sluggerotoole--2020-01-10--We have a piece of paper… it looks like a Stormont deal, tbc

Have we got a deal that the DUP and Sinn Fein sign up to or not ?
By Thursday midnight , it wasn ’ t clear .
Will all parties turn up to the reconvened Assembly ?
By the time you read this we should know .
In the meantime we have – a document .. “ On balance we believe there is a basis upon which the Assembly and Executive can re-established in a fair and balanced way… This is not a perfect deal and there are elements within it which we recognise are the product of long negotiations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always need to be give and take… we indicated that we would legislate for Irish but not on the basis of the draft bill published by the DCAL Minister in February 2015 .
It would have elevated the Irish language above English , forced its use upon communities and reduced career opportunities for those who did not speak the language .
We note that this is not the case in this paper… Northern Ireland is part of the United Kingdom and will remain so for as long as people are content and at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the United Kingdom must not be diminished and that ’ s where an Ulster British Commissioner can look at ways to strengthen our place in the United Kingdom .
I value people who cherish their Irish identity .
I want them to feel at home in Northern Ireland .
I do not want them to feel second class citizens but equally I do not want people , like me , who are British to feel uncomfortable celebrating their Britishness .
The way forward must be about facilitation rather than imposition .
Sinn Féin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Ard Chomhairle will meet tomorrow to “ fully assess ” the proposals .
Ms McDonald said Sinn Féin are “ studying the text and will give it careful consideration “ .
The document New Deal , New Approach published last night by the Secretary of State and the Tanaiste is in the tradition of its predecessors the Stormont House Agreement and Fresh Start .
There are yet more pledges of better behaviour in the Executive , yet more oversight of ministers ’ conduct , with added measures trying to second guess @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such as longer cooling off periods if collapse is threatened again .
In the programme for government , specific commitments are made to take action to remedy acute problems that have been piling up for three years and more , in particular the crisis over hospital waiting times and nurses ’ pay .
Painful decisions over hospital provision are promised at last .
The programme anticipates the administrative reforms clearly mooted in the RHI inquiry .
The Language issue , introduced by Sinn Fein as the touchstone of Respect , seems to have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” a fair and balanced way.
” This will be greeted with a mixture of relief and cynicism .
If the deal is done , the UK government is promising a large cash injection to tackle acute funding problems in Northern Ireland ’ s hospitals and schools .
The financial annex in the draft deal does not mention any specific figures .
But last year , the most senior official in the Department of Health said he would need somewhere between £700m and £1bn to tackle waiting lists , which are the worst @ @ @ @ @ @ @ managers will have an expectation that a sum of a least that size will be on the way .
This a cut and paste summary of a 62 page document in my order of priority This section represents the deal that the Parties would agree to restore the Belfast ( Good Friday ) Agreement Institutions .
A new approach to government in Northern Ireland .
The parties have therefore agreed to an ambitious package of measures to strengthen transparency and governance arrangements in the Assembly and Executive in line with international best practice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ matter of urgency , produce strengthened drafts of the ministerial , civil service and special adviser codes , to be implemented immediately .
12 a. making clear the accountability of Ministers to the Assembly ; • publishing details of Ministers ’ meetings with external organisations ; d. publishing details of gifts and hospitality received by special advisers , meetings with external organisations , and pay ; • strengthening requirements for record-keeping and the protections for whistleblowers ; f. establishment of a fiscal council which would assess and report on the sustainability of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
• The parties also agree to establish a robust , independent enforcement mechanism to deal with breaches of the Ministerial Code and related documents .
• The Executive will establish a dedicated sub-committee which will consider the findings of the RHI inquiry and propose further reforms , in addition to those in this agreement , to deliver the changes necessary to rebuild public confidence .
The parties agree to deliver any such reforms rapidly once the inquiry has reported .
• The parties have agreed that the use of the Petition of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to its intended purpose .
The parties will publicly commit to tabling or supporting Petitions of Concern only in the most exceptional circumstances and as a last resort , having used every other available mechanism .
10.The parties agree to a number of specific changes to how the Petition of Concern will work for the remaining mandate of this Assembly and into the future as detailed in Annex B .
This will include measures so that a Petition of Concern will not be available where the question before the Assembly relates to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or MLA and that , in respect of both Executive and Private Members ’ Bills , the Petition of Concern will apply only after Second Stage .
11.Most parties supported wider reform of the Petition of Concern .
12.The threshold for a Petition of Concern shall remain at 30 MLAs , but a Petition can only be triggered by members from two or more parties .
For this purpose , an independent Member is to be treated as a party if that Member was elected on an independent platform .
13.A valid Petition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of consideration .
After this consideration , if 30 MLAs confirm support for the Petition of Concern , the Assembly can determine the matter in accordance with the cross community consent procedure .
The governments hope all parties will agree to the following in detail In addition , the parties agree to the following changes , which will be given effect in Standing Orders or legislation , as appropriate , at the earliest opportunity : 2.2.1 .
A Petition must be accompanied by a statement of the grounds and rationale upon which it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ person at the Bills Office .
2.2.2 .
The Speaker and the three Deputy Speakers shall not sign a Petition .
2.2.3 .
The threshold for a Petition of Concern will remain at 30 MLAs , but a Petition can only be triggered by members from two or more parties .
For this purpose , an independent Member is to be treated as a party if that Member was elected on an independent platform .
2.2.4 .
The Petition of Concern will not be available for standards motions under Standing Order 69B , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ express legal or procedural effect .
2.2.5 .
In respect of both Executive and Private Members ’ Bills , the Petition of Concern will apply only after Second Stage .
2.2.6 .
Ministers and Junior Ministers should not be excluded from signing a Petition , but the parties note that for a Minister or Junior Minister to sign a Petition in respect of a matter that is in accordance with a decision of the Executive would be a breach of the Pledge of Office paragraph ( f ) .
2.2.7 .
A valid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ period of consideration , including on any reports on whether a measure or proposal for legislation is in conformity with equality requirements , including the ECHR/ Bill of Rights and any advice following on from Assembly Standing Order 30 ( 6 ) and 85 ( 4 ) .
After this consideration , if 21 30 MLAs confirm support for the Petition of Concern , the Assembly can determine the matter in accordance with the cross community consent procedure .
14.The parties agree that a three-year absence of devolved government can not happen again @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of measures to deliver more sustainable institutions that are more resilient and able to continue to function throughout periods of political difficulty If a period of political tension arises in future which risks a breakdown of the institutions the agreement provides for a longer 24-week period before an Assembly election must be called .
During this period Ministers will remain in office in a care-taker capacity to allow for greater continuity of decision-making .
The two governments hope all parties will agree the following details A new and strengthened Conduct of Executive Business @ @ @ @ @ @ @ procedures included in the transparency section of this Agreement , breaches of the document will be effectively and proportionately enforced .
Party Leaders ’ Forum 3.4 .
A Party Leaders ’ forum will be established .
The forum will be attended by the leaders , or their ‘ permanent ’ nominated representative , of the political parties in the Executive .
To ensure reasonable continuity of membership , parties will also nominate ‘ a deputy representative ’ who will attend when the ‘ permanent ’ representative is unable to attend .
The forum @ @ @ @ @ @ @ once a month .
It will be an informal forum that has no Executive decision-making authority .
The forum will operate as a safe space for party leaders to discuss ongoing issues and provide early warning of any issues which might cause future political tension and disagreements .
The value of the forum will be reviewed by forum members after 6 months .
3.10 .
The UK Government shall legislate to amend the Northern Ireland Act 1998 to extend the time for the appointment of a First Minister and a deputy First Minister @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or deputy First Minister or after the first meeting of the Assembly following an Assembly election from 7 and 14 days respectively to 6 weeks in each case .
3.11 .
If no First Minister / deputy First Minister appointment has been made within 6 weeks of a resignation of First Minister / deputy First Minister or by the first meeting of the Assembly after an election , and the Assembly has not passed a resolution to dissolve itself under section 32 of the Northern Ireland Act , the parties will have a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ First Minister / deputy First Minister .
During this period the parties will continue to make concerted and determined efforts to agree on the appointment of a First Minister and deputy First Minister and form an Executive .
To facilitate this , the Assembly shall meet regularly and at least every six weeks to consider progress .
At any time , and in accordance with existing procedures , the Assembly could consider a motion to dissolve itself and call on the Secretary of State to propose a date for an election .
However @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the end of this period then the Secretary of State shall be under a duty to propose a date for an Assembly election as soon as is practicable and in any event for a date which is no later than 12 weeks of the duty arising .
3.12 .
Provision will also be made for Northern Ireland Brexit .
As a minimum , the Executive will establish a Brexit sub-committee .
The sub-committee will be chaired by the First Minister and deputy First Minister ( or their nominated Ministerial representatives ) .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from each party on the Executive .
As a matter of urgency the sub-committee will consider Brexit-related issues and will initiate , as soon as is practicable , an assessment of the impact of Brexit on the 23 institutions and North/South and East/West relationships .
The work of the sub-committee should be scrutinised by an Assembly Committee In moving to a better , more prosperous and shared future the parties recognise the need to address the legacy of the past .
To that end , the parties are committed to working together and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and eliminate the issues that divide us .
So not much agreed here .
The solution is inevitably cumbersome and tortuously balanced – but it is a solution .
Irish like Ulster Scots and a coinage new to me , ” Ulster British has its separate section but Irish does not ” stand alone ” .
The parties affirm the need to respect the freedom of all persons in Northern Ireland to choose , affirm , maintain and develop their national and cultural identity The First Minister and deputy First Minister , supported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , will sponsor and oversee a new framework both recognising and celebrating Northern Ireland ’ s diversity of identities and culture , and accommodating cultural difference .
27.The framework will be underpinned by an affirmation of the birthright of all the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves and be accepted as Irish or British , or both , as they may so choose , while acknowledging and accommodating those within our community who define themselves as ‘ other ’ and those who form our ethnic and newcomer communities .
It will comprise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cultural Expression to promote cultural pluralism and respect for diversity , build social cohesion and reconciliation and to celebrate and support all aspects of Northern Ireland ’ s rich cultural and linguistic heritage .
There are complementary Irish and Ulster Scots/Ulster British sections no stand alone Act for Irish but the legislation will be added to the NI Act 1998 to give it the highest status , which put into law the GFA and is therefore the foundation document of the Agreement .
Legislation to create a Commissioner to recognise , support , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Irish language in Northern Ireland and to provide official recognition of the status of the Irish Language in Northern Ireland .
The legislation will also repeal the Administration of Justice ( Language ) Act ( Ireland ) 1737 .
• c. Legislation to create a further such Commissioner to enhance and develop the language , arts and literature associated with the Ulster Scots / Ulster British tradition and to provide official recognition of the status of the Ulster Scots language in Northern Ireland .
The legislation will also place a legal 16 duty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and facilitate the use of Ulster Scots in the education system .
d. The main function of the Irish Language Commissioner will be to protect and enhance the development of the use of the Irish language by public authorities including by providing advice and guidance , and introducing , supporting and monitoring the use of best practice language standards .
• The main function of the further such Commissioner will be to enhance and develop the language , arts and literature associated with the Ulster Scots/ Ulster British tradition in Northern Ireland .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ be established in the Department of Finance within three months of an agreement , in order to provide language translation services for the 9 Executive Departments , Arm ’ s Length Bodies , Local Government and Public Bodies .
• g. The Assembly ’ s Standing Orders will also be amended to allow any person to conduct their business before the Assembly or an Assembly Committee through Irish or Ulster Scots .
A simultaneous translation system will be made available in the Assembly to ensure that a person without Irish or Ulster Scots @ @ @ @ @ @ @ h. This legislation – including establishing the Office and both Commissioners – will be established as new dedicated parts of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 .
This is the legislation which implements the Belfast ( Good Friday ) Agreement and subsequent agreements and establishes the Assembly and Executive in law .
The enactment of these new Parts of the Northern Ireland Act will reflect the importance of these issues to people and society in Northern Ireland .
.An Ad-Hoc Assembly Committee will be established to consider the creation of a Bill of Rights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the 1998 Agreement in that it contains rights supplementary to those contained in the European Convention on Human Rights ( which are currently applicable ) and “ that reflect the particular circumstances of Northern Ireland ” ; as well as reflecting the principles of mutual respect for the identity and ethos of both communities and parity of esteem .
Annex A : The British government alone , on transparency , accountability and the functioning of the Executive The UK government hopes all parties will sign up to these measures .
These absorb @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – over mightly spads , weak civil service administration including lack of transparency and yet more pledges of Executive coordination and better collective responsibility , all made before in Fresh State the Stormont House Agreement There will be yet more oversight of ministerial conduct Complaints that a Minister has breached the Ministerial Code of Conduct , Guidance to Ministers on the Exercise of their Functions or Conduct of Executive Business will be referred to the Commissioners for Ministerial Standards .
1.5 .
The Commissioners will decide whether a complaint has sufficient merit to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investigate a complaint that is frivolous , vexatious , or made in bad faith .
The Commissioners will number three in addition to the Assembly Commissioner for Standards , and will be appointed by the First Minister and deputy First Minister .
1.7 .
The Commissioners may ask for the facts from the Secretary to the Executive to inform their decision as to whether to investigate a complaint .
1.8 .
The Commissioners ’ decision to investigate or not to investigate , and the grounds for their decision , will be published .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ timeframes to adhere to for each stage of the process .
In a Programme of Government all the things that have ever been promised and all the things that have been delayed or avoided will be delivered at last !
We wait and see , Or is this yet another a wish list with too few priorities ?
However there are some key specific commitments people have been crying out for louder and louder every day .
Transforming our health service with a long-term funding strategy .
The Executive will : ● immediately @ @ @ @ @ @ @ introduce a new action plan on waiting times ; and ● deliver reforms on health and social care as set out in the Bengoa , Delivering Together and Power to People reports .
There will be a multi-year Programme for Government , underpinned by a multi-year budget and legislative programme .
The parties have agreed that the immediate priorities for the restored Executive should be : > Transforming our health service with a long-term funding strategy .
The Executive will : ● immediately settle the ongoing pay dispute ; • introduce a new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ • deliver reforms on health and social care as set out in the Bengoa , Delivering Together and Power to People reports .
No-one waiting over a year at 30 Septemb No-one waiting over a year at 30 September 2019 for outpatient or inpatient assessment/treatment will still be on a waiting list by March 2021 .
The Executive will reconfigure hospital provision to deliver better patient outcomes , more stable services and sustainable staffing .
Improvements will be made in stroke , breast assessment , urgent and emergency care and day case elective @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Executive will also deliver an extra 900 nursing and midwifery undergraduate places over three years .
The Executive will consider the scope for changing how waiting times are measured , to reflect the entire patient journey , from referral to treatment , with appropriate targets .
The Executive will publish a Mental Health Action Plan within 2 months ; a Mental Health Strategy by December 2020 ; a successor strategy and action plan to the Strategic Direction for Alcohol and Drugs Phase 2 within 3 months ; and a new strategy and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Executive will expand university provision at Magee in line with commitments made by the previous Executive , including through the establishment of a Graduate Entry Medical School > Transforming other public services particularly in education and justice .
The Executive will urgently resolve the current teachers ’ industrial dispute .
It will also address resourcing pressures in schools , ensuring that every school has a sustainable core budget to deliver quality education .
The Executive will establish an external , independent review of education provision , with a focus on securing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ standards , access to the curriculum for all pupils , and the prospects of moving towards a single education system .
To help build a shared and integrated society , the Executive will support educating children and young people of different backgrounds together in the classroom .
The Executive will increase police numbers to 7,500 .
No commitment to restore 50 ; 50 recruitment The Executive will deliver committal reform to help speed up the criminal justice system , benefiting victims and witnesses .
To boost the economy , the Executive will drive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ including York Street Interchange , in order to build a Northern Ireland that is equipped for a prosperous shared future .
The Executive will make it a priority to realise the economic potential offered by City Deals for the Belfast Region and Derry/Londonderry , including through match capital funding for infrastructure , regeneration and tourism projects The Executive will advance with plans to complete both the Regional and Sub Regional Stadia Programmes , including Casement Park .
The Executive will tackle climate change head on with a strategy to address the immediate and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Delivering a fair and compassionate society that supports working families and the most vulnerable .
The Executive will develop and implement an Anti-poverty Strategy .
The parties reaffirm their commitment to tackling paramilitarism .
Ending the harm done by paramilitarism will be a priority in the new Programme for Government .
There will be a focus within the Programme for Government on ending sectarianism and robust supporting strategies and actions will be put in place .
By introducing legislation to reclassify housing associations , the Executive will enable housing associations to continue building @ @ @ @ @ @ @ including the Co-ownership Housing Scheme after March 2020 .
Housing will be included as a specific priority in the Programme for Government .
The Executive will extend existing welfare mitigation measures beyond March 2020 , when they are currently due to expire .
The Executive will press on with implementation of a redress scheme for victims and survivors of historical abuse , making payments as early as possible .
The Executive will bring about parity in financial support to victims of contaminated blood in Northern Ireland with those in England .
It is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Irish and British governments are listed separately rather than jointly .
But this is inevitable until the post-Brexit agreement is struck .
But a degree of complementarity has been achieved .
The Government will ensure that representatives from the Northern Ireland Executive are invited to be part of the UK delegation in any meetings of the UK-EU Specialised or Joint Committees discussing Northern Ireland specific matters which are also being attended by the Irish Government as part of the European Union ’ s delegation .
The Government is absolutely committed to ensuring that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the UK internal market , in line with the clear guarantee in the Protocol that Northern Ireland remains in the customs territory of the United Kingdom .
To address the issues raised by the parties , we will legislate to guarantee unfettered access for Northern Ireland ’ s businesses to the whole of the UK internal market , and ensure that this legislation is in force for 1 January 2021 .
The government will engage in detail with a restored Executive on measures to protect and strengthen the UK internal market .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Union additional flexibilities and sensible practical measures across all aspects of the Protocol that are supported by business groups in Northern Ireland and maximise the free flow of trade .
The Government commits to ensuring that Northern Ireland ’ s businesses benefit from the UK ’ s new Free Trade Agreements signed with other countries , and to consulting a restored Executive along with the other devolved administrations on our wider trade policy .
Family immigration .
The de Souzas will be pleased • The Government has reviewed the consistency of its family @ @ @ @ @ @ @ letter and spirit of the Belfast Agreement and recognising that the policy should not create incentives for renunciation of British citizenship by those citizens who may wish to retain it .
• The Government will change the rules governing how the people of Northern Ireland bring their family members to the UK .
This change will mean that eligible family members of the people of Northern Ireland will be able to apply for UK immigration status on broadly the same terms as the family members of Irish citizens in the UK .
• @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the family members of all the people of Northern Ireland , no matter whether they hold British or Irish citizenship or both , no matter how they identify .
The Irish government are naturally keen to breather new life into all the cross border and British- Irish bodies .
The British government commitment is cooler , awaiting no doubt the next phase of EU negotiations .
They have stated their position on the controversial Ireland /NI protocol , the frontstop .
The post Brexit relationship has yet to evolve .
The Government wants @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the UK Government to achieve greater connectivity on this island – by road , rail and air .
We believe this is an immediate opportunity to move forward quickly together to deliver on plans to complete key infrastructure projects including the A5 and the Ulster Canal connection from Clones to Upper Lough Erne .
The Government will deliver on its funding commitments to those projects , including a total of £75 million up to 2022 for the A5 .
The Irish Government is supportive of serious and detailed joint consideration through the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rail connection between Belfast , Dublin and Cork , creating a spine of connectivity on the island , which could be progressed as a priority .
The Government is also ready to jointly progress consideration of options for the development of the Narrow Water bridge project at the NSMC .
The Irish Government also intends to take forward a review of the potential for Government support to renewed viable air routes from Cork to Belfast and Dublin to Derry , working with the UK Government and Northern Ireland Executive to deliver improved connections @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is enormous immediate potential for other projects , including Greenways in border areas , such as the Sligo-Enniskillen Greenway .
We are ready to consider a further development funding application to be submitted in January and are committed to taking this project forward to deliver sustainable tourism and other enterprise benefits for the region .
Investment in the North West and Border Communities The Irish Government fully recognises the need for further investment and development in border areas .
The Irish Government has introduced a wide range of support programmes for enterprise and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million Brexit Loan Scheme , the €300 million Future Growth Loan Scheme , Enterprise Ireland ’ s Brexit Scorecard , Bord Bia ’ s Brexit Barometer , and InterTradeIreland ’ s Brexit Vouchers .
The Government is also continuing preparatory work for Brexit-mitigation actions under Budget 2020 and targeted funding for the sectors most affected in the event of a no deal Brexit .
The Government is willing in principle to contribute to capital investment to support expanded provision at Ulster University Magee Campus , alongside the commitment made as part of this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ look forward to early discussion at the North South Ministerial Council on taking forward this coordinated investment in order to deliver this vital project for the North West region .
– North West Strategic Growth Partnership The Irish Government remains committed to continuing to support the work of the North West Strategic Growth Partnership and is committed in principle to providing further funding to the North West Development Fund in collaboration with the Northern Ireland Executive .
The Government is ready to continue discussions through the North West Strategic Growth Partnership on key @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the region , including the Foyle River Gardens Project initiative .

Have we got a deal that the DUP and Sinn Fein sign up to or not? By Thursday midnight, it wasn’t clear. Will all parties turn up to the reconvened Assembly? By the time you read this we should know. In the meantime we have – a document ..
But Arlene Foster’s verdict looks favourable..
“On balance we believe there is a basis upon which the Assembly and Executive can re-established in a fair and balanced way… This is not a perfect deal and there are elements within it which we recognise are the product of long negotiations and represent compromise outcomes. There will always need to be give and take…
we indicated that we would legislate for Irish but not on the basis of the draft bill published by the DCAL Minister in February 2015. It would have elevated the Irish language above English, forced its use upon communities and reduced career opportunities for those who did not speak the language. We note that this is not the case in this paper…
Northern Ireland is part of the United Kingdom and will remain so for as long as people are content and at home living here. Our place in the United Kingdom must not be diminished and that’s where an Ulster British Commissioner can look at ways to strengthen our place in the United Kingdom.
I value people who cherish their Irish identity. I want them to feel at home in Northern Ireland. I do not want them to feel second class citizens but equally I do not want people, like me, who are British to feel uncomfortable celebrating their Britishness. The way forward must be about facilitation rather than imposition.
Sinn Féin leader Mary Lou McDonald said her party’s Ard Chomhairle will meet tomorrow to “fully assess” the proposals. Ms McDonald said Sinn Féin are “studying the text and will give it careful consideration“.
The document New Deal, New Approach published last night by the Secretary of State and the Tanaiste is in the tradition of its predecessors the Stormont House Agreement and Fresh Start. There are yet more pledges of better behaviour in the Executive, yet more oversight of ministers’ conduct, with added measures trying to second guess new causes of breakdown and provide remedies such as longer cooling off periods if collapse is threatened again.
In the programme for government, specific commitments are made to take action to remedy acute problems that have been piling up for three years and more, in particular the crisis over hospital waiting times and nurses’ pay . Painful decisions over hospital provision are promised at last.
The programme anticipates the administrative reforms clearly mooted in the RHI inquiry. The Language issue, introduced by Sinn Fein as the touchstone of Respect, seems to have been solved in what the DUP call” a fair and balanced way.” This will be greeted with a mixture of relief and cynicism.
LATER…
Analysis by BBC News NI Economics Editor John Campbell
If the deal is done, the UK government is promising a large cash injection to tackle acute funding problems in Northern Ireland’s hospitals and schools. The financial annex in the draft deal does not mention any specific figures.
But last year, the most senior official in the Department of Health said he would need somewhere between £700m and £1bn to tackle waiting lists, which are the worst in the UK.
So health service managers will have an expectation that a sum of a least that size will be on the way.
This a cut and paste summary of a 62 page document in my order of priority.
Annex A: UK Government Financial and Economic Commitments to Northern Ireland
The UK government is pledging funding for the entire agenda of improvements. This will make the choices the Executive a lot easier to agree. No final sum is mentioned and the funding is conditional on Stormont resuming. But it’s likely amount to another £1 billion to be spent quickly.
These commitments apply solely in the event that the Executive is restored through this deal. If the Executive is not restored, the additional support set out here falls away. In that scenario, the UK Government will need to examine what additional revenue raising and other measures are required to balance the Northern Ireland budget.
There will be four key elements to the financial package: immediate support to the health service and to address budget pressures;
investment to transform public services;
turbocharging infrastructure delivery in Northern Ireland; and addressing Northern Ireland’s unique circumstances. This investment sits alongside the separate financial package being put forward by the Irish Government. This financial package will be accompanied by stringent conditions to deliver a greater level of accountability for public spending.
Recognising the unique challenges faced by NI public services in addition to supporting the resolution of the nurses’ pay dispute. ● Providing additional funding for the Executive in 2020/21 to give the Executive time to place Northern Ireland’s finances on a sustainable footing, and address its priorities, such as delivering parity with England and Wales for nurses’ pay – bringing an end to the ongoing nurses’ pay dispute.
Investing in transforming public services, including: ○ Health services – supporting full implementation of the Bengoa review in health, the ‘Delivering Together’ and ‘Power to People’ healthcare transformation reports and delivering more care in the community. ○ Improvements and reforms to deliver a better and more efficient education system – including through an external, independent review of education provision.
The Executive will benefit from increased funding for capital infrastructure investment as a result of the UK Government’s infrastructure revolution.
Infrastructure funding will enable the Executive to invest in a range of potential capital projects such as: ○ Essential sewage investment (Living With Water Programme)
○ ‘Better Connecting Dublin and Belfast’ strategy ○ A5/A6 roads ○ York Street Interchange ○ Narrow Water bridge ○ Capital and resource funding for the Medical School in Derry/Londonderry, subject to the Northern Ireland Executive’s approval of the project.
The UK Government agrees to financial flexibility to reprofile funding provided as part of the Fresh Start Agreement for shared and integrated education and housing. Implementing the Stormont House Agreement The Government will provide funding to support the implementation of the Stormont House Agreement proposals on legacy.
Funding to support the implementation of the Stormont House Agreement proposals on legacy.
The Legacy
The UK government will produce legislation within 100 days based on the Legacy bill setting up a Independent Historical Investigations Unit into Troubles cases. Ulster Unionists in particular are opposed to proposals they claim discriminate against former security forces. On the other hand both nationalist parties are bitterly opposed to a UK Bill giving former security forces a virtual amnesty except in cases where the evidence is overwhelming. Despite the clash of opinion, the parties are not treating legacy proposals which are themselves in conflict, as a deal breaker.
Northern Ireland Executive Formation Agreement
This section represents the deal that the Parties would agree to restore the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement Institutions. A new approach to government in Northern Ireland.
The parties have therefore agreed to an ambitious package of measures to strengthen transparency and governance arrangements in the Assembly and Executive in line with international best practice. The Executive will, as a matter of urgency, produce strengthened drafts of the ministerial, civil service and special adviser codes, to be implemented immediately.
The measures agreed here include:
12 a. making clear the accountability of Ministers to the Assembly;
strengthening Ministers’ responsibility for their special advisers; publishing details of Ministers’ meetings with external organisations; d. publishing details of gifts and hospitality received by special advisers, meetings with external organisations, and pay; strengthening requirements for record-keeping and the protections for whistleblowers; f. establishment of a fiscal council which would assess and report on the sustainability of the Executive’s finances and spending proposals. The parties also agree to establish a robust, independent enforcement mechanism to deal with breaches of the Ministerial Code and related documents. The Executive will establish a dedicated sub-committee which will consider the findings of the RHI inquiry and propose further reforms, in addition to those in this agreement, to deliver the changes necessary to rebuild public confidence. The parties agree to deliver any such reforms rapidly once the inquiry has reported.
Petition of Concern sticking point 2
The parties have agreed that the use of the Petition of Concern should be reduced, and returned to its intended purpose. The parties will publicly commit to tabling or supporting Petitions of Concern only in the most exceptional circumstances and as a last resort, having used every other available mechanism. 10.The parties agree to a number of specific changes to how the Petition of Concern will work for the remaining mandate of this Assembly and into the future as detailed in Annex B. This will include measures so that a Petition of Concern will not be available where the question before the Assembly relates to a member’s conduct as a Minister or MLA and that, in respect of both Executive and Private Members’ Bills, the Petition of Concern will apply only after Second Stage.
11.Most parties supported wider reform of the Petition of Concern.
12.The threshold for a Petition of Concern shall remain at 30 MLAs, but a Petition can only be triggered by members from two or more parties. For this purpose, an independent Member is to be treated as a party if that Member was elected on an independent platform.
13.A valid Petition of Concern shall trigger a 14-day period of consideration. After this consideration, if 30 MLAs confirm support for the Petition of Concern, the Assembly can determine the matter in accordance with the cross community consent procedure.
The governments hope all parties will agree to the following in detail
In addition, the parties agree to the following changes, which will be given effect in Standing Orders or legislation, as appropriate, at the earliest opportunity:
2.2.1. A Petition must be accompanied by a statement of the grounds and rationale upon which it is being tabled and be signed in person at the Bills Office.
2.2.2. The Speaker and the three Deputy Speakers shall not sign a Petition.
2.2.3. The threshold for a Petition of Concern will remain at 30 MLAs, but a Petition can only be triggered by members from two or more parties. For this purpose, an independent Member is to be treated as a party if that Member was elected on an independent platform.
2.2.4. The Petition of Concern will not be available for standards motions under Standing Order 69B, or motions and questions which have no express legal or procedural effect.
2.2.5. In respect of both Executive and Private Members’ Bills, the Petition of Concern will apply only after Second Stage.
2.2.6. Ministers and Junior Ministers should not be excluded from signing a Petition, but the parties note that for a Minister or Junior Minister to sign a Petition in respect of a matter that is in accordance with a decision of the Executive would be a breach of the Pledge of Office paragraph (f).
2.2.7. A valid Petition of Concern shall trigger a 14-day period of consideration, including on any reports on whether a measure or proposal for legislation is in conformity with equality requirements, including the ECHR/ Bill of Rights and any advice following on from Assembly Standing Order 30(6) and 85(4). After this consideration, if 21 30 MLAs confirm support for the Petition of Concern, the Assembly can determine the matter in accordance with the cross community consent procedure.
Sustainability of the Institutions
14.The parties agree that a three-year absence of devolved government cannot happen again, and have therefore agreed a package of measures to deliver more sustainable institutions that are more resilient and able to continue to function throughout periods of political difficulty
If a period of political tension arises in future which risks a breakdown of the institutions the agreement provides for a longer 24-week period before an Assembly election must be called. During this period Ministers will remain in office in a care-taker capacity to allow for greater continuity of decision-making.
The two governments hope all parties will agree the following details
A new and strengthened Conduct of Executive Business document. Consistent with the principles and procedures included in the transparency section of this Agreement, breaches of the document will be effectively and proportionately enforced.
Party Leaders’ Forum 3.4. A Party Leaders’ forum will be established. The forum will be attended by the leaders, or their ‘permanent’ nominated representative, of the political parties in the Executive. To ensure reasonable continuity of membership, parties will also nominate ‘a deputy representative’ who will attend when the ‘permanent’ representative is unable to attend. The forum will meet, as a minimum, once a month. It will be an informal forum that has no Executive decision-making authority. The forum will operate as a safe space for party leaders to discuss ongoing issues and provide early warning of any issues which might cause future political tension and disagreements. The value of the forum will be reviewed by forum members after 6 months.
Appointment of FM/dFM & Providing continuity of decision making
3.10. The UK Government shall legislate to amend the Northern Ireland Act 1998 to extend the time for the appointment of a First Minister and a deputy First Minister after the resignation of a First Minister or deputy First Minister or after the first meeting of the Assembly following an Assembly election from 7 and 14 days respectively to 6 weeks in each case.
3.11. If no First Minister / deputy First Minister appointment has been made within 6 weeks of a resignation of First Minister / deputy First Minister or by the first meeting of the Assembly after an election, and the Assembly has not passed a resolution to dissolve itself under section 32 of the Northern Ireland Act, the parties will have a maximum further 18 weeks to appoint a First Minister / deputy First Minister. During this period the parties will continue to make concerted and determined efforts to agree on the appointment of a First Minister and deputy First Minister and form an Executive. To facilitate this, the Assembly shall meet regularly and at least every six weeks to consider progress. At any time, and in accordance with existing procedures, the Assembly could consider a motion to dissolve itself and call on the Secretary of State to propose a date for an election. However, if no appointment is made by the end of this period then the Secretary of State shall be under a duty to propose a date for an Assembly election as soon as is practicable and in any event for a date which is no later than 12 weeks of the duty arising. 3.12. Provision will also be made for Northern Ireland
Brexit . As a minimum, the Executive will establish a Brexit sub-committee. The sub-committee will be chaired by the First Minister and deputy First Minister (or their nominated Ministerial representatives). The sub-committee will have at least one representative from each party on the Executive. As a matter of urgency the sub-committee will consider Brexit-related issues and will initiate, as soon as is practicable, an assessment of the impact of Brexit on the 23 institutions and North/South and East/West relationships. The work of the sub-committee should be scrutinised by an Assembly Committee
In moving to a better, more prosperous and shared future the parties recognise the need to address the legacy of the past. To that end, the parties are committed to working together and to doing everything possible to heal wounds and eliminate the issues that divide us.
So not much agreed here.
Rights, language and identity – sticking point 1.
The solution is inevitably cumbersome and tortuously balanced – but it is a solution. Irish like Ulster Scots and a coinage new to me,”Ulster British has its separate section but Irish does not ” stand alone”.
The parties affirm the need to respect the freedom of all persons in Northern Ireland to choose, affirm, maintain and develop their national and cultural identity
The First Minister and deputy First Minister, supported by Junior Ministers in The Executive Office, will sponsor and oversee a new framework both recognising and celebrating Northern Ireland’s diversity of identities and culture, and accommodating cultural difference.
27.The framework will be underpinned by an affirmation of the birthright of all the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves and be accepted as Irish or British, or both, as they may so choose, while acknowledging and accommodating those within our community who define themselves as ‘other’ and those who form our ethnic and newcomer communities. It will comprise:
An Office of Identity and Cultural Expression to promote cultural pluralism and respect for diversity, build social cohesion and reconciliation and to celebrate and support all aspects of Northern Ireland’s rich cultural and linguistic heritage.
There are complementary Irish and Ulster Scots/Ulster British sections no stand alone Act for Irish but the legislation will be added to the NI Act 1998 to give it the highest status, which put into law the GFA and is therefore the foundation document of the Agreement.
Legislation to create a Commissioner to recognise, support, protect and enhance the development of the Irish language in Northern Ireland and to provide official recognition of the status of the Irish Language in Northern Ireland. The legislation will also repeal the Administration of Justice (Language) Act (Ireland) 1737.
c. Legislation to create a further such Commissioner to enhance and develop the language, arts and literature associated with the Ulster Scots / Ulster British tradition and to provide official recognition of the status of the Ulster Scots language in Northern Ireland. The legislation will also place a legal 16 duty on the Department of Education to encourage and facilitate the use of Ulster Scots in the education system. d. The main function of the Irish Language Commissioner will be to protect and enhance the development of the use of the Irish language by public authorities including by providing advice and guidance, and introducing, supporting and monitoring the use of best practice language standards. The main function of the further such Commissioner will be to enhance and develop the language, arts and literature associated with the Ulster Scots/ Ulster British tradition in Northern Ireland. A central Translation Hub will also be established in the Department of Finance within three months of an agreement, in order to provide language translation services for the 9 Executive Departments, Arm’s Length Bodies, Local Government and Public Bodies. g. The Assembly’s Standing Orders will also be amended to allow any person to conduct their business before the Assembly or an Assembly Committee through Irish or Ulster Scots. A simultaneous translation system will be made available in the Assembly to ensure that a person without Irish or Ulster Scots is not placed at a disadvantage.
h. This legislation – including establishing the Office and both Commissioners – will be established as new dedicated parts of the Northern Ireland Act 1998. This is the legislation which implements the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement and subsequent agreements and establishes the Assembly and Executive in law. The enactment of these new Parts of the Northern Ireland Act will reflect the importance of these issues to people and society in Northern Ireland.
.An Ad-Hoc Assembly Committee will be established to consider the creation of a Bill of Rights that is faithful to the stated intention of the 1998 Agreement in that it contains rights supplementary to those contained in the European Convention on Human Rights (which are currently applicable) and “that reflect the particular circumstances of Northern Ireland”; as well as reflecting the principles of mutual respect for the identity and ethos of both communities and parity of esteem.
Annex A: The British government alone, on transparency, accountability and the functioning of the Executive
The UK government hopes all parties will sign up to these measures.
These absorb the main lessons of the RHI affair – over mightly spads, weak civil service administration including lack of transparency and yet more pledges of Executive coordination and better collective responsibility , all made before in Fresh State the Stormont House Agreement There will be yet more oversight of ministerial conduct
Complaints that a Minister has breached the Ministerial Code of Conduct, Guidance to Ministers on the Exercise of their Functions or Conduct of Executive Business will be referred to the Commissioners for Ministerial Standards. 1.5. The Commissioners will decide whether a complaint has sufficient merit to be considered, and will decline to investigate a complaint that is frivolous, vexatious, or made in bad faith.
The Commissioners will number three in addition to the Assembly Commissioner for Standards, and will be appointed by the First Minister and deputy First Minister. 1.7. The Commissioners may ask for the facts from the Secretary to the Executive to inform their decision as to whether to investigate a complaint. 1.8. The Commissioners’ decision to investigate or not to investigate, and the grounds for their decision, will be published. There will be strict, published, timeframes to adhere to for each stage of the process.
In a Programme of Government all the things that have ever been promised and all the things that have been delayed or avoided will be delivered at last! We wait and see,Or is this yet another a wish list with too few priorities? However there are some key specific commitments people have been crying out for louder and louder every day.
Transforming our health service with a long-term funding strategy. The Executive will: ● immediately settle the ongoing pay dispute; ● introduce a new action plan on waiting times; and ● deliver reforms on health and social care as set out in the Bengoa, Delivering Together and Power to People reports.
There will be a multi-year Programme for Government, underpinned by a multi-year budget and legislative programme. The parties have agreed that the immediate priorities for the restored Executive should be: >
Transforming our health service with a long-term funding strategy. The Executive will: ● immediately settle the ongoing pay dispute;
introduce a new action plan on waiting times; and
deliver reforms on health and social care as set out in the Bengoa, Delivering Together and Power to People reports. No-one waiting over a year at 30 Septemb
No-one waiting over a year at 30 September 2019 for outpatient or inpatient assessment/treatment will still be on a waiting list by March 2021.
The Executive will reconfigure hospital provision to deliver better patient outcomes, more stable services and sustainable staffing. Improvements will be made in stroke, breast assessment, urgent and emergency care and day case elective care by the end of 2020.
The Executive will also deliver an extra 900 nursing and midwifery undergraduate places over three years. The Executive will consider the scope for changing how waiting times are measured, to reflect the entire patient journey, from referral to treatment, with appropriate targets.
The Executive will publish a Mental Health Action Plan within 2 months; a Mental Health Strategy by December 2020; a successor strategy and action plan to the Strategic Direction for Alcohol and Drugs Phase 2 within 3 months; and a new strategy and implementation plan on cancer by December 2020.
The Executive will expand university provision at Magee in line with commitments made by the previous Executive, including through the establishment of a Graduate Entry Medical School
> Transforming other public services particularly in education and justice.
The Executive will urgently resolve the current teachers’ industrial dispute. It will also address resourcing pressures in schools, ensuring that every school has a sustainable core budget to deliver quality education. The Executive will establish an external, independent review of education provision, with a focus on securing greater efficiency in delivery costs, raising standards, access to the curriculum for all pupils, and the prospects of moving towards a single education system. To help build a shared and integrated society, the Executive will support educating children and young people of different backgrounds together in the classroom.
The Executive will increase police numbers to 7,500. No commitment to restore 50;50 recruitment The Executive will deliver committal reform to help speed up the criminal justice system, benefiting victims and witnesses.
To boost the economy, the Executive will drive the delivery of essential infrastructure projects, including York Street Interchange, in order to build a Northern Ireland that is equipped for a prosperous shared future. The Executive will make it a priority to realise the economic potential offered by City Deals for the Belfast Region and Derry/Londonderry, including through match capital funding for infrastructure, regeneration and tourism projects
The Executive will advance with plans to complete both the Regional and Sub Regional Stadia Programmes, including Casement Park. The Executive will tackle climate change head on with a strategy to address the immediate and longer term impacts of climate change.
Delivering a fair and compassionate society that supports working families and the most vulnerable. The Executive will develop and implement an Anti-poverty Strategy.
The parties reaffirm their commitment to tackling paramilitarism. Ending the harm done by paramilitarism will be a priority in the new Programme for Government. There will be a focus within the Programme for Government on ending sectarianism and robust supporting strategies and actions will be put in place.
By introducing legislation to reclassify housing associations, the Executive will enable housing associations to continue building new social housing and intermediate housing, including the Co-ownership Housing Scheme after March 2020. Housing will be included as a specific priority in the Programme for Government.
The Executive will extend existing welfare mitigation measures beyond March 2020, when they are currently due to expire. The Executive will press on with implementation of a redress scheme for victims and survivors of historical abuse, making payments as early as possible.
The Executive will bring about parity in financial support to victims of contaminated blood in Northern Ireland with those in England.
It is a pity that the commitments of the Irish and British governments are listed separately rather than jointly. But this is inevitable until the post-Brexit agreement is struck. But a degree of complementarity has been achieved.
Annex A British Government commitment
Future relationship with the European Union
The Government will ensure that representatives from the Northern Ireland Executive are invited to be part of the UK delegation in any meetings of the UK-EU Specialised or Joint Committees discussing Northern Ireland specific matters which are also being attended by the Irish Government as part of the European Union’s delegation.
The Government is absolutely committed to ensuring that Northern Ireland remains an integral part of the UK internal market, in line with the clear guarantee in the Protocol that Northern Ireland remains in the customs territory of the United Kingdom.
To address the issues raised by the parties, we will legislate to guarantee unfettered access for Northern Ireland’s businesses to the whole of the UK internal market, and ensure that this legislation is in force for 1 January 2021. The government will engage in detail with a restored Executive on measures to protect and strengthen the UK internal market.
We will aim to negotiate with the European Union additional flexibilities and sensible practical measures across all aspects of the Protocol that are supported by business groups in Northern Ireland and maximise the free flow of trade. The Government commits to ensuring that Northern Ireland’s businesses benefit from the UK’s new Free Trade Agreements signed with other countries, and to consulting a restored Executive along with the other devolved administrations on our wider trade policy.
Family immigration. The de Souzas will be pleased
Emma DeSouza Essentially it stops Irish citizens from having to declare themselves as British, in order to renounce being British so that they can access their rights as Irish citizens to be with their family members. That’s an incredible weight and choice lifted off many shoulders.
The Government has reviewed the consistency of its family migration arrangements, taking into account the letter and spirit of the Belfast Agreement and recognising that the policy should not create incentives for renunciation of British citizenship by those citizens who may wish to retain it. The Government will change the rules governing how the people of Northern Ireland bring their family members to the UK. This change will mean that eligible family members of the people of Northern Ireland will be able to apply for UK immigration status on broadly the same terms as the family members of Irish citizens in the UK. This immigration status will be available to the family members of all the people of Northern Ireland, no matter whether they hold British or Irish citizenship or both, no matter how they identify.
Annex B: Irish Government Commitment
The Irish government are naturally keen to breather new life into all the cross border and British- Irish bodies. The British government commitment is cooler, awaiting no doubt the next phase of EU negotiations. They have stated their position on the controversial Ireland /NI protocol, the frontstop. The post Brexit relationship has yet to evolve.
The Government wants to work with the Northern Ireland Executive and the UK Government to achieve greater connectivity on this island – by road, rail and air.
We believe this is an immediate opportunity to move forward quickly together to deliver on plans to complete key infrastructure projects including the A5 and the Ulster Canal connection from Clones to Upper Lough Erne. The Government will deliver on its funding commitments to those projects, including a total of £75 million up to 2022 for the A5.
The Irish Government is supportive of serious and detailed joint consideration through the NSMC of the feasibility of a high-speed rail connection between Belfast, Dublin and Cork, creating a spine of connectivity on the island, which could be progressed as a priority.
The Government is also ready to jointly progress consideration of options for the development of the Narrow Water bridge project at the NSMC.
The Irish Government also intends to take forward a review of the potential for Government support to renewed viable air routes from Cork to Belfast and Dublin to Derry, working with the UK Government and Northern Ireland Executive to deliver improved connections as a priority.
We believe there is enormous immediate potential for other projects, including Greenways in border areas, such as the Sligo-Enniskillen Greenway. We are ready to consider a further development funding application to be submitted in January and are committed to taking this project forward to deliver sustainable tourism and other enterprise benefits for the region. Investment in the North West and Border Communities The Irish Government fully recognises the need for further investment and development in border areas.
The Irish Government has introduced a wide range of support programmes for enterprise and the agri-food sector, including the €300 million Brexit Loan Scheme, the €300 million Future Growth Loan Scheme, Enterprise Ireland’s Brexit Scorecard, Bord Bia’s Brexit Barometer, and InterTradeIreland’s Brexit Vouchers. The Government is also continuing preparatory work for Brexit-mitigation actions under Budget 2020 and targeted funding for the sectors most affected in the event of a no deal Brexit.
The Government is willing in principle to contribute to capital investment to support expanded provision at Ulster University Magee Campus, alongside the commitment made as part of this agreement by the UK Government. We look forward to early discussion at the North South Ministerial Council on taking forward this coordinated investment in order to deliver this vital project for the North West region. – North West Strategic Growth Partnership The Irish Government remains committed to continuing to support the work of the North West Strategic Growth Partnership and is committed in principle to providing further funding to the North West Development Fund in collaboration with the Northern Ireland Executive. The Government is ready to continue discussions through the North West Strategic Growth Partnership on key projects for employment and sustainable development in the region, including the Foyle River Gardens Project initiative.


sluggerotoole--2020-01-10--South should put away the wet sentimentality of the Wolfe Tones and catch up with the north

It is hard to understate the degree to which the Republic has transformed from the conservative Ireland of Archbishop McQuade .
In 1979 , a third of the population traveled to see the Pope .
Divorce , marriage equality and latterly abortion were unthought just thirty years ago in a world that elsewhere ( even NI ) felt at the time to be unremitting secular and modern .
Now they are considered a badge of honour , proof of confidence and adventure witnessed in the new generation of highly educated emigrants leaving for opportunities across the globe .
In many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to separate itself from the Catholic Church have obscured a lack of development in its own broader political imagination .
The atavism on display on Claire Byrne Live over the Taoiseach ’ s announcement of a commemoration for RIC officers killed during the war of independence is evidence of an unexamined past .
Most sacrifices bundled into the Belfast Agreement are borne by the population in Northern Ireland .
And as much as we ’ ve made an unholy hames of it , we at least understand the burden of legacy .
For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of kids were shielded from the harmful fallout of the civil war that put huge rifts between families and friends up and down what became the Free State .
When I spoke on Today FM ’ s Last Word on Wednesday , Matt Cooper noted that one of the callers had told him he had never even heard of the Black and Tans and he was 39 years of age .
The truth is that Irish history teaching in the Republic for decades before Lemass ’ reforms in the early to mid 1960s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which little was talked about that occured after 1920 .
100 years on the war of independence is still raw enough to send the Wolf Tone ’ s “ Come out ye Black and Tans ” to the top of the iPlayer charts in both Ireland and the UK ( of which NI is still a part ) .
The reasoning from one of the state ’ s foremost public intellectuals , UCD historian Diarmaid Ferriter , that the committee set up to guide on commemorations was being used as a mudguard doesn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Martin , usually a consistent tower of common sense on matters of Irish history , was caught out when members of his own party began to join the outcry over the commemoration .
How can southern politicians and academics tell themselves they ’ re ready for reconciliation with the north if they can not even bear to remember 500+ Irishmen who died a hundred years ago ?
As for unionists , for many , it will provide a certain kind of perverse relief that the southern state is not quite as liberal and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from religious ‘ self-oppression ’ suggests .
Mary Lou McDonald ’ s cheering from the sidelines , followed by an implausible pivot to assuring Orangemen she wants the 12th celebrated across the island , merely adds to the sense of pastiche .
The southern state is a modern miracle , but not one that has been effected overnight , nor has it been made only by renewed access to European markets via the EU .
Lemass ’ s reforms of the 60s are a long-form policy success unparalleled in the western world that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nations need such long investment in themselves to make the change .
What change ?
The change from neglected colony to a free nation whose citizens are enabled to stay at home or roam the world in search of new opportunities and challenges .
It ’ s a very long way from the spare two-word telegram my uncle in Donegal sent his sister in Philadelphia to inform her their younger sibling had suddenly died back in the early thirties .
For all the white heat of technological change , the nation ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The revisionists of the 60s and 70s are not only gone but still treated with a derision they never deserved .
The version of Irish history which has emerged in the last week is a cod Irish history of the old CBS system , which said : “ burn everything British except their coal ” .
But a modern state should revise its history , in light of all the people who live within its boundaries ( and beyond ) .
Admitting that RIC men were not virtuous only to the extent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ modicum of decency and good grace .
A new pluralist Irish nation-state needs to be a house of many mansions for the diverse population you hope to attract and want to feel comfortable and at home there .
The obverse , perpetual conflict model will only keep Ireland small .
That would be a travesty .
As my old friend , and as proud an Irishman as I have ever known , Trevor Ringland , says in today ’ s letter pages in the Irish Times… Before we all dive back into our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that in 1998 effectively we agreed that we would place building good relations to the forefront of life on this island .
That included committing to make Northern Ireland work socially and economically as the only acceptable means of pursuing our different constitutional preferences .
It also meant nurturing great , meaningful relationships across the island and between these islands .
That is the best way to heal the hurt and tragedy caused by the use of violence in the past .
Friendship works and hatred does not .
Around 560 dead RIC @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would have thought two years before the end of the decade of Centenaries , we would hit our first major pothole in the Republic and not Northern Ireland ?
There ’ s an awful lot of poorly draughted history still to digest .
Time the Republic put away the Wolfe Tones and caught up with the huge social grace that has been asked from all the people of the north .
“ Reconciliation by Josefina de Vasconcellos at Coventry Cathedral ” by Ben Sutherland is licensed under CC BY

It is hard to understate the degree to which the Republic has transformed from the conservative Ireland of Archbishop McQuade. In 1979, a third of the population traveled to see the Pope.
Divorce, marriage equality and latterly abortion were unthought just thirty years ago in a world that elsewhere (even NI) felt at the time to be unremitting secular and modern.
Now they are considered a badge of honour, proof of confidence and adventure witnessed in the new generation of highly educated emigrants leaving for opportunities across the globe.
In many respects, the Republic’s efforts to separate itself from the Catholic Church have obscured a lack of development in its own broader political imagination.
The atavism on display on Claire Byrne Live over the Taoiseach’s announcement of a commemoration for RIC officers killed during the war of independence is evidence of an unexamined past.
Most sacrifices bundled into the Belfast Agreement are borne by the population in Northern Ireland. And as much as we’ve made an unholy hames of it, we at least understand the burden of legacy.
For the Republic it is different. Generations of kids were shielded from the harmful fallout of the civil war that put huge rifts between families and friends up and down what became the Free State.
When I spoke on Today FM’s Last Word on Wednesday, Matt Cooper noted that one of the callers had told him he had never even heard of the Black and Tans and he was 39 years of age.
The truth is that Irish history teaching in the Republic for decades before Lemass’ reforms in the early to mid 1960s was a primary level subject, in which little was talked about that occured after 1920.
100 years on the war of independence is still raw enough to send the Wolf Tone’s “Come out ye Black and Tans” to the top of the iPlayer charts in both Ireland and the UK (of which NI is still a part).
The reasoning from one of the state’s foremost public intellectuals, UCD historian Diarmaid Ferriter, that the committee set up to guide on commemorations was being used as a mudguard doesn’t stack up.
Even Micheál Martin, usually a consistent tower of common sense on matters of Irish history, was caught out when members of his own party began to join the outcry over the commemoration.
How can southern politicians and academics tell themselves they’re ready for reconciliation with the north if they cannot even bear to remember 500+ Irishmen who died a hundred years ago?
As for unionists, for many, it will provide a certain kind of perverse relief that the southern state is not quite as liberal and outward-facing as the fight to free itself from religious ‘self-oppression’ suggests.
Mary Lou McDonald’s cheering from the sidelines, followed by an implausible pivot to assuring Orangemen she wants the 12th celebrated across the island, merely adds to the sense of pastiche.
The southern state is a modern miracle, but not one that has been effected overnight, nor has it been made only by renewed access to European markets via the EU.
Lemass’s reforms of the 60s are a long-form policy success unparalleled in the western world that was sixty years in the making. Nations need such long investment in themselves to make the change.
What change? The change from neglected colony to a free nation whose citizens are enabled to stay at home or roam the world in search of new opportunities and challenges.
It’s a very long way from the spare two-word telegram my uncle in Donegal sent his sister in Philadelphia to inform her their younger sibling had suddenly died back in the early thirties.
For all the white heat of technological change, the nation’s history seems to have been left behind. The revisionists of the 60s and 70s are not only gone but still treated with a derision they never deserved.
The version of Irish history which has emerged in the last week is a cod Irish history of the old CBS system, which said: “burn everything British except their coal”.
But a modern state should revise its history, in light of all the people who live within its boundaries (and beyond). Admitting that RIC men were not virtuous only to the extent they helped the revolution would take a modicum of decency and good grace.
A new pluralist Irish nation-state needs to be a house of many mansions for the diverse population you hope to attract and want to feel comfortable and at home there.
The obverse, perpetual conflict model will only keep Ireland small. That would be a travesty.
As my old friend, and as proud an Irishman as I have ever known, Trevor Ringland, says in today’s letter pages in the Irish Times…
Before we all dive back into our trenches, we should bear in mind that in 1998 effectively we agreed that we would place building good relations to the forefront of life on this island. That included committing to make Northern Ireland work socially and economically as the only acceptable means of pursuing our different constitutional preferences. It also meant nurturing great, meaningful relationships across the island and between these islands. That is the best way to heal the hurt and tragedy caused by the use of violence in the past. Friendship works and hatred does not. Around 560 dead RIC officers are testament to that.
Who would have thought two years before the end of the decade of Centenaries, we would hit our first major pothole in the Republic and not Northern Ireland?
There’s an awful lot of poorly draughted history still to digest. Time the Republic put away the Wolfe Tones and caught up with the huge social grace that has been asked from all the people of the north.
“Reconciliation by Josefina de Vasconcellos at Coventry Cathedral” by Ben Sutherland is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-01-10--Putting Matthew O’Toole in South Belfast, signals higher ambition from the SDLP

One of the things you ’ re going to see if and when everyone goes back to work is a whole new array of MLAs that no one has voted for .
Personally , I would like to see the return of the byelection .
Even though it may be unfair to smaller parties , co-option puts far too much power in party machines which are arguably far too pampered already .
That said , in most cases , the opportunity is squandered .
But in the case of Claire Hanna ’ s replacement in South Belfast , Matt O @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the SDLP has made shrewd use of the loophole to bring in new talent and experience .
There had been rumours of the Downpatrick man running in South Down , which proved unfounded .
When you ’ re in a building phase makes it much easier to pull in ambitious youth .
And given the substantive power of the established duopoly of the DUP and Sinn Féin is still intact , the party could do with all the help can get in order to extend its otherwise still limited capabilities .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the New Statesman this morning… O ’ Toole is an assured media performer and is familiar – probably to a greater extent than almost any other MLA – with how government and the civil service work .
As the grim farce of the Renewable Heat Incentive inquiry has shown , those are qualities in alarmingly short supply at Stormont .
To subvert Somerset Maugham , it is not enough that their opponents fail , the SDLP must also succeed .

One of the things you’re going to see if and when everyone goes back to work is a whole new array of MLAs that no one has voted for. Personally, I would like to see the return of the byelection.
Even though it may be unfair to smaller parties, co-option puts far too much power in party machines which are arguably far too pampered already. That said, in most cases, the opportunity is squandered.
But in the case of Claire Hanna’s replacement in South Belfast, Matt O’Toole a former Number Ten spokesman, the SDLP has made shrewd use of the loophole to bring in new talent and experience.
https://twitter.com/mickfealty/status/1215608519807946753
There had been rumours of the Downpatrick man running in South Down, which proved unfounded. When you’re in a building phase makes it much easier to pull in ambitious youth.
And given the substantive power of the established duopoly of the DUP and Sinn Féin is still intact, the party could do with all the help can get in order to extend its otherwise still limited capabilities.
As Patrick Maguire notes in his piece for the New Statesman this morning…
O’Toole is an assured media performer and is familiar – probably to a greater extent than almost any other MLA – with how government and the civil service work. As the grim farce of the Renewable Heat Incentive inquiry has shown, those are qualities in alarmingly short supply at Stormont.
To subvert Somerset Maugham, it is not enough that their opponents fail, the SDLP must also succeed.


sluggerotoole--2020-01-10--2020 – A key year for climate action including within the assembly

2019 was the year that the climate crisis finally became part of mainstream society thanks to the work of activists like Greta Thunberg and more locally , Youth Strike 4 Climate Belfast & Múscail .
2020 must be the year for Climate Action .
The science is there , the UN International Panel for Climate Change recognises that global carbon emissions MUST peak this year , if average temperatures are to remain within 1.5C of warming above pre-industrial levels by the turn of the century .
Make no mistake however , the Climate and Ecological Crisis is already here .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ bushfires raging across Australia which have killed 20 people and up to half a billion animals as well as the extreme droughts being experienced in Zambia , where over 2 million people are on the brink of climate related famine .
But average temperature rise , exceeding 1.5C , is the point where things go from being very bad to being catastrophic .
At this point , hundreds of millions of people will become more exposed to climate related poverty , disproportionately affecting the global south .
At home , the impact of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flooding of large parts of inner city North & East Belfast .
None of us can escape from the impacts of Climate Breakdown , but it is the more socially and economically deprived communities which will bear the biggest brunt of the adverse impacts of global heating .
Climate breakdown is a human rights issue as much as it is an environmental issue .
Consider then , that if we continue the present business as usual approach , experts have projected that we could be on track to see heating of 4C by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ How much the planet warms is up to us .
We know what we need to do , and the technology now exists for us to be able to do it .
All we need now both globally and locally is the political will to decarbonise our economy .
By doing so , we will all have to change the way we live .
But that doesn ’ t mean all sacrifice .
Instead , ending our dependency on fossil fuels is an opportunity to build a fairer and more equal society .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , more liveable cities , less expensive energy , clean air and water and healthy children who can return to enjoying their childhood instead of taking to the streets to ensure their future , something which is bringing them so much anxiety and distress .
2019 was the year that the climate crisis finally became part of conversations in mainstream society .
Effectively all our local political parties have made efforts to green their credentials .
I hope this means we can expect Climate Action to be a key focus in a restored @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of time… Stevie Maginn is a Green Party Activist & Environmental Campaigner .
He is a Trustee at Ulster Wildlife and facilitates the NI Youth Forum Environmental Committee .

Stevie Maginn is a Green Party Activist & Environmental Campaigner.
2019 was the year that the climate crisis finally became part of mainstream society thanks to the work of activists like Greta Thunberg and more locally, Youth Strike 4 Climate Belfast & Múscail.
2020 must be the year for Climate Action.
The science is there, the UN International Panel for Climate Change recognises that global carbon emissions MUST peak this year, if average temperatures are to remain within 1.5C of warming above pre-industrial levels by the turn of the century.
Make no mistake however, the Climate and Ecological Crisis is already here. We only have to look at the bushfires raging across Australia which have killed 20 people and up to half a billion animals as well as the extreme droughts being experienced in Zambia, where over 2 million people are on the brink of climate related famine.
But average temperature rise, exceeding 1.5C, is the point where things go from being very bad to being catastrophic. At this point, hundreds of millions of people will become more exposed to climate related poverty, disproportionately affecting the global south.
At home, the impact of sea rises will lead to the frequent flooding of large parts of inner city North & East Belfast. None of us can escape from the impacts of Climate Breakdown, but it is the more socially and economically deprived communities which will bear the biggest brunt of the adverse impacts of global heating.
Climate breakdown is a human rights issue as much as it is an environmental issue.
Consider then, that if we continue the present business as usual approach, experts have projected that we could be on track to see heating of 4C by 2100…
The good news is this: How much the planet warms is up to us.
We know what we need to do, and the technology now exists for us to be able to do it.
All we need now both globally and locally is the political will to decarbonise our economy.
By doing so, we will all have to change the way we live. But that doesn’t mean all sacrifice. Instead, ending our dependency on fossil fuels is an opportunity to build a fairer and more equal society. One with employment opportunities in green jobs, more liveable cities, less expensive energy, clean air and water and healthy children who can return to enjoying their childhood instead of taking to the streets to ensure their future, something which is bringing them so much anxiety and distress.
2019 was the year that the climate crisis finally became part of conversations in mainstream society. Effectively all our local political parties have made efforts to green their credentials.
I hope this means we can expect Climate Action to be a key focus in a restored NI assembly. We are running out of time…
Stevie Maginn is a Green Party Activist & Environmental Campaigner. He is a Trustee at Ulster Wildlife and facilitates the NI Youth Forum Environmental Committee.


sluggerotoole--2020-01-11--Who’s who around the new NI Executive table?

This afternoon , Arlene Foster and Michelle O ’ Neill were appointed as First and deputy First Ministers .
Gordon @ @ @ @ @ nominated as Junior Ministers .
The Alliance Party ’ s Naomi Long was nominated as @ @ @ @ @ followed the d ’ Hondt method and ministers to head up departments were named and @ @ @ @ @ : Eyebrows may be raised that the two largest parties , and the SDLP , @ @ @ @ @ of Health .
Six women and six men form the new Executive , with a @ @ @ @ @ 5 ) , SF ( 4 ) , SDLP ( 1 ) , UUP ( @ @ @ @ @ 1 ) .
Before appointing the NI Executive , the all-male Speaker ’ s Office @ @ @ @ @ ( SF ) taking the chair as the new Speaker of the NI Assembly , @ @ @ @ @ ) , Roy Beggs ( UUP ) and Patsy McGlone ( SDLP ) .

This afternoon, Arlene Foster and Michelle O’Neill were appointed as First and deputy First Ministers. Gordon Lyons and Declan Kearney were nominated as Junior Ministers.
The Alliance Party’s Naomi Long was nominated as Justice Minister.
Ministerial picks followed the d’Hondt method and ministers to head up departments were named and appointed in the following order:
Economy – Diane Dodds (DUP)
Finance – Conor Murphy (SF)
Education – Peter Weir (DUP)
Communities – Deirdre Hargey (SF)
Infrastructure – Nichola Mallon (SDLP)
Health – Robin Swann (UUP)
Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs – Edwin Poots (DUP)
Eyebrows may be raised that the two largest parties, and the SDLP, did not pick the Department of Health.
Six women and six men form the new Executive, with a party spread of DUP (5), SF (4), SDLP (1), UUP (1), Alliance (1).
Before appointing the NI Executive, the all-male Speaker’s Office was elected with Alex Maskey (SF) taking the chair as the new Speaker of the NI Assembly, with Christopher Stalford (DUP), Roy Beggs (UUP) and Patsy McGlone (SDLP).
Photo credit: Kelvin Boyes


sluggerotoole--2020-01-12--Saturday restart to the Assembly augurs a non nonsense return to business?

So there we are .
Everyone back to work at last .
There was a remarkable positivity from both the First and deputy First Minister in their speeches .
And on a Saturday , no less .
No pampering , just back to business .
Perhaps absence makes the heart grow fonder ?
In terms of the former members of the opposition , there seems to have a genuine wish to take on portfolios the DUP/SF had dropped with palpable relief .
But Johnson ’ s promise to provide enough money to address some of NI most pressing infrastructure issues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ projects will have helped too .
The question of incentives a real one .
With everyone back inside the tent , there is potential common ground now between Brexit supporting DUP and the Remain parties as they seek to protect NI ’ s economic interests in upcoming negotiations .
One aspect of the return is that there are no protections against a single party collapsing the institutions again as SF did in 2017 .
This makes some Unionists in particular nervous .
But there ’ s a limit to how many limits you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it seizes up .
There has to be room for politics .
In this respect , SF has had no reward for engineering the breakdown .
As Aiden Corkery notes in the Sunday Business Post this morning : He even quotes our own deputy editor David McCann in an accompanying piece : A mistake of the Good Friday Agreement was thinking that peace in and of itself was going to be enough , but if people aren ’ t seeing the benefits of that peace in their own neighbourhoods , if they ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re naturally going to lose faith in that process .
Although the parties of the former opposition have elected to go into government , for now , each of the three main parties sounded warnings if the duopoly ( SF and the DUP ) continue to misbehave .
Legislation enabling an Opposition remains .
If the big two are unclear about the consequences of keeping the smaller ones in the dark , they may recall their mandates how far out of kilter they already are with # GE2019 .
They may take it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not go unpunished from an electorate which is gradually understanding that the ability to shape NI ’ s future lies with them .

So there we are. Everyone back to work at last. There was a remarkable positivity from both the First and deputy First Minister in their speeches. And on a Saturday, no less. No pampering, just back to business.
Perhaps absence makes the heart grow fonder? In terms of the former members of the opposition, there seems to have a genuine wish to take on portfolios the DUP/SF had dropped with palpable relief.
But Johnson’s promise to provide enough money to address some of NI most pressing infrastructure issues. Nurse’s strikes, road projects will have helped too. The question of incentives a real one.
With everyone back inside the tent, there is potential common ground now between Brexit supporting DUP and the Remain parties as they seek to protect NI’s economic interests in upcoming negotiations.
One aspect of the return is that there are no protections against a single party collapsing the institutions again as SF did in 2017. This makes some Unionists in particular nervous.
But there’s a limit to how many limits you can put on a democratic institution before it seizes up. There has to be room for politics. In this respect, SF has had no reward for engineering the breakdown.
As Aiden Corkery notes in the Sunday Business Post this morning:
The breakthrough means that Sinn Féin no longer faces the daunting prospect of fighting an election on both sides of the border within in a matter of weeks.
He even quotes our own deputy editor David McCann in an accompanying piece:
A mistake of the Good Friday Agreement was thinking that peace in and of itself was going to be enough, but if people aren’t seeing the benefits of that peace in their own neighbourhoods, if they’re feeling left behind, they’re naturally going to lose faith in that process.
Although the parties of the former opposition have elected to go into government, for now, each of the three main parties sounded warnings if the duopoly (SF and the DUP) continue to misbehave.
Legislation enabling an Opposition remains. If the big two are unclear about the consequences of keeping the smaller ones in the dark, they may recall their mandates how far out of kilter they already are with #GE2019.
They may take it that any unnecessary shambling or stumbling will not go unpunished from an electorate which is gradually understanding that the ability to shape NI’s future lies with them.