sluggerotoole--2020-01-24--God bless you Seamus and thank you for all your work in helping to bring peace to this country. It’s

David Kerr was a Special Advisor and Press Secretary to David Trimble when he was First Minister in that period 1998-2001 .
I ’ m very sorry to hear of the death of Seamus Mallon tonight .
When I worked with David Trimble in the First Minister ’ s office between 1998-2001 , we worked closely with Seamus and his team , in his role as Deputy First Minister .
He was a tough , principled and at times incredibly stubborn politician .
Negotiating with Seamus took time because he was a good negotiator – and we respected him for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own father ’ s direct , plain speaking style , at times I actually enjoyed Seamus ’ blunt , no nonsense manner .
It was often such a contrast to David ’ s mild mannered and intellectually charged style .
Mallon was smart , but he didn ’ t waste time talking around an issue – he just got straight to it .
The fact he smoked a pipe while simultaneously trying to quit ( like my father ) , also endeared him to me .
When he was calm and relatively happy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be back on the pipe .
Above all though , despite the tough exterior , he was a compassionate and thoughtful person .
The visit by both him and David to Poyntzpass following the LVF murders of Phillip Allen and Damien Trainor , one month before the Good Friday Agreement , was a watershed moment .
It was time to bring an end to years of conflict and senseless murder .
Both of them knew they had to lead us out of the darkness – and they did .
David and Seamus never @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deserved for all their work and personal sacrifice – but I think history will be kind to them .
The photo below is my favourite personal photo of them together .
I took it in October 1998 , at an event in the John F Kennedy centre in Boston .
We were on a trade mission promoting Northern Ireland after the Good Friday Agreement .
I saw the JFK quote on a wall and I knew how profound and relevant it was to the journey we had all just begun .
They knew @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them to stand in front of it and before doing so , they gazed up at it .
In today ’ s age , I would have had a high definition phone video of it all , but alas all we have is this grainy picture .
I think it ’ s great though and it captured our hopes and aspirations at that time .
God bless you Seamus and thank you for all your work in helping to bring peace to this country .
It ’ s up to others to get @ @ @ @ @

David Kerr was a Special Advisor and Press Secretary to David Trimble when he was First Minister in that period 1998-2001.
I’m very sorry to hear of the death of Seamus Mallon tonight. When I worked with David Trimble in the First Minister’s office between 1998-2001, we worked closely with Seamus and his team, in his role as Deputy First Minister.
He was a tough, principled and at times incredibly stubborn politician. Negotiating with Seamus took time because he was a good negotiator – and we respected him for that.
Having grown up with my own father’s direct, plain speaking style, at times I actually enjoyed Seamus’ blunt, no nonsense manner. It was often such a contrast to David’s mild mannered and intellectually charged style. Mallon was smart, but he didn’t waste time talking around an issue – he just got straight to it.
The fact he smoked a pipe while simultaneously trying to quit (like my father), also endeared him to me. When he was calm and relatively happy, I often thought, he must be back on the pipe.
Above all though, despite the tough exterior, he was a compassionate and thoughtful person. The visit by both him and David to Poyntzpass following the LVF murders of Phillip Allen and Damien Trainor, one month before the Good Friday Agreement, was a watershed moment.
It was time to bring an end to years of conflict and senseless murder. Both of them knew they had to lead us out of the darkness – and they did.
David and Seamus never got the joint respect and thanks they deserved for all their work and personal sacrifice – but I think history will be kind to them.
The photo below is my favourite personal photo of them together. I took it in October 1998, at an event in the John F Kennedy centre in Boston. We were on a trade mission promoting Northern Ireland after the Good Friday Agreement.
I saw the JFK quote on a wall and I knew how profound and relevant it was to the journey we had all just begun. They knew it too.
I asked both of them to stand in front of it and before doing so, they gazed up at it. In today’s age, I would have had a high definition phone video of it all, but alas all we have is this grainy picture.
I think it’s great though and it captured our hopes and aspirations at that time.
God bless you Seamus and thank you for all your work in helping to bring peace to this country. It’s up to others to get on with it now.


sluggerotoole--2020-01-24--Balancing the books and making NI a going concern is in the interest of both ‘communities’…

One of the most fascinating details being discussed this week both north and south in the context of their general election is how to spend money on what is necessary and still remain safely within the tight fiscal space prescribed for them .
In Northern Ireland , Finance Minister Conor Murphy has ruled out raising any new money through tuition fees and water rates , whilst at the same time repeating the old Sinn Féin mantra of asking for greater fiscal powers , saying that : That ’ s true , but the UK ’ s rate is now 19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of 12.5 % .
EU rules against state aid as a reason , John Campbell reports the cost to the block grant is estimated at about £240m a year .
However , with Northern Ireland leaving the EU shortly , there ’ s considerable scope to negotiate with HM Treasury over arrangements that will no longer be binding on the UK overall .
In the Irish News yesterday Newton Emerson usefully laid out some detail on the student issue , explaining not that it is a money-saving exercise , but that in putting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ You might wonder why universities here are keen to raise fees when it would just mean a corresponding cut in grants .
The answer is that Stormont caps student numbers because it is subsidising their fees… .
…Capping numbers constrains university growth , prevents local demand for places being met and forces over one quarter of students to go to Britain , where they have to pay higher fees anyway .
The point of introducing tuition fees was to free universities from grant dependency and let them expand at will .
English universities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fee income , resulting in plentiful places .
Northern Ireland has fees and a shortage of places – the worst of both worlds .
Something similar exists around Water Rates .
Whilst everyone knows it is part of the regional rate , we don ’ t know how much of that is actually spent on Northern Ireland Water .
As I noted on Nolan yesterday , this leads to several problems .
One of them is that it gives the impression Water is Free .
It isn ’ t , and everywhere else @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chunk of the EU ) knows this because one of the key constituents of the Drinking Water Directive is to make cost transparent to the consumer .
A BelTel piece that referenced a letter to the paper from Paddy Hillyard ( who led the Independent Water Review Panel in 2007 ) during the week noted that… NI Water needs at least £2.5bn to address capacity issues and to continue providing essential water and wastewater services – despite the Government providing just £2bn to the new Stormont Executive in total .
Mr Hillyard added @ @ @ @ @ @ @ NI Water has been between £250m to £300m .
“ In the 11 years our reports have been gathering dust , the total subsidy has come to just over £3bn .
“ As the Barnett formula – the mechanism for allocating funds to Northern Ireland from the Treasury – does not cover water charges , this sum has had to be taken from the health and education budgets .
The advantage of separating rates out into what could become a semistate GoCo is that NI Water could then borrow the money it needs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ large scale investment in the system rather than mending and making do .
Water differs from energy distribution in the sense that it ’ s a highly attritional commodity , and its distribution networks not only get worn out , changing demography ( and dare I say , climate change ) means it needs constant upgrading .
People may be happy with mending and making do until flooding or some kind of water-borne virus gets into the system .
I hesitate to suggest we ’ re in a new situation , but the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Blair/Brown era so that now our Ministers really do have to roll up their sleeves and show they know how to reform our creaking systems .
Nothing is going to improve if they don ’ t bring something more to the negotiating table at Whitehall with more than the supplicant ’ s begging bowl .
Unionists ought to have more self-respect than to point to our dependency on subventions as a reason to vote for the Union .
And it should dawn on Nationalists that there is no united Ireland without @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
That will take a sea change in attitudes , not just from our political parties but from a media which is often far too quick to jump to the worst view possible .
Politicians trying to break out into a new politics need to be allowed to fail and to learn .
Tomorrow we have our first Stormont focused event in years and later we ’ ll look at whether it ’ s finally time to bring back the Slugger Awards after a very long leave of absence .
We want to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ acting well , not just badly .
Photo by Pixabay is licensed under CC0

One of the most fascinating details being discussed this week both north and south in the context of their general election is how to spend money on what is necessary and still remain safely within the tight fiscal space prescribed for them.
In Northern Ireland, Finance Minister Conor Murphy has ruled out raising any new money through tuition fees and water rates, whilst at the same time repeating the old Sinn Féin mantra of asking for greater fiscal powers, saying that:
…when the proposition to reduce corporation tax was first agreed there was “a bigger difference” in the rate between Great Britain and the Republic of Ireland.
That’s true, but the UK’s rate is now 19% to the Republic’s rate of 12.5%. EU rules against state aid as a reason, John Campbell reports the cost to the block grant is estimated at about £240m a year.
However, with Northern Ireland leaving the EU shortly, there’s considerable scope to negotiate with HM Treasury over arrangements that will no longer be binding on the UK overall.
In the Irish News yesterday Newton Emerson usefully laid out some detail on the student issue, explaining not that it is a money-saving exercise, but that in putting in some modest rises to student fees…
You might wonder why universities here are keen to raise fees when it would just mean a corresponding cut in grants. The answer is that Stormont caps student numbers because it is subsidising their fees…. …Capping numbers constrains university growth, prevents local demand for places being met and forces over one quarter of students to go to Britain, where they have to pay higher fees anyway. The point of introducing tuition fees was to free universities from grant dependency and let them expand at will. English universities have largely replaced their grant income with fee income, resulting in plentiful places. Northern Ireland has fees and a shortage of places – the worst of both worlds.
Something similar exists around Water Rates. Whilst everyone knows it is part of the regional rate, we don’t know how much of that is actually spent on Northern Ireland Water. As I noted on Nolan yesterday, this leads to several problems.
One of them is that it gives the impression Water is Free. It isn’t, and everywhere else in the UK (and a big chunk of the EU) knows this because one of the key constituents of the Drinking Water Directive is to make cost transparent to the consumer.
A BelTel piece that referenced a letter to the paper from Paddy Hillyard (who led the Independent Water Review Panel in 2007) during the week noted that…
NI Water needs at least £2.5bn to address capacity issues and to continue providing essential water and wastewater services – despite the Government providing just £2bn to the new Stormont Executive in total. Mr Hillyard added: “Every year the subsidy to NI Water has been between £250m to £300m. “In the 11 years our reports have been gathering dust, the total subsidy has come to just over £3bn. “As the Barnett formula – the mechanism for allocating funds to Northern Ireland from the Treasury – does not cover water charges, this sum has had to be taken from the health and education budgets.
The advantage of separating rates out into what could become a semistate GoCo is that NI Water could then borrow the money it needs to cover the capital it needs for large scale investment in the system rather than mending and making do.
Water differs from energy distribution in the sense that it’s a highly attritional commodity, and its distribution networks not only get worn out, changing demography (and dare I say, climate change) means it needs constant upgrading.
People may be happy with mending and making do until flooding or some kind of water-borne virus gets into the system.
I hesitate to suggest we’re in a new situation, but the truth we squandered the public sector largesse of the Blair/Brown era so that now our Ministers really do have to roll up their sleeves and show they know how to reform our creaking systems.
Nothing is going to improve if they don’t bring something more to the negotiating table at Whitehall with more than the supplicant’s begging bowl.
Unionists ought to have more self-respect than to point to our dependency on subventions as a reason to vote for the Union. And it should dawn on Nationalists that there is no united Ireland without making Northern Ireland a going concern first.
That will take a sea change in attitudes, not just from our political parties but from a media which is often far too quick to jump to the worst view possible. Politicians trying to break out into a new politics need to be allowed to fail and to learn.
Tomorrow we have our first Stormont focused event in years and later we’ll look at whether it’s finally time to bring back the Slugger Awards after a very long leave of absence. We want to be able to catch our politicians out acting well, not just badly.
Photo by Pixabay is licensed under CC0


Seamus Mallon RIP

The Former Deputy First Minister and Deputy Leader of the SDLP , Seamus Mallon has died at the age of 83 .
He was elected as the MP for Newry & Armagh from 1986 to 2005 , and served as deputy First Minister of the NI Executive from July 1998 until November 2001 .
Speaking about his passing the SDLP Leader , Colum Eastwood said : “ In the darkest days of conflict , when hope was in short supply , Seamus represented the fierce thirst for justice that ran through the SDLP and through communities that had lost so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ passion for peace underpinned by truth , justice and reconciliation came from a lifetime as a proud son of Markethill where he was born , grew up and raised his own family .
It didn ’ t matter who you were , where you worshipped or what your politics were , there was always help to be found at Seamus ’ hearth .
“ I joined the SDLP because of people like Seamus Mallon .
His absolute opposition to the murder and maiming of our neighbours , his immense work to reform policing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could command the support of our entire community and his unrelenting commitment to making this a place we can all call home inspired so many young SDLP members .
“ Throughout my political life , Seamus was a constant source of guidance , advice and , when needed , some robust critical reflection .
His support has been an immense source of personal pride .
I hope that I ’ ve done him proud in return .
“ Seamus lived for Ireland and worked for all of its people – we are all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pride of Seamus ’ life was his dearly loved late wife Gertrude , their daughter Orla and granddaughter Lara .
My thoughts and prayers are with Orla , her husband Mark , and Lara at this difficult time .
I hope they ’ re comforted by Seamus ’ incredible legacy and the indelible mark he left on the lives of so many people.
” The Sinn Fein President , Mary Lou McDonald has also commented ; “ I ’ m saddened to learn of the death of former deputy First Minister and SDLP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Seamus will be remembered for his contribution to Irish politics over many decades as the SDLP deputy leader and the key role he played in achieving the Good Friday Agreement .
“ My thoughts and condolences are with his family and colleagues at this sad and difficult time .
It is with great sadness that I have learned of the death of Seamus Mallon , a man who contributed an enormous amount to the peace process in Northern Ireland .
Just over a year ago I shared a discussion platform with Seamus , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had lost none of his wit or wisdom .
“ Seamus played a pivotal role in the delivery of the Good Friday Agreement , which set us on the path to a peaceful society .
Throughout his political life he showed a total commitment to civil rights and the ending of violence .
He was not afraid to speak his mind and his integrity stayed with him to the end.
” “ I would offer my deepest sympathies to his daughter and family , SDLP colleagues and friends .
He will be sadly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Deputy First Minister

The Former Deputy First Minister and Deputy Leader of the SDLP, Seamus Mallon has died at the age of 83.
He was elected as the MP for Newry & Armagh from 1986 to 2005, and served as deputy First Minister of the NI Executive from July 1998 until November 2001.
Speaking about his passing the SDLP Leader, Colum Eastwood said:
“Seamus Mallon was a force of nature. “In the darkest days of conflict, when hope was in short supply, Seamus represented the fierce thirst for justice that ran through the SDLP and through communities that had lost so much to political violence. “His passion for peace underpinned by truth, justice and reconciliation came from a lifetime as a proud son of Markethill where he was born, grew up and raised his own family. It didn’t matter who you were, where you worshipped or what your politics were, there was always help to be found at Seamus’ hearth. “I joined the SDLP because of people like Seamus Mallon. His absolute opposition to the murder and maiming of our neighbours, his immense work to reform policing and deliver a new Police Service that could command the support of our entire community and his unrelenting commitment to making this a place we can all call home inspired so many young SDLP members. “Throughout my political life, Seamus was a constant source of guidance, advice and, when needed, some robust critical reflection. His support has been an immense source of personal pride. I hope that I’ve done him proud in return. “Seamus lived for Ireland and worked for all of its people – we are all the better for it. “The pride of Seamus’ life was his dearly loved late wife Gertrude, their daughter Orla and granddaughter Lara. My thoughts and prayers are with Orla, her husband Mark, and Lara at this difficult time. I hope they’re comforted by Seamus’ incredible legacy and the indelible mark he left on the lives of so many people.”
The Sinn Fein President, Mary Lou McDonald has also commented;
“I’m saddened to learn of the death of former deputy First Minister and SDLP deputy leader, Seamus Mallon. “Seamus will be remembered for his contribution to Irish politics over many decades as the SDLP deputy leader and the key role he played in achieving the Good Friday Agreement. “My thoughts and condolences are with his family and colleagues at this sad and difficult time.
The Alliance Party Leader, Naomi Long said;
It is with great sadness that I have learned of the death of Seamus Mallon, a man who contributed an enormous amount to the peace process in Northern Ireland. Just over a year ago I shared a discussion platform with Seamus, which was a pleasure, as he had lost none of his wit or wisdom. “Seamus played a pivotal role in the delivery of the Good Friday Agreement, which set us on the path to a peaceful society. Throughout his political life he showed a total commitment to civil rights and the ending of violence. He was not afraid to speak his mind and his integrity stayed with him to the end.” “I would offer my deepest sympathies to his daughter and family, SDLP colleagues and friends. He will be sadly missed.”
Steve Aiken, Leader of the Ulster Unionist Party:
“First and foremost our sympathies are with Seamus Mallon`s family, friends and SDLP colleagues. I was very sad to hear this news. His passing is a massive loss. While we didn`t agree on some things, there is no doubt that Seamus Mallon was a great Irishman. “In Seamus, the Ulster Unionist Party found someone who we could work with to restore devolution to Northern Ireland. Seamus Mallon was a tough politician who was committed to the primacy of politics and never forgot his roots.”
Lord Empey, former leader of the Ulster Unionist Party and member of the House of Lords:
“I worked with Seamus Mallon throughout the Mitchell Talks process, and indeed served as Acting First Minister briefly while he was deputy First Minister. “There was no doubt that if John Hume was the SDLP’s ideas man, Seamus was the person to turn those ideas into practice and workable solutions. “Seamus was emotional at times, but a steadfast opponent of all forms of paramilitary violence. He could see what damage it was doing to his dream of a genuinely united Ireland. “I don’t believe the Good Friday process could have succeeded without him. He understood the practicalities and realities of politics and government, something that some of his colleagues failed to appreciate. “He also had a dry sense of humour, especially during the many crisis talks we had at Hillsborough and other locations over the years. “He always felt let down by both Governments for their failure to uphold both the letter and spirit of the Agreement and was furious at times when deals were done behind our backs. “I think all of us have lost a champion of democracy and justice today.”
Micheál Martin, leader Fianna Fáil:
Seamus Mallon . I was deeply saddened earlier today to learn of the death of my friend and long time political hero Seamus was, by any credible measure, a truly great Irishman. In the difficult and complex history of Northern Ireland, there are very few political leaders who emerge with an unblemished record of service that stands up to detailed scrutiny. Seamus Mallon is one of them. As an Assembly Member, Senator, MP and Deputy First Minister he was consistent and committed in his cause. Heedless to the threat to his life from all sides in the Northern conflict, he was fearless and ferocious in his opposition to violence and his commitment to building a shared society. He understood the deepest dynamics of Irish history better than anyone I have ever met. We spoke many times over the years and I had the great privilege of spending some hours with him in his home in Markethill in April discussing political developments. Seamus was a no-nonsense politician and individual. He called it as he saw it and he never compromised in his honesty, whether he was on the streets of Newry and Armagh or in the state rooms of Downing Street or the White House. He was deeply devoted to his late wife Gertrude and immensely proud of his daughter Orla. She and the entire family will be feeling a profound sense of loss today. They should also be feeling an equally profound sense of pride in having shared this remarkable man with the rest of the country and the world. He was Republican in the truest sense of the word and his contribution to political life in this country is immeasurable. His death is the end of an era and I will miss his friendship and advice. On behalf of the entire Fianna Fáil organisation I offer my condolences to Orla, her entire family circle and his former colleagues in the SDLP. Ar dheis Dé go raibh a anam.
Leader of the Irish Labour party, Brendan Howlin:
“Seamus made an immeasurable contribution to the cause of peace and reconciliation on the island of Ireland. Together with John Hume he drove forward a vision of an Ireland freed from the spectre of violence, terror and discrimination. His life will be celebrated by Irish people everywhere who cherish the peace that Seamus dedicated his life to.”
Tanaiste, Simon Coveney:
It was with great sorrow that I learned of Seamus Mallon’s passing. On behalf of the Government, I want to express my deepest condolences to Seamus’ daughter Órla, his son-in-law Mark, his granddaughter Lara and his wider family. Seamus Mallon was a truly historic figure. He spent his entire career, indeed his entire life, working for peaceful, democratic and inclusive answers to Northern Ireland’s political problems. He advocated for justice and equality, often in the face of threats, intimidation and vilification, displaying remarkable courage. He will be remembered as one of the architects of the Good Friday Agreement, a man who worked tirelessly for decades to try to bring about peace, and then reconciliation, on the island of Ireland. Seamus Mallon had a long, distinguished political career, beginning as an SDLP councillor in 1973, and shortly afterwards serving in the newly established Northern Ireland Assembly. He was appointed a member of Seanad Eireann in 1982 and then served as a Westminster MP for almost 20 years. His political career culminated with his term as Deputy First Minister from 1998 to 2001, but he continued to represent the people of Newry and Armagh at Westminster until 2005. He ably represented the concerns of the nationalist community in Westminster, giving that community a strong and eloquent voice. He remains the only Irish politician to have served in Stormont, Leinster House and Westminster. Seamus abhorred all violence and he bravely and consistently condemned all killings, from whatever source. Early in his public life, he made a promise to himself to visit the homes and attend the funerals of all the victims of political and sectarian violence in his Newry and Armagh constituency, He often faced criticism for this stance and spoke openly about the loneliness he often felt as a result of this position. Seamus has left an indelible legacy on the island of Ireland. We have earlier this month witnessed the restoration of the power-sharing institutions in Stormont, institutions which Seamus himself helped to create in his role during the Good Friday Agreement negotiations. It is my sincerest hope that his life and his dedication to the principles of honesty, integrity and generosity will serve as an inspiration to the next generation of political leaders in Northern Ireland. Seamus was completely devoted to his homeplace of Markethill and to South Armagh. He spoke openly about his experience of growing up within a predominately Protestant area and the effect that it had on his life – personal and political. He recognised that the only way to ensure lasting peace in Ireland was to foster understanding and generosity across all traditions. It was Seamus’ wish, and indeed his life’s work, that the island of Ireland become a “shared home place” for people of all communities, backgrounds, and political beliefs.”
Statement from the First and Deputy First Minister


sluggerotoole--2020-01-24--Peter Weir – broaden the scope of your underachievement report…

The announcement by Peter Weir of a new report into the underachievement of working-class protestant boys will ( as noted by Brian ) stack up on a dusty old shelf in the Department of Education , the eighth since 2011 and these official reports are not isolated in the wider discussion on the issue .
It got me thinking when Deirdre Heenan this week said about having a ‘ philosophical debate ’ about what we actually want from education in NI , as noted by many Slugger contributors the Republic had this debate many years ago and it collects the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
More recently in Scotland the devolved government there has made it a part of their overarching strategy which has meant they have abolished tuition fees for Scottish students and have been able to maintain the world-class standing of its higher education institutions .
Back in plucky old Ulster we live with the effect of years of non-reform , whether you support academic selection or religious segregation or not it is undeniable that we are not here by design but by default .
Grammar schools are a product of the 1940s , at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the mobility of those bright young people in the industrial working classes .
But it has run its course , it is no longer a social mobiliser as has been evidenced by report after report and is a product like our wider education system of 20th century standards ( see also Sarah Creighton ’ s excellent personal account ) .
I can not make comparators between the two communities that some seem so quick to jump to , but I think we are a society still defined by socio-economic class .
My own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ soaked with this class conflict .
Unlike the stereotype of Irish history my family are not titled aristocrats plucking at the harp in our drawing-room , nor are we the vengeful west Ulster Episcopalians descending upon Belfast to split our Presbyterian neighbours from their Catholic dissenter comrades .
My grandparents were from land , small farms in the County Londonderry and County Tyrone hills now long gone and littered only with wind turbines were once cattle grazed and turf was cut .
My parents had to find urban professions , they were not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but they managed to get by and become property owners in their own right when I had reached primary school age , but before this , they had lived in a social house where I was born .
But due to the disruption of my father ’ s death , we had to sell up and move into again social housing as my mother could not hope to keep up mortgage payments alone .
It was the responsible thing to do and to this day my mother is debt-free and lives a frugal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not attend grammar school but rather I was part of the cohort which entered the newly amalgamated sixth-form college which had be formed by the combination of two high schools that ceased education at 16 ( this was in 2008 ) .
To have such modern facilities and all completed during the crash was the kind of luck of the draw that I still think about today .
What if I had of been born a few years earlier and had to seek an alternative route to third-level education ?
After my secondary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the A level results required to undertake an undergraduate degree in law .
A slight majority of my year had received university offers , of this however the minority stayed to study at Ulster and QUB with most going to England .
Why did so many go to England ?
It had never dawned on me until Paul Gosling made the following point on radio ulster just this week : This is in turn pushing many out , pushing them towards tuition fees more than double those in NI and living costs that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when one considers access to higher education which was the route I was fortunate enough to take .
Those desiring an alternative route still need to achieve their five GCSEs at 16 which gives them a rounded and general education that is suitable not only for the economy but also in being a functioning citizen .
Perhaps instead of a philosophical discussion about education , we need something even more fundamental to become the centre of debate ; merit .
Meritocracy is a term is so rarely spoken of now , especially as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by those who reduce it in scope – whether it is passing a single transfer test or being awarded a training contract .
By looking holistically at merit in NI society Peter Weir might be able to more accurately identify the changes needed to get protestant boys ( also working class children as a whole ) socially mobile again .
I have had social advantage and disadvantage in my continuing journey of life .
I have slipped up and down the social ladder as many millennials of the 2008 crash generation have , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ discussion about inequality rather it is inherently a discussion about merit .
When the grammar school system was originally designed it seemed like the ultimate meritocracy would result , but again we have a report ( written by Henderson , L. , Harris , J. , Purdy , N. and Walsh , G. ) from Stranmillis University College reiterating nearly verbatim the view of Paul Gosling ( and the 7 reports outlined by Brian ) : Photo by Pixabay is licensed under CC0

The announcement by Peter Weir of a new report into the underachievement of working-class protestant boys will (as noted by Brian) stack up on a dusty old shelf in the Department of Education, the eighth since 2011 and these official reports are not isolated in the wider discussion on the issue.
It got me thinking when Deirdre Heenan this week said about having a ‘philosophical debate’ about what we actually want from education in NI, as noted by many Slugger contributors the Republic had this debate many years ago and it collects the dividends of this progressive and reformist era. More recently in Scotland the devolved government there has made it a part of their overarching strategy which has meant they have abolished tuition fees for Scottish students and have been able to maintain the world-class standing of its higher education institutions.
Back in plucky old Ulster we live with the effect of years of non-reform, whether you support academic selection or religious segregation or not it is undeniable that we are not here by design but by default. Grammar schools are a product of the 1940s, at the time they did much to advance the mobility of those bright young people in the industrial working classes. But it has run its course, it is no longer a social mobiliser as has been evidenced by report after report and is a product like our wider education system of 20th century standards (see also Sarah Creighton’s excellent personal account).
I cannot make comparators between the two communities that some seem so quick to jump to, but I think we are a society still defined by socio-economic class. My own Anglican ‘Ulster British’ background is soaked with this class conflict. Unlike the stereotype of Irish history my family are not titled aristocrats plucking at the harp in our drawing-room, nor are we the vengeful west Ulster Episcopalians descending upon Belfast to split our Presbyterian neighbours from their Catholic dissenter comrades.
My grandparents were from land, small farms in the County Londonderry and County Tyrone hills now long gone and littered only with wind turbines were once cattle grazed and turf was cut. My parents had to find urban professions, they were not university educated nor attendees of Grammar school but they managed to get by and become property owners in their own right when I had reached primary school age, but before this, they had lived in a social house where I was born. But due to the disruption of my father’s death, we had to sell up and move into again social housing as my mother could not hope to keep up mortgage payments alone. It was the responsible thing to do and to this day my mother is debt-free and lives a frugal lifestyle within her means.
I did not attend grammar school but rather I was part of the cohort which entered the newly amalgamated sixth-form college which had be formed by the combination of two high schools that ceased education at 16 (this was in 2008). To have such modern facilities and all completed during the crash was the kind of luck of the draw that I still think about today. What if I had of been born a few years earlier and had to seek an alternative route to third-level education?
After my secondary education, I was able to get the A level results required to undertake an undergraduate degree in law. A slight majority of my year had received university offers, of this however the minority stayed to study at Ulster and QUB with most going to England. Why did so many go to England? It had never dawned on me until Paul Gosling made the following point on radio ulster just this week:
“In my opinion, the current system provides and extra layer of middle class advantage because actually if you look at the figures the majority of the people who can meet the higher grade expectations of NI universities because of the insufficient places, they are typically people who went to grammar school and those people are typically from higher income backgrounds”
This is in turn pushing many out, pushing them towards tuition fees more than double those in NI and living costs that are eye watering. This is only when one considers access to higher education which was the route I was fortunate enough to take. Those desiring an alternative route still need to achieve their five GCSEs at 16 which gives them a rounded and general education that is suitable not only for the economy but also in being a functioning citizen.
Perhaps instead of a philosophical discussion about education, we need something even more fundamental to become the centre of debate; merit. Meritocracy is a term is so rarely spoken of now, especially as it can be easily hijacked or blinkered by those who reduce it in scope – whether it is passing a single transfer test or being awarded a training contract. By looking holistically at merit in NI society Peter Weir might be able to more accurately identify the changes needed to get protestant boys (also working class children as a whole) socially mobile again.
I have had social advantage and disadvantage in my continuing journey of life. I have slipped up and down the social ladder as many millennials of the 2008 crash generation have, but this isn’t just a discussion about inequality rather it is inherently a discussion about merit. When the grammar school system was originally designed it seemed like the ultimate meritocracy would result, but again we have a report (written by Henderson, L., Harris, J., Purdy, N. and Walsh, G.) from Stranmillis University College reiterating nearly verbatim the view of Paul Gosling (and the 7 reports outlined by Brian):
“For our present purposes the area of greatest concern is the finding that the most important factor which influenced student achievement at GCSE was whether individuals had been placed in a grammar school or not,” “This is a particular concern given that access to and performance in the transfer tests, and eventual placement in a grammar school were found to be mediated by socio-economic status.”
Photo by Pixabay is licensed under CC0


sluggerotoole--2020-01-26--How Should we Remember Seamus Mallon? Together – in a Spirit of Christian Love and Forgiveness…

The passing of Seamus Mallon should remind us that Northern Ireland ’ s hard-won peace is due to the efforts of men and women of integrity whose non-violent politics and personal sacrifice got us to that point .
We are fortunate that in the last year of his life , Seamus left us a memoir , A Shared Home Place , that not only recounted his historical role in the peace process but was orientated towards the future .
In it , he advocated political ‘ generosity ’ and proposed a form of parallel consent ( not just a crude @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Seamus ’ s memoir also included a short but intimate chapter , ‘ My Catholicism ’ , in which he shared what his faith had meant , and continued to mean , to him .
He wrote ( p. 141 ) : ‘ My Catholic faith is something that I go to when I am in difficulty .
I was reared in the Catholic tradition ; I served Mass for years as a youngster .
I have had my times of doubt , but those doubts were intellectual doubts : how can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Catholic doctrine , and above all what comes after life ends .
To put it in its simplest terms , even in my worst times of doubt I could find nothing better .
As a human being , I need a concept of a God.
’ He also wrote movingly of the forgiveness he had witnessed in the lives of Reavey family , whose three sons were murdered by loyalists ; and of Pastor Bob Bain , whose Darkley Gospel Hall congregation was mercilessly attacked by the INLA during a worship service .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ continued to model generosity and faith .
In fact , he had been due to speak at an event at the upcoming 4 Corners Festival , ‘ Considering Grace in Story and Song ’ , where he was to share his reflections on a book about how Presbyterians responded to the Troubles .
Bishop Donal McKeown of Derry will now take part in the event .
4 Corners is an inter-denominational Christian festival that seeks to introduce people to new perspectives , encouraging them to cross boundaries by attending events in ‘ corners @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not normally venture .
I am a co-author of the book , Considering Grace : Presbyterians and the Troubles , which is based on interviews with 120 people , mostly Presbyterians .
Seamus was one of ten ‘ critical friends ’ we interviewed for the project .
I interviewed Seamus in Markethill in November 2017 .
I also filmed a short video , which has been posted on the Presbyterian Church ’ s Considering Grace Vimeo site .
In the video , Mallon speaks of his ‘ love ’ for his neighbours from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of being inspired by their example .
These are among his most powerful words on the video : ‘ My name is Seamus Mallon .
I have lived in Markethill , was born there , and have lived there for 82 years .
And I would like to think that I have made many , many friends right across the religious divide here .
… But it ’ s not just a matter of making friends , I think it is a matter of how we , as people , as Christian people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of earth .
… ( 1:52 ) I am very often am asked a question , ‘ Why do you live out there with all those flags and emblems , etc ?
’ The answer to that is very simple .
It ’ s my home .
It ’ s the only place I know .
It ’ s the place where I live among people whom I love .
And I say that word guardedly , but in a way that I hope people would recognise.
’ I ’ ve suffered with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their funerals .
I ’ ve been present when some were killed .
Assassinated .
Call it what you like .
I have been there in their homes when they lost a husband , a son , an uncle .
I know the depth of their sadness .
And I know the impossibility of we as human beings – the impossibility to console those people .
But we must try .
Because in trying we will learn from them .
We will see a spirit of forgiveness and the true meaning of Christian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a way which will inspire all of us for every day we live after seeing that.
’ In the chapter of Considering Grace that shares the critical friends ’ perspectives , Seamus ’ s story begins with a quotation : ‘ Let ’ s have a Remembrance Day that we can do together ’ .
I want to share his story from Considering Grace , in the hope that as we remember him , we can remember him together in the same spirit of Christian love and forgiveness that inspired him .
‘ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we can do together ’ Seamus Mallon had a long and distinguished career in politics , serving as the first Deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland ( 1998–2001 ) and Deputy Leader of the SDLP ( 1979–2001 ) .
He was part of the SDLP ’ s negotiations team in the talks that produced the Belfast Agreement .
‘ I ’ ve lived in Markethill , Co. Armagh , all my life .
We ’ ve all lived here for centuries , cheek by jowl .
Nobody ’ s going away .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ live together in justice and peace .
The problems have been identified in the Good Friday Agreement but reconciliation between the communities hasn ’ t even started .
That ’ s an indictment on all of us.
’ Seamus described living in Markethill during the Troubles as ‘ very harsh at times ’ .
As SDLP spokesperson on justice , ‘ I was calling for reforms in policing and the Ulster Defence Regiment ( UDR ) ’ , while at the same time , ‘ I was visiting the houses of families of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were killed.
’ He recalled the pain of going to visit a bereaved Presbyterian family and being turned away at the door .
He attended the funeral of everyone in the village who was killed , regardless of their religion .
Seamus ’ Protestant neighbours quietly looked after him in difficult times .
Seamus was aware that Presbyterians as well as Catholics had been discriminated against under the penal laws .
This gave him ‘ empathy ’ for Presbyterians due to a shared , historical experience of religious persecution .
But he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not aware of this history .
‘ People from Presbyterian stock have somehow clouded over the fact that they also were discriminated against .
I have no hesitation in pointing the finger at the lack of teaching Irish history in Northern Ireland ’ s schools , especially the history of all sides .
If we ’ re going to solve the problems of today , we need to be aware of the past.
’ Seamus was discouraged by the political paralysis created by the suspension of the Northern Ireland Assembly , and by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ‘ The church leaders and people in the churches should start breaking down some of those barriers .
We should remind each other : God is still there , and we worship the same God .
Let ’ s get on with it.
’ He observed that other countries that have emerged from conflicts have created days of remembrance that honour the perspectives of all sides .
‘ Let ’ s have a remembrance day that we can do together .
Then we ’ ll start going places .
’

The passing of Seamus Mallon should remind us that Northern Ireland’s hard-won peace is due to the efforts of men and women of integrity whose non-violent politics and personal sacrifice got us to that point.
We are fortunate that in the last year of his life, Seamus left us a memoir, A Shared Home Place, that not only recounted his historical role in the peace process but was orientated towards the future. In it, he advocated political ‘generosity’ and proposed a form of parallel consent (not just a crude majoritarianism) in any future border poll.
Seamus’s memoir also included a short but intimate chapter, ‘My Catholicism’, in which he shared what his faith had meant, and continued to mean, to him. He wrote (p. 141):
‘My Catholic faith is something that I go to when I am in difficulty. I was reared in the Catholic tradition; I served Mass for years as a youngster. I have had my times of doubt, but those doubts were intellectual doubts: how can you apply logic to various aspects of Catholic doctrine, and above all what comes after life ends. To put it in its simplest terms, even in my worst times of doubt I could find nothing better. As a human being, I need a concept of a God.’
He also wrote movingly of the forgiveness he had witnessed in the lives of Reavey family, whose three sons were murdered by loyalists; and of Pastor Bob Bain, whose Darkley Gospel Hall congregation was mercilessly attacked by the INLA during a worship service.
Even as his health declined, Seamus continued to model generosity and faith. In fact, he had been due to speak at an event at the upcoming 4 Corners Festival, ‘Considering Grace in Story and Song’, where he was to share his reflections on a book about how Presbyterians responded to the Troubles. Bishop Donal McKeown of Derry will now take part in the event.
4 Corners is an inter-denominational Christian festival that seeks to introduce people to new perspectives, encouraging them to cross boundaries by attending events in ‘corners’ of the city where they would not normally venture.
I am a co-author of the book, Considering Grace: Presbyterians and the Troubles, which is based on interviews with 120 people, mostly Presbyterians. Seamus was one of ten ‘critical friends’ we interviewed for the project.
I interviewed Seamus in Markethill in November 2017. I also filmed a short video, which has been posted on the Presbyterian Church’s Considering Grace Vimeo site.
In the video, Mallon speaks of his ‘love’ for his neighbours from ‘across the religious divide’ and of being inspired by their example.
These are among his most powerful words on the video:
‘My name is Seamus Mallon. I have lived in Markethill, was born there, and have lived there for 82 years. And I would like to think that I have made many, many friends right across the religious divide here. … But it’s not just a matter of making friends, I think it is a matter of how we, as people, as Christian people, live together in this small piece of earth. … (1:52) I am very often am asked a question, ‘Why do you live out there with all those flags and emblems, etc?’ The answer to that is very simple. It’s my home. It’s the only place I know. It’s the place where I live among people whom I love. And I say that word guardedly, but in a way that I hope people would recognise.’ I’ve suffered with people in this area and been at their funerals. I’ve been present when some were killed. Assassinated. Call it what you like. I have been there in their homes when they lost a husband, a son, an uncle. I know the depth of their sadness. And I know the impossibility of we as human beings – the impossibility to console those people. But we must try. Because in trying we will learn from them. We will see a spirit of forgiveness and the true meaning of Christian love. You will see it in a way which will inspire all of us for every day we live after seeing that.’
In the chapter of Considering Grace that shares the critical friends’ perspectives, Seamus’s story begins with a quotation: ‘Let’s have a Remembrance Day that we can do together’.
I want to share his story from Considering Grace, in the hope that as we remember him, we can remember him together in the same spirit of Christian love and forgiveness that inspired him.
‘Let’s have a Remembrance Day we can do together’
Seamus Mallon had a long and distinguished career in politics, serving as the first Deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland (1998–2001) and Deputy Leader of the SDLP (1979–2001). He was part of the SDLP’s negotiations team in the talks that produced the Belfast Agreement. ‘I’ve lived in Markethill, Co. Armagh, all my life. We’ve all lived here for centuries, cheek by jowl. Nobody’s going away. So, we should find a way to live together in justice and peace. The problems have been identified in the Good Friday Agreement but reconciliation between the communities hasn’t even started. That’s an indictment on all of us.’
Seamus described living in Markethill during the Troubles as ‘very harsh at times’. As SDLP spokesperson on justice, ‘I was calling for reforms in policing and the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR)’, while at the same time, ‘I was visiting the houses of families of those in the police and UDR who were killed.’ He recalled the pain of going to visit a bereaved Presbyterian family and being turned away at the door. He attended the funeral of everyone in the village who was killed, regardless of their religion.
Seamus’ Protestant neighbours quietly looked after him in difficult times.
I won’t use names but at a certain point a person gave me a warning that saved my life. That I remember. During a particularly difficult time, during one of the strikes, a man pulled up to our house, opened the boot of his car and brought in enough provisions to do us for a month. I have umpteen of those type of examples – people I treasure. It makes you all the more angry when you see, as I have seen, people lying in the gutter at the side of the road having been shot dead or blown up.
He shook his head:
‘I also ask myself: How in the name of heaven do people have so much goodness and Christianity in them to forgive people who have killed their fathers, daughters, sons, uncles? That human spirit is something that’s inspirational. I’m not sure I would have that type of Christianity in me. But I see it around me all the time.’
Seamus was aware that Presbyterians as well as Catholics had been discriminated against under the penal laws. This gave him ‘empathy’ for Presbyterians due to a shared, historical experience of religious persecution. But he was shocked that many Presbyterians he met were not aware of this history. ‘People from Presbyterian stock have somehow clouded over the fact that they also were discriminated against. I have no hesitation in pointing the finger at the lack of teaching Irish history in Northern Ireland’s schools, especially the history of all sides. If we’re going to solve the problems of today, we need to be aware of the past.’
Seamus was discouraged by the political paralysis created by the suspension of the Northern Ireland Assembly, and by how Brexit had destabilised community relations. ‘The church leaders and people in the churches should start breaking down some of those barriers. We should remind each other: God is still there, and we worship the same God. Let’s get on with it.’ He observed that other countries that have emerged from conflicts have created days of remembrance that honour the perspectives of all sides. ‘Let’s have a remembrance day that we can do together. Then we’ll start going places.’


sluggerotoole--2020-01-27--Seamus Mallon, a life committed to the asking of living and ongoing questions

My biggest fear when we would hear of the passing of Seamus Mallon was that his good and moral life would be damned by faint or worst , obsequious praise .
Those who knew him better than I could find him difficult and cantankerous at times .
His character recalled something Yeats once described as “ a stone to trouble the living stream ” .
He brought a rare understanding that Northern Ireland needed to work towards being ‘ A Shared Homeplace ‘ .
Eamonn calls him a decent man , which I , of course , go along with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attests he was much more than that .
Like Father Denis Faul , he willingly carried the sum weight of our many contradictions as a conflicted society .
His testimony at Dublin ’ s Unitarian Church two Good Fridays ago was a powerful encomium to ten good Protestant men killed by an IRA too ashamed of its own perfidy to this very day to admit at Kingsmill .
He recalls how the hearses bringing home the remains of brothers John , Brian and Anthony Reavey , killed just the night before by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as to avoid the corpses of the ten dead men .
That was typical of Mallon .
Whilst others treated the tragedies of the ‘ other community ’ with relative indifference or worse , Seamus vowed to turn up at every funeral of every constituent killed in the troubles , be they RUC , UDR or IRA .
At times of heightened tension in what often felt like a bitter tit for tat , it was not easy for him nor indeed for some of the families who saw his attendance in other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In today ’ s Irish News Tom Kelly remembers when he was first recruited by Seamus : It was November 1985 .
I don ’ t remember actually agreeing to work on his campaign but Seamus was a difficult man to refuse .
I gave him tea in a mug which annoyed my aunt .
John Hume was the hero of civil rights but Seamus was the leader of the rearguard .
When he spoke people listened .
Seamus Mallon was a force of nature .
To his friends , he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Both respected him .
Respect came easily because he didn ’ t take it for granted .
His deep voice reeked of integrity .
His tenacity tempered with an instinctive empathy for people .
He took no prisoners in debate and swatted fools like flies .
Yet Seamus had an unrivalled eloquence .
He did , but it was no cheap affectation .
In his maiden speech , in the Commons , he joked that each and every time he ’ d got into to Stormont and then the Seanad he ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ respectively , so he ’ d be keeping his posters .
Further on he would lay down one of the key principles that would guide him in almost everything he said and did… I am attracted to one definition of peace , the definition of Spinoza , which says : Peace is not an absence of war .
It is … a state of mind , a disposition for benevolence , confidence , justice .
That is very apposite to our position as we deal with the problems that I have to cope @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when people realise the utter obscenity of violence , whether it be paramilitary violence , military violence or institutional violence , will we be able to end the obscenity and remove it from our society .
It is only through benevolence and a benevolent approach that we will begin to understand the other fellow ’ s point of view .
It didn ’ t come cheap .
As Suzanne Breen notes , his house was attacked on countless occasions , a common tactic amongst men and women of a fanatic frame of mind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their own way of thinking in a hundred different ways .
But Seamus was not for bending and his sense of benevolence extended to natural political enemies .
Conor O ’ Clery in the Irish Times has a nice addendum to what followed that maiden speech : He was no bleedin ’ heart liberal .
John Reid who was briefly Secretary of State once famously said that Seamus “ could make ‘ Good Morning ’ sound like a threat ” .
His reputation as a negotiator for the SDLP was a fierce one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did not have much time for people who weren ’ t prepared to put the effort in , or who weren ’ t prepared to make progress.
” On Thursday Radio Four broadcast Naomi Gryn ’ s revisiting of André Schwarz-Bart ’ s novel , The Last of the Just , in which by Jewish tradition , 36 “ just men ” are born every generation to take the burden of the world ’ s suffering upon themselves .
Seamus was a willing bearer of a burden others refused .
In Tommie Gorman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he recalls the dying words of his friend , RUC Constable Snowdon Corky , “ Seamy , tell them all I love them ” .
His walk with Trimble through Pontz Pass after the murder of two lifelong friends , one a Catholic and the other a Protestant by the LVF carried far more weight than the staged photo-op with Adams and Paisley after St Andrews 2007 ever would .
After his wife , Gertrude , died and long after he retired , Seamus sat down to write , with the help @ @ @ @ @ @ @ digital parish ) , an autobiography of sorts called A Shared Home Place packed full of stories and distillation of final thoughts .
In the wake of its publication critics fell on his argument in the latter part of the book for his suggestion that before any border poll should be called , the Secretary of State should look for some class of parallel consent across the two communities .
A deluge of cynical outrage on Twitter framed it as a breach of the Belfast Agreement , when in fact it was offered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trying to trimtab away from creeping majoritarianism implicit in SF ’ s border poll rhetoric .
His old enemies in Sinn Féin never forgave his generosity towards the unionist tradition .
Even before the book was officially published its County Councillors in Louth voted against giving the former Deputy First Minister the freedom of Drogheda .
When asked a couple of years ago by Mairia Cahill how he would like to be remembered after his going , he said only that he hoped people would say that he had done his best and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right , and some things wrong ” .
How else could a man so devoted to living in the parish which gave him birth have answered ?
The parish is where people know us , long before the rest of the world , from a snotty kid .
There are few secrets and Seamus would see no point in papering over the cracks .
Flinty optimism may have been his hallmark , but his true value was that well into old age , he continued to embody his commitment to the setting of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ receive decent answers till after he was gone .
On Good Friday 2018 he told reporters “ We have got an agreement , the Good Friday Agreement .
Some people say it has been damaged , that it ’ s finished .
It ’ s not .
It hasn ’ t yet really begun .
”

My biggest fear when we would hear of the passing of Seamus Mallon was that his good and moral life would be damned by faint or worst, obsequious praise. Those who knew him better than I could find him difficult and cantankerous at times.
His character recalled something Yeats once described as “a stone to trouble the living stream”. He brought a rare understanding that Northern Ireland needed to work towards being ‘A Shared Homeplace‘.
Eamonn calls him a decent man, which I, of course, go along with. But, as David Kerr movingly attests he was much more than that. Like Father Denis Faul, he willingly carried the sum weight of our many contradictions as a conflicted society.
His testimony at Dublin’s Unitarian Church two Good Fridays ago was a powerful encomium to ten good Protestant men killed by an IRA too ashamed of its own perfidy to this very day to admit at Kingsmill.
He recalls how the hearses bringing home the remains of brothers John, Brian and Anthony Reavey, killed just the night before by the UVF, had to be diverted so as to avoid the corpses of the ten dead men.
That was typical of Mallon. Whilst others treated the tragedies of the ‘other community’ with relative indifference or worse, Seamus vowed to turn up at every funeral of every constituent killed in the troubles, be they RUC, UDR or IRA.
At times of heightened tension in what often felt like a bitter tit for tat, it was not easy for him nor indeed for some of the families who saw his attendance in other places as an act of bitter betrayal.
In today’s Irish News Tom Kelly remembers when he was first recruited by Seamus:
It was November 1985. I don’t remember actually agreeing to work on his campaign but Seamus was a difficult man to refuse. I gave him tea in a mug which annoyed my aunt. John Hume was the hero of civil rights but Seamus was the leader of the rearguard. When he spoke people listened. Seamus Mallon was a force of nature. To his friends, he was Seamus. To his opponents, Mallon. Both respected him. Respect came easily because he didn’t take it for granted. His deep voice reeked of integrity. His tenacity tempered with an instinctive empathy for people. He took no prisoners in debate and swatted fools like flies. Yet Seamus had an unrivalled eloquence.
He did, but it was no cheap affectation. In his maiden speech, in the Commons, he joked that each and every time he’d got into to Stormont and then the Seanad he’d only lasted five and ten months respectively, so he’d be keeping his posters.
Further on he would lay down one of the key principles that would guide him in almost everything he said and did…
I am attracted to one definition of peace, the definition of Spinoza, which says: Peace is not an absence of war. It is … a state of mind, a disposition for benevolence, confidence, justice. That is very apposite to our position as we deal with the problems that I have to cope with on a daily basis. Only when people realise the utter obscenity of violence, whether it be paramilitary violence, military violence or institutional violence, will we be able to end the obscenity and remove it from our society. It is only through benevolence and a benevolent approach that we will begin to understand the other fellow’s point of view.
It didn’t come cheap. As Suzanne Breen notes, his house was attacked on countless occasions, a common tactic amongst men and women of a fanatic frame of mind to bend the will of others to their own way of thinking in a hundred different ways.
But Seamus was not for bending and his sense of benevolence extended to natural political enemies. Conor O’Clery in the Irish Times has a nice addendum to what followed that maiden speech:
Behind him he heard Enoch Powell, Unionist MP for South Down, muttering and banging the desk. “What’s wrong with you?” asked the Armagh man, after he sat down. “You quoted Spinoza wrongly,” hissed Powell. “I did not,” retorted Mallon. The two adjourned to the Commons library where the raw young Christian Brothers-educated lad from Newry proved to the great classical scholar from Cambridge that his citation from the Dutch philosopher was correct and that Powell was wrong.
He was no bleedin’ heart liberal. John Reid who was briefly Secretary of State once famously said that Seamus “could make ‘Good Morning’ sound like a threat”. His reputation as a negotiator for the SDLP was a fierce one.
David Trimble recalled that “Seamus did not have much time for people who weren’t prepared to put the effort in, or who weren’t prepared to make progress.”
On Thursday Radio Four broadcast Naomi Gryn’s revisiting of André Schwarz-Bart’s novel, The Last of the Just, in which by Jewish tradition, 36 “just men” are born every generation to take the burden of the world’s suffering upon themselves.
Seamus was a willing bearer of a burden others refused. In Tommie Gorman’s brief peroration on RTÉ News, he recalls the dying words of his friend, RUC Constable Snowdon Corky, “Seamy, tell them all I love them”.
One of the architects of the peace process in Northern Ireland, Seamus Mallon, has died aged 83. President Michael D Higgins described the former deputy first minister of Northern Ireland as a man of unsurpassed courage. | https://t.co/smVhqgkjzv pic.twitter.com/9DMWQbNi7W — RTÉ News (@rtenews) January 24, 2020
His walk with Trimble through Pontz Pass after the murder of two lifelong friends, one a Catholic and the other a Protestant by the LVF carried far more weight than the staged photo-op with Adams and Paisley after St Andrews 2007 ever would.
After his wife, Gertrude, died and long after he retired, Seamus sat down to write, with the help of Andy Pollak (late of this digital parish), an autobiography of sorts called A Shared Home Place packed full of stories and distillation of final thoughts.
In the wake of its publication critics fell on his argument in the latter part of the book for his suggestion that before any border poll should be called, the Secretary of State should look for some class of parallel consent across the two communities.
A deluge of cynical outrage on Twitter framed it as a breach of the Belfast Agreement, when in fact it was offered as an evolution of that agreement and trying to trimtab away from creeping majoritarianism implicit in SF’s border poll rhetoric.
His old enemies in Sinn Féin never forgave his generosity towards the unionist tradition. Even before the book was officially published its County Councillors in Louth voted against giving the former Deputy First Minister the freedom of Drogheda.
When asked last year by Mairia Cahill how he would like to be remembered after his going, he said only that he hoped people would say that he had done his best and that he had got “some things right, and some things wrong”.
How else could a man so devoted to living in the parish which gave him birth have answered? The parish is where people know us, long before the rest of the world, from a snotty kid. There are few secrets and Seamus would see no point in papering over the cracks.
Flinty optimism may have been his hallmark, but his true value was that well into old age, he continued to embody his commitment to the setting of important and ongoing questions that could not receive decent answers till after he was gone.
On Good Friday 2018 he told reporters “We have got an agreement, the Good Friday Agreement. Some people say it has been damaged, that it’s finished. It’s not. It hasn’t yet really begun.”


sluggerotoole--2020-01-27--Fergus on Monday: Election 2020 Rubbish

Fergus on Monday: Election 2020 Rubbish

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sluggerotoole--2020-01-27--Michel Barnier speaking about #Brexit and the EU at QUB this evening (video + speech)

Making his third visit to Northern Ireland in the role of EU ’ s chief Brexit negotiator , Michel Barnier addressed a packed audience in Queen ’ s University Belfast ’ s Riddel Hall this evening , delivering the 2020 William J Clinton Leadership Lecture .
He began by reiterating that his approach over the last three years has been … “ … to work hand in hand with the elected representatives in the European Parliament , EU leaders in the European Council , ministers and members of parliaments in the Member States .
The responsibility to clearly explain our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ responsibility to ensure a high level of transparency in the negotiation .
The responsibility to engage respectfully with UK negotiators , who represent a great country – one which has been part of the EU for 47 years .
We have always stuck to this line : No aggressiveness , no punishment , no spirit of revenge .
No frustration or impatience when the House of Commons was unable to agree on what kind of Brexit it wanted .
We have always respected the ongoing debate in the UK , and we will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we had – and we still have – the responsibility to encourage a genuine public debate on Brexit : on how it affects the EU and the UK , and in particular Ireland and Northern Ireland .
This debate hasn ’ t always been easy : Just take a look at my Twitter account !
” Earlier in the speech Barnier paid tribute to Seamus Mallon who had “ played a fundamental role in the peace process ” .
Talking specifically about Northern Ireland , the Head of the Task Force for Relations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Northern Ireland will be the part of the UK most impacted by Brexit .
Why ?
Northern Ireland has a specific constitutional and legal set-up .
Both in terms of governance , and in terms of cooperation with Ireland .
The Good Friday ( Belfast ) Agreement set up specific cross- community , power-sharing governance structures here in Northern Ireland … “ The Good Friday Agreement allowed the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves as British , or Irish , or both – and be accepted as such .
You can choose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more Irish than British , and European .
Irish , very British with a bit Irish and European , British themselves as Northern Or , indeed , Northern Irish and anti-European .
This multitude of identities is a distinctive aspect of Northern Ireland .
Similarly , Stormont is not based on the rule of the majority , but on power-sharing and compromise – an essential element of building peace .
Others might think of Irish , or Northern Irish and European .
“ And indeed , we missed Stormont during the negotiations on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ met with Northern Ireland ’ s leaders many times in the last years , the requests were always to meet separately , with one party .
Never to meet together .
This afternoon , I met with Sinn Fein ’ s Deputy First Minister , Michelle O ’ Neill , together with the DUP ’ s Economy Minister , Diane Dodds , representing the First Minister , Arlene Foster .
So I am very glad to see the Legislative Assembly restored .
“ Finally , I think it is fair to say that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ UK were members of the EU was also very important in bringing stability to the island of Ireland , Because they shared the same rules and had a common trade policy .
Companies could trade in a frictionless way without checks or customs procedures.
” On the Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland , Barnier explained that … “ … we have agreed on is indeed complex but operational .
It allows Northern Ireland to remain in the UK customs territory and , at the same time , benefit from access to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ checks or controls .
The Protocol is not an insurance policy , but a workable system , built to last .
And , importantly , it gives the elected representatives of Northern Ireland ’ s legislative Assembly the right to decide whether to continue applying the system or not , four years after it starts to apply .
I look forward to Northern Ireland ’ s Executive playing a stronger role on this matter , now that it is up and running.
” He reeled off a list of advantages that the UK @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : “ we will also be watching closely to make sure that the UK government does the same for the more than 3 million EU citizens residing in the UK … The EU will never turn its back on its citizens .
And the EU will not turn its back on Northern Ireland , even as it leaves the Union .
The PEACE funding programme , which I was responsible for as Commissioner for Regional Policy , since 1995 , supports peace and reconciliation and promotes economic and social progress in Northern Ireland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continue .
This is a sign of our commitment to peace and stability here .
You can continue to count on our support.
” On the next set of negotiations : “ Negotiating the future partnership between the EU and the UK is another huge challenge .
A new clock is ticking .
11 months is extremely short .
Prime Minister Johnson has said he will not extend this period .
This means that the UK will leave the Single Market at the end of this year .
This is the UK ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And we will do everything we can in the short time that this makes available .
Never will it be the EU that fails on common ambition .
“ But this is clearly a unique situation .
Since its inception , the EU has been in the business of removing borders .
Not creating them .
Our aim has been to bring Europeans closer to each other – students , researchers , professionals , employees , entrepreneurs , pensioners .
Now , the UK wants a stricter migration policy that may apply to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as early as 2021 .
Similarly , when we negotiate with third countries , our aim is usually to remove barriers to trade .
We do this by aligning standards and regulations .
The EU has even become so good at this that many of its standards and regulations have become the gold standard internationally .
Our regulatory influence goes well beyond our borders because of the size of our Single Market .
Our high standards are the reason why our trade and investment partners trust us .
They are a core part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our standards may have a price .
But the return is access to our Single Market.
” “ It is not clear to me whether , when the UK leaves the EU and the Single Market , it will also choose to leave Europe ’ s societal and regulatory model .
That is the key question , and we are waiting for an answer .
Because that answer will be key for our future relationship .
I hope that our UK friends are reflecting carefully on this issue .
Because the UK can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Market if it insists on competing on State aid , social or environmental standards .
I would not want to be misunderstood : Competition between our economies is not a bad thing .
Countries compete with each other , also within the Single Market .
But competition needs to be based on common high levels of standards to make sure it is fair .
Once again , the UK is faced with a choice .
Our ambition – the EU ’ s ambition – is to create a close economic partnership : One @ @ @ @ @ @ @ field .
That is the only way we will be able to achieve a truly ambitious deal .
A deal that that benefits both sides .
A deal that is fair for our workers , for our taxpayers , our businesses and for the planet .
A deal that – even if it will never match what we have now – lives up to our ambition to remain the best of friends and allies.
” Barnier listed some of the priorities for the EU 27 .
1 .
An ambitious new Green Deal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the planet , and turn the EU into the world ’ s first climate-neutral continent by 2050 .
2 .
We will also do more to support Europe ’ s most vulnerable as we transition to a clean and digital economy .
3 .
We will increase funding for Erasmus so that more Europeans have the opportunity to live , study or work in another EU Member State .
We know that education and research can be a game changer in tackling some of our biggest societal challenges upfront .
4 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ protect our external borders .
5 .
And we will deepen cross-border cooperation on security – including , where possible , with the UK as a third country – to tackle gaps in the fight against serious crime and terrorism in Europe .
“ Allow me to finish on a more personal note .
For many reasons , I regret Brexit .
I will always continue to believe that we are better off together than alone – especially in today ’ s world .
That is why I will remain a patriot and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have profound respect for the UK – its people , culture , great leaders – such as Winston Churchill – and its solidarity with the rest of Europe during its darkest hours .
That is why at the beginning of this new chapter of European history , I would really like to wish the UK well – speaking here in Northern Ireland – as it embarks on this journey.
” Answering questions from audience members and journalists afterwards , it was clear that there was little room for leniency in the next set @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a deal with the EU and it will now implement those commitments .
The ideal of frictionless trade is “ impossible ” according to Barnier , once again contradicting Prime Minister Johnson ’ s vision of “ unfettered ” trade .
The BBC ’ s John Campbell explains : Paraphrasing what I heard : the UK can no longer dip its hand into the EU sweetie jar as those treats are only for the 27 members .
Anyone hoping for a softer edge to Brexit may think again .

Making his third visit to Northern Ireland in the role of EU’s chief Brexit negotiator, Michel Barnier addressed a packed audience in Queen’s University Belfast’s Riddel Hall this evening, delivering the 2020 William J Clinton Leadership Lecture.
He began by reiterating that his approach over the last three years has been …
“… to work hand in hand with the elected representatives in the European Parliament, EU leaders in the European Council, ministers and members of parliaments in the Member States. The responsibility to clearly explain our positions to all those affected. The responsibility to ensure a high level of transparency in the negotiation. The responsibility to engage respectfully with UK negotiators, who represent a great country – one which has been part of the EU for 47 years. We have always stuck to this line: No aggressiveness, no punishment, no spirit of revenge. No frustration or impatience when the House of Commons was unable to agree on what kind of Brexit it wanted. We have always respected the ongoing debate in the UK, and we will continue to do so. Lastly, we had – and we still have – the responsibility to encourage a genuine public debate on Brexit: on how it affects the EU and the UK, and in particular Ireland and Northern Ireland. This debate hasn’t always been easy: Just take a look at my Twitter account!”
He added:
“Whatever agreement we reach on our future relationship, Brexit will always be a matter of damage limitation. Not one single person – from the UK or elsewhere – has ever convinced me of the added value of Brexit. At least, with the Withdrawal Agreement, which has now been ratified by the UK, we have managed to secure an orderly Brexit – for now. One that limits the destruction of value for our citizens and businesses. This is also our objective going forward.”
Barnier spoke about the EU’s birth.
“The European Union has always been a peace project. We are reminded of this today on Holocaust Remembrance Day. After years of devastating war and conflict, European integration transformed the meaning of national borders. The genius of the founding fathers of the EU was to focus on open trade and economic exchange as an element of peace, not just prosperity. This was true for France and Germany in the 1950s. It was also true when the Berlin Wall and the Iron Curtain came down.”
Earlier in the speech Barnier paid tribute to Seamus Mallon who had “played a fundamental role in the peace process”. Talking specifically about Northern Ireland, the Head of the Task Force for Relations with the United Kingdom said:
“Northern Ireland will be the part of the UK most impacted by Brexit. Why? Northern Ireland has a specific constitutional and legal set-up. Both in terms of governance, and in terms of cooperation with Ireland. The Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement set up specific cross- community, power-sharing governance structures here in Northern Ireland … “The Good Friday Agreement allowed the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves as British, or Irish, or both – and be accepted as such. You can choose to be British, of Irish, more Irish than British, and European. Irish, very British with a bit Irish and European, British themselves as Northern Or, indeed, Northern Irish and anti-European. This multitude of identities is a distinctive aspect of Northern Ireland. Similarly, Stormont is not based on the rule of the majority, but on power-sharing and compromise – an essential element of building peace. Others might think of Irish, or Northern Irish and European. “And indeed, we missed Stormont during the negotiations on Brexit and Northern Ireland. Although I met with Northern Ireland’s leaders many times in the last years, the requests were always to meet separately, with one party. Never to meet together. This afternoon, I met with Sinn Fein’s Deputy First Minister, Michelle O’Neill, together with the DUP’s Economy Minister, Diane Dodds, representing the First Minister, Arlene Foster. So I am very glad to see the Legislative Assembly restored. “Finally, I think it is fair to say that the fact that both Ireland and the UK were members of the EU was also very important in bringing stability to the island of Ireland, Because they shared the same rules and had a common trade policy. Companies could trade in a frictionless way without checks or customs procedures.”
On the Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland, Barnier explained that …
“… we have agreed on is indeed complex but operational. It allows Northern Ireland to remain in the UK customs territory and, at the same time, benefit from access to the Single Market without tariffs, quotas, checks or controls. The Protocol is not an insurance policy, but a workable system, built to last. And, importantly, it gives the elected representatives of Northern Ireland’s legislative Assembly the right to decide whether to continue applying the system or not, four years after it starts to apply. I look forward to Northern Ireland’s Executive playing a stronger role on this matter, now that it is up and running.”
He reeled off a list of advantages that the UK would be leaving behind, and added:
“we will also be watching closely to make sure that the UK government does the same for the more than 3 million EU citizens residing in the UK … The EU will never turn its back on its citizens. And the EU will not turn its back on Northern Ireland, even as it leaves the Union. The PEACE funding programme, which I was responsible for as Commissioner for Regional Policy, since 1995, supports peace and reconciliation and promotes economic and social progress in Northern Ireland and the Border Region of Ireland will continue. This is a sign of our commitment to peace and stability here. You can continue to count on our support.”
On the next set of negotiations:
“Negotiating the future partnership between the EU and the UK is another huge challenge. A new clock is ticking. 11 months is extremely short. Prime Minister Johnson has said he will not extend this period. This means that the UK will leave the Single Market at the end of this year. This is the UK’s choice. We respect it. And we will do everything we can in the short
time that this makes available. Never will it be the EU that fails on common ambition. “But this is clearly a unique situation. Since its inception, the EU has been in the business of removing borders. Not creating them. Our aim has been to bring Europeans closer to each other – students, researchers, professionals, employees, entrepreneurs, pensioners. Now, the UK wants a stricter migration policy that may apply to EU and non-EU nationals alike – possibly as early as 2021. Similarly, when we negotiate with third countries, our aim is usually to remove barriers to trade. We do this by aligning standards and regulations. The EU has even become so good at this that many of its standards and regulations have become the gold standard internationally. Our regulatory influence goes well beyond our borders because of the size of our Single Market. Our high standards are the reason why our trade and investment partners trust us. They are a core part of our competitive edge. Aligning with our standards may have a price. But the return is access to our Single Market.”
Many questions remain unresolved:
“It is not clear to me whether, when the UK leaves the EU and the Single Market, it will also choose to leave Europe’s societal and regulatory model. That is the key question, and we are waiting for an answer. Because that answer will be key for our future relationship. I hope that our UK friends are reflecting carefully on this issue. Because the UK cannot expect high-quality access to our Single Market if it insists on competing on State aid, social or environmental standards. I would not want to be misunderstood: Competition between our economies is not a bad thing. Countries compete with each other, also within the Single Market. But competition needs to be based on common high levels of standards to make sure it is fair. Once again, the UK is faced with a choice. Our ambition – the EU’s ambition – is to create a close economic partnership: One that is based on a level playing field. That is the only way we will be able to achieve a truly ambitious deal. A deal that that benefits both sides. A deal that is fair for our workers, for our taxpayers, our businesses and for the planet. A deal that – even if it will never match what we have now – lives up to our ambition to remain the best of friends and allies.”
Barnier listed some of the priorities for the EU 27.
1. An ambitious new Green Deal that will help to reconcile our economy with the planet, and turn the EU into the world’s first climate-neutral continent by 2050. 2. We will also do more to support Europe’s most vulnerable as we transition to a clean and digital economy. 3. We will increase funding for Erasmus so that more Europeans have the opportunity to live, study or work in another EU Member State. We know that education and research can be a game changer in tackling some of our biggest societal challenges upfront. 4. We will step up our efforts to protect our external borders. 5. And we will deepen cross-border cooperation on security – including, where possible, with the UK as a third country – to tackle gaps in the fight against serious crime and terrorism in Europe.
He finished his lecture:
“Allow me to finish on a more personal note. For many reasons, I regret Brexit. I will always continue to believe that we are better off together than alone – especially in today’s world. That is why I will remain a patriot and European. But I will also always have profound respect for the UK – its people, culture, great leaders – such as Winston Churchill – and its solidarity with the rest of Europe during its darkest hours. That is why at the beginning of this new chapter of European history, I would really like to wish the UK well – speaking here in Northern Ireland – as it embarks on this journey.”
Answering questions from audience members and journalists afterwards, it was clear that there was little room for leniency in the next set of negotiations. The UK has done a deal with the EU and it will now implement those commitments.
The ideal of frictionless trade is “impossible” according to Barnier, once again contradicting Prime Minister Johnson’s vision of “unfettered” trade. The BBC’s John Campbell explains:
Additionally, the whole of the UK will leave the EU’s customs union but Northern Ireland will continue to enforce the EU’s customs code at its ports. This means some new checks and processes for goods moving between Northern Ireland and other parts of the UK.
Paraphrasing what I heard: the UK can no longer dip its hand into the EU sweetie jar as those treats are only for the 27 members.
Anyone hoping for a softer edge to Brexit may think again.


sluggerotoole--2020-01-27--Three polls at halfway point of #2020 confirm Fianna Fáil is consolidating modest but clear lead

I don ’ t propose to go into too much detail over the three polls that came out at the weekend , mostly because they don ’ t really differ that much from each other or the two previous polls .
I ’ ll stick with Red C because they sit somewhere in the middle .
There are the three common factors again : a massive drop for Fine Gael down seven ; big boost for Sinn Féin ; leaving Fianna Fáil proud of the pair of them on 26 % , and actually a decent bounce for the Greens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Soc Dems and Labour look like what they really are which is one small party split in two .
Most of the news gossip in Dublin consists largely of journalists baiting politicians with constructed talking points they ’ ve been fed by rival parties .
The most ridiculous being that Mary Lou McDonald won a debate in which she didn ’ t participate .
The other is the idea that Fianna Fáil will be persuaded to go into government with Sinn Féin .
I ’ m sceptical for a number of reasons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an engineered Fine Gael talking point ever since Leo Varadkar took over from Enda Kenny .
Two , it completely ignores the fact that the relative strengths between the big two appear to have altered , never mind that the central point of holding an election in the first place is to give people a chance to change the government or they don ’ t .
Probably quite sensibly , Sinn Féin has not fielded enough candidates to be able to get past the other two .
Sensible , because unlike previous elections @ @ @ @ @ @ @ came far too late to readjust the numbers .
Theirs is a defensive field .
If Martin were to find himself in pole position it will then come down to the numbers available from all the parties and independents .
His first preference will be to look beyond both Fine Gael to one or more of the smaller parties .
The closer he gets to 60 seats ( or beyond ) the freer he gets from Leo and Simon .
Make no mistake , this is his first priority .
Some of his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they would like because of the association with FG .
If that ’ s not possible it will mean that FG will have pulled off a bounce of their own in the next fortnight or so , but it seems very unlikely , by how the seats lie , that they will be able to catch up with them unless their drop completely reverses .
Only in that , as yet unlikely circumstance , does SF come back into play .
Even then , as Keith Mills demonstrates , the historical pattern for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ figures to fall off quite radically when the actual votes are counted .
The key thing to remember here is that these discrepancies were all final poll figures , not where we are now , ie two weeks out .
As we get closer to the date , the question that will get sharper for voters is who do you vote for to get a change ?
Again , not great for the government .
But it ’ s not terribly great for Sinn Féin either , who ’ s strategy has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gael .
Red C approval on Health and Housing makes SF the second most trusted .
But it ’ s second to FF .
That could prove to be an awkward pressure point for voters who say they intend to vote for Sinn Féin but find themselves in a bind when a higher preference for Fianna Fáil is the only option to pursue change on one or both touchstone issues .
Closing the door on Sinn Féin is both plausible [ Martin has been ruling them our since anyone started asking them after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sensible in that it poses voters a tough question : which do want more , change or Sinn Féin ?
Remember seats are the currency here , not the national vote .
Two weeks to go , and now the manifestos are published , hopefully , journalists will have more to hit them with than spun TPMs handed them by rivals .

I don’t propose to go into too much detail over the three polls that came out at the weekend, mostly because they don’t really differ that much from each other or the two previous polls. I’ll stick with Red C because they sit somewhere in the middle.
There are the three common factors again: a massive drop for Fine Gael down seven; big boost for Sinn Féin; leaving Fianna Fáil proud of the pair of them on 26%, and actually a decent bounce for the Greens that should see them do very well.
Soc Dems and Labour look like what they really are which is one small party split in two.
Most of the news gossip in Dublin consists largely of journalists baiting politicians with constructed talking points they’ve been fed by rival parties. The most ridiculous being that Mary Lou McDonald won a debate in which she didn’t participate.
The other is the idea that Fianna Fáil will be persuaded to go into government with Sinn Féin. I’m sceptical for a number of reasons. One, it’s been an engineered Fine Gael talking point ever since Leo Varadkar took over from Enda Kenny.
Two, it completely ignores the fact that the relative strengths between the big two appear to have altered, never mind that the central point of holding an election in the first place is to give people a chance to change the government or they don’t.
Probably quite sensibly, Sinn Féin has not fielded enough candidates to be able to get past the other two. Sensible, because unlike previous elections, this surge in the polls just came far too late to readjust the numbers. Theirs is a defensive field.
If Martin were to find himself in pole position it will then come down to the numbers available from all the parties and independents. His first preference will be to look beyond both Fine Gael to one or more of the smaller parties.
The closer he gets to 60 seats (or beyond) the freer he gets from Leo and Simon. Make no mistake, this is his first priority. Some of his backbenchers are finding campaigning heavier going than they would like because of the association with FG.
If that’s not possible it will mean that FG will have pulled off a bounce of their own in the next fortnight or so, but it seems very unlikely, by how the seats lie, that they will be able to catch up with them unless their drop completely reverses.
Only in that, as yet unlikely circumstance, does SF come back into play. Even then, as Keith Mills demonstrates, the historical pattern for Sinn Féin in the republic for the figures to fall off quite radically when the actual votes are counted.
#pollofpolls update 10/10 #GE2020
Closing this thread with a caveat on polls as my defrosting fridge is threatening to turn my kitchen into a mini Venice.
In the last two elections, FF has performed much better on the day than in polls. FG and SF came up short to polling numbers. pic.twitter.com/88ctqeBbod — Keith Mills (@KeithMillsD7) January 26, 2020
The key thing to remember here is that these discrepancies were all final poll figures, not where we are now, ie two weeks out. As we get closer to the date, the question that will get sharper for voters is who do you vote for to get a change?
Again, not great for the government. But it’s not terribly great for Sinn Féin either, who’s strategy has been both to attack Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. Red C approval on Health and Housing makes SF the second most trusted. But it’s second to FF.
That could prove to be an awkward pressure point for voters who say they intend to vote for Sinn Féin but find themselves in a bind when a higher preference for Fianna Fáil is the only option to pursue change on one or both touchstone issues.
Closing the door on Sinn Féin is both plausible [Martin has been ruling them our since anyone started asking them after their 2011 election result], and sensible in that it poses voters a tough question: which do want more, change or Sinn Féin?
Remember seats are the currency here, not the national vote. Two weeks to go, and now the manifestos are published, hopefully, journalists will have more to hit them with than spun TPMs handed them by rivals.


sluggerotoole--2020-01-27--75th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz…

The scale of the horror of Auschwitz is almost unimaginable .
Between 1940 and 1945 the Nazi ’ s killed over 1 million people at this camp alone – the numbers are staggering .
When remembered the worst of human nature is it always good to remember the best .
You may be familiar with the story of Sir Nicholas Winton .
He was a British humanitarian who established an organization to rescue children at risk from Nazi Germany .
Winton supervised the rescue of 669 children , most of them Jewish , from Czechoslovakia on the eve of World @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the total Holocaust victims of 17 million does not seem like much but to those 669 it meant everything , as shown by this very emotional TV clip : I often think the biggest lie of the modern age is to reinforce the idea of how powerless we are .
It suits those in power to make the people believe they are impotent .
But as this informative article shows most change comes from one person or at least is triggered by one person .
Photo by DzidekLasek is licensed under CC @

The scale of the horror of Auschwitz is almost unimaginable. Between 1940 and 1945 the Nazi’s killed over 1 million people at this camp alone – the numbers are staggering.
When remembered the worst of human nature is it always good to remember the best. You may be familiar with the story of Sir Nicholas Winton. He was a British humanitarian who established an organization to rescue children at risk from Nazi Germany. Winton supervised the rescue of 669 children, most of them Jewish, from Czechoslovakia on the eve of World War II. 669 in the context of the total Holocaust victims of 17 million does not seem like much but to those 669 it meant everything, as shown by this very emotional TV clip:
I often think the biggest lie of the modern age is to reinforce the idea of how powerless we are. It suits those in power to make the people believe they are impotent. But as this informative article shows most change comes from one person or at least is triggered by one person.
One man can make a difference – and that every man should try. Jacqueline Kennedy
Photo by DzidekLasek is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA