sluggerotoole--2020-10-03--Churchillian flourishes signal desperation from this ‘unexceptional’ Tory Government…

There ’ s no doubt that COVID-19 has been hard on all aspects of society , not least of all the UK Government ’ s approval ratings as it has lurched from one crisis to another , many a product of its own making .
Then , during the Prime Minister ’ s address on Tuesday , viewers saw Boris Johnson attempt to emulate Churchill when he said , “ Never before in our history has our collective destiny and our collective health depended so completely on our individual behaviour.
” Although his address lacked the comedic traits we normally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ largely demonstrated a more serious-minded tone , but this one addition was arguably a stretch for his otherwise oafish self .
In reality , it was a manifestation of an ailment that pervades the British establishment , namely British Exceptionalism .
Reliant on stimulation of memories and legends of WW2 successes that fuel notions of superiority , it ’ s a technique that has an ever-decreasing demographic followership .
National pride is one thing , but in a crisis that has allowed direct comparison between Number 10 ’ s weak performance with that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a predictable route for the Tory party to take in the absence of any other real credibility .
In fact , Churchill ’ s original comment was made at a decisive time to reflect the RAF ’ s aerial Battle of Britain , but in reality , Boris was more reminiscent of the retreat from Dunkirk .
For those in Northern Ireland that identify as ‘ persuadables ’ , they must have cringed in horror as Boris tried to slope ownership of his failures onto anyone other than himself and his Cabinet .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Boris ’ lamenting a bygone era calling for unity is not just a reminder of how one-sided unionism has been of late , with concession after concession seeing Northern Ireland traded between England and the EU/Ireland as a communal and disposable play-thing ( I ’ ve of course just corrected the First Minister ’ s original statement to reflect reality ) .
Indeed , it has highlighted just how British Exceptionalism has been used to regulate unionist mindset over the years .
It is very simply , a perceived Unique Selling Point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back for more , but the collective memory of greatness is fading .
Since WW2 , the UK ’ s deeds of brilliance have been somewhat scanter , failing to give birth to any new mythology .
The current Defence Secretary Ben Wallace didn ’ t read his brief when he single handedly put both the Iraq and Afghan wars out of that reach by branding them ‘ illegal ’ , despite that never actually being done by the judiciary .
Margaret Thatcher ’ s rebate in the 1980s was probably the last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but there ’ s only so much emotion you can draw out of a getting a refund… That said , the UK has been exceptional on occasion , namely the establishment of common law , its historical sea-faring prowess and industrial revolution to name a few .
However , one can ’ t help but notice that as of late , it ’ s been somewhat scant on the generation of legends to reinforce its exceptionalist narrative to the point where for many in the devolved nations , it ’ s become @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It ’ s no surprise then , that the realities of the system of government that has centralised power and wealth in England for centuries ( even to the detriment of their own people in the north ) paired with an absence of any real achievement since the 1940s , has contributed to the British Exceptionalism ‘ glue ’ that once held the UK together , beginning to weaken .
Contrary to the Spectator ’ s call to arms , Churchillian invocations alone won ’ t save this government now , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ union of nations that finds this Prime Minister so woefully unexceptional that three out of four withheld consent to his Brexit plans in January .
Maybe just good old-fashioned competency would do the trick ?
Photo by johnnyhypno is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

There’s no doubt that COVID-19 has been hard on all aspects of society, not least of all the UK Government’s approval ratings as it has lurched from one crisis to another, many a product of its own making. Then, during the Prime Minister’s address on Tuesday, viewers saw Boris Johnson attempt to emulate Churchill when he said,
“Never before in our history has our collective destiny and our collective health depended so completely on our individual behaviour.”
Although his address lacked the comedic traits we normally associate with this Prime Minister, it largely demonstrated a more serious-minded tone, but this one addition was arguably a stretch for his otherwise oafish self. In reality, it was a manifestation of an ailment that pervades the British establishment, namely British Exceptionalism. Reliant on stimulation of memories and legends of WW2 successes that fuel notions of superiority, it’s a technique that has an ever-decreasing demographic followership. National pride is one thing, but in a crisis that has allowed direct comparison between Number 10’s weak performance with that of the devolved governments, it was a predictable route for the Tory party to take in the absence of any other real credibility. In fact, Churchill’s original comment was made at a decisive time to reflect the RAF’s aerial Battle of Britain, but in reality, Boris was more reminiscent of the retreat from Dunkirk.
For those in Northern Ireland that identify as ‘persuadables’, they must have cringed in horror as Boris tried to slope ownership of his failures onto anyone other than himself and his Cabinet. For the more unionist-minded folk out there, Boris’ lamenting a bygone era calling for unity is not just a reminder of how one-sided unionism has been of late, with concession after concession seeing Northern Ireland traded between England and the EU/Ireland as a communal and disposable play-thing (I’ve of course just corrected the First Minister’s original statement to reflect reality). Indeed, it has highlighted just how British Exceptionalism has been used to regulate unionist mindset over the years. It is very simply, a perceived Unique Selling Point (USP) that keeps Brits coming back for more, but the collective memory of greatness is fading. Since WW2, the UK’s deeds of brilliance have been somewhat scanter, failing to give birth to any new mythology. The current Defence Secretary Ben Wallace didn’t read his brief when he single handedly put both the Iraq and Afghan wars out of that reach by branding them ‘illegal’, despite that never actually being done by the judiciary. Margaret Thatcher’s rebate in the 1980s was probably the last meaningful thing that London can cling to, but there’s only so much emotion you can draw out of a getting a refund…
That said, the UK has been exceptional on occasion, namely the establishment of common law, its historical sea-faring prowess and industrial revolution to name a few. However, one can’t help but notice that as of late, it’s been somewhat scant on the generation of legends to reinforce its exceptionalist narrative to the point where for many in the devolved nations, it’s become a bit of a ‘catfish’. It’s no surprise then, that the realities of the system of government that has centralised power and wealth in England for centuries (even to the detriment of their own people in the north) paired with an absence of any real achievement since the 1940s, has contributed to the British Exceptionalism ‘glue’ that once held the UK together, beginning to weaken. Contrary to the Spectator’s call to arms, Churchillian invocations alone won’t save this government now, and it certainly won’t preserve a union of nations that finds this Prime Minister so woefully unexceptional that three out of four withheld consent to his Brexit plans in January.
Maybe just good old-fashioned competency would do the trick?
Photo by johnnyhypno is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-10-03--Stormont have a great excuse for refusing to implement the abortion law

In 2019 , with the Assembly still under suspension the British government launched a consultation on introducing elective abortion .
In the Assembly ’ s absence Westminster enacted legislation on a free vote opposed mainly by the DUP.1 The context was less about Northern Ireland , more about an anti- Brexit majority moving enough business to keep Parliament open and avoid leaving the EU by default .
But the measure passed by an impressive cross party majority in the name of equal rights throughout the UK .
It enjoyed the more than tacit support of the NI Secretary Julian Smith @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voted to oppose Westminster ’ s decision 46 – 40 but not entirely on neat communal lines The vote had no legal effect .
But in practice it reflected a refusal to implement the regulations passed by the sovereign parliament in the absence of devolved authority .
Now another consultation is required for more funding to be made available to satisfy the demand .
This blatant stalling could go on for ever – by cross community consent .
Once again , we see Sinn Fein in the North adopt a different position from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ straightforwardly to support a Westminster measure and chose to propose an essentially bogus tactical amendment And all those passionate unionists are opposing a legal Westminster Act .
Total political perversity all round .
As the Belfast Telegraph has reported Abortion services have been cut in over a third of local areas in Northern Ireland due to a lack of resources .
It means that women living in 10 of Northern Ireland ’ s 26 local areas will not be able to access early abortion services locally , and will have to travel to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the procedure .
Since April , trusts have been providing abortion services themselves through their own resources .
Grainne Teggart , Amnesty International UK ’ s NI campaigns manager , said that the decision to suspend services was “ a direct consequence of the sheer neglect and disastrous failings of the Department of Health ” .
In a statement , the Northern Trust said that funding abortion services itself since April had been possible “ due to the downturn of services in other areas ” but added that it “ does not currently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the service.
” It said all healthcare trusts “ will be discussing the current arrangements with the Department of Health in the coming days More than 600 medical abortions have been carried out in Northern Ireland since new laws came into force earlier this year .
In total , 664 terminations have taken place since March 31 , according to official figures .
The new regulations allow for terminations in any circumstance up to 12 weeks .
Up to 24 weeks , terminations are allowed where the risk of mental or physical injury @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the risk of terminating the pregnancy .
The law also allows abortions in cases of fatal foetal abnormality , or when there is a risk of death or serious permanent injury to the mother if a termination is not carried out .
Why should abortion be any different from any other medical procedure ?
The Executive has the brilliant excuse based on their own incompetence – the calamitous size of waiting lists , extended further by pressure from Covid cases .
Nearly a quarter of a million people in Northern Ireland have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see a consultant for the first time .
And almost 120,000 people have been waiting for more than a year .
A total of 307,066 – or 80 % – patients are waiting for their initial outpatient appointment and 242,864 have exceeded the government target of a nine week wait .
A total of 117,066 – or 40 % have been waiting for more than 12 months .

In 2019, with the Assembly still under suspension the British government launched a consultation on introducing elective abortion. In the Assembly’s absence Westminster enacted legislation on a free vote opposed mainly by the DUP.1 The context was less about Northern Ireland, more about an anti- Brexit majority moving enough business to keep Parliament open and avoid leaving the EU by default . But the measure passed by an impressive cross party majority in the name of equal rights throughout the UK. It enjoyed the more than tacit support of the NI Secretary Julian Smith.
A year later the resumed Assembly voted to oppose Westminster’s decision 46 – 40 but not entirely on neat communal lines The vote had no legal effect. But in practice it reflected a refusal to implement the regulations passed by the sovereign parliament in the absence of devolved authority.
Now another consultation is required for more funding to be made available to satisfy the demand.
This blatant stalling could go on for ever – by cross community consent. Once again, we see Sinn Fein in the North adopt a different position from the South, because it was reluctant straightforwardly to support a Westminster measure and chose to propose an essentially bogus tactical amendment And all those passionate unionists are opposing a legal Westminster Act. Total political perversity all round.
As the Belfast Telegraph has reported
Abortion services have been cut in over a third of local areas in Northern Ireland due to a lack of resources. It means that women living in 10 of Northern Ireland’s 26 local areas will not be able to access early abortion services locally, and will have to travel to another healthcare trust which is still providing the procedure.
Since April, trusts have been providing abortion services themselves through their own resources. Grainne Teggart, Amnesty International UK’s NI campaigns manager, said that the decision to suspend services was “a direct consequence of the sheer neglect and disastrous failings of the Department of Health”.
In a statement, the Northern Trust said that funding abortion services itself since April had been possible “due to the downturn of services in other areas” but added that it “does not currently have the resource to continue to provide the service.”
It said all healthcare trusts “will be discussing the current arrangements with the Department of Health in the coming days
More than 600 medical abortions have been carried out in Northern Ireland since new laws came into force earlier this year.
In total, 664 terminations have taken place since March 31, according to official figures.
The new regulations allow for terminations in any circumstance up to 12 weeks.
Up to 24 weeks, terminations are allowed where the risk of mental or physical injury to the expectant mother is greater than the risk of terminating the pregnancy.
The law also allows abortions in cases of fatal foetal abnormality, or when there is a risk of death or serious permanent injury to the mother if a termination is not carried out.
Why should abortion be any different from any other medical procedure?
The Executive has the brilliant excuse based on their own incompetence – the calamitous size of waiting lists, extended further by pressure from Covid cases.
Nearly a quarter of a million people in Northern Ireland have been waiting for more than nine weeks to see a consultant for the first time.
And almost 120,000 people have been waiting for more than a year.
A total of 307,066 – or 80% – patients are waiting for their initial outpatient appointment and 242,864 have exceeded the government target of a nine week wait.
A total of 117,066 – or 40% have been waiting for more than 12 months.


sluggerotoole--2020-10-04--Who else needs Tesco Finest Naan Bread as much as I do?

I was all set to write a piece on stoic philosophy as we head towards an uncertain autumn/winter period .
Hoping to share some relevant personal experience of living with a chronic illness as a result of a serious infection .
And then I revisited my online shopping basket and found that many items I had placed in my ethereal basket are no longer available .
“ Fack this ” I thought , “ who else needs Tesco Finest Naan Bread as much as I do ?
” Before you scoff into your quinoa that I am a closet hipster @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a serious food intolerance and my diet is fairly restricted .
This naan bread is as exciting as my side dishes go , I didn ’ t realise it was so popular , but it ’ s not exactly loo roll is it ?
Our lockdown earlier this year taught me a few things about myself , even though I am used to being at home a lot I did feel an impact .
I felt even more isolated that before and as someone who is mostly housebound that was a surprise , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weekly online deliveries and then to my dismay I found that I was squeezed out by everyone else understandably wanting to avoid going to the shops .
I didn ’ t get a shielding letter but decided to self-isolate .
I was really struggling and was very relieved when Tesco reached out to me when I posted this tweet I ’ m a very private person and even my FB friends don ’ t know what ’ s going on in my life unless they speak to me .
Yes I ’ ve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to help with shopping but I have a cognitive disorder and it can be a struggle to think what I need , plan and buy , some weeks the delivery comes and I ’ m like , “ I ordered that ?
Where ’ s the eggs ?
!
” But in difficult times you just don ’ t get what you ’ ve ordered , sometimes not even close .
The pickers in the shops are doing their very best and I don ’ t envy the pressure they are under .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ shopping in your crate if it isn ’ t on the actual shelves .
I think we all wanted to make sure we got what we consider to be our essentials , the things we would prefer not to have to live without .
For me I thought it was coffee and dark chocolate .
( HIPSTER ! )
To my surprise it wasn ’ t , it ’ s ginger tea .
It eases the severe nausea I have on waking each morning .
The headlines about how much food was wasted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were well publicised .
But take a moment to think of the impact on the mental health on the elderly and those of us who are shielding and self-isolating who will worry about getting their groceries .
So my order is due for delivery in a couple of days , who knows what will arrive .
My piece on stoicism will follow when my anger , worry and disillusionment have sufficiently abated .
I do have faith in human nature and generally can see the good in people .
Just not right now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ down to altruism .
The debate about wearing a face-covering shone a stark and unflattering light on those in society who can ’ t see how we are all in this together .
Indeed as someone who had toilet roll stolen from an unlocked shed way back in March , I suppose I shouldn ’ t really be too surprised .
Photo by Anna Shvets is licensed under CC0

I was all set to write a piece on stoic philosophy as we head towards an uncertain autumn/winter period. Hoping to share some relevant personal experience of living with a chronic illness as a result of a serious infection. And then I revisited my online shopping basket and found that many items I had placed in my ethereal basket are no longer available. “Fack this” I thought, “who else needs Tesco Finest Naan Bread as much as I do?” Before you scoff into your quinoa that I am a closet hipster masquerading as riff-raff, I have developed a serious food intolerance and my diet is fairly restricted. This naan bread is as exciting as my side dishes go, I didn’t realise it was so popular, but it’s not exactly loo roll is it?
Our lockdown earlier this year taught me a few things about myself, even though I am used to being at home a lot I did feel an impact. I felt even more isolated that before and as someone who is mostly housebound that was a surprise, even for me.
I already used weekly online deliveries and then to my dismay I found that I was squeezed out by everyone else understandably wanting to avoid going to the shops. I didn’t get a shielding letter but decided to self-isolate. I was really struggling and was very relieved when Tesco reached out to me when I posted this tweet I’m a very private person and even my FB friends don’t know what’s going on in my life unless they speak to me. Yes I’ve had many offers from family and friends to help with shopping but I have a cognitive disorder and it can be a struggle to think what I need, plan and buy, some weeks the delivery comes and I’m like, “I ordered that? Where’s the eggs?!” But in difficult times you just don’t get what you’ve ordered, sometimes not even close. The pickers in the shops are doing their very best and I don’t envy the pressure they are under. But even they can’t put shopping in your crate if it isn’t on the actual shelves.
I think we all wanted to make sure we got what we consider to be our essentials, the things we would prefer not to have to live without. For me I thought it was coffee and dark chocolate. (HIPSTER!) To my surprise it wasn’t, it’s ginger tea. It eases the severe nausea I have on waking each morning. The headlines about how much food was wasted after the last round of panic buying were well publicised. But take a moment to think of the impact on the mental health on the elderly and those of us who are shielding and self-isolating who will worry about getting their groceries.
So my order is due for delivery in a couple of days, who knows what will arrive. My piece on stoicism will follow when my anger, worry and disillusionment have sufficiently abated. I do have faith in human nature and generally can see the good in people. Just not right now.
I suppose all of this boils down to altruism. The debate about wearing a face-covering shone a stark and unflattering light on those in society who can’t see how we are all in this together. Indeed as someone who had toilet roll stolen from an unlocked shed way back in March, I suppose I shouldn’t really be too surprised.
Photo by Anna Shvets is licensed under CC0


sluggerotoole--2020-10-04--US Presidential Debate 2020: Policy Differences…

If you watched the US Presidential Debate 2020 between Donald Trump and Joe Biden hoping for a detailed policy discussion , you would be very disappointed .
The debate largely descended into trash-talking , insults and wild accusations .
There was some policy discussion to be had , of which I have salvaged from an hour-and-a-half of headache-inducing yelling – and interestingly , the debate segment on climate change was probably the most productive and civil : Trump defended his nomination of Amy Coney Barrett to succeed the late Ruth Bader Ginsburg on the Supreme Court .
Biden however would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after the outcome of the presidential election to ensure the nominee is reflective of the people ’ s wishes , which he believes will be registered at the upcoming presidential election .
Trump blamed China for the outbreak of Covid-19 and insisted he did everything he could to protect the US people .
Biden disagreed and criticised Trump ’ s handling of the pandemic , particularly with the fact that over 200,000 Americans have died from the virus and that Trump could have acted earlier and more assertively in implementing restrictive measures .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the US economy is in and came out against harsher restrictive measures , believing social distancing , hand sanitisation and the wearing of face masks are enough for businesses to continue service .
Biden disagreed , taking a different approach that “ you can ’ t fix the economy until you fix the Covid crisis.
” Trump asserted his position on maintaining law and order in the US through supporting law enforcement and claimed he has done a lot for black people .
Biden was critical of Trump ’ s unwillingness to condemn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in American society for black people , particularly in how law is enforced in the US .
Trump is sceptical of the causes of climate change and does not believe science has all the answers .
Trump would like to see “ crystal-clean water and air ” and thinks the forest fires could be reduced by better forest management , remarking that if a cigarette were dropped in a western US forest , “ the whole forest burns down.
” Trump supports planting trees and thinks he is “ all for electric cars @ @ @ @ @ @ @ big incentives for electric cars.
” Biden ’ s solutions to climate change were for the US to move towards renewable energy , to promote the use of electric cars and for US buildings to be more energy-efficient .
Biden also committed for the US to rejoin the Paris Accord .
Trump is sceptical on the processes in place to ensure electoral integrity , and urged his supporters to be vigilant in how the election is conducted .
Biden disagreed with Trump and believes the election will be conducted fairly , committing to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Trump & Biden ” by ekaden is licensed under CC BY-SA

If you watched the US Presidential Debate 2020 between Donald Trump and Joe Biden hoping for a detailed policy discussion, you would be very disappointed. The debate largely descended into trash-talking, insults and wild accusations. There was some policy discussion to be had, of which I have salvaged from an hour-and-a-half of headache-inducing yelling – and interestingly, the debate segment on climate change was probably the most productive and civil:
Supreme Court
Trump defended his nomination of Amy Coney Barrett to succeed the late Ruth Bader Ginsburg on the Supreme Court. Biden however would prefer the decision to be delayed until after the outcome of the presidential election to ensure the nominee is reflective of the people’s wishes, which he believes will be registered at the upcoming presidential election.
Covid-19
Trump blamed China for the outbreak of Covid-19 and insisted he did everything he could to protect the US people. Biden disagreed and criticised Trump’s handling of the pandemic, particularly with the fact that over 200,000 Americans have died from the virus and that Trump could have acted earlier and more assertively in implementing restrictive measures.
Economy
Trump again blamed China for the state the US economy is in and came out against harsher restrictive measures, believing social distancing, hand sanitisation and the wearing of face masks are enough for businesses to continue service. Biden disagreed, taking a different approach that “you can’t fix the economy until you fix the Covid crisis.”
Race
Trump asserted his position on maintaining law and order in the US through supporting law enforcement and claimed he has done a lot for black people. Biden was critical of Trump’s unwillingness to condemn far-right extremists and believes there is inequality in American society for black people, particularly in how law is enforced in the US.
Climate Change
Trump is sceptical of the causes of climate change and does not believe science has all the answers. Trump would like to see “crystal-clean water and air” and thinks the forest fires could be reduced by better forest management, remarking that if a cigarette were dropped in a western US forest, “the whole forest burns down.” Trump supports planting trees and thinks he is “all for electric cars”, claiming to have “given big incentives for electric cars.”
Biden’s solutions to climate change were for the US to move towards renewable energy, to promote the use of electric cars and for US buildings to be more energy-efficient. Biden also committed for the US to rejoin the Paris Accord.
Election Integrity
Trump is sceptical on the processes in place to ensure electoral integrity, and urged his supporters to be vigilant in how the election is conducted. Biden disagreed with Trump and believes the election will be conducted fairly, committing to accept the outcome even if he loses.
“Trump & Biden” by ekaden is licensed under CC BY-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-10-04--Love’s Betrayal: The Decline of Catholicism and the Rise of New Religions in Ireland by Peter Mulhol

Love’s Betrayal: The Decline of Catholicism and the Rise of New Religions in Ireland by Peter Mulholland: New Insights on Recent Religious History

In Love ’ s Betrayal : The Decline of Catholicism and the Rise of New Religions in Ireland ( Peter Lang Publishers , 2019 ) Peter Mulholland offers a frank and often bruising account of the decline of the authority of the Catholic Church in Ireland since the middle of the twentieth century .
Mulholland follows in the footsteps of ground-breaking studies , such as those by Tom Inglis ( Moral Monopoly , 1987 , 1998 ) and Louise Fuller ( Irish Catholicism Since 1950 , 2002 ) .
What sets Mulholland ’ s work apart is how he links @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of New Religious Movements ( NRMs ) , which are usually associated with New Age spirituality .
The book ’ s title , Love ’ s Betrayal , refers to former President Mary McAleese ’ s response to the 2009 Ryan Report on clerical child abuse .
This title is evocative and provocative , asserting that the Catholic Church in Ireland has betrayed the basic Christian commandment to love .
Mulholland argues that a surge in popularity of NRMs between the late 1950s and late 1980s was directly related to the damaging effects @ @ @ @ @ @ @ justified and enabled corporal punishment in schools , domestic abuse , and abuse in industrial schools and other church-run institutions .
Mulholland makes his case by delving into the centuries-long after-effects of Augustinian theology , as well as social-psychological studies which have indicated that people turn to NRMs as a result of psychological stress .
There have been few previous studies of NRMs in Ireland ( for an exception , see Cosgrove et al , 2011 ) , so in this Mulholland relies on research from other contexts .
Mulholland also discusses Marian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Irish life in the 1980s – and the Catholic Charismatic Renewal Movement as examples of responses to Catholic authoritarianism and the psychological stresses of rapid social change .
These are important inclusions , demonstrating that a range of religious choices was available .
Mulholland focuses on the presentation of NRMs in the media , analysing reports in the Sunday Independent and Sunday Press .
Direct quotes from newspaper reports in the text and in a fascinating appendix of excerpts provide a sense of the tenor of the coverage , and the pervasiveness of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ important that Mulholland ends his analysis in 1990 , prior to the period when the media began to expose the most harrowing stories of clerical child sexual abuse .
This drives home the point that Irish Catholicism was troubled and its authority was unravelling well before the headlines of the 1990s , which are often considered the starting point of decline .
Indeed , Mulholland is at his best when describing the reform campaign to end corporal punishment in schools , a subject that has received scant attention in other analyses .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ led by Senator Owen Sheehy Skeffington .
Mulholland details the disbelief and resistance Sheehy Skeffington and his allies faced , and notes that he encouraged Peter Tyrell , who was held in Letterfrack for seven years , to write an account of his experiences .
Four decades later , in 1967 , Tyrell committed suicide by setting himself on fire on London ’ s Hampstead Heath .
Tyrell ’ s account of Letterfrack was published posthumously .
Mulholland also profiles the remarkable work of Dr Paddy Randles , a medical doctor based in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as young as twelve into religious orders .
Mulholland quotes from Randles ’ s letters to the press and an interview he conducted with him in 2010 .
Campaigners like Sheehy Skeffington and Randles were convinced that corporeal punishment in schools was not only cruel and inhumane but was stunting Irish children psychologically .
They then reproduced patterns of abuse in their own homes .
Mulholland notes that there were glimmers of dissent among parents , some of whom began to question the severity and efficacy of corporal punishment , although campaigners faced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ corporal punishment in schools had a disproportionate impact on the poor .
The poor had little means of avoiding or subverting abusive educational institutions , which had the overwhelming support of church and state .
We know that NRMs expanded in other parts of the world during this time , including Britain and the United States .
If the rise of NRMs in Ireland is linked to the failings of Irish Catholicism , what accounts for their popularity elsewhere ?
Mulholland acknowledges this issue but does not fully address it .
And given @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Mulholland describes , why did comparatively few Irish people turn to NRMs ?
NRMs numbers were and remain small ; indeed , their influence has been more important and pervasive in Britain , as outlined by Paul Heelas and Linda Woodhead in their boldly titled The Spiritual Revolution ( 2005 ) .
Further , while the book is primarily historical , more contextual information about NRMs in Ireland today would have been welcome .
Nevertheless , Love ’ s Betrayal covers new ground and offers valuable insights on recent religious history in @ @

In Love’s Betrayal: The Decline of Catholicism and the Rise of New Religions in Ireland (Peter Lang Publishers, 2019) Peter Mulholland offers a frank and often bruising account of the decline of the authority of the Catholic Church in Ireland since the middle of the twentieth century.
Mulholland follows in the footsteps of ground-breaking studies, such as those by Tom Inglis (Moral Monopoly, 1987, 1998) and Louise Fuller (Irish Catholicism Since 1950, 2002). What sets Mulholland’s work apart is how he links the decline of Catholicism with a rise of New Religious Movements (NRMs), which are usually associated with New Age spirituality.
The book’s title, Love’s Betrayal, refers to former President Mary McAleese’s response to the 2009 Ryan Report on clerical child abuse. This title is evocative and provocative, asserting that the Catholic Church in Ireland has betrayed the basic Christian commandment to love.
Mulholland argues that a surge in popularity of NRMs between the late 1950s and late 1980s was directly related to the damaging effects of an authoritarian form of faith which justified and enabled corporal punishment in schools, domestic abuse, and abuse in industrial schools and other church-run institutions.
Mulholland makes his case by delving into the centuries-long after-effects of Augustinian theology, as well as social-psychological studies which have indicated that people turn to NRMs as a result of psychological stress. There have been few previous studies of NRMs in Ireland (for an exception, see Cosgrove et al, 2011), so in this Mulholland relies on research from other contexts.
Mulholland also discusses Marian apparitions – a rather prominent feature of Irish life in the 1980s – and the Catholic Charismatic Renewal Movement as examples of responses to Catholic authoritarianism and the psychological stresses of rapid social change. These are important inclusions, demonstrating that a range of religious choices was available.
Mulholland focuses on the presentation of NRMs in the media, analysing reports in the Sunday Independent and Sunday Press. Direct quotes from newspaper reports in the text and in a fascinating appendix of excerpts provide a sense of the tenor of the coverage, and the pervasiveness of clerical voices in journalism.
It is important that Mulholland ends his analysis in 1990, prior to the period when the media began to expose the most harrowing stories of clerical child sexual abuse. This drives home the point that Irish Catholicism was troubled and its authority was unravelling well before the headlines of the 1990s, which are often considered the starting point of decline.
Indeed, Mulholland is at his best when describing the reform campaign to end corporal punishment in schools, a subject that has received scant attention in other analyses. The campaign began in the mid-1950s and was led by Senator Owen Sheehy Skeffington. Mulholland details the disbelief and resistance Sheehy Skeffington and his allies faced, and notes that he encouraged Peter Tyrell, who was held in Letterfrack for seven years, to write an account of his experiences. Four decades later, in 1967, Tyrell committed suicide by setting himself on fire on London’s Hampstead Heath. Tyrell’s account of Letterfrack was published posthumously.
Mulholland also profiles the remarkable work of Dr Paddy Randles, a medical doctor based in Navan, who campaigned against recruiting boys as young as twelve into religious orders. Mulholland quotes from Randles’s letters to the press and an interview he conducted with him in 2010.
Campaigners like Sheehy Skeffington and Randles were convinced that corporeal punishment in schools was not only cruel and inhumane but was stunting Irish children psychologically. They then reproduced patterns of abuse in their own homes. Mulholland notes that there were glimmers of dissent among parents, some of whom began to question the severity and efficacy of corporal punishment, although campaigners faced stiff opposition.
Mulholland also shows how corporal punishment in schools had a disproportionate impact on the poor. The poor had little means of avoiding or subverting abusive educational institutions, which had the overwhelming support of church and state.
But questions remain.
We know that NRMs expanded in other parts of the world during this time, including Britain and the United States. If the rise of NRMs in Ireland is linked to the failings of Irish Catholicism, what accounts for their popularity elsewhere? Mulholland acknowledges this issue but does not fully address it.
And given the ‘love’s betrayal’ that Mulholland describes, why did comparatively few Irish people turn to NRMs? NRMs numbers were and remain small; indeed, their influence has been more important and pervasive in Britain, as outlined by Paul Heelas and Linda Woodhead in their boldly titled The Spiritual Revolution (2005).
Further, while the book is primarily historical, more contextual information about NRMs in Ireland today would have been welcome.
Nevertheless, Love’s Betrayal covers new ground and offers valuable insights on recent religious history in Ireland.


sluggerotoole--2020-10-04--Waiting for the Alley Gates

Waiting for the Alley Gates

What are we waiting for , assembled in the forum ?
The alleys are to be gated today .
Why isn ’ t anything going on in the senate ?
Why are the senators sitting there without legislating ?
Because the alleys are being gated today .
What ’ s the point of senators making laws now ?
Once the alleys are gated , there will be no further need for legislation .
Why did our emperor get up so early , and why is he sitting enthroned at the city ’ s main alley gate , in state , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are being gated today and the emperor ’ s waiting to greet the happy local residents .
He ’ s even got a scroll to give them , loaded with titles , with imposing names .
Why have our two consuls and praetors come out today wearing their embroidered , their scarlet togas ?
Why have they put on bracelets with so many amethysts , rings sparkling with magnificent emeralds ?
Why are they carrying elegant canes beautifully worked in silver and gold ?
Because the alleys are being gated today and things @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Why don ’ t our distinguished orators turn up as usual to make their speeches , say what they have to say ?
Because the alleys are being gated today and the voters are bored by rhetoric and public speaking .
Why this sudden bewilderment , this confusion ?
( How serious people ’ s faces have become . )
Why are the streets and squares emptying so rapidly , everyone going home lost in thought ?
Because night has fallen and the alleys have been gated And some of our men just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no alleys left to gate .
Now what ’ s going to happen to us without alleys to gate ?
They were , those entries , a kind of solution .

What are we waiting for, assembled in the forum?
The alleys are to be gated today.
Why isn’t anything going on in the senate?
Why are the senators sitting there without legislating?
Because the alleys are being gated today.
What’s the point of senators making laws now?
Once the alleys are gated, there will be no further need for legislation.
Why did our emperor get up so early,
and why is he sitting enthroned at the city’s main alley gate,
in state, wearing the crown?
Because the alleys are being gated today
and the emperor’s waiting to greet the happy local residents.
He’s even got a scroll to give them,
loaded with titles, with imposing names.
Why have our two consuls and praetors come out today
wearing their embroidered, their scarlet togas?
Why have they put on bracelets with so many amethysts,
rings sparkling with magnificent emeralds?
Why are they carrying elegant canes
beautifully worked in silver and gold?
Because the alleys are being gated today
and things like that impress the local residents.
Why don’t our distinguished orators turn up as usual
to make their speeches, say what they have to say?
Because the alleys are being gated today
and the voters are bored by rhetoric and public speaking.
Why this sudden bewilderment, this confusion?
(How serious people’s faces have become.)
Why are the streets and squares emptying so rapidly,
everyone going home lost in thought?
Because night has fallen and the alleys have been gated
And some of our men just in from the border say
there are no alleys left to gate.
Now what’s going to happen to us without alleys to gate ?
They were, those entries, a kind of solution.


sluggerotoole--2020-10-05--Time to reset our approach to energy efficiency of homes to support a green, climate-resilient recov

Time to reset our approach to energy efficiency of homes to support a green, climate-resilient recovery…

By Dr Patrice Cairns , Policy Manager , RICS ( Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors ) .
You can follow her on Twitter .
This year , for many , their home has become not only their shelter but a place of work , of homeschooling , of social space and respite .
It can be assumed that there is undoubtfully now a greater appreciation of the intrinsic link between wellbeing and improved indoor health .
However , if we spend more time at home , we will typically use more energy .
The built environment sector contributes significantly to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ yet progress in the decarbonisation of buildings has been limited and the challenge going forward even greater .
As new housing accounts for only 1-2 percent of total UK building stock each year , addressing the energy efficiency of existing housing stock is a crucial milestone on the path to achieving net zero ambitions .
Given that approximately 15 percent of the UK ’ s total emissions come from heating homes alone , an overhaul of the energy performance of existing housing stock is required .
Northern Ireland ’ s unique context , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ innovation and a strategic joined up approach .
While decarbonisation of the heat network remains one the toughest challenges , an energy efficient building fabric is needed to be both effective in cost savings and emissions reductions .
This requires a significant scaling up of retrofitting homes , which not only provides an opportunity to achieve both operational carbon and significant embodied carbon savings , through re-use rather than re-build , but can improve indoor conditions and create skilled jobs .
The task is formidable , and immediate action is needed to close @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the absence of climate change legislation – though promised in New Decade , New Approach – the lack of clear regulatory drivers such as ambitious building regulations which account for embodied carbon and Minimum Energy Efficiency Standards ( MEES ) , and the lack of financial incentives and support to encourage all households to retrofit , creates concern that existing polices will not be enough to deliver the level of carbon reduction required .
RICS have recently published a new paper calling on UK Government to make a step-change in policies for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to decarbonise UK existing housing stock ’ provides a blueprint for Government to take forward as part of their resilient recovery from Covid-19 .
The paper highlights how government incentives can promote a positive shift , by encouraging and supporting more people to consider making their homes energy efficient .
The suite of policy recommendations is encapsulated in a package of regulatory measures , industry standards and property data , fiscal levers and market insight .
UK Government endorsing RICS ’ call to reduce the VAT for home repairs , maintenance and improvement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the right direction .
A uniform reduction to 5 percent across the regime could provide a much-needed boost in the adoption of retrofitting measures being taken in tandem with home improvement upgrades .
Although the incentive will carry an initial cost , it will be at least in part offset by the benefits associated with job creation , which will be much needed in the wake of the likely rise in unemployment as the furlough scheme begins to unwind .
While the energy efficiency policy route remains uncertain both at a Northern Ireland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ must use this opportunity to review their existing policies , working with the expertise of industry , and implement a holistic approach to retrofitting .
The NI Executive committing to a more sustainable stock of housing provides an opportunity both to kickstart business activity and focus on the green agenda .
A scaled up retrofit programme of existing housing stock would be an integral stimulus to a green , and climate-resilient recovery from the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic .
Designating the energy efficiency of Northern Ireland ’ s building stock as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investment to fill the gap , would be a driver in the delivery of the required scale of retrofit .
Upskilling and supporting the pipeline of green skills , within the built environment and including the Proptech sector , to deliver improvements in energy efficiency would provide further socio-economic stimulus .
The time to act is now .
RICS is the principal independent body representing professionals employed in the land , property and construction sectors .
In Northern Ireland , the organisation represents 4,000 cross-sectoral members comprising of chartered and associate surveyors , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

By Dr Patrice Cairns, Policy Manager, RICS (Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors). You can follow her on Twitter.
This year, for many, their home has become not only their shelter but a place of work, of homeschooling, of social space and respite. It can be assumed that there is undoubtfully now a greater appreciation of the intrinsic link between wellbeing and improved indoor health. However, if we spend more time at home, we will typically use more energy.
The built environment sector contributes significantly to national energy use and carbon emissions, yet progress in the decarbonisation of buildings has been limited and the challenge going forward even greater. As new housing accounts for only 1-2 percent of total UK building stock each year, addressing the energy efficiency of existing housing stock is a crucial milestone on the path to achieving net zero ambitions.
Given that approximately 15 percent of the UK’s total emissions come from heating homes alone, an overhaul of the energy performance of existing housing stock is required. Northern Ireland’s unique context, particularly in energy, will require further innovation and a strategic joined up approach. While decarbonisation of the heat network remains one the toughest challenges, an energy efficient building fabric is needed to be both effective in cost savings and emissions reductions.
This requires a significant scaling up of retrofitting homes, which not only provides an opportunity to achieve both operational carbon and significant embodied carbon savings, through re-use rather than re-build, but can improve indoor conditions and create skilled jobs. The task is formidable, and immediate action is needed to close the widening gap.
In Northern Ireland, the absence of climate change legislation – though promised in New Decade, New Approach – the lack of clear regulatory drivers such as ambitious building regulations which account for embodied carbon and Minimum Energy Efficiency Standards (MEES), and the lack of financial incentives and support to encourage all households to retrofit, creates concern that existing polices will not be enough to deliver the level of carbon reduction required.
RICS have recently published a new paper calling on UK Government to make a step-change in policies for decarbonising existing UK housing. ‘Retrofitting to decarbonise UK existing housing stock’ provides a blueprint for Government to take forward as part of their resilient recovery from Covid-19. The paper highlights how government incentives can promote a positive shift, by encouraging and supporting more people to consider making their homes energy efficient. The suite of policy recommendations is encapsulated in a package of regulatory measures, industry standards and property data, fiscal levers and market insight.
UK Government endorsing RICS’ call to reduce the VAT for home repairs, maintenance and improvement work would be a swift step in the right direction. A uniform reduction to 5 percent across the regime could provide a much-needed boost in the adoption of retrofitting measures being taken in tandem with home improvement upgrades. Although the incentive will carry an initial cost, it will be at least in part offset by the benefits associated with job creation, which will be much needed in the wake of the likely rise in unemployment as the furlough scheme begins to unwind.
While the energy efficiency policy route remains uncertain both at a Northern Ireland and UK level, the NI Executive must use this opportunity to review their existing policies, working with the expertise of industry, and implement a holistic approach to retrofitting. The NI Executive committing to a more sustainable stock of housing provides an opportunity both to kickstart business activity and focus on the green agenda.
A scaled up retrofit programme of existing housing stock would be an integral stimulus to a green, and climate-resilient recovery from the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic. Designating the energy efficiency of Northern Ireland’s building stock as a regional infrastructure priority, with appropriate long-term investment to fill the gap, would be a driver in the delivery of the required scale of retrofit. Upskilling and supporting the pipeline of green skills, within the built environment and including the Proptech sector, to deliver improvements in energy efficiency would provide further socio-economic stimulus. The time to act is now.
RICS is the principal independent body representing professionals employed in the land, property and construction sectors. In Northern Ireland, the organisation represents 4,000 cross-sectoral members comprising of chartered and associate surveyors, trainees and students.
Photo by karishea is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-10-05--Fergus on Monday – Level 5

Fergus on Monday – Level 5

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sluggerotoole--2020-10-05--The Forward Together podcasts

The Forward Together podcasts

Eighteen podcasts and Slugger blogs were produced in the second series of the Holywell Trust ’ s Forward Together programme .
With the completion of that programme , the Holywell Trust held a discussion on the themes considered by the series , which focused on creating a better governed society , with more integration and improved outcomes .
The discussion was held as part of the Northern Ireland ’ s Good Relations Week , bringing together the chief executive of the Pivotal think-tank , Ann Watt ; Northern Ireland ’ s interim Mental Health Champion Siobhan O ’ Neill , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sciences at Ulster University , along with myself , as the interviewer of the 18 experts , and Gerard Deane , chief executive of Holywell Trust .
The discussion considered the lessons that can be learnt regarding governance and accountability in Northern Irish society and how to improve public services , including education .
It is available as a podcast .
The Forward Together programme has been funded by the Community Relations Council ’ s Media Grant Scheme .
Past podcasts can be accessed on the Holywell Trust website .
A book will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bringing together the thoughts and ideas from the first series of Forward Together interviews .
Disclaimer : This project has received support from the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council which aims to promote a pluralist society characterised by equity , respect for diversity , and recognition of interdependence .
The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of the Community Relations Council .

Eighteen podcasts and Slugger blogs were produced in the second series of the Holywell Trust’s Forward Together programme. With the completion of that programme, the Holywell Trust held a discussion on the themes considered by the series, which focused on creating a better governed society, with more integration and improved outcomes.
The discussion was held as part of the Northern Ireland’s Good Relations Week, bringing together the chief executive of the Pivotal think-tank, Ann Watt; Northern Ireland’s interim Mental Health Champion Siobhan O’Neill, who is also Professor of Mental Health Sciences at Ulster University, along with myself, as the interviewer of the 18 experts, and Gerard Deane, chief executive of Holywell Trust.
The discussion considered the lessons that can be learnt regarding governance and accountability in Northern Irish society and how to improve public services, including education. It is available as a podcast. The Forward Together programme has been funded by the Community Relations Council’s Media Grant Scheme. Past podcasts can be accessed on the Holywell Trust website. A book will be published in the coming weeks, bringing together the thoughts and ideas from the first series of Forward Together interviews.
Disclaimer: This project has received support from the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council which aims to promote a pluralist society characterised by equity, respect for diversity, and recognition of interdependence. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of the Community Relations Council.


sluggerotoole--2020-10-06--Few in Dublin seem to sense the danger of drifting into a homegrown form of Trumpism in government

“ War contaminates everything , even the imagination .
That is why I work for peace.
” I was asked recently if I thought the present southern government would last the year out .
I ’ d seen odds suggesting Micheál Martin would not last the year out , but above all Martin is a stoic , and his internal critics have the same problem they ’ ve persistently had in recent years , Fianna Fáil has no alternative .
On the other hand , the previous administration has left him with a number of serious external threats to deal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strain , his refusal to trade in near-ubiquitous anti-British rhetoric may just clear a sane space for the kind of economic rescue that was always needed from the start .
As tomorrow ’ s Cargo of Brick ’ s guest Dan O ’ Brien notes “ the world is becoming less stable and less democratic ” .
Not that many in the Dublin political press corp seem to have noticed .
Trump is generally laughed off as a peculiarity of the USA that will run its course come the November elections .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in prominent positions within the Trump administration , it ’ s clear that Ireland is pretty fond of its own bad boys ( and girls ) too .
However political reporting in Dublin seems too busy with poll watching and Kremlinological guestimating to have noticed .
There are several exceptions , most notably Mick Clifford in the Irish Examiner who looks for no favours from any party and shrugs the general abuse routinely handed out even to mild critics of any populist project of the nationalist right .
But it ’ s probably @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
First he states that he doesn ’ t attack Trump because , “ we can ’ t affect the American election and , we don ’ t get the mind of Middle America ” .
Harris has it mind ( and his guns ) focused on the local Trump project whose fortunes he believes he can affect .
Then getting down the business of talking tough to his fellow commentators ( which he clearly relishes ) … Diarmaid Ferriter writing in The Irish Times echoed the chorus of Martin critics who complain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ backfiring ” and presented Martin ’ s views as personal rather than political .
“ As Fianna Fáil leader , Martin has adopted the habit of going for the Sinn Féin jugular , to little effect .
It is clear his dislike of the party is visceral and over the years his contempt has been summed up in his assertion : ‘ How dare they claim to own Irish republicanism ! '
” The words ‘ dislike ’ and ‘ visceral ’ demean Martin ’ s cogent moral and political reasons for calling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ireland .
Surely a historian like Diarmaid Ferriter can see the leaders of all constitutional parties in the Dáil have a duty of care to the rising generation to challenge Sinn Féin ’ s sectarian narrative ?
Harris ’ argument is that Diarmaid is essentially playing the man thereby reducing the Taoiseach ’ s moral objection to Sinn Féin as Ireland ’ s Trumpian ( promoting anti-British as opposed to anti-immigrant feeling ) project par excellence to a personal trait rather than tackling the substantial point .
In The People Vs Tech , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over a lot of practical judgments to technology in making everyday decisions , in medicine for instance .
But , on bigger questions , tech is still just “ a cold calculating machine that [ can not ] grasp the subtleties of human decision-making ” .
For instance , we see broad deference to polling as the key arbitrator of political fortune in most modern democracies has the effect of not only withdrawing from commenting on the substantive issues of democratic government and ends in what Bartlett terms “ a driverless democracy “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when citizens ( venerable commentators or not ) let the AI ( artificial intelligence ) do all the work on our behalf .
We are not simply data points on a computer-generated graph , we are communities of real people having our “ jobless futures ” described by algorithms .
This absence of humanity within the machine is what drives good people towards tell-them-what-they-want-to-hear populists like Trump and Mary Lou .
And this silent complicity , as I would put it , is something almost universally missed by those who claim to oppose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ criticise Trump in Ireland , Sinn Féin not so much .
Actually , it is easier to do both if you spend less time on the sort of BUMMER platforms that both Lanier ( in Ten Arguments ) and Bartlett claim is making it impossible for us to enjoy the fruits of a working liberal democracy .
For Harris ( and I think I agree with him ) , Martin despite his misfortune at the ballot box in February is one of the few voices in Irish politics standing against the wave of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deftly about the complexity of southern responses ( which are partly generational experiences of FF ) .
But on Northern Ireland , Martin is one of the few , if not the only leader in the south to take seriously the historic Belfast Agreement of 1998 and Hume ’ s governing idea of an Agreed Ireland .
Here ’ s his response to Sinn Féin heckling in the discussion of his Shared Island Unit last week : Working with others , Fianna Fáil was essential to the Good Friday Agreement .
Fianna Fáil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to give up the gun .
Sinn Féin endorsed violence as the way to unify Ireland and did more damage to Irish unity than anybody else .
Sinn Féin continues to endorse that narrative of violence , not understanding that every time it does so it makes more difficult than ever to get a united Ireland or to get consent .
When Deputy Conway-Walsh ’ s colleague , Gerry Kelly , celebrates a prison escape which resulted in the murder of a prison officer , is that okay ?
Does she think that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Of course it does not , nor does saying that Sinn Féin is more pure than Fianna Fáil because of my position on a shared island unit .
That sums up Sinn Féin ’ s view .
Its members see it as something to appease the base .
How many more votes can I win if I shout “ united Ireland ” more often than somebody else ?
That is the essence of what I have just heard from the Deputies opposite .
These exchanges don ’ t earn the Taoiseach much favour @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grasp of north-south relations that ’ s been shaded from the public square by Sinn Féin ’ s ethno-nationalist populism and the previous administration ’ s deployment of anti-British rhetoric viz a viz Brexit negotiation .
And on a more human basis Harris ’ analysis returns ( as he almost inevitably always does ) to the moral question at the base of this particular Irish populist conundrum : In answer to a question from Mary Lou about the highly questionable decision by a former Minister of State at Finance ( actively involved in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) to leave the Seanad to become chief executive of the lobby group Irish Association of Investment Management .
After agreeing with Mary Lou on the need to regulate such conduct , Martin then added : I have long been concerned at the fact that parties and movements can raise foreign donations to an extraordinary amount .
I think that should be examined by the Standards in Public Office Commission .
Deputy McDonald ’ s party has raised $ 15 million over the years in the United States .
I worry about that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ big vested interests , from construction and financial elites , in the United States with which Deputy McDonald seems to have no difficulty .
Referendums have been influenced by large amounts of money the origins of which we do not know .
That is a more fundamental area to our democracy .
Some people have funded projects , including commemorative projects celebrating 1916 and so on .
My understanding is that one particular project – I am open to correction and Deputy McDonald might correct me – was funded by loans from abroad @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to that as well .
I would favour a review and reform of the SIPO legislation .
Any cooling-off period should have the force of law and sanctions and penalties attached to it .
That review is on the way by the Government now .
Mary Lou ’ s response was remarkably calm and measured ; largely because she ignored the Taoiseach ’ s substantive point other than to conclude with “ we do not need a lengthy review ; we need this change to happen quickly.
” I ’ m sure that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is an awful lot of ‘ dark money ’ to lose .
To return to the top quote in this article , according to Christopher Clark ’ s gifted essay in the latest London Review of Books , Metternich ’ s attempts to “ dam the streaming flood ” later gave way to Bismark ’ s particular gift of “ steering one ’ s boat on the broad and turbulent stream of history ” .
We may be in for a very bumpy ride ahead .
Noreena Hertz in a piece for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s success lies in its “ appeal to the feeling of exclusion and marginalisation that many citizens have come to experience in recent years , a sense of being ignored , even abandoned , by those who hold political and economic power ” .
Sinn Féin ’ s capacity to speak directly to communal fears and a sense of economic and social abandonment , while claiming that they alone understand and care for them has put them on a course for power and with that the island on a course for conflict ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
That makes it harder for traditional politicians like Martin to act and more importantly , be seen to act in the national interest .
Meanwhile too few journalists in Dublin seem to sense the danger of that moving towards its logical conclusion , never mind being inclined to sound even a tentative alarm .
“ You [ demagogues ] are like the fishers for eels ; in still waters they catch nothing , but if they thoroughly stir up the slime , their fishing is good ; in the same way it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you line your pockets.
” “ If the Hat Fits ….
” by Mike Licht , NotionsCapital.com is licensed under CC BY

“War contaminates everything, even the imagination. That is why I work for peace.”
-Klemens von Metternich
I was asked recently if I thought the present southern government would last the year out. I’d seen odds suggesting Micheál Martin would not last the year out, but above all Martin is a stoic, and his internal critics have the same problem they’ve persistently had in recent years, Fianna Fáil has no alternative.
On the other hand, the previous administration has left him with a number of serious external threats to deal with. With the Brexit deal under strain, his refusal to trade in near-ubiquitous anti-British rhetoric may just clear a sane space for the kind of economic rescue that was always needed from the start.
As tomorrow’s Cargo of Brick’s guest Dan O’Brien notes “the world is becoming less stable and less democratic”. Not that many in the Dublin political press corp seem to have noticed. Trump is generally laughed off as a peculiarity of the USA that will run its course come the November elections.
But, as many Irish Americans are working in prominent positions within the Trump administration, it’s clear that Ireland is pretty fond of its own bad boys (and girls) too. However political reporting in Dublin seems too busy with poll watching and Kremlinological guestimating to have noticed.
There are several exceptions, most notably Mick Clifford in the Irish Examiner who looks for no favours from any party and shrugs the general abuse routinely handed out even to mild critics of any populist project of the nationalist right. But it’s probably Eoghan Harris who frames the problem best.
First he states that he doesn’t attack Trump because, “we can’t affect the American election and, we don’t get the mind of Middle America”. Harris has it mind (and his guns) focused on the local Trump project whose fortunes he believes he can affect.
Then getting down the business of talking tough to his fellow commentators (which he clearly relishes)…
Diarmaid Ferriter writing in The Irish Times echoed the chorus of Martin critics who complain his attacks on Sinn Féin are “backfiring” and presented Martin’s views as personal rather than political. “As Fianna Fáil leader, Martin has adopted the habit of going for the Sinn Féin jugular, to little effect. It is clear his dislike of the party is visceral and over the years his contempt has been summed up in his assertion: ‘How dare they claim to own Irish republicanism!'” The words ‘dislike’ and ‘visceral’ demean Martin’s cogent moral and political reasons for calling out the Sinn Féin narrative on Northern Ireland. Surely a historian like Diarmaid Ferriter can see the leaders of all constitutional parties in the Dáil have a duty of care to the rising generation to challenge Sinn Féin’s sectarian narrative?
Harris’ argument is that Diarmaid is essentially playing the man thereby reducing the Taoiseach’s moral objection to Sinn Féin as Ireland’s Trumpian (promoting anti-British as opposed to anti-immigrant feeling) project par excellence to a personal trait rather than tackling the substantial point.
In The People Vs Tech, Jamie Bartlett shows how we are giving over a lot of practical judgments to technology in making everyday decisions, in medicine for instance. But, on bigger questions, tech is still just “a cold calculating machine that [cannot] grasp the subtleties of human decision-making”.
For instance, we see broad deference to polling as the key arbitrator of political fortune in most modern democracies has the effect of not only withdrawing from commenting on the substantive issues of democratic government and ends in what Bartlett terms “a driverless democracy“.
This happens, as he explains when citizens (venerable commentators or not) let the AI (artificial intelligence) do all the work on our behalf. We are not simply data points on a computer-generated graph, we are communities of real people having our “jobless futures” described by algorithms.
This absence of humanity within the machine is what drives good people towards tell-them-what-they-want-to-hear populists like Trump and Mary Lou. And this silent complicity, as I would put it, is something almost universally missed by those who claim to oppose them.
It’s easy to criticise Trump in Ireland, Sinn Féin not so much. Actually, it is easier to do both if you spend less time on the sort of BUMMER platforms that both Lanier (in Ten Arguments) and Bartlett claim is making it impossible for us to enjoy the fruits of a working liberal democracy.
For Harris (and I think I agree with him), Martin despite his misfortune at the ballot box in February is one of the few voices in Irish politics standing against the wave of populist sentiment. I cannot speak deftly about the complexity of southern responses (which are partly generational experiences of FF).
But on Northern Ireland, Martin is one of the few, if not the only leader in the south to take seriously the historic Belfast Agreement of 1998 and Hume’s governing idea of an Agreed Ireland. Here’s his response to Sinn Féin heckling in the discussion of his Shared Island Unit last week:
Working with others, Fianna Fáil was essential to the Good Friday Agreement. Fianna Fáil enabled the Deputy Conway-Walsh’s party to give up the gun. Sinn Féin endorsed violence as the way to unify Ireland and did more damage to Irish unity than anybody else. Sinn Féin continues to endorse that narrative of violence, not understanding that every time it does so it makes more difficult than ever to get a united Ireland or to get consent. When Deputy Conway-Walsh’s colleague, Gerry Kelly, celebrates a prison escape which resulted in the murder of a prison officer, is that okay? Does she think that advances the cause of Irish unity? Of course it does not, nor does saying that Sinn Féin is more pure than Fianna Fáil because of my position on a shared island unit. That sums up Sinn Féin’s view. Its members see it as something to appease the base. How many more votes can I win if I shout “united Ireland” more often than somebody else? That is the essence of what I have just heard from the Deputies opposite.
These exchanges don’t earn the Taoiseach much favour elsewhere, but they do show a grasp of north-south relations that’s been shaded from the public square by Sinn Féin’s ethno-nationalist populism and the previous administration’s deployment of anti-British rhetoric viz a viz Brexit negotiation.
And on a more human basis Harris’ analysis returns (as he almost inevitably always does) to the moral question at the base of this particular Irish populist conundrum:
…the rank and file of the party [ie, Fianna Fáil], if not the parliamentary grandees, know that Sinn Féin absolutely hates being called out on moral grounds, hates any mention of Jean McConville or Paul Quinn. Unlike the grassroots, the grandees in FF have never grasped that the party’s Unique Selling Point is Martin’s moral fervour in showing the stark difference between Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin is finally moral.
In answer to a question from Mary Lou about the highly questionable decision by a former Minister of State at Finance (actively involved in policy formation in the Financial Services sector) to leave the Seanad to become chief executive of the lobby group Irish Association of Investment Management.
After agreeing with Mary Lou on the need to regulate such conduct, Martin then added:
I have long been concerned at the fact that parties and movements can raise foreign donations to an extraordinary amount. I think that should be examined by the Standards in Public Office Commission. Deputy McDonald’s party has raised $15 million over the years in the United States. I worry about that. That money has been raised from big vested interests, from construction and financial elites, in the United States with which Deputy McDonald seems to have no difficulty. Referendums have been influenced by large amounts of money the origins of which we do not know. That is a more fundamental area to our democracy. Some people have funded projects, including commemorative projects celebrating 1916 and so on. My understanding is that one particular project – I am open to correction and Deputy McDonald might correct me – was funded by loans from abroad but there was a political agenda attached to that as well. I would favour a review and reform of the SIPO legislation. Any cooling-off period should have the force of law and sanctions and penalties attached to it. That review is on the way by the Government now.
Mary Lou’s response was remarkably calm and measured; largely because she ignored the Taoiseach’s substantive point other than to conclude with “we do not need a lengthy review; we need this change to happen quickly.” I’m sure that’s true: $15 million is an awful lot of ‘dark money’ to lose.
To return to the top quote in this article, according to Christopher Clark’s gifted essay in the latest London Review of Books, Metternich’s attempts to “dam the streaming flood” later gave way to Bismark’s particular gift of “steering one’s boat on the broad and turbulent stream of history”.
We may be in for a very bumpy ride ahead.
Noreena Hertz in a piece for the FT noted last week that populism’s success lies in its “appeal to the feeling of exclusion and marginalisation that many citizens have come to experience in recent years, a sense of being ignored, even abandoned, by those who hold political and economic power”.
Sinn Féin’s capacity to speak directly to communal fears and a sense of economic and social abandonment, while claiming that they alone understand and care for them has put them on a course for power and with that the island on a course for conflict (if not necessarily the violent kind).
That makes it harder for traditional politicians like Martin to act and more importantly, be seen to act in the national interest. Meanwhile too few journalists in Dublin seem to sense the danger of that moving towards its logical conclusion, never mind being inclined to sound even a tentative alarm.
“You [demagogues] are like the fishers for eels; in still waters they catch nothing, but if they thoroughly stir up the slime, their fishing is good; in the same way it’s only in troublous times that you line your pockets.”
– The Knights, Aristophanes
“If the Hat Fits ….” by Mike Licht, NotionsCapital.com is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-10-06--Do we just need to learn to live with Covid-19 or do we need more lockdowns?

Depending on your view of how we should deal with Covid-19 Leo Varadkar is either reckless or a political genius .
He was able to get all the kudos for calmly handling the early stage of lockdown ; then he was able to offload the leadership mantle to Micheál Martin for him to deal with the sh*tshow stage .
Leo has positioned himself as a clear alternative voice to Fianna Fáil dithering .
I expect to see Varadkar back in the Taoiseach seat within the next year .
In an interview with The Currency ( paywalled ) , also reported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this to say : Mr Varadkar also said that it is not realistic to continue locking down the economy until Covid-19 is eradicated .
In an interview with The Currency , the Fine Gael leader said that there are increasing coronavirus cases across Europe and Ireland but there is “ only a modest increase in the number of people who are in hospital , and also thankfully , the amount of people who are passing away.
” “ Any death is regrettable , and our sympathies go to the families affected , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Europe and Ireland is very different .
As we speak now , only 1 per cent of our hospital beds have Covid patients in them and maybe 10 or 15 per cent of ICU .
If it got three or four times worse , it would still be only using up a relatively small amount of our health service capacity.
” Mr Varadkar said that other countries such as Belgium are no longer using case numbers to make their decisions on restrictions and on policy .
“ They are looking at hospitalisations , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a job for us as politicians to say to the public health people that maybe we should be focusing on that .
The objective was to make sure our health service did not get overwhelmed , not to lock down the country and the economy until there was no Covid at all .
That is not realistic.
” So Dr Leo has taken the pulse of the nation and decided that the public is in no mood for more lockdowns .
The public will side with Leo as he was an actual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lot of this stuff better than most .
He reinforced his position on Clare Byrne Live last night where he attacked the NPHET advice to move to level 5 restrictions : I think he has a point , we need to look at more than just the case numbers .
On the NI Covid dashboard we see there are only 12 people in NI ICU with Covid-19 .
Less than a quarter of people in ICU are there with Covid-19 .
The experts say that as cases rise more people will end up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far the data shows hospitals are very far from overwhelmed .
Meanwhile , all the normal operations , cancer treatments , heart problems etc get reduced or put off with calls to ringfence surgery beds for normal operations .
In the Republic they have a similar situation with hospital capacity : The latest idea is the current breaker .
The idea is to shut down everything for a few weeks .
I don ’ t get the logic of doing this as will Covid-19 not just continue to spread again after the circuit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 3 months and the wee fecker did not disappear , hard to see 2-3 weeks making much difference .
I can understand them doing it to preserve hospital capacity but as we know from the data above there is no issue with hospital capacity at the moment .
Like parents everywhere I just pray they don ’ t close the schools .
On the other side , you have the people proposing more lockdowns .
They make the case that we are not sure of the long term repercussions of Covid-19 will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tens of thousands of people be left with lifelong debilitating conditions ?
I thought the virologist Dr Chris Smith spoke well on Good Morning Ulster this morning : Whatever position you take on the debate I do not envy our leaders trying to make decisions , no matter what strategy they go for there will be downsides .
At best they can hope for is that they take the least worst options .
Photo by pasja1000 is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

Depending on your view of how we should deal with Covid-19 Leo Varadkar is either reckless or a political genius. He was able to get all the kudos for calmly handling the early stage of lockdown; then he was able to offload the leadership mantle to Micheál Martin for him to deal with the sh*tshow stage.
Leo has positioned himself as a clear alternative voice to Fianna Fáil dithering. I expect to see Varadkar back in the Taoiseach seat within the next year.
In an interview with The Currency (paywalled), also reported in the Irish Times, Varadkar had this to say:
Mr Varadkar also said that it is not realistic to continue locking down the economy until Covid-19 is eradicated. In an interview with The Currency, the Fine Gael leader said that there are increasing coronavirus cases across Europe and Ireland but there is “only a modest increase in the number of people who are in hospital, and also thankfully, the amount of people who are passing away.” “Any death is regrettable, and our sympathies go to the families affected, but this second wave which is happening across Europe and Ireland is very different. As we speak now, only 1 per cent of our hospital beds have Covid patients in them and maybe 10 or 15 per cent of ICU. If it got three or four times worse, it would still be only using up a relatively small amount of our health service capacity.” Mr Varadkar said that other countries such as Belgium are no longer using case numbers to make their decisions on restrictions and on policy. “They are looking at hospitalisations, ICU capacity and on deaths. It is a job for us as politicians to say to the public health people that maybe we should be focusing on that. The objective was to make sure our health service did not get overwhelmed, not to lock down the country and the economy until there was no Covid at all. That is not realistic.”
So Dr Leo has taken the pulse of the nation and decided that the public is in no mood for more lockdowns. The public will side with Leo as he was an actual doctor and they assume he understands a lot of this stuff better than most. He reinforced his position on Clare Byrne Live last night where he attacked the NPHET advice to move to level 5 restrictions:
'We didn’t feel #NPHET proposal had been thought through' – Tánaiste Leo Varadkar #cblive pic.twitter.com/z8YhvYgFPS — Claire Byrne Live (@ClaireByrneLive) October 5, 2020
I think he has a point, we need to look at more than just the case numbers. On the NI Covid dashboard we see there are only 12 people in NI ICU with Covid-19. Less than a quarter of people in ICU are there with Covid-19.
The experts say that as cases rise more people will end up in hospital, maybe, but so far the data shows hospitals are very far from overwhelmed. Meanwhile, all the normal operations, cancer treatments, heart problems etc get reduced or put off with calls to ringfence surgery beds for normal operations. In the Republic they have a similar situation with hospital capacity:
I've posted this chart before but I've never felt so strongly that the whole country needs to see it. This wave is not the same as the first. Hospital and ICU numbers are a fraction of where they were in April. Deaths are only at 2.7% of peak. Level 5 would be excessive. pic.twitter.com/xYfP0VTHMy — David W. Higgins (@higginsdavidw) October 4, 2020
The latest idea is the current breaker. The idea is to shut down everything for a few weeks. I don’t get the logic of doing this as will Covid-19 not just continue to spread again after the circuit breaker? We had a lockdown for 3 months and the wee fecker did not disappear, hard to see 2-3 weeks making much difference. I can understand them doing it to preserve hospital capacity but as we know from the data above there is no issue with hospital capacity at the moment. Like parents everywhere I just pray they don’t close the schools.
On the other side, you have the people proposing more lockdowns. They make the case that we are not sure of the long term repercussions of Covid-19 will be, the so-called Long Tail. Will tens of thousands of people be left with lifelong debilitating conditions?
I thought the virologist Dr Chris Smith spoke well on Good Morning Ulster this morning:
Whatever position you take on the debate I do not envy our leaders trying to make decisions, no matter what strategy they go for there will be downsides. At best they can hope for is that they take the least worst options.
Photo by pasja1000 is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-10-07--Biden’s ‘remarks’ attempt to explain what it means to be American at this particular moment in histo

Biden’s ‘remarks’ attempt to explain what it means to be American at this particular moment in history

“ … self-interest defined in purely economic terms is an idea that reduces the Democratic Party to little more than the human resources department of American politics rather than a party concerned with the fundamental stuff of life : who we are , how we organise our society , and what it means to be American at this particular moment in history.
” I don ’ t normally spend a lot of time on the US election campaigns , although I do hope we ’ ll be having our by now traditional live blog on election day itself .
Polling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after 200 years odd , even US commentators seem not to understand the importance of the electoral college and how or even why it works the way it does ) .
Like most Irish people outside the US , I lean towards Democrats in my natural biases ( as do many European Conservatives since the US democrat party would not pass any European test for centre left ) .
I ’ ve been intrigued by the Trump phenomenon more than distressed about it since my instincts are to bypass most of the hysterical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And indeed many of their predictions proved to be wrong in the end particularly on Foreign policy .
What has been disturbing is the extent to which the president has polarised the domestic electorate .
Moreso , the extent to which the Democrats have failed to come up with an answer to that state of affairs beyond rubbing their hands at the possibility they might make a majority of the bits he leaves behind .
That ’ s really not a good look with which to seek to lead the richest and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a modicum of equality and fairness .
The average voter can spot a phony a mile off .
Which brings me to the speech .
I don ’ t know if it was a great speech , or just seemed so because so much of what we ’ ve had from politics recently has been so poor quality ( and I ’ m not just thinking Trump ) .
As Andy Burnham told the BBC around the time of the first Labour leadership contest in 2016 , politics , in general , has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and right across the spectrum .
Biden ’ s speech was an attempt to buck that trend : so that the left , for once , breaks out of the ideological boundaries it has set for itself by appealing to the emotions of a much wider circle of the nation .
He will have been aided in this attempt by the fact that , as Eoghan Harris observed on Newstalk the day after the first ( and now likely the last ) presidential debate , “ Trump stupidly spoke only to his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ setting and nature was the speech , one wonders whether the rather gifted Republican defectors from the Lincoln Project had something to do with its broad emotional literacy .
But I think there was something else at play here .
Covid 19 has slowed politics , and in parallel slowed Twitter and other BUMMER platforms that have contributed to the rise of demagogues across the west .
To work an epic speech ( then come up with the solutions fit to materially address the sort of epic problems facing the ordinary citizens whose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) you need time and space .
Gettysburg holds a particular place in the US imagination .
Biden ’ s campaign are keen to bill it as remarks , not a speech .
That would be a transgression onto the ground only Lincoln can hold .
Here , on this sacred ground , Abraham Lincoln reimagined America itself .
Here , a president of the United States spoke of the price of division and the meaning of sacrifice .
He believed in the rescue , the redemption , and the rededication of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not just of ferocious division , but also widespread death , structural inequality , and fear of the future .
And he taught us this : A house divided could not stand .
That is a great and timeless truth .
Today , once again , we are a house divided .
But that , my friends , can no longer be .
We are facing too many crises .
We have too much work to do .
We have too bright a future to leave it shipwrecked on the shoals of anger @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stand here today , a century and a half after Gettysburg , we should consider again what can happen when equal justice is denied , and when anger and violence and division are left unchecked .
As I look across America today , I ’ m concerned .
The country is in a dangerous place .
Our trust in each other is ebbing .
Hope is elusive .
Too many Americans see our public life not as an arena for the mediation of our differences .
Rather , they see it as an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Instead of treating the other party as the opposition , we treat them as the enemy .
And , it ’ s a matter of choice ( something the monopolists of the big social media platforms have been chiselling away for years now ) , he says… This passage could pass in almost any country in the west just now where the taunting of outgroups is now part of the everyday rhetoric within in the public discourse… Too many Americans seek not to overcome our divisions , but to deepen them .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but bridges .
We must seek not to clench our fists , but to open our arms .
We must seek not to tear each other apart , but to come together .
You don ’ t have to agree with me on everything — or even on most things — to see that what we ’ re experiencing today is neither good nor normal .
I made the decision to run for president after Charlottesville .
Close your eyes .
Remember what you saw .
Neo-Nazis , white supremacists and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ torches lit .
Veins bulging .
Chanting the same anti-Semitic bile heard across Europe in the 1930s .
It was hate on the march , in the open .
In America .
Hate never goes away .
It only hides .
[ emphasis added ] Indeed .
Whatever happens in a few week ’ s time , there are lessons in for democrats in every part of the world .
And then there ’ s the problem that comes with what comes after ?
Eric Lonergan in his great collaboration with Mark Blyth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public anger fuelling Trump ’ s popularity is a broad if quietly endured tragedy that must be addressed .
Not that I want to pour cold water on Joe ’ s finest hour , but narrative ( even an epic one like this ) that doesn ’ t then anchor down into concrete and productive actions afterwards is no more than wishful thinking , or worse , the sort of lazy populism it seeks to drive out of the White House .
Let ’ s hope he and his administration keep their eye @ @ @ @ @ @ @ term .

“… self-interest defined in purely economic terms is an idea that reduces the Democratic Party to little more than the human resources department of American politics rather than a party concerned with the fundamental stuff of life: who we are, how we organise our society, and what it means to be American at this particular moment in history.”
-Garance Frank-Ruta, The American Prospect, 2004
I don’t normally spend a lot of time on the US election campaigns, although I do hope we’ll be having our by now traditional live blog on election day itself.
Polling has proven to be fairly unpredictable (after 200 years odd, even US commentators seem not to understand the importance of the electoral college and how or even why it works the way it does).
Like most Irish people outside the US, I lean towards Democrats in my natural biases (as do many European Conservatives since the US democrat party would not pass any European test for centre left).
I’ve been intrigued by the Trump phenomenon more than distressed about it since my instincts are to bypass most of the hysterical liberal US media coverage of his presidency.
And indeed many of their predictions proved to be wrong in the end particularly on Foreign policy. What has been disturbing is the extent to which the president has polarised the domestic electorate.
Moreso, the extent to which the Democrats have failed to come up with an answer to that state of affairs beyond rubbing their hands at the possibility they might make a majority of the bits he leaves behind.
That’s really not a good look with which to seek to lead the richest and most powerful nation in the world towards a modicum of equality and fairness. The average voter can spot a phony a mile off.
Which brings me to the speech. I don’t know if it was a great speech, or just seemed so because so much of what we’ve had from politics recently has been so poor quality (and I’m not just thinking Trump).
As Andy Burnham told the BBC around the time of the first Labour leadership contest in 2016, politics, in general, has seemed to get smaller in recent years, and right across the spectrum.
Biden’s speech was an attempt to buck that trend: so that the left, for once, breaks out of the ideological boundaries it has set for itself by appealing to the emotions of a much wider circle of the nation.
He will have been aided in this attempt by the fact that, as Eoghan Harris observed on Newstalk the day after the first (and now likely the last) presidential debate, “Trump stupidly spoke only to his base”.
So Un-Democrat in both setting and nature was the speech, one wonders whether the rather gifted Republican defectors from the Lincoln Project had something to do with its broad emotional literacy.
But I think there was something else at play here. Covid 19 has slowed politics, and in parallel slowed Twitter and other BUMMER platforms that have contributed to the rise of demagogues across the west.
To work an epic speech (then come up with the solutions fit to materially address the sort of epic problems facing the ordinary citizens whose vote you hope to win and retain) you need time and space.
Gettysburg holds a particular place in the US imagination. Biden’s campaign are keen to bill it as remarks, not a speech. That would be a transgression onto the ground only Lincoln can hold.
Here, on this sacred ground, Abraham Lincoln reimagined America itself. Here, a president of the United States spoke of the price of division and the meaning of sacrifice. He believed in the rescue, the redemption, and the rededication of the Union, all this in a time not just of ferocious division, but also widespread death, structural inequality, and fear of the future. And he taught us this: A house divided could not stand. That is a great and timeless truth. Today, once again, we are a house divided. But that, my friends, can no longer be.
And…
We are facing too many crises. We have too much work to do. We have too bright a future to leave it shipwrecked on the shoals of anger and hate and division. As we stand here today, a century and a half after Gettysburg, we should consider again what can happen when equal justice is denied, and when anger and violence and division are left unchecked. As I look across America today, I’m concerned. The country is in a dangerous place. Our trust in each other is ebbing. Hope is elusive. Too many Americans see our public life not as an arena for the mediation of our differences. Rather, they see it as an occasion for total, unrelenting partisan warfare. Instead of treating the other party as the opposition, we treat them as the enemy. This must end.
And, it’s a matter of choice (something the monopolists of the big social media platforms have been chiselling away for years now), he says…
The refusal of Democrats and Republicans to cooperate with one another is not due to some mysterious force beyond our control. It’s a decision. A choice we make. And if we can decide not to cooperate, we can decide to cooperate as well. That’s the choice I’ll make as president.
This passage could pass in almost any country in the west just now where the taunting of outgroups is now part of the everyday rhetoric within in the public discourse…
Too many Americans seek not to overcome our divisions, but to deepen them. We must seek not to build walls, but bridges. We must seek not to clench our fists, but to open our arms. We must seek not to tear each other apart, but to come together. You don’t have to agree with me on everything — or even on most things — to see that what we’re experiencing today is neither good nor normal. I made the decision to run for president after Charlottesville. Close your eyes. Remember what you saw. Neo-Nazis, white supremacists and the KKK coming out of the fields with torches lit. Veins bulging. Chanting the same anti-Semitic bile heard across Europe in the 1930s. It was hate on the march, in the open. In America. Hate never goes away. It only hides. [emphasis added]
Indeed. Whatever happens in a few week’s time, there are lessons in for democrats in every part of the world. And then there’s the problem that comes with what comes after?
Eric Lonergan in his great collaboration with Mark Blyth notes that private as well as orchestrated public anger fuelling Trump’s popularity is a broad if quietly endured tragedy that must be addressed.
…uncertainty creates more serious stressors in the lives of individuals who find themselves at the wrong end of the income distribution. This uncertainty – over income, over job security, over your future prospects and those of your children – combines to create sustained anxiety which also feeds angrynomics.
Not that I want to pour cold water on Joe’s finest hour, but narrative (even an epic one like this) that doesn’t then anchor down into concrete and productive actions afterwards is no more than wishful thinking, or worse, the sort of lazy populism it seeks to drive out of the White House.
Let’s hope he and his administration keep their eye on the bigger prize over the longer term.


sluggerotoole--2020-10-07--Would you vote for a politician who does not like dogs?

This is one of the best election ads you will see : This US Election Campaign will go down in @ @ @ @ @ most bad-tempered ones ever , so how do you break through the noise ?
Dogs @ @ @ @ @ not like dogs ?
Well , it seems the Donald does not like dogs ( @ @ @ @ @ a surprise ) .
This ad is genius as it cuts through all the negativity @ @ @ @ @ ‘ Choose your humans wisely ’ .
Photo by PicsbyFran is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

This is one of the best election ads you will see:
This US Election Campaign will go down in history as one of the most bad-tempered ones ever, so how do you break through the noise?
Dogs of course. How does not like dogs? Well, it seems the Donald does not like dogs (I know, not exactly a surprise).
This ad is genius as it cuts through all the negativity to make a simple point ‘Choose your humans wisely’.
Photo by PicsbyFran is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA