esteem returned to them , they have done this by harnessing that ‘ self-consciousness ’ realism borne so long by their cousins across the Irish sea .
What will this great parallel of identity in crisis yield ?
Let us hope that this hybridity and self-consciousness can lend itself to our neighbours whether it be in building a stable Northern Ireland in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Irish state .
Let us lend ourselves to either endeavour with the same strength of conviction and zeal that we had in building up the great industries of the 19th century ( Catholic , Protestant and other ) .
And not borrow from our English cousins the traits they appear to be borrowing from us… Photo by Emily Wilkinson is licensed under CC0

Gerald Dawe wrote in a 1994 essay that:
“There are parallels that can be pursued between the Northern Protestant situation today, and what might emerge in England in, say, twenty-five years when ordinary English men and women can no longer take for granted the stability and reliability of a given history and a cultural identity based unthinkably upon the post-World War II past.”
What is striking is that Dawe foresaw this identity crisis nearly to the year. On his estimate it would place it on 2019, I would argue it began with the 2016 referendum result and reached its pinnacle moment in 2019 with Boris Johnson’s majority. His party saw the election for what it was, a clambering for stability by a lower middle and working class English electorate that had been crudely destabilised by the 2008 crisis and a feeling that power was slipping further from their grasp – “take back control.”
Fintan O’Toole is most attributed with this analysis of Brexit and the general events of the last few years since the vote. He attributes it to (a confused)‘English nationalism,’ in an interview with the guardian on his latest book he says:
“There’s no WB Yeats of English nationalism. So it’s not very well articulated. It’s a set of feelings rather than a political programme and Brexit offers itself as the way to address it. It says here’s the way to express yourself with an English identity. But it doesn’t answer it.”
What is again striking in O’Toole’s analysis is the parallel between this idea of Englishness with the idea of ‘Britishness’ or ‘Anglo-Irishness’ of the Northern Protestant. Like Daw I hail from this community and understand full well the frustrations at the stereotypes that all too often our self-appointed ‘leaders’ (mostly of the socially conservative variety) slip into. The caricature of the xenophobic Englishman is what the Ulster protestant has had to endure since partition.
Daw outlines this in his compilation of essays ‘the sound of the shuttle’ released recently by Irish Academic Press. In it he casts an eye over the history of Belfast’s industrial expansion, the sneering observation of this by outsiders like Keats and the general failure by writers down the ages in their understanding of the northern Protestant identity. I will say that like Englishness it is a sometimes confused identity, one of hybridity, something scorned often by the poets such as Yeats in his earlier work that pursued a pure Celtic Ireland (although himself a protestant).
He points to Beckett “of having to think about one’s cultural position, of being literally ‘self-conscious.’ More often than not this ‘self-consciousness’ is lost whether by the pursuit of profit in the booming Belfast industries or today when we go in our thousands to English universities never to return. Yeats eventually found his roots and the ‘self-consciousness’ reappeared when in his later work his poems took a sharper turn, a grittier turn and a tone of almost regret that he had in part caused many young Irish men to meet their death in a struggle against the British state. It is like the gritty realism of Northern culture balances out the dreamy romance of an ‘Celtic’ culture.
The ‘Ulsterisation’ of British politics (moreover English politics) described by Sam McBride eloquently in this piece have not receded because a stable majority has been obtained by the Tory party. That victory has been built on the back of such a stratification of political positioning, the regions so long left behind want their self-esteem returned to them, they have done this by harnessing that ‘self-consciousness’ realism borne so long by their cousins across the Irish sea.
What will this great parallel of identity in crisis yield? Let us hope that this hybridity and self-consciousness can lend itself to our neighbours whether it be in building a stable Northern Ireland in the United Kingdom or within a new Irish state. Let us lend ourselves to either endeavour with the same strength of conviction and zeal that we had in building up the great industries of the 19th century (Catholic, Protestant and other). And not borrow from our English cousins the traits they appear to be borrowing from us…
Photo by Emily Wilkinson is licensed under CC0


sluggerotoole--2020-02-18--A border poll  yields pride of place to good government at Stormont. Will the parties get the messag

A border poll  yields pride of place to good government at Stormont. Will the parties get the message?

We ’ re told it ’ s the most thorough survey of political attitudes in years ( what , more than the NI Life and Times surveys ? )
.
It shows the graph has tilted over a just a little more in favour of united Ireland , confirming that those who Don ’ t Know or declined to answer – an odd description of the middle ground – hold the balance .
I ’ m caught between concern about growing tension as the day approaches and hoping that near equality between the two poles will in the end produce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do every so often , the system forces them back again .
And the voters have cottoned on .
No more is the real business of government for wimps while the real people obsess over the constitutional question .
The headline results give the pro Union side ( I describe it more expansively than “ unionists ” ) – a breathing space to update its case in the light of Brexit damage and continuous demographic pressures This I think is the most prudent line to take from the results rather than Unionists going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to remain in UK .
Nearly three-quarters of ‘ Other ’ voters support the Union , and only 29 % would vote for unity if there was a border poll tomorrow .
The low unity figure shows that the flurry of excitement that greeted Sinn Fein ’ s promotion to one of three leading parties in the Republic has failed to generate a similar “ seismic “ response among northern nationalists .
The findings are the latest revelation of a mature electorate after the UK general election less willing than ever to vote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quite a development .
Is nothing inevitable any more except death and taxes ?
More remarkable is the paradox of 80 % voting in favour of the Assembly from opposite sides that barely transfer votes .
Both the DUP and Sinn Fein get the message that the Assembly is the route to their different nirvanas .
They can ’ t both be right except in the sense that the sort of outcome each wants –based on acceptance if not wild enthusiasm on the part of the losers – can only be can achieved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t imagine a border poll being called in chaotic conditions , can you ?
Apart from complaining about lack of funding , the reconvened Assembly has to decide how to comply with the undeniable will of the people to implement the New Decade New Approach agreement .
A new report Sectarianism : Key Facts commissioned by body called the Equality Coalition of the voluntary sector and trade unions , calls for more radical action against sectarianism .
The concept of working for good community relations is “ out of date “ claims its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ replaced by a sector by sector equality audit .
McVeigh devotes much space to attacking the supposed shortcomings of Sectarianism , A Review by Prof Duncan Morrow last year , which McVeigh believes is seriously flawed for settling for managing the impact of sectarianism rather than eliminating it .
Morrow makes the interesting point that much pressure against sectarianism used to come from outside , that is mainly from Westminster , but Brexit changed all that .
After the three year standoff the local parties may discover their own momentum in survival .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to a Catholic majority changes the character of sectarianism both for good and bad- some gaps of entitlement have narrowed but some attitudes have hardened , His Sectarian Disparity Audit is modelled on a Race Audit begun in England .
His ideas bristle with problems , not least the fact that our two sides are equally represented in government unlike the ethnic balance in England and there is no agreed definition of sectarianism in law , nor is there likely to be .
Nonetheless McVeigh usefully points to chronic problems which remain to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Future .
Can the Assembly parties reconcile the unambiguous demand of a still chronically divided community to work together for an agreed common interest while at the same time manoeuvring around the prospect of a border poll ?
No doubt much relieved by her own opinion rating , Arlene Foster promises New Generation Unionism while Sinn Fein will doubtless resume pressure on the new government to begin “ preparing for unity once the tortuous business of forming it is over .
Perhaps one of these days they ’ ll all turn to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ programme for government that can actually be implemented .
You can imagine the reaction to the proposal for an audit of sectarianism .
Who could afford to be left out and who would comply tamely with its findings ?

We’re told it’s the most thorough survey of political attitudes in years (what, more than the NI Life and Times surveys?). It shows the graph has tilted over a just a little more in favour of united Ireland, confirming that those who Don’t Know or declined to answer – an odd description of the middle ground – hold the balance. I’m caught between concern about growing tension as the day approaches and hoping that near equality between the two poles will in the end produce healthier politics. For split as they do every so often, the system forces them back again. And the voters have cottoned on. No more is the real business of government for wimps while the real people obsess over the constitutional question.
The headline results give the pro Union side (I describe it more expansively than “unionists”) – a breathing space to update its case in the light of Brexit damage and continuous demographic pressures
This I think is the most prudent line to take from the results rather than Unionists going cock a hoop over 52% opting to remain in UK. Nearly three-quarters of ‘Other’ voters support the Union, and only 29 % would vote for unity if there was a border poll tomorrow. The low unity figure shows that the flurry of excitement that greeted Sinn Fein’s promotion to one of three leading parties in the Republic has failed to generate a similar “seismic “response among northern nationalists. The findings are the latest revelation of a mature electorate after the UK general election less willing than ever to vote along the old tramlines. Which is quite a development. Is nothing inevitable any more except death and taxes?
More remarkable is the paradox of 80% voting in favour of the Assembly from opposite sides that barely transfer votes. Both the DUP and Sinn Fein get the message that the Assembly is the route to their different nirvanas. They can’t both be right except in the sense that the sort of outcome each wants –based on acceptance if not wild enthusiasm on the part of the losers – can only be can achieved under stable conditions. I can’t imagine a border poll being called in chaotic conditions, can you?
Apart from complaining about lack of funding, the reconvened Assembly has to decide how to comply with the undeniable will of the people to implement the New Decade New Approach agreement.
A new report Sectarianism: Key Facts commissioned by body called the Equality Coalition of the voluntary sector and trade unions, calls for more radical action against sectarianism. The concept of working for good community relations is “out of date “claims its author Dr Robbie McVeigh and should be replaced by a sector by sector equality audit. McVeigh devotes much space to attacking the supposed shortcomings of Sectarianism, A Review by Prof Duncan Morrow last year, which McVeigh believes is seriously flawed for settling for managing the impact of sectarianism rather than eliminating it . Morrow makes the interesting point that much pressure against sectarianism used to come from outside, that is mainly from Westminster, but Brexit changed all that. After the three year standoff the local parties may discover their own momentum in survival.
Both reports emphasise how the trend towards to a Catholic majority changes the character of sectarianism both for good and bad- some gaps of entitlement have narrowed but some attitudes have hardened, His Sectarian Disparity Audit is modelled on a Race Audit begun in England. His ideas bristle with problems, not least the fact that our two sides are equally represented in government unlike the ethnic balance in England and there is no agreed definition of sectarianism in law, nor is there likely to be. Nonetheless McVeigh usefully points to chronic problems which remain to be addressed in concepts like A Shared Future.
Can the Assembly parties reconcile the unambiguous demand of a still chronically divided community to work together for an agreed common interest while at the same time manoeuvring around the prospect of a border poll? No doubt much relieved by her own opinion rating , Arlene Foster promises New Generation Unionism while Sinn Fein will doubtless resume pressure on the new government to begin “preparing for unity once the tortuous business of forming it is over. Perhaps one of these days they’ll all turn to the people’s priorities and produce a programme for government that can actually be implemented. You can imagine the reaction to the proposal for an audit of sectarianism. Who could afford to be left out and who would comply tamely with its findings?


sluggerotoole--2020-02-21--Don’t believe the stereotype – Derry Girls blackboard now part of Ulster Museum exhibition about ide

Don’t believe the stereotype – Derry Girls blackboard now part of Ulster Museum exhibition about identity and culture

Do you keep your toaster in the cupboard ?
Hate ABBA ?
Holiday in Bundoran ?
These are important questions that Derry Girls raised during in a memorable episode that dived headlong into the stereotypes that persist in Northern Ireland society .
The ‘ Differences ’ blackboard from the show is currently on display in the Ulster Museum ’ s new CultureLab exhibition along with memorabilia from many other ways we express and define our local identity , not just the Orange and Green .
National Museums NI ’ s chief executive Kathryn Thomson explains all in the video below @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to answer questions and have their cultural identity scored in a very tongue-in-cheek Derry Girls fashion .
The ‘ Similarities ’ blackboard was empty in the show , but visitors to the Ulster Museum now have a chance to chalk up their ideas on the board .
The gallery will remain open until November .
CultureLab is part of Making the Future , a collaborative Peace IV-funded project with a consortium of National Museums NI , Nerve Centre , PRONI and Linen Hall Library delivering a comprehensive programme of cultural engagement , creativity @ @ @ @

Do you keep your toaster in the cupboard? Hate ABBA? Holiday in Bundoran?
These are important questions that Derry Girls raised during in a memorable episode that dived headlong into the stereotypes that persist in Northern Ireland society.
The ‘Differences’ blackboard from the show is currently on display in the Ulster Museum’s new CultureLab exhibition along with memorabilia from many other ways we express and define our local identity, not just the Orange and Green. National Museums NI’s chief executive Kathryn Thomson explains all in the video below.
An interactive quiz also allows visitors to answer questions and have their cultural identity scored in a very tongue-in-cheek Derry Girls fashion.
The ‘Similarities’ blackboard was empty in the show, but visitors to the Ulster Museum now have a chance to chalk up their ideas on the board. The gallery will remain open until November.
CultureLab is part of Making the Future, a collaborative Peace IV-funded project with a consortium of National Museums NI, Nerve Centre, PRONI and Linen Hall Library delivering a comprehensive programme of cultural engagement, creativity and skills development.


sluggerotoole--2020-02-21--So what the hell just happened in #GE2020?

GE2020 has been declared a revolution at the ballot box .
According to the commentary class , this result was seismic , an earthquake on the political landscape that upends all the norms .
But the data tells a different story , one of bog-standard political pragmatism on the part of Sinn Féin and simple political failure on behalf of the two old parties .
Many words will be spent trying to explain the meteoric rise of SF but in truth , there were four decisive factors in their favour going into this election that secured their win : Mary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pearse Doherty and Lady Luck .
Mary Lou performed her task perfectly .
At every occasion during the campaign she was confident , controlled , well-spoken , and she never once shouted ‘ Up The Ra ’ .
The fact that the only female leader on the debate stage was also the only one who had never been Minister for Health meant she had every advantage over her opponents .
Sinn Féin ’ s surge in votes came in the shape of Eoin Ó Broin ’ s Plan For Housing .
That ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most pressing issue to the voters .
Ó Broin had sat down , considered the problem , and came up with a Plan .
Whether or not it would work is irrelevant .
He had a plan to offer and the others didn ’ t .
Pearse Doherty is one of the most impressive parliamentarians of his generation .
Since his election to Dáil Éireann in 2010 , he gained a reputation as a man laser-focused on the weaknesses in our financial systems that were not addressed post-crash .
His persistent work on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has resonated with votes across income brackets .
If I had a euro for every time someone said , ‘ Pearse Doherty is very good , pity about the SF thing… ’ I would be writing this piece on a beach with a cocktail in hand but luck is a fickle creature .
And she ’ s clearly in the SF camp right now .
Lady Luck graced SF with a moment they will never get again .
Three instances happened in quick succession that saved them .
They got back into Stormont @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voter wondering what the hell was the government thinking .
It was galling to think that after three years of being Brexit-blocked at every demand for investment , there was suddenly taxpayer money available to spend on a party for the Black and Tans .
And then a homeless man was left with life-altering injuries after his tent was removed by council workers and heavy machinery , under the watchful gaze of an election poster for Housing Minister Eoghan Murphy .
Suddenly SF looked different to the voters .
Their vocal stance on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the canal resonated with the electorate .
Finally , someone was saying what we all were thinking .
And Lady Luck was there with a wink for Mary Lou .
It was Nemesis , goddess of retribution against hubris , who watched over Fianna Fáil ’ s campaign efforts and scowled .
The election was there for FF to win and they assumed they just had to sit back , don ’ t mess up , and watch the first preferences roll in .
They were wrong .
Health and housing , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both legacy FF issues that demand reform and investment to solve .
The electorate wanted to talk policy , not ideology , on the doorsteps .
They wanted plans and FF offered only vague promises .
An even bigger issue for FF is the collapse of their youth vote .
FF was on the wrong side of the biggest youth-led political movement Ireland has ever seen , the Repeal the 8th campaign .
An army of young women in black jumpers took their place on the political landscape and when they look at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ powerhouse of Irish politics , but a weak opponent on the ropes .
The ageing soldiers of destiny , sitting around a fire and reminiscing about their glory days , don ’ t look fit for the battle ahead .
The warning signs for Fianna Fáil were there , but their overconfidence , indeed their hubris , was their undoing .
The result of GE2020 for Fine Gael demonstrates one truth very clearly – the FG parliamentary party should have listened to their grassroots in 2017 .
In the FG leadership election , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compassion platform that was mocked as a Garret Fitzgerald tribute act , yet he won 65 % of the grassroots vote compared to Leo ’ s 35 % .
But FG ’ s own Icarus had secured the Parliamentary party votes and did not listen to the warning as he spread his wings and aimed for the sky .
Until the 2020 general election .
In the first debate , our Tory-Boy-in-Chief struggled to work in his ‘ Yes I do have empathy even if I can ’ t show it ’ line @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Coveney ’ s leadership campaign literature , the lines the public wanted were all in there .
Scaremongering about an SF-FF government saved a few seats on the day but not enough to hide the fact that this is an even worse result than 2002 with FG returning only 20.8 % of the popular vote The FG parliamentary party lost this election when they fell for Leo ’ s promises of being a vote winner and now have a leader who has never won an electoral contest for his party .
Fine Gael @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – listen to your grassroots .
While the three-way Mexican standoff between Sinn Féin , Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael is the big story from GE2020 , coalitionology puts the pressure on the smaller parties .
The Greens went into the 32nd Dáil with 2 TDs and left it with 3 after Joe O ’ Brien won the seat in the Fingal by-election .
They enter the 33rd Dáil with 12 seats .
Yet this is still a disappointing result for the Green party .
Health , housing and climate were the issues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ solid platform to offer on climate but their message on health and housing was weak .
Dublin Green voters are aware that rural Ireland will likely end up carrying a heavier burden during a transition to a green economy than city dwellers and they wanted a Green party able to bring rural Ireland along .
Eamon ‘ Car Share ’ Ryan didn ’ t convince them he was the man for the job .
Voters wanted a champion to keep the wolves from the Nation ’ s door , not import them in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ winnable seat in Dublin Bay North , where they ran a pro-life candidate in the highest Repeal yes vote constituency in the country .
Then Saoirse McHugh , poll topper in the Twitter constituency , won the heart of social media revolutionaries with her talk of abolishing the State and upfront rejection of parliamentary politics .
What FG TD John Paul Phelan categorised as ‘ nutter ’ politics was just enough to scare off any wavering rural voters , particularly disaffected FF and FG voters who turned to SF on polling day .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ will confess that during the election I canvassed with two Labour party candidates , both good friends of mine .
While I am not a member of the Labour party , nor any other party , I am personally delighted that they both got elected .
They did so despite the Labour party , not because of it .
The Labour party is bubbling over with young , passionate , and dedicated candidates and activists who were failed utterly by their leadership .
The same tired generation who have driven the Labour party @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for candidates to get an opening with the voters .
The failure to follow through on necessary reform after the 2016 election deprived many great candidates of a shot at a seat and the SF surge was the final nail in the coffin .
If the new generation can find the courage to stand up and fight then maybe the oldest party in the State has a future .
At the time of publishing the jury is still out .
The Social Democrats had a good election .
Co-leaders Catherine Murphy and Rosin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Dáil accompanied by four new TDs .
The Soc Dems were a safe electoral space for voters who wanted change but are still wary of SF , and for centre-left voters who wanted Labour policies without Labour baggage .
Solidarity/People Before Profit/Rise/etc return to the 33rd with 5 seats having lost Ruth Coppinger who , in the finest tradition of Irish political careerism , has her eye on a seat in the Seanad Recovery Ward .
This particular branch of Irish politics survived on SF transfers , the sole exception being the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Richard Boyd Barrett on a poll topping 15.46 % of first preferences .
A second snap election will undoubtedly see SF run their own candidates to sweep up those votes and the Revolutionary Left will find themselves out of office and out of media opportunities .
Despite dire predictions , the Healy-Rae party survived intact with both Kerry TD ’ s returning to Dáil Éireann and ready for coalition talks .
Party leader Michael , the one with the cap , accumulated an outstanding 21.65 % of the first preferences and Danny , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the second seat on transfers .
With three county councillors currently elected , the future of the party can not be doubted .
While the overall independent vote is down , the picture is stable .
The Irish electorate will always have a place on their heart for a maverick .
However the current batch of independent TDs would do well to learn from the wipeout of the Independent Alliance that Shane Ross led into government – there are no votes in failed North Korean peace missions .
Is there anything to be @ @ @ @ @

GE2020 has been declared a revolution at the ballot box. According to the commentary class, this result was seismic, an earthquake on the political landscape that upends all the norms.
But the data tells a different story, one of bog-standard political pragmatism on the part of Sinn Féin and simple political failure on behalf of the two old parties.
Many words will be spent trying to explain the meteoric rise of SF but in truth, there were four decisive factors in their favour going into this election that secured their win: Mary Lou McDonald, Eoin Ó Broin, Pearse Doherty and Lady Luck.
Mary Lou performed her task perfectly. At every occasion during the campaign she was confident, controlled, well-spoken, and she never once shouted ‘Up The Ra’. The fact that the only female leader on the debate stage was also the only one who had never been Minister for Health meant she had every advantage over her opponents.
Sinn Féin’s surge in votes came in the shape of Eoin Ó Broin’s Plan For Housing. That’s it. Housing is the second most pressing issue to the voters. Ó Broin had sat down, considered the problem, and came up with a Plan.
Whether or not it would work is irrelevant. He had a plan to offer and the others didn’t.
Pearse Doherty is one of the most impressive parliamentarians of his generation. Since his election to Dáil Éireann in 2010, he gained a reputation as a man laser-focused on the weaknesses in our financial systems that were not addressed post-crash.
His persistent work on highlighting the issues in the insurance industry has resonated with votes across income brackets. If I had a euro for every time someone said, ‘Pearse Doherty is very good, pity about the SF thing…’ I would be writing this piece on a beach with a cocktail in hand but luck is a fickle creature. And she’s clearly in the SF camp right now.
Lady Luck graced SF with a moment they will never get again.
Three instances happened in quick succession that saved them.
They got back into Stormont.
The RIC commemorations left the average voter wondering what the hell was the government thinking. It was galling to think that after three years of being Brexit-blocked at every demand for investment, there was suddenly taxpayer money available to spend on a party for the Black and Tans.
And then a homeless man was left with life-altering injuries after his tent was removed by council workers and heavy machinery, under the watchful gaze of an election poster for Housing Minister Eoghan Murphy.
Suddenly SF looked different to the voters. Their vocal stance on the RIC debate and the tragic incident on the canal resonated with the electorate. Finally, someone was saying what we all were thinking. And Lady Luck was there with a wink for Mary Lou.
It was Nemesis, goddess of retribution against hubris, who watched over Fianna Fáil’s campaign efforts and scowled.
The election was there for FF to win and they assumed they just had to sit back, don’t mess up, and watch the first preferences roll in. They were wrong.
Health and housing, the big issues in 2020, are both legacy FF issues that demand reform and investment to solve. The electorate wanted to talk policy, not ideology, on the doorsteps. They wanted plans and FF offered only vague promises.
An even bigger issue for FF is the collapse of their youth vote.
FF was on the wrong side of the biggest youth-led political movement Ireland has ever seen, the Repeal the 8th campaign. An army of young women in black jumpers took their place on the political landscape and when they look at FF they don’t see a powerhouse of Irish politics, but a weak opponent on the ropes.
The ageing soldiers of destiny, sitting around a fire and reminiscing about their glory days, don’t look fit for the battle ahead.
The warning signs for Fianna Fáil were there, but their overconfidence, indeed their hubris, was their undoing.
The result of GE2020 for Fine Gael demonstrates one truth very clearly – the FG parliamentary party should have listened to their grassroots in 2017.
In the FG leadership election, Simon Coveney ran on an empathy and compassion platform that was mocked as a Garret Fitzgerald tribute act, yet he won 65% of the grassroots vote compared to Leo’s 35%.
But FG’s own Icarus had secured the Parliamentary party votes and did not listen to the warning as he spread his wings and aimed for the sky. Until the 2020 general election.
In the first debate, our Tory-Boy-in-Chief struggled to work in his ‘Yes I do have empathy even if I can’t show it’ line. Someone should have passed him Simon Coveney’s leadership campaign literature, the lines the public wanted were all in there.
Scaremongering about an SF-FF government saved a few seats on the day but not enough to hide the fact that this is an even worse result than 2002 with FG returning only 20.8% of the popular vote
The FG parliamentary party lost this election when they fell for Leo’s promises of being a vote winner and now have a leader who has never won an electoral contest for his party. Fine Gael broke the golden rule of Irish politics – listen to your grassroots.
While the three-way Mexican standoff between Sinn Féin, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael is the big story from GE2020, coalitionology puts the pressure on the smaller parties.
The Greens went into the 32nd Dáil with 2 TDs and left it with 3 after Joe O’Brien won the seat in the Fingal by-election. They enter the 33rd Dáil with 12 seats.
Yet this is still a disappointing result for the Green party. Health, housing and climate were the issues most concerning voters. They had a solid platform to offer on climate but their message on health and housing was weak.
Dublin Green voters are aware that rural Ireland will likely end up carrying a heavier burden during a transition to a green economy than city dwellers and they wanted a Green party able to bring rural Ireland along. Eamon ‘Car Share’ Ryan didn’t convince them he was the man for the job. Voters wanted a champion to keep the wolves from the Nation’s door, not import them in.
Candidate selection also cost them a winnable seat in Dublin Bay North, where they ran a pro-life candidate in the highest Repeal yes vote constituency in the country.
Then Saoirse McHugh, poll topper in the Twitter constituency, won the heart of social media revolutionaries with her talk of abolishing the State and upfront rejection of parliamentary politics.
What FG TD John Paul Phelan categorised as ‘nutter’ politics was just enough to scare off any wavering rural voters, particularly disaffected FF and FG voters who turned to SF on polling day.
In the interest of transparency, I will confess that during the election I canvassed with two Labour party candidates, both good friends of mine. While I am not a member of the Labour party, nor any other party, I am personally delighted that they both got elected.
They did so despite the Labour party, not because of it.
The Labour party is bubbling over with young, passionate, and dedicated candidates and activists who were failed utterly by their leadership.
The same tired generation who have driven the Labour party into irrelevancy since 2016 made it impossible for candidates to get an opening with the voters.
The failure to follow through on necessary reform after the 2016 election deprived many great candidates of a shot at a seat and the SF surge was the final nail in the coffin.
If the new generation can find the courage to stand up and fight then maybe the oldest party in the State has a future. At the time of publishing the jury is still out.
The Social Democrats had a good election. Co-leaders Catherine Murphy and Rosin Shortall retained their seats and return to the Dáil accompanied by four new TDs.
The Soc Dems were a safe electoral space for voters who wanted change but are still wary of SF, and for centre-left voters who wanted Labour policies without Labour baggage.
Solidarity/People Before Profit/Rise/etc return to the 33rd with 5 seats having lost Ruth Coppinger who, in the finest tradition of Irish political careerism, has her eye on a seat in the Seanad Recovery Ward.
This particular branch of Irish politics survived on SF transfers, the sole exception being the radical left stronghold of Dún Laoghaire returning Richard Boyd Barrett on a poll topping 15.46% of first preferences.
A second snap election will undoubtedly see SF run their own candidates to sweep up those votes and the Revolutionary Left will find themselves out of office and out of media opportunities.
Despite dire predictions, the Healy-Rae party survived intact with both Kerry TD’s returning to Dáil Éireann and ready for coalition talks.
Party leader Michael, the one with the cap, accumulated an outstanding 21.65% of the first preferences and Danny, the one with the fairies, securing the second seat on transfers.
With three county councillors currently elected, the future of the party can not be doubted.
While the overall independent vote is down, the picture is stable. The Irish electorate will always have a place on their heart for a maverick.
However the current batch of independent TDs would do well to learn from the wipeout of the Independent Alliance that Shane Ross led into government – there are no votes in failed North Korean peace missions.
Is there anything to be said for another election?
Photo by Parker Johnson on Unsplash


sluggerotoole--2020-02-21--SOAPBOX: Why university staff are striking…

Dominic Bryan , is a Professor at the School of History , Anthropology , Philosophy and Politics at Queen ’ s University Belfast .
You can follow him on Twitter .
Staff in Northern Ireland at Queen ’ s University , the University of Ulster and the Open University , myself included , are on strike again .
Staff at Universities all over the UK are on strike again .
This is the second time in a year and the third time in three years .
It is utterly frustrating that we are back in this position .
On the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a battle that we will struggle to win and that the public tend to see us as a privileged group .
On the other hand , working conditions , pay and pensions have been put under such desperate strain by our employers who use the market place to put pressure on its workforce .
To understand why predominantly ‘ white-collar workers ’ have felt the need to do this we have to understand what has been done to the Higher Education system .
Rather than seeing Higher Education as a social good ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made part of a market place , with student fees ( supported by loans ) , a massive range of metrics upon which staff and institutions are judged , and competitive league tables pitting University against University for students ( customers ) and research funding .
Under this pressure the University have become fiscally conservative ( some of them are super rich , others relatively rich , whilst some struggle ) and their control of finances concentrates on increasing student numbers , decreasing staff numbers and decreasing the cost of staff .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thus set .
Student numbers become paramount leading , in some institutions , to the practice of ‘ unconditional offers ’ for courses desperate to keep numbers high .
Universities are investing in campuses around the world to place themselves in the global market .
Research has been directed to projects with high social and economic impact .
Attractive new-buildings have improved the campuses , relationships with industry and private investors have become a key part of strategies , and Universities invest in courses that will sustain high numbers .
Not all of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provide a problematic context .
Spending on staff has not been a priority .
Throughout all of this the pay and conditions have suffered .
There has been a significant increase in casualised labour , paid by the hour , to cover a range of teaching .
With increased numbers of people studying and obtaining PhD ’ s ( a good thing ) there are plenty of highly qualified people forced to take precarious work .
They are cheap and easy to let go .
They do the work that deserves a secure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moderate chance of finding it .
Add to this , lots of evidence of gender inequality in terms of pay and promotion .
Whilst many Universities and staff are trying hard to make a difference , through the excellent SWAN initiative , there is still a long way to go .
And workloads for all staff have been getting more problematic .
For many of us a working week of around 50 hours is not unusual , sometimes working 6/7 days a week , and crucially the institutions are very poor at controlling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is the market pressure placed on those in full time contracts .
Since 2008 we have been annually offered no increase in pay or an increase below inflation .
After 12 years staff are between 15-20 % worse off .
And within this context they also tried to alter the staff pension scheme ( USS ) demanding that staff pay more in , substantially reducing their benefits , and offering new staff inferior pension provision .
This why our Union , UCU , has designated ‘ four fights ‘ in the strike .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ University there are high paid and low paid staff .
It is vital to remember that new academics often spend around 8 years obtaining the qualification necessary for a job and build a mountain of debt in that time .
It is vital to remember that some academic related staff work on some considerably lower pay rates .
So when a journalists goes for the cheap shot question of asking a more senior academic , like myself , what we get paid ( compared to many in society we are , of course @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the point .
We are on strike to make changes to a much wider academic environment in which people are struggling with insecurity , high workloads and decreasing pay .
All of this directly impacts upon students .
Staff who lack time are going to produce inferior teaching and care .
Student representatives know very well that this fight for a different approach to academic staffing is a fight for students as well , and they are supporting us across the country .
So what do we hear from our Vice-Chancellors and senior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ period , have seen their pay sky-rocket ! )
?
They claim that they are making our institutions ‘ sustainable ’ .
They explain that they working within an economic environment that is difficult .
And they are right .
Running a multi-million £ global institution , that is vital to our economy , is a difficult job .
But their strategic decisions to maintain a profitable bottom line involves placing enormous pressure on their staff .
How many more years will we be offered a decline in salary ?
Another 10 years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the Health Service senior managers become persuaders of Government demanding more funding in the interests of patient and staff .
In the public University system , devolved through competing institutions , the management culture conforms to neo-liberal rules and values .
There is a lack of radical thinking and an inability to find other ways to finance the greater good provided Higher Education , even though there is a black hole of student debt lying in the Governments finances .
This is why we are on strike .
Not because a Professor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ broken education system is only surviving on dedicated staff working harder for less money .
When you see the picket lines outside Universities please look beyond a stereotype of a well-heeled academic and understand what is happening .

Dominic Bryan, is a Professor at the School of History, Anthropology, Philosophy and Politics at Queen’s University Belfast. You can follow him on Twitter.
Staff in Northern Ireland at Queen’s University, the University of Ulster and the Open University, myself included, are on strike again. Staff at Universities all over the UK are on strike again. This is the second time in a year and the third time in three years. It is utterly frustrating that we are back in this position. On the one hand, I know this is a battle that we will struggle to win and that the public tend to see us as a privileged group. On the other hand, working conditions, pay and pensions have been put under such desperate strain by our employers who use the market place to put pressure on its workforce.
To understand why predominantly ‘white-collar workers’ have felt the need to do this we have to understand what has been done to the Higher Education system. Rather than seeing Higher Education as a social good (economic and social) it has been made part of a market place, with student fees (supported by loans), a massive range of metrics upon which staff and institutions are judged, and competitive league tables pitting University against University for students (customers) and research funding. Under this pressure the University have become fiscally conservative (some of them are super rich, others relatively rich, whilst some struggle) and their control of finances concentrates on increasing student numbers, decreasing staff numbers and decreasing the cost of staff.
The direction of the modern UK University is thus set. Student numbers become paramount leading, in some institutions, to the practice of ‘unconditional offers’ for courses desperate to keep numbers high. Universities are investing in campuses around the world to place themselves in the global market. Research has been directed to projects with high social and economic impact. Attractive new-buildings have improved the campuses, relationships with industry and private investors have become a key part of strategies, and Universities invest in courses that will sustain high numbers. Not all of these things are bad, but they provide a problematic context. Spending on staff has not been a priority.
Throughout all of this the pay and conditions have suffered. There has been a significant increase in casualised labour, paid by the hour, to cover a range of teaching. With increased numbers of people studying and obtaining PhD’s (a good thing) there are plenty of highly qualified people forced to take precarious work. They are cheap and easy to let go. They do the work that deserves a secure contract and protection but have only a moderate chance of finding it. Add to this, lots of evidence of gender inequality in terms of pay and promotion. Whilst many Universities and staff are trying hard to make a difference, through the excellent SWAN initiative, there is still a long way to go. And workloads for all staff have been getting more problematic. For many of us a working week of around 50 hours is not unusual, sometimes working 6/7 days a week, and crucially the institutions are very poor at controlling the flow of work.
Then there is the market pressure placed on those in full time contracts. Since 2008 we have been annually offered no increase in pay or an increase below inflation. After 12 years staff are between 15-20% worse off. And within this context they also tried to alter the staff pension scheme (USS) demanding that staff pay more in, substantially reducing their benefits, and offering new staff inferior pension provision. This why our Union, UCU, has designated ‘four fights‘ in the strike.
It is vital remember that within the University there are high paid and low paid staff. It is vital to remember that new academics often spend around 8 years obtaining the qualification necessary for a job and build a mountain of debt in that time. It is vital to remember that some academic related staff work on some considerably lower pay rates. So when a journalists goes for the cheap shot question of asking a more senior academic, like myself, what we get paid (compared to many in society we are, of course, paid well) they are missing the point. We are on strike to make changes to a much wider academic environment in which people are struggling with insecurity, high workloads and decreasing pay.
All of this directly impacts upon students. Staff who lack time are going to produce inferior teaching and care. Student representatives know very well that this fight for a different approach to academic staffing is a fight for students as well, and they are supporting us across the country.
So what do we hear from our Vice-Chancellors and senior managers (who, over the same period, have seen their pay sky-rocket!)? They claim that they are making our institutions ‘sustainable’. They explain that they working within an economic environment that is difficult. And they are right. Running a multi-million £ global institution, that is vital to our economy, is a difficult job. But their strategic decisions to maintain a profitable bottom line involves placing enormous pressure on their staff. How many more years will we be offered a decline in salary? Another 10 years?
It is interesting to note that in the Health Service senior managers become persuaders of Government demanding more funding in the interests of patient and staff. In the public University system, devolved through competing institutions, the management culture conforms to neo-liberal rules and values. There is a lack of radical thinking and an inability to find other ways to finance the greater good provided Higher Education, even though there is a black hole of student debt lying in the Governments finances.
This is why we are on strike. Not because a Professor is badly paid, but because a broken education system is only surviving on dedicated staff working harder for less money. When you see the picket lines outside Universities please look beyond a stereotype of a well-heeled academic and understand what is happening.


sluggerotoole--2020-02-22--Trying to make sense of Ireland’s most recent ‘black swan’ moment…

Black Swan : The Impact of the Highly Improbable , Nassim Nicholas Talib I ’ ve spent most of the last week off with family and some friends who ’ ve been visiting from Calabria with only half a drowsy eye on the politics of our island , north , and south .
That ’ s one reason I was so pleased Slugger had Emmy ’ s fresh-eyed , on-the-ground account of a southern election campaign that took all of us by surprise ( not least myself ) .
If , as Nassim Nicholas Talib says , that it is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , is the real test of our understanding of the world ” , then I reckon most of us are still missing what ’ s going on .
Watch as the media ’ s initial certainties about the outcome fades as the reality of what Emmy describes as this three-way Mexican standoff begins to bite , not least upon the smaller parties .
Even the resignation of the Taoiseach is a form of posturing .
Privately his party is wrangling to put Micheal Martin in the poorer place when it comes to negotiating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But since both Fine Gael and Fianna Fail did so badly their ability to convene a stable government will be constricted by the consent and approval of those smaller parties severely .
Anything other than a prospect of stability surely means another election , which you might think would discourage too much selfish overbidding from any prospective partner .
But as the existentialist Sartre once said , “ hell is other people ” .
Only Martin seems to have the numbers to pull together a government , but that is only possible if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lot of different moving parts on the current fragmented mandate .
After being unceremoniously dumped from office after nine years ( and despite what it says in public ) Fine Gael still wants in .
The Greens want to implement their climate change policies .
Hard to see Labour ( with , as Emmy notes , its own successor generation needing to breakthrough and the internal conversations needed to consolidate ) being interested .
But , with the prospect of an urgent housing building programme being launched , there are potential payoffs for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Social Democrat TDs .
Such a programme is likely to happen whether a government is formed , or not .
The one thing binding all parties ( with the current exception of FG ) is the sense that Housing needs a step-change .
There will , of course , be downsides .
The destruction of the May-Varadkar ‘ backstop ’ model of Brexit has introduced a lot of uncertainty around the outcome of the final trade deal .
The near-pathological treatment of Brexit by the press has left the country ill-prepared for any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ built even if the Republic ’ s prosperity is in question .
We should also pay attention to the abrupt nature of Sinn Fein ’ s anti-establishment breakout moment here .
This could be the beginning of a wave that is unlikely to recede any time soon .
Emmy notes how Sinn Fein ’ s bounce relied upon the performative value of just two key players .
Of the two , it was Eoin O ’ Broin ’ s long term work on housing that radicalised the debate .
When challenged for their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ befuddled ( FF ) or out of touch with the lived reality of the voters ( FG ) .
Proposing the right thing has its own rewards .
It allowed SF to expose the dull , creeping managerialism that has taken hold within the Irish political establishment over the last few generations .
This election was shot across that bow .
The Sinn Fein machine is lighter , meaner and on housing at least closer to the feeling on the ground ( in spite of the rout of its local machine last June @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , also much wealthier .
It is only not ready for government , because as David at the Dissenter notes “ if it were any other Party it might be more palatable as a coalition partner ” .
This was also part of Sammy ’ s thesis .
But David takes a wider view than the IRA issue , citing Sinn Fein ’ s actual track record in Northern Ireland government and their extreme spending plans ( not to mention the tax cuts ) .
But on the big elephant in the room @ @ @ @ @ @ @ partner in government ) he notes that the party presents near-insurmountable issues for any coalition that includes SF… History is often crafted from those unlooked-for outliers that fall outside the seemingly established patterns of the past .
Another election could see Sinn Fein move into government .
Having emerged as frontrunners now , there ’ s little doubt who is going to draw most fire in the next political period .
Those tax-cutting/big spending promises will get more scrutiny this time .
As David notes , much depends on how others respond .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to achieve… But this is hardly the political establishment ’ s only difficulty .
The tone-deafness of Dublin to the concerns of ordinary people and their inability to speak to them directly won ’ t go away .
What ’ s needed is a new political , cultural and economic narrative to take the country forward into the 21st Century .
One that takes account of the wisdom of grandmothers , not just pollsters and experts .

“Missing a train is only painful if you run after it! Likewise, not matching the idea of success others expect from you is only painful if that’s what you are seeking. You stand above the rat race and the pecking order, not outside of it, if you do so by choice.”
Black Swan: The Impact of the Highly Improbable, Nassim Nicholas Talib
I’ve spent most of the last week off with family and some friends who’ve been visiting from Calabria with only half a drowsy eye on the politics of our island, north, and south.
That’s one reason I was so pleased Slugger had Emmy’s fresh-eyed, on-the-ground account of a southern election campaign that took all of us by surprise (not least myself).
If, as Nassim Nicholas Talib says, that it is true that “prediction, not narration, is the real test of our understanding of the world”, then I reckon most of us are still missing what’s going on.
Watch as the media’s initial certainties about the outcome fades as the reality of what Emmy describes as this three-way Mexican standoff begins to bite, not least upon the smaller parties.
Even the resignation of the Taoiseach is a form of posturing. Privately his party is wrangling to put Micheal Martin in the poorer place when it comes to negotiating a deal for the next govt.
But since both Fine Gael and Fianna Fail did so badly their ability to convene a stable government will be constricted by the consent and approval of those smaller parties severely.
Anything other than a prospect of stability surely means another election, which you might think would discourage too much selfish overbidding from any prospective partner.
But as the existentialist Sartre once said, “hell is other people”.
Only Martin seems to have the numbers to pull together a government, but that is only possible if does it with a hell of a lot of different moving parts on the current fragmented mandate.
After being unceremoniously dumped from office after nine years (and despite what it says in public) Fine Gael still wants in. The Greens want to implement their climate change policies.
Hard to see Labour (with, as Emmy notes, its own successor generation needing to breakthrough and the internal conversations needed to consolidate) being interested.
But, with the prospect of an urgent housing building programme being launched, there are potential payoffs for the participation of a growing band of Social Democrat TDs.
Such a programme is likely to happen whether a government is formed, or not. The one thing binding all parties (with the current exception of FG) is the sense that Housing needs a step-change.
There will, of course, be downsides. The destruction of the May-Varadkar ‘backstop’ model of Brexit has introduced a lot of uncertainty around the outcome of the final trade deal.
The near-pathological treatment of Brexit by the press has left the country ill-prepared for any prospective shocks. But houses must get built even if the Republic’s prosperity is in question.
We should also pay attention to the abrupt nature of Sinn Fein’s anti-establishment breakout moment here. This could be the beginning of a wave that is unlikely to recede any time soon.
Emmy notes how Sinn Fein’s bounce relied upon the performative value of just two key players. Of the two, it was Eoin O’Broin’s long term work on housing that radicalised the debate.
When challenged for their own ideas the other two sounded either befuddled (FF) or out of touch with the lived reality of the voters (FG). Proposing the right thing has its own rewards.
It allowed SF to expose the dull, creeping managerialism that has taken hold within the Irish political establishment over the last few generations. This election was shot across that bow.
Writing in Irish Independent and @Independent_ie tomorrow on post-election propaganda war. Example. Micheál Martin’s powerful speech, takes FF until 5pm today (21 hours) to put on social media. Mary-Lou McDonald’s powerful speech, takes SF less than hour. Compare views… pic.twitter.com/uZzqIzygqA — Fionnan Sheahan (@fionnansheahan) February 21, 2020
The Sinn Fein machine is lighter, meaner and on housing at least closer to the feeling on the ground (in spite of the rout of its local machine last June). It is, of course, also much wealthier.
It is only not ready for government, because as David at the Dissenter notes “if it were any other Party it might be more palatable as a coalition partner”. This was also part of Sammy’s thesis.
But David takes a wider view than the IRA issue, citing Sinn Fein’s actual track record in Northern Ireland government and their extreme spending plans (not to mention the tax cuts).
But on the big elephant in the room (the Army Council as a prospective partner in government) he notes that the party presents near-insurmountable issues for any coalition that includes SF…
Sinn Fein decision-making is at best described as ‘opaque’; far from answering to the many of the electorate, there is a sense that it answers only to a very few. It may believe itself (by Republican right) to be the heirs of the first Republic and absolutely, undeniably, the true Government of Ireland, but this is 2020 not 1920.
History is often crafted from those unlooked-for outliers that fall outside the seemingly established patterns of the past. Another election could see Sinn Fein move into government.
Having emerged as frontrunners now, there’s little doubt who is going to draw most fire in the next political period. Those tax-cutting/big spending promises will get more scrutiny this time.
As David notes, much depends on how others respond. Tough as it is likely to be to achieve…
The advantage of a stable Government would be its ability to last a five-year term, long enough to deal with housing where Fine Gael had started to make some progress (too late) and to resolve some of the big items on health. That would clearly take the wind out of Sinn Fein sails and, from the evidence of Corbyn ‘winning’ in 2017, it is tough to sustain momentum for radical change through to a second election.
But this is hardly the political establishment’s only difficulty. The tone-deafness of Dublin to the concerns of ordinary people and their inability to speak to them directly won’t go away.
What’s needed is a new political, cultural and economic narrative to take the country forward into the 21st Century. One that takes account of the wisdom of grandmothers, not just pollsters and experts.


sluggerotoole--2020-02-23--How will they square the circle of unfettered access to Northern Ireland ports?  Check it out on Tue

How will they square the circle of unfettered access to Northern Ireland ports?  Check it out on Tuesday

David Frost ( no , not that one , now deceased ) According to the Sunday Times we will know the approach the UK will adopt for the next stage of EU withdrawal in a couple of days , now that the country has left the organisation and we are in the transition phase of less than a year .
The UK government are taking up a position of maximum distance from the EU procedures and laws quite different from the erratic harder no softer approach of Theresa May ’ s minority government that came such a cropper .
At @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the almighty contradiction between the clear words of the NI protocol saying checks are required at ports on either side of the North Channel , and the boiler plate assurances of government ministers waving them away .
Up to now the ministers have been smilingly pitied like fundamentalists who believe the earth was created in six days , But maybe they ’ re about to have a go at somehow meaning it , as the Sunday Times reports .
Boris Johnson ’ s Brexit team has been ordered to draw up plans to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protocol in the Brexit withdrawal agreement so the prime minister can play hardball with Brussels over trade .
Officials in Taskforce Europe , run by Johnson ’ s EU negotiator David Frost , are working in secret on proposals to ensure that there do not need to be checks on goods passing from Britain to Northern Ireland .
They believe the new attorney-general , Suella Braverman , might have to give new legal advice to justify the move .
Insiders say she was appointed because her predecessor Geoffrey Cox was not willing to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Brussels as a breach of the exit agreement .
The details emerged as Frost plans this week to spell out Britain ’ s demands for a trade deal with Brussels , insisting on the same rights as Canada .
Officials have not ruled out an attempt to try to claw back money from the EU divorce bill if the EU will not play ball .
Johnson ’ s Brexit war cabinet will meet on Tuesday to sign off the plans , which will be published online on Thursday and laid out in parliament @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Guardian rang round a few experts to sound the warning notes Reneging on the special Brexit arrangements for Northern Ireland will risk trade deals with both the EU and the US , experts have warned .
Concern has been raised after Boris Johnson ’ s Brexit negotiating team has reportedly been ordered to come up with plans to “ get around ” the Northern Ireland protocol in the withdrawal agreement which includes checks on goods and food going from Great Britain to Northern Ireland .
Former Irish ambassador to the EU Bobby McDonagh @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consequences including posing a risk to a future deal with Washington where support for Ireland is considerable .
Catherine Barnard , professor of EU law at Cambridge University said there would be immediate consequences if the UK did not show good faith both legally and reputationally.. “ If , as some comments suggest , it were to renege on its legal obligations to carry our checks on goods moving from Britain to Northern Ireland , it is hard to see what value the EU , or indeed any country , would see in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If the UK were to walk away from the binding provisions designed to preserve the balances of the Good Friday agreement , which it agreed to after lengthy negotiations , there would seem in particular to be no prospect of any UK/US trade deal being ratified by Congress , ” McDonagh said .
A formal dispute could see elements of the Brexit deal , such as fisheries , or tariff-free trade taken off the table in a tit-for-tat that could poison the next five months of critical talks on the UK ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Northern Ireland protocol kicks in from 1 January 2021 whether there is a trade deal with the EU or not .
David Frost the ex diplomat and old mate of Boris Johnson ’ s who ’ s now in charge of the negotiations has dismissed the whole pattern of thought that takes its line from EU law and politics .
In a scene setting speech in Brussels he said that the EU and its supporters just don ’ t get it .
This means one of two things : either the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ EU version the terms but end up closer not because of pressure of EU law but because that ’ s what the UK has voluntarily decided ; or there ‘ ll be an almighty bustup .
Or both .
Either way Northern Ireland will be squeezed somewhere in the middle , remaining in the single market after December but having a customs relationship with GB that is supposed to allow us to benefit from new trade agreements negotiated by the UK .
Back in the day they called this squaring the circle .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Canada-Free Trade Agreement-type relationship which the EU has so often said is on offer – even if the EU itself now seems to be experiencing some doubts about that , unfortunately .
If those doubts persist , we are ready to trade on Australia-style terms if we can ’ t agree a Canada type FTA .
We understand the trade-offs involved – people sometimes say we don ’ t but we do – and we will be setting out in written form next week actually how we see the shape of the future @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do not rest my case on Brexit entirely on looking at the numbers .
There is a deeper point involved here once again .I made the point just now that some of the studies of the benefits of trade were really studies of the benefits of good institutions and good politics .
That , in my view , is where the gains of Brexit are going to come .
Some argue that sovereignty is a meaningless construct in the modern world , that what matters is sharing it to gain more influence over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ view .
We believe sovereignty is meaningful and what it enables us to do is to set our rules for our own benefit .
Sovereignty is about the ability to get your own rules right in a way that suits our own conditions .
Much of the debate about whether Britain will diverge from the EU I think misses this point .
We are clear – and the PM was clear in the speech he gave at Greenwich in London that we are not going to be a low-standard economy .
That ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ possible to have high standards , and indeed similar or better standards to those prevailing in the EU , without our laws and regulations necessarily doing exactly the same thing .
One obvious example , I think , is the ability to support our own agriculture to promote environmental goods relevant to our own countryside , and to produce crops that reflect our own climate , rather than being forced to work with rules designed for growing conditions in central France .
I struggle to see why this is so controversial .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ diverge , that we would wish not to change our rules , is the same thing as the rules governing us , on 31 December this year , are the most perfect rules that can be designed and need never be changed .
That is self-evidently absurd .
I think we should dismiss the ‘ divergence ’ phantasm from sensible political debate .
I think looking forward , we are going to have a huge advantage over the EU – the ability to set regulations for new sectors , the new ideas , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ EU can , and based on sound science not fear of the future .
I have no doubt that we will be able to encourage new investment and new ideas in this way – particularly given our plans to boost spend on scientific research , attract scientists and make Britain the best country in the world to do science .
One of those fundamentals is that we are negotiating as one country .
To return again to Burke , his conception of the state was and is one that allows for differences , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ customs .
It is one which means that our own multi-state union in the UK has grown in different ways across the EU – each playing unique roles in its historical development .
It is actually rather fashionable at the moment amongst some to run down that state which has been very successful historically .
We can not be complacent about the Union in the UK , but I nevertheless believe that all parts of the UK are going to survive and thrive together as one country .
In particular , I am @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Northern Ireland as for every other part of the UK .
A second fundamental is that we bring to the negotiations not some clever tactical positioning but the fundamentals of what it means to be an independent country .
( Good luck with that – for all our sakes ) .
What does the ‘ New Decade , New Approach ’ ( NDNA ) agreement mean for Northern Ireland ’ s Brexit ?
: Dr Katy Hayward and Professor David Phinnemore describe the thick , dark bureaucratic forest of committees and sub @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plunged .
Let ’ s hope the civil servants will be more up to the mark than they were for RHI .
As far as I know the politicians haven ’ t touched this yet .
Who could blame them ?
They ’ ve got enough to do to keep the buses running .
The Northern Ireland executive is to have a sub-committee on Brexit .
This will be chaired by the First Minister and deputy First Minister with representatives from all parties in the executive taking part .
There are a lot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Protocol , some of which can only be determined as the future UK-EU trade relationship is agreed – such as which goods will be subject to tariffs ( in the worst case scenario ) , and regulatory and other checks and controls across the Irish Sea border .
We can expect the EU to be strict on the enforcement of such controls because now the edge of its single market for goods and its customs territory becomes an internal boundary of a non-member state .
Although it is a sea border ( and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ land border ) , it is nonetheless one that will be traversed if smugglers think it is a weak spot for entry into either the EU or GB markets .
The second element of negotiation is the future UK-EU relationship .
This will determine what controls will be placed on movement across the Irish Sea ( see above ) from/to both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland .
In turn , this will affect movement across the Irish land border .
The third layer of negotiation is that of the UK ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such as the USA .
What the UK agrees in those negotiations will affect the controls that the EU will require on the movement of goods across the Irish Sea into its single market and customs territory and , thus , the experience/impact of Brexit for Northern Ireland businesses and consumers .
Input from Northern Ireland in the implementation of the Protocol A substantial feature of the NDNA document comes in the form of the UK government ’ s commitment to ‘ ensure that representatives from the Northern Ireland executive are invited to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in meetings of two crucial bodies .
First , they can attend the UK-EU Joint Committee , which is a ministerial level decision-making body charged with the implementation of the Withdrawal Agreement as a whole .
Secondly , representatives from the executive ( presumably officials from the NI Civil Service given the nature of the body ) , can also attend the Specialised Committee on Ireland/Northern Ireland – a body composed of officials overseeing the operation of the Protocol [ Annex A:9 ] .
Such attendance may be seen as a bare minimum @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ireland on bodies that will be so significant in overseeing and monitoring the implementation of the Protocol .
Invitations from the UK government to NI executive representatives to attend such meetings will occur only in instances where ( i ) the committee concerned is discussing Northern Ireland-specific matters and ( ii ) the meetings are ‘ also attended by the Irish government as part of the European Union ’ s delegation ’ .
This is , presumably , on the grounds that it reflects the logic of the north/south bodies operating on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ministerial Council ) , which gives the NI executive a unique capacity ( as a regional-level devolved administration ) to operate and make decisions at an ‘ international ’ level .
It is notable that the NDNA makes no mention of how Northern Ireland ’ s voice will feature in the work of the third UK-EU body established to support the implementation of the Protocol , namely the Joint Consultative Working Group ( JCWG ) .
This contains the most potential for Northern Ireland ’ s direct input ( including from stakeholders ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around the implementation of the protocol .
For that reason , deciding on its preferences for the operation of the JCWG and input to it from NI ought to be a priority of the executive .
The government also commits to ‘ engage in detail ’ with the executive on ‘ measures to protect and strengthen the UK internal market ’ [ Annex A:10 ] .
What this looks like in practice – especially bearing in mind that the language of strengthening the UK internal market will sit uncomfortably with some – and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are yet to be determined .
Finally on this , the government promises to ‘ engage specifically with the executive on the unique circumstances of Northern Ireland and the Protocol ’ [ Annex A:12 ] but there is no detail on this .
Input from Northern Ireland in the future UK-EU negotiations and other free-trade agreements The UK government states that it would ‘ welcome close engagement with a restored executive on Northern Ireland ’ s priorities in the next phase [ of Brexit ] ’ [ Annex A:8 ] .
Whilst recognising @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the UK negotiations with the EU and other partners ( which are of course beyond the competence of devolved administration ) , this is an extremely weak commitment and provides no indication of the institutional form engagement will take .
Effective consultation is necessary given the importance of the future UK-EU relationship and the UK ’ s relations with other partners for the future of the protocol and its implications for Northern Ireland , and especially its position in the UK internal market .
Of interest to Scotland and Wales in particular is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ commits to consulting ‘ other devolved administrations ’ alongside the NI executive , on ‘ our wider trade policy ’ [ Annex A:11 ] .
he government states in the NDNA agreement that it is ‘ absolutely committed to ensuring that Northern Ireland remains an integral part of the UK internal market , in line with the clear guarantee in the Protocol that Northern Ireland remains in the customs territory of the United Kingdom ’ [ Annex A:10 ] .
Whilst the protocol is indeed clear that Northern Ireland is part of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ practice ( given that the EU Customs Code will be implemented in the region ) , there will be new frictions and complexities introduced to the UK internal market that were not there before .
Other amendments to the WA Bill supported by NI business and parties are those that provide legally binding detail to the protocol ’ s guarantee of ‘ unfettered access ’ from the region into Great Britain after Brexit .
NI businesses are looking to be able to continue to sell their goods to the rest of the UK @ @ @ @ @ @ @ controls , dual authorisations or discrimination in the market .

David Frost ( no, not that one, now deceased)
According to the Sunday Times we will know the approach the UK will adopt for the next stage of EU withdrawal in a couple of days, now that the country has left the organisation and we are in the transition phase of less than a year. The UK government are taking up a position of maximum distance from the EU procedures and laws quite different from the erratic harder no softer approach of Theresa May’s minority government that came such a cropper. At the heart of it for us is the almighty contradiction between the clear words of the NI protocol saying checks are required at ports on either side of the North Channel, and the boiler plate assurances of government ministers waving them away. Up to now the ministers have been smilingly pitied like fundamentalists who believe the earth was created in six days, But maybe they’re about to have a go at somehow meaning it, as the Sunday Times reports.
Boris Johnson’s Brexit team has been ordered to draw up plans to “get around” the Northern Ireland protocol in the Brexit withdrawal agreement so the prime minister can play hardball with Brussels over trade. Officials in Taskforce Europe, run by Johnson’s EU negotiator David Frost, are working in secret on proposals to ensure that there do not need to be checks on goods passing from Britain to Northern Ireland.
They believe the new attorney-general, Suella Braverman, might have to give new legal advice to justify the move. Insiders say she was appointed because her predecessor Geoffrey Cox was not willing to countenance action that will be seen in Brussels as a breach of the exit agreement.
The details emerged as Frost plans this week to spell out Britain’s demands for a trade deal with Brussels, insisting on the same rights as Canada. Officials have not ruled out an attempt to try to claw back money from the EU divorce bill if the EU will not play ball. Johnson’s Brexit war cabinet will meet on Tuesday to sign off the plans, which will be published online on Thursday and laid out in parliament.
Spotting the Sunday Times story the Guardian rang round a few experts to sound the warning notes
Reneging on the special Brexit arrangements for Northern Ireland will risk trade deals with both the EU and the US, experts have warned.
Concern has been raised after Boris Johnson’s Brexit negotiating team has reportedly been ordered to come up with plans to “get around” the Northern Ireland protocol in the withdrawal agreement which includes checks on goods and food going from Great Britain to Northern Ireland.
Former Irish ambassador to the EU Bobby McDonagh said reneging on it would have serious consequences including posing a risk to a future deal with Washington where support for Ireland is considerable.
Catherine Barnard, professor of EU law at Cambridge University said there would be immediate consequences if the UK did not show good faith both legally and reputationally.. “If, as some comments suggest, it were to renege on its legal obligations to carry our checks on goods moving from Britain to Northern Ireland, it is hard to see what value the EU, or indeed any country, would see in a future trade deal with the UK. If the UK were to walk away from the binding provisions designed to preserve the balances of the Good Friday agreement, which it agreed to after lengthy negotiations, there would seem in particular to be no prospect of any UK/US trade deal being ratified by Congress,” McDonagh said.
A formal dispute could see elements of the Brexit deal, such as fisheries, or tariff-free trade taken off the table in a tit-for-tat that could poison the next five months of critical talks on the UK’s future trading relationship with the EU.
The Northern Ireland protocol kicks in from 1 January 2021 whether there is a trade deal with the EU or not.
David Frost the ex diplomat and old mate of Boris Johnson’s who’s now in charge of the negotiations has dismissed the whole pattern of thought that takes its line from EU law and politics. In a scene setting speech in Brussels he said that the EU and its supporters just don’t get it. This means one of two things: either the UK will start off wide of the EU version the terms but end up closer not because of pressure of EU law but because that’s what the UK has voluntarily decided ; or there‘ll be an almighty bustup. Or both. Either way Northern Ireland will be squeezed somewhere in the middle, remaining in the single market after December but having a customs relationship with GB that is supposed to allow us to benefit from new trade agreements negotiated by the UK. Back in the day they called this squaring the circle.
Extracts from Frost’s speech
We are clear that we want the Canada-Free Trade Agreement-type relationship which the EU has so often said is on offer – even if the EU itself now seems to be experiencing some doubts about that, unfortunately.
If those doubts persist, we are ready to trade on Australia-style terms if we can’t agree a Canada type FTA. We understand the trade-offs involved – people sometimes say we don’t but we do – and we will be setting out in written form next week actually how we see the shape of the future relationship in more detail.
But I do not rest my case on Brexit entirely on looking at the numbers. There is a deeper point involved here once again .I made the point just now that some of the studies of the benefits of trade were really studies of the benefits of good institutions and good politics. That, in my view, is where the gains of Brexit are going to come.
Some argue that sovereignty is a meaningless construct in the modern world, that what matters is sharing it to gain more influence over others. So we take the opposite view. We believe sovereignty is meaningful and what it enables us to do is to set our rules for our own benefit.
Sovereignty is about the ability to get your own rules right in a way that suits our own conditions. Much of the debate about whether Britain will diverge from the EU I think misses this point. We are clear – and the PM was clear in the speech he gave at Greenwich in London that we are not going to be a low-standard economy. That’s clear. But it is perfectly possible to have high standards, and indeed similar or better standards to those prevailing in the EU, without our laws and regulations necessarily doing exactly the same thing. One obvious example, I think, is the ability to support our own agriculture to promote environmental goods relevant to our own countryside, and to produce crops that reflect our own climate, rather than being forced to work with rules designed for growing conditions in central France.
I struggle to see why this is so controversial. The proposition that we will not wish to diverge, that we would wish not to change our rules, is the same thing as the rules governing us, on 31 December this year, are the most perfect rules that can be designed and need never be changed. That is self-evidently absurd. I think we should dismiss the ‘divergence’ phantasm from sensible political debate.
I think looking forward, we are going to have a huge advantage over the EU – the ability to set regulations for new sectors, the new ideas, and new conditions – quicker than the EU can, and based on sound science not fear of the future. I have no doubt that we will be able to encourage new investment and new ideas in this way – particularly given our plans to boost spend on scientific research, attract scientists and make Britain the best country in the world to do science.
(This last bit will really alarm the EU)
One of those fundamentals is that we are negotiating as one country. To return again to Burke, his conception of the state was and is one that allows for differences, for different habits, and for different customs. It is one which means that our own multi-state union in the UK has grown in different ways across the EU – each playing unique roles in its historical development. It is actually rather fashionable at the moment amongst some to run down that state which has been very successful historically. We cannot be complacent about the Union in the UK, but I nevertheless believe that all parts of the UK are going to survive and thrive together as one country. In particular, I am clear that I am negotiating on behalf of Northern Ireland as for every other part of the UK.
A second fundamental is that we bring to the negotiations not some clever tactical positioning but the fundamentals of what it means to be an independent country.
(Good luck with that – for all our sakes).
What does the ‘New Decade, New Approach’ (NDNA) agreement mean for Northern Ireland’s Brexit? :Dr Katy Hayward and Professor David Phinnemore describe the thick, dark bureaucratic forest of committees and sub committees into which Northern Ireland will be plunged. Let’s hope the civil servants will be more up to the mark than they were for RHI. As far as I know the politicians haven’t touched this yet. Who could blame them? They’ve got enough to do to keep the buses running.
The Northern Ireland executive is to have a sub-committee on Brexit. This will be chaired by the First Minister and deputy First Minister with representatives from all parties in the executive taking part.
There are a lot of ‘known unknowns’ in the Protocol, some of which can only be determined as the future UK-EU trade relationship is agreed – such as which goods will be subject to tariffs (in the worst case scenario), and regulatory and other checks and controls across the Irish Sea border.
We can expect the EU to be strict on the enforcement of such controls because now the edge of its single market for goods and its customs territory becomes an internal boundary of a non-member state. Although it is a sea border (and thus easier to police than an open land border), it is nonetheless one that will be traversed if smugglers think it is a weak spot for entry into either the EU or GB markets.
The second element of negotiation is the future UK-EU relationship. This will determine what controls will be placed on movement across the Irish Sea (see above) from/to both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. In turn, this will affect movement across the Irish land border.
The third layer of negotiation is that of the UK’s trade deals with other countries, such as the USA. What the UK agrees in those negotiations will affect the controls that the EU will require on the movement of goods across the Irish Sea into its single market and customs territory and, thus, the experience/impact of Brexit for Northern Ireland businesses and consumers.
Input from Northern Ireland in the implementation of the Protocol
A substantial feature of the NDNA document comes in the form of the UK government’s commitment to ‘ensure that representatives from the Northern Ireland executive are invited to be part of the UK delegation’ in meetings of two crucial bodies.
First, they can attend the UK-EU Joint Committee, which is a ministerial level decision-making body charged with the implementation of the Withdrawal Agreement as a whole. Secondly, representatives from the executive (presumably officials from the NI Civil Service given the nature of the body), can also attend the Specialised Committee on Ireland/Northern Ireland – a body composed of officials overseeing the operation of the Protocol [Annex A:9]. Such attendance may be seen as a bare minimum in terms of direct representation from Northern Ireland on bodies that will be so significant in overseeing and monitoring the implementation of the Protocol.
Invitations from the UK government to NI executive representatives to attend such meetings will occur only in instances where (i) the committee concerned is discussing Northern Ireland-specific matters and (ii) the meetings are ‘also attended by the Irish government as part of the European Union’s delegation’. This is, presumably, on the grounds that it reflects the logic of the north/south bodies operating on the island of Ireland (particularly the North/South Ministerial Council), which gives the NI executive a unique capacity (as a regional-level devolved administration) to operate and make decisions at an ‘international’ level.
It is notable that the NDNA makes no mention of how Northern Ireland’s voice will feature in the work of the third UK-EU body established to support the implementation of the Protocol, namely the Joint Consultative Working Group (JCWG). This contains the most potential for Northern Ireland’s direct input (including from stakeholders) into the discussions, monitoring and decisions around the implementation of the protocol. For that reason, deciding on its preferences for the operation of the JCWG and input to it from NI ought to be a priority of the executive.
The government also commits to ‘engage in detail’ with the executive on ‘measures to protect and strengthen the UK internal market’ [Annex A:10]. What this looks like in practice – especially bearing in mind that the language of strengthening the UK internal market will sit uncomfortably with some – and how the engagement will be carried out are yet to be determined.
Finally on this, the government promises to ‘engage specifically with the executive on the unique circumstances of Northern Ireland and the Protocol’ [Annex A:12] but there is no detail on this.
Input from Northern Ireland in the future UK-EU negotiations and other free-trade agreements
The UK government states that it would ‘welcome close engagement with a restored executive on Northern Ireland’s priorities in the next phase [of Brexit]’ [Annex A:8]. Whilst recognising that Northern Ireland will be affected by the UK negotiations with the EU and other partners (which are of course beyond the competence of devolved administration), this is an extremely weak commitment and provides no indication of the institutional form engagement will take. Effective consultation is necessary given the importance of the future UK-EU relationship and the UK’s relations with other partners for the future of the protocol and its implications for Northern Ireland, and especially its position in the UK internal market.
Of interest to Scotland and Wales in particular is the fact that the UK government here commits to consulting ‘other devolved administrations’ alongside the NI executive, on ‘our wider trade policy’ [Annex A:11].
he government states in the NDNA agreement that it is ‘absolutely committed to ensuring that Northern Ireland remains an integral part of the UK internal market, in line with the clear guarantee in the Protocol that Northern Ireland remains in the customs territory of the United Kingdom’ [Annex A:10]. Whilst the protocol is indeed clear that Northern Ireland is part of the UK’s customs territory, in practice (given that the EU Customs Code will be implemented in the region), there will be new frictions and complexities introduced to the UK internal market that were not there before.
Other amendments to the WA Bill supported by NI business and parties are those that provide legally binding detail to the protocol’s guarantee of ‘unfettered access’ from the region into Great Britain after Brexit. NI businesses are looking to be able to continue to sell their goods to the rest of the UK without tariffs, origin requirements, regulatory controls, dual authorisations or discrimination in the market.


sluggerotoole--2020-02-24--Six things to say in favour of the Great Ulster Forest (or The 100 Year Wood) idea…

I wonder sometimes do people think that the climate change crisis ( in particular ) the staggering release of carbon into the atmosphere is really the fault of bad and stupid people elsewhere but has nothing to do with us ?
On Nolan , myself , Finola Meredith and Ben Lowry discussed a little heard of item in the New Decade , New Approach document : the Great Ulster Forest .
The initial frame was can we really afford stuff like this when there ’ s a crisis in health and education ?
It ’ s not a single wood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get planting trees .
The reasoning for such public policy is laid out in a private paper by Emma Little Pengelly written when she was Westminster MP for South Belfast .
She notes : Given the heads up last night I searched under the term ‘ forest ’ and found this idea as the only reference under the culture , heritage and society section of Annex A ie , the UK Government ’ s commitments to Northern Ireland .
The intention is to do it during the 100th anniversary of the founding of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the planting projects from around the Millenium celebrations .
On reflection , there are six things I ’ d say about it : One , tree planting was one of the priorities of the last Tory Government and money has already been made available through schemes like the Urban Tree Challenge Fund in England so extra money could work its way through .
Two , if handled well ( not least by consulting relevant bodies in civil society ( Woodland Trust , Friends of the Earth , and the Arboricultural Association ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for planting and the protection of mature canopies .
Third , the planet is actually heading rapidly towards a very nasty burn point .
Do we really think Northern Ireland can get away with refusing to play its part ?
It ’ s the outcome we need to be focused on .
Doing lots of small things well will help .
Fourth , people know there is a problem and many of them still believe it can be fixed .
If this to be successful it needs public ( not just civil society @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Lots of people helping will draw down short term costs .
Fifth , it would send out a powerful message that governments aren ’ t here just to service your every whim , but can act with good authority to enable you to take back control of your own environment and contribute in a tangible way to our societies well being .
Six , this should not be a gimmick to palm off Greens .
Cities all over the world are implementing such projects , but they also need “ credible , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ensure trees become a key constituent of our infrastructure .
Two final thoughts , firstly eight percent on part of an island that was once covered in trees is little short of a disgrace .
But if we are going to reverse that we need to unlearn the lazy habits of mind and social behaviour that brought us to this pass .
Not least the framing of tree planting as a cost rather than the maintenance of a vital infrastructural asset .
And secondly , Ulster implies the three counties in the Republic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legs I would argue they should .
Many of us ( on both sides of the community ) have deep family roots in those three historic Ulster counties , and for something as organic and potentially participative as this could be , it would give us a chance to invest jointly upon the future .
Not so much reconciliation so much as a people-driven as an exercise of joint faith in what remains a single environment… Photo by Min An is licensed under CC0

I wonder sometimes do people think that the climate change crisis (in particular) the staggering release of carbon into the atmosphere is really the fault of bad and stupid people elsewhere but has nothing to do with us?
On Nolan, myself, Finola Meredith and Ben Lowry discussed a little heard of item in the New Decade, New Approach document: the Great Ulster Forest. The initial frame was can we really afford stuff like this when there’s a crisis in health and education?
It’s not a single wood, so much as a campaign to get planting trees. The reasoning for such public policy is laid out in a private paper by Emma Little Pengelly written when she was Westminster MP for South Belfast. She notes:
Northern Ireland has only approximately 8% of woodland cover. This is particularly low on average. Across the rest of the British Isles this is approximately 12% and approx. 13% woodland cover as a member state average across the EU.
Given the heads up last night I searched under the term ‘forest’ and found this idea as the only reference under the culture, heritage and society section of Annex A ie, the UK Government’s commitments to Northern Ireland.
The intention is to do it during the 100th anniversary of the founding of Northern Ireland, much in the way of the planting projects from around the Millenium celebrations. On reflection, there are six things I’d say about it:
One, tree planting was one of the priorities of the last Tory Government and money has already been made available through schemes like the Urban Tree Challenge Fund in England so extra money could work its way through.
Two, if handled well (not least by consulting relevant bodies in civil society (Woodland Trust, Friends of the Earth, and the Arboricultural Association) to set meaningful targets and guidelines both for planting and the protection of mature canopies.
Third, the planet is actually heading rapidly towards a very nasty burn point. Do we really think Northern Ireland can get away with refusing to play its part? It’s the outcome we need to be focused on. Doing lots of small things well will help.
Fourth, people know there is a problem and many of them still believe it can be fixed. If this to be successful it needs public (not just civil society) participation built in from the start. Lots of people helping will draw down short term costs.
Fifth, it would send out a powerful message that governments aren’t here just to service your every whim, but can act with good authority to enable you to take back control of your own environment and contribute in a tangible way to our societies well being.
Six, this should not be a gimmick to palm off Greens. Cities all over the world are implementing such projects, but they also need “credible, practical implementation and maintenance strategies” to ensure trees become a key constituent of our infrastructure.
Two final thoughts, firstly eight percent on part of an island that was once covered in trees is little short of a disgrace. But if we are going to reverse that we need to unlearn the lazy habits of mind and social behaviour that brought us to this pass.
Not least the framing of tree planting as a cost rather than the maintenance of a vital infrastructural asset. And secondly, Ulster implies the three counties in the Republic could be included. If this gets legs I would argue they should.
Many of us (on both sides of the community) have deep family roots in those three historic Ulster counties, and for something as organic and potentially participative as this could be, it would give us a chance to invest jointly upon the future.
Not so much reconciliation so much as a people-driven as an exercise of joint faith in what remains a single environment…
Photo by Min An is licensed under CC0