sluggerotoole--2020-04-11--New Ireland – Hibernia in the South Pacific…

Inspired by Brian O ’ Neill ’ s call for new contributors , this is a first-time post ; little to do with politics and nothing to do with pestilence , but hopefully a bit of an antidote to the latter .
If you were like me , and loved to browse an atlas in days before the internet , you might possibly have happened upon a seemingly innocuous speck of an island on the opposite side of the world which rejoices in the name New Ireland .
I had come across it in childhood and was fascinated by what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pacific might be like .
Little did I know that a decade or so later , I would wind up living there for two years .
In this post , I am going to tell you a little about that place – or at least how it was at the end of the 1970s , when I was there .
If there is any appetite for it , I would be happy to do a second post about how I came to be in New Ireland and some of my experiences there .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of New Ireland , ominously shaped like a musket , which is about 220 miles long , and as little as 6 miles wide in places .
There is a chain of mountains running down the spine , and these rise to over 7000 feet in the wider bit at the south eastern end .
There are about 30 other inhabited islands within New Ireland Province .
The map below shows how New Ireland fits into the state of Papua New Guinea ( PNG ) , where it is just one of twenty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of an outlier .
Note its “ big brother ” New Britain , immediately to the south .
A little snippet of northern Australia can be seen at the bottom of the map .
Prior to gaining independence in 1975 , the Territory of PNG was administered by Australia on behalf of the British Crown .
As colonialism went , this seems to have been quite benevolent , and Australia continued to provide substantial aid to PNG for decades after independence .
Here ’ s a photograph of the first year anniversary celebrations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Provincial Government in the capital Kavieng .
A couple of years after independence , the mineral rich province of Bouganville – the island to the east of New Ireland – wanted to break away from PNG , but was mollified by the setting up of a Provincial Government .
However , the outworking of this was that every province was granted its own Provincial Government .
The country was suddenly awash with professional politicians .
Is this familiar ?
Sadly , it did not work out long term as far as Bouganville was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ secession followed .
Above can be seen typical coastal scenery on the main island , somewhere between Kavieng and Namatanai .
There is a road hidden under all that foliage , in fact , it ’ s the famous Boluminski Highway , for a long time the only proper road in the entire country .
A Provincial Government boat at a wharf on the island of Emira – the smaller island on the St Matthias Group – see map .
You might need glasses to make out the name of the vessel , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Yes , having spent 2 weeks on her , I can confirm she was “ strong and stable ” but her round bottom meant that she rolled a lot in a blow !
Emira has an interesting WW2 history .
While the rest of New Ireland languished under the Japanese occupation , the Americans landed 10,000 military on the island ( population 500 ) and bulldozed two huge runways – still visible on Google Earth .
The “ traditional ” dance of the locals , as displayed at cultural shows , involves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ making passable impressions of Pratt and Whitney aero engines , and wheeling in tight formations that would deter any passing Zeros .
Another means of transport in New Ireland : a 15 seater Brittan Norman Islander aircraft belonging to the third level carrier Talair .
There were about 15 mainly grass strips scattered around the Province , and this faithful puffer visited each of them several days a week .
Happy New Ireland villagers !
There is little in the way of grinding poverty , as in sub-Saharan Africa , for the mainly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ access to the sea and hence to fishing , as most people live on the coast .
Population density is fairly low ; about 100,000 people spread over the Province , and families are able to grow staples and vegetables .
There is widespread access to primary education .
However , when I was there , access to secondary and further education was limited , and health provision was very patchy .
Rural participation in the cash economy was usually no more than the selling of a few bags of copra ( oil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ processor in Kavieng .
Rush hour in the capital , Kavieng , population similar to that of Cushendall .
After two years living there , I had a major skills deficit when it came to crossing busy roads… .
A so-called Irish Bridge on the road south east of Namatanai .
Within 30 minutes the spate river would rise to the extent that the Toyota Landcruiser might be swept away if the driver attempted a return journey .
New Ireland rainfall puts percipation in Old Ireland in the penny place !
“ Malagan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Traditionally the masks are part of a wider Malagan culture .
They are carved as a part of an expression of a community ’ s reverence and remembrance for a deceased person .
Leaving aside the small matter of about 30,000 years of non-European occupation , the first recorded European sighting of New Ireland was by Dutch seamen in the 17th century , but at that stage it was thought to be part of the larger island to the south .
In the 18th century , Admiral Carteret RN sailed up what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Channel between the two islands , and then gave New Ireland its current name .
Germans started to colonize the island in the 19th century , planting coconut plantations , and the island was renamed Neu-Mecklenberg .
At the start of WW1 , the Australian army wrested control of the island from a handful of Germans and their native constabulary .
Things were then peaceful until the Japanese military descended like a wolf on the fold in January 1942 .
The commander of the antiquated Australian air force detachment in New Britain sent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : “ Morituri te salutant ” .
( We who are about to die salute you . )
PNG has over 800 languages within a population of 8 – 9 million , making it the most linguistically diverse country in the world .
New Ireland has a modest 19 languages .
Luckily , citizens do not make a demand that street signs , etc .
are in their native tongue !
There is a creole-type lingua franca Tok Pisin , which is used in New Ireland and other provinces .
English is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where the conversation is at .
I can ’ t recall that much of it 40 years later , but as a couple of examples , New Ireland Radio was known as “ Maus Bilong Solwara Antap ” ( Voice of the High Seas ) , and the seat pocket safety card on aircraft stated : “ Sapos balus i bugarup , bai yupela mas bihainam ol dispela samting ” ( If the aircraft is malfunctioning , you must obey the following instructions ) .
Thankfully politics and religion don ’ t go @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The main political split within PNG in the 1970s was between the Pangu Party , led by the first Prime Minister , Michael Somare , and the Peoples ’ Progressive Party , led by New Ireland man Julius Chan , who later became Prime Minister .
I was never totally clear what the ideological differences were , but had the impression that it was a bit like FF/FG rivalry .
As for religion , as you travel along the main island coast , one village is Catholic , the next is United Church @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
without any particular rhyme or reason .
The only mono-religious cluster that I found were on the St Matthias islands , where everyone is a Seventh Day Adventist .
There is a story behind that , for another day perhaps .
Of course , generalities about people within any particular geographical location can be problematic , but my experience over two years brings the following terms to mind : hospitable ; easygoing ; stoical ; sociable ; family orientated ; sceptical ( especially about young Europeans trying to “ get things done @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; reserved ; very appreciative of their own home place .

Inspired by Brian O’Neill’s call for new contributors, this is a first-time post; little to do with politics and nothing to do with pestilence, but hopefully a bit of an antidote to the latter.
If you were like me, and loved to browse an atlas in days before the internet, you might possibly have happened upon a seemingly innocuous speck of an island on the opposite side of the world which rejoices in the name New Ireland. I had come across it in childhood and was fascinated by what this near namesake of ours in the Pacific might be like. Little did I know that a decade or so later, I would wind up living there for two years. In this post, I am going to tell you a little about that place – or at least how it was at the end of the 1970s, when I was there. If there is any appetite for it, I would be happy to do a second post about how I came to be in New Ireland and some of my experiences there.
The map above shows the main island of New Ireland, ominously shaped like a musket, which is about 220 miles long, and as little as 6 miles wide in places. There is a chain of mountains running down the spine, and these rise to over 7000 feet in the wider bit at the south eastern end. There are about 30 other inhabited islands within New Ireland Province.
The map below shows how New Ireland fits into the state of Papua New Guinea (PNG), where it is just one of twenty one provinces, and definitely a bit of an outlier. Note its “big brother” New Britain, immediately to the south. A little snippet of northern Australia can be seen at the bottom of the map.
Prior to gaining independence in 1975, the Territory of PNG was administered by Australia on behalf of the British Crown. As colonialism went, this seems to have been quite benevolent, and Australia continued to provide substantial aid to PNG for decades after independence.
Here’s a photograph of the first year anniversary celebrations of the establishment of the New Ireland Provincial Government in the capital Kavieng. A couple of years after independence, the mineral rich province of Bouganville – the island to the east of New Ireland – wanted to break away from PNG, but was mollified by the setting up of a Provincial Government. However, the outworking of this was that every province was granted its own Provincial Government. The country was suddenly awash with professional politicians. Is this familiar? Sadly, it did not work out long term as far as Bouganville was concerned, and a bloody war of secession followed.
Above can be seen typical coastal scenery on the main island, somewhere between Kavieng and Namatanai. There is a road hidden under all that foliage, in fact, it’s the famous Boluminski Highway, for a long time the only proper road in the entire country.
A Provincial Government boat at a wharf on the island of Emira – the smaller island on the St Matthias Group – see map. You might need glasses to make out the name of the vessel, but it’s worth a squint. Yes, having spent 2 weeks on her, I can confirm she was “strong and stable” but her round bottom meant that she rolled a lot in a blow! Emira has an interesting WW2 history. While the rest of New Ireland languished under the Japanese occupation, the Americans landed 10,000 military on the island (population 500) and bulldozed two huge runways – still visible on Google Earth. The “traditional” dance of the locals, as displayed at cultural shows, involves them lining up with arms outstretched, making passable impressions of Pratt and Whitney aero engines, and wheeling in tight formations that would deter any passing Zeros.
Another means of transport in New Ireland: a 15 seater Brittan Norman Islander aircraft belonging to the third level carrier Talair. There were about 15 mainly grass strips scattered around the Province, and this faithful puffer visited each of them several days a week.
Happy New Ireland villagers! There is little in the way of grinding poverty, as in sub-Saharan Africa, for the mainly rural based population. Nearly everyone has access to the sea and hence to fishing, as most people live on the coast. Population density is fairly low; about 100,000 people spread over the Province, and families are able to grow staples and vegetables. There is widespread access to primary education. However, when I was there, access to secondary and further education was limited, and health provision was very patchy. Rural participation in the cash economy was usually no more than the selling of a few bags of copra (oil rich dried coconut flesh) to the processor in Kavieng.
Rush hour in the capital, Kavieng, population similar to that of Cushendall. After two years living there, I had a major skills deficit when it came to crossing busy roads….
A so-called Irish Bridge on the road south east of Namatanai. Within 30 minutes the spate river would rise to the extent that the Toyota Landcruiser might be swept away if the driver attempted a return journey. New Ireland rainfall puts percipation in Old Ireland in the penny place!
“Malagan” masks, unique to New Ireland. Traditionally the masks are part of a wider Malagan culture. They are carved as a part of an expression of a community’s reverence and remembrance for a deceased person.
Leaving aside the small matter of about 30,000 years of non-European occupation, the first recorded European sighting of New Ireland was by Dutch seamen in the 17th century, but at that stage it was thought to be part of the larger island to the south. In the 18th century, Admiral Carteret RN sailed up what became known as St George’s Channel between the two islands, and then gave New Ireland its current name. Germans started to colonize the island in the 19th century, planting coconut plantations, and the island was renamed Neu-Mecklenberg. At the start of WW1, the Australian army wrested control of the island from a handful of Germans and their native constabulary. Things were then peaceful until the Japanese military descended like a wolf on the fold in January 1942. The commander of the antiquated Australian air force detachment in New Britain sent the Roman gladiator message to his HQ: “Morituri te salutant”. (We who are about to die salute you.)
PNG has over 800 languages within a population of 8 – 9 million, making it the most linguistically diverse country in the world. New Ireland has a modest 19 languages. Luckily, citizens do not make a demand that street signs, etc. are in their native tongue! There is a creole-type lingua franca Tok Pisin, which is used in New Ireland and other provinces. English is the official language, but Tok Pisin is where the conversation is at. I can’t recall that much of it 40 years later, but as a couple of examples, New Ireland Radio was known as “Maus Bilong Solwara Antap” (Voice of the High Seas), and the seat pocket safety card on aircraft stated: “Sapos balus i bugarup, bai yupela mas bihainam ol dispela samting” (If the aircraft is malfunctioning, you must obey the following instructions).
Thankfully politics and religion don’t go hand in hand in New Ireland. The main political split within PNG in the 1970s was between the Pangu Party, led by the first Prime Minister, Michael Somare, and the Peoples’ Progressive Party, led by New Ireland man Julius Chan, who later became Prime Minister. I was never totally clear what the ideological differences were, but had the impression that it was a bit like FF/FG rivalry.
As for religion, as you travel along the main island coast, one village is Catholic, the next is United Church (Methodist and Episcopalian), etc. without any particular rhyme or reason. The only mono-religious cluster that I found were on the St Matthias islands, where everyone is a Seventh Day Adventist. There is a story behind that, for another day perhaps.
Of course, generalities about people within any particular geographical location can be problematic, but my experience over two years brings the following terms to mind: hospitable; easygoing; stoical; sociable; family orientated; sceptical (especially about young Europeans trying to “get things done” during a two year stint); reserved; very appreciative of their own home place.


sluggerotoole--2020-04-10--Fatal Distraction: Coronavirus and Low Pay in Trumps America…

Like most other countries , experts in the USA are recommending that people avoid large crowds , stockpile shelf-stable foods in case they end up quarantined , and stay home from work and contact a doctor if they are ill .
Sounds sensible .
But there is a big problem A lot of low-income people can ’ t afford to follow it .
Many low-income families , who are more likely to live in smaller quarters and share bathrooms and kitchens with multiple people , simply can ’ t self-quarantine as effectively as , say , a couple living in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or without , a swimming pool Low-income jobs—line-cooks , nurse ’ s aids , grocery store clerks , nannies—mostly can ’ t be done remotely , and the majority of low-income jobs don ’ t offer paid sick days .
A February 2020 paper by the Economic Policy Institute found that “ Overall , just under three-quarters ( 73 % ) of private sector workers in the United States have the ability to earn paid sick time at work .
And access to paid sick days is vastly unequal .
The highest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as likely to have access to paid sick leave as the lowest paid workers .
Whereas 93 % of the highest wage workers had access to paid sick days , only 30 % of the lowest paid workers were able to earn sick days… disproportionately denying workers at the bottom this important security .
… And , low-wage workers are more likely to be found in occupations where they have contact with the public—think early care and education workers , home health aides , restaurant workers and food processors.
” Low-income people are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ underinsured for medical care .
According to a 2018 study by the US Census Bureau , Health Insurance Coverage in the United States : 2018 , 28.6 million people , are not covered by any form of insurance at all According to the 2019 Federal Reserve Survey of Consumer Finances , 40 % of Americans could not come up with $ 400 ( approx .
£325 ) to cover an emergency .
Lacking resources to prepare and protect against the COVID-19 , many of these individuals face a higher risk of contracting—and subsequently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other demographic considerations which exacerbate the vulnerability of low income individuals and households to CoVid19 Each would merit a separate article .
All merit our thoughts consideration and compassion .
Gore Vidal once famously quipped that the US economic system is “ free enterprise for the poor and socialism for the rich ” .
Since the outbreak of the CoVid pandemic , the US has more than lived up to Vidal ’ s caricature .
Be aware that the whole of the rich capitalist world is becoming more and more “ American ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the poor will be increasingly exposed to market forces , with tougher conditions on the diminishing state protection they get , while the rich have unprecedented levels of protection from the state , with virtually no strings attached .
Be ready for that moment when not just the poor , but all of us are told that their states are bankrupt because governments splashed out on health and welfare payments for them .
“ Money !
” by ToGa Wanderings is licensed under CC BY

Like most other countries, experts in the USA are recommending that people avoid large crowds, stockpile shelf-stable foods in case they end up quarantined, and stay home from work and contact a doctor if they are ill. Sounds sensible. But there is a big problem
A lot of low-income people can’t afford to follow it.
Many low-income families, who are more likely to live in smaller quarters and share bathrooms and kitchens with multiple people, simply can’t self-quarantine as effectively as, say, a couple living in a four-bedroom, two-bath home. With, or without, a swimming pool
Low-income jobs—line-cooks, nurse’s aids, grocery store clerks, nannies—mostly can’t be done remotely, and the majority of low-income jobs don’t offer paid sick days. A February 2020 paper by the Economic Policy Institute found that
“ Overall, just under three-quarters (73%) of private sector workers in the United States have the ability to earn paid sick time at work. And access to paid sick days is vastly unequal. The highest wage workers are more than three times as likely to have access to paid sick leave as the lowest paid workers. Whereas 93% of the highest wage workers had access to paid sick days, only 30% of the lowest paid workers were able to earn sick days… disproportionately denying workers at the bottom this important security. … And, low-wage workers are more likely to be found in occupations where they have contact with the public—think early care and education workers, home health aides, restaurant workers and food processors.”
Low-income people are disproportionately more likely to be uninsured or underinsured for medical care. According to a 2018 study by the US Census Bureau, Health Insurance Coverage in the United States: 2018, 28.6 million people, are not covered by any form of insurance at all
According to the 2019 Federal Reserve Survey of Consumer Finances, 40% of Americans could not come up with $400 (approx. £325) to cover an emergency. Lacking resources to prepare and protect against the COVID-19, many of these individuals face a higher risk of contracting—and subsequently spreading—the virus.
Of course there are other demographic considerations which exacerbate the vulnerability of low income individuals and households to CoVid19
Race
Age
Homelessness
Each would merit a separate article. All merit our thoughts consideration and compassion.
Gore Vidal once famously quipped that the US economic system is “free enterprise for the poor and socialism for the rich”.
Since the outbreak of the CoVid pandemic, the US has more than lived up to Vidal’s caricature.
Don’t Beware. Be Aware.
Be aware that the whole of the rich capitalist world is becoming more and more “American”. Throughout this crisis, be aware that the poor will be increasingly exposed to market forces, with tougher conditions on the diminishing state protection they get, while the rich have unprecedented levels of protection from the state, with virtually no strings attached.
Be ready for that moment when not just the poor, but all of us are told that their states are bankrupt because governments splashed out on health and welfare payments for them.
Hundreds of cars wait to receive food from the Greater Community Food Bank in Duquesne. Collection begins at noon. @PghFoodBank @PittsburghPG pic.twitter.com/94YFaO7dqX — Andrew Rush (@andrewrush) March 30, 2020
“Money!” by ToGa Wanderings is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-04-10--A Triple Rainbow of Hope: Good Friday 1988

By now , we are all familiar with the rainbow as a symbol of hope during the Covid-19 crisis .
Today , I am reminded of a Good Friday story of hope from our past : the sighting of a triple rainbow at the end of a Falls-Shankill Good Friday walk , organised by the ecumenical Cornerstone Community in 1988 .
The 1988 walk took place in the shadow of one of the most notorious periods of the Troubles , memorably recounted in the documentary 14 Days .
Those 14 days included loyalist Michael Stone ’ s attack on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the SAS in Gibraltar ; and the murder of two plainclothes British soldiers who ( inadvertently , it seems ) drove into the funeral of one of those killed by Stone .
This Good Friday walk has become an annual event , a regular pilgrimage of Christian unity between the Falls and Shankill – albeit one that will not proceed this year due to restrictions on movement and gathering .
Below , I share my account of the 1988 walk from my book , Unity Pilgrim : The Life of Fr Gerry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that 14-day period cast into doubt the viability of a large-scale public event that Cornerstone had been planning for some time : a Good Friday walk through a West Belfast peace wall , which included carrying a large cross from the Falls to Woodvale Park on the Shankill .
They would need to pass through a pedestrian gate , which was always locked .
Cornerstone leader , Methodist Rev Sam Burch , recalled [ 1 ] : I remember going into the police station [ to request permission for the walk ] and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many do you expect ?
’ I said , ‘ There might be 20 or there might be 200.
’ He said , ‘ Can you not be more specific ?
’ I said , ‘ No , I can ’ t be more specific , I don ’ t know who will turn up.
’ There ’ s a little door that they had welded in the peace wall which at that time was completely closed between the Shankill and Springfield Road .
We said , ‘ Could you open or get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ And they did .
It wasn ’ t simply a matter of convincing the police– the local community needed to be on board as well .
On 23 March , just four days after the soldiers ’ murders , Fr Gerry Reynolds recorded that members of Cornerstone met with residents : ‘ [ Joan Knowles ] had made visits on the Shankill side of the wall with Sam during the day .
People were frightened at the prospect of having the gate in the wall opened.
’ On the afternoon of Good @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Falls in the sunshine .
It was reported that 1,500 people took part .
[ 2 ] Clonard Redemptorist Fr Adrian Egan recalled that Gerry threw him in at the deep end [ 3 ] : Sam remembered parts of the walk as a logistical challenge : ‘ It was nearly impossible , it took us hours to get through this wee door .
One by one , you couldn ’ t get through anymore than one by one.
’ [ 4 ] The first person to carry the cross was John @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Confraternity .
One of the men that accompanied them told them that he had been among those who stoned a peace march on the Falls in the 1970s .
As the walkers made their way through the gate , word spread that a bomb had been planted along the route .
Although it was a hoax , the walk was diverted along another road .
What Sam described as ‘ a tribe of ne ’ er-do-wells ’ followed them .
Gerry recorded two memories of this part of the walk : ‘ the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in blessing over the people as they passed : “ God bless youse all.
” And … the woman who comforted her daughter when she was frightened by those who abused the worshippers.
’ The procession eventually reached Woodvale Park , where they held a prayer service under the cross .
Sam recalled : Cornerstone had conceived of the walk as an example of Catholics and Protestants journeying together in penitence for sin .
For many on that day , the triple rainbow was indeed a sign that God had heard their prayers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sam wrote to the police and ‘ asked them not to press charges against those whom they had to arrest on the Shankill and to let them know that the organizers of the Way of the Cross had asked that their offenses be overlooked ’ .
He also featured the event in his ‘ Communion ’ column in the Irish News the next month ( May 1988 ) , with a story titled ‘ The Rainbow ’ : On Good Friday … people from both communities and many different traditions here gathered to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Road , through the dividing wall at Cupar Way and into the Shankill .
Here is part of a letter that arrived afterwards : ‘ The sense of joy was tremendous with such a great crowd !
Even when the rain came on in Woodvale Park , I still felt this was a victory .
But when the sun came through the clouds as we finished praying , and that brilliant rainbow appeared , spanning the Shankill and the Falls , I felt that God Himself was really happy !
’ I ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were reminded of God ’ s promise to Noah : “ I shall set my bow in the clouds and it will be the sign of the covenant between me and the truth.
” The rainbow on the Good Friday walk could have seemed insignificant when compared to the 14 days of mayhem that had just passed .
But for Gerry and those who were journeying with him , such were the signs of hope that helped them to keep putting one foot in front of the other .

By now, we are all familiar with the rainbow as a symbol of hope during the Covid-19 crisis.
Today, I am reminded of a Good Friday story of hope from our past: the sighting of a triple rainbow at the end of a Falls-Shankill Good Friday walk, organised by the ecumenical Cornerstone Community in 1988.
The 1988 walk took place in the shadow of one of the most notorious periods of the Troubles, memorably recounted in the documentary 14 Days. Those 14 days included loyalist Michael Stone’s attack on the funeral of three IRA operatives shot dead by the SAS in Gibraltar; and the murder of two plainclothes British soldiers who (inadvertently, it seems) drove into the funeral of one of those killed by Stone.
This Good Friday walk has become an annual event, a regular pilgrimage of Christian unity between the Falls and Shankill – albeit one that will not proceed this year due to restrictions on movement and gathering.
Below, I share my account of the 1988 walk from my book, Unity Pilgrim: The Life of Fr Gerry Reynolds CSsR.
The tension generated by that 14-day period cast into doubt the viability of a large-scale public event that Cornerstone had been planning for some time: a Good Friday walk through a West Belfast peace wall, which included carrying a large cross from the Falls to Woodvale Park on the Shankill. They would need to pass through a pedestrian gate, which was always locked. Cornerstone leader, Methodist Rev Sam Burch, recalled[1]:
I remember going into the police station [to request permission for the walk] and they said, ‘Well, how many do you expect?’ I said, ‘There might be 20 or there might be 200.’ He said, ‘Can you not be more specific?’ I said, ‘No, I can’t be more specific, I don’t know who will turn up.’ There’s a little door that they had welded in the peace wall which at that time was completely closed between the Shankill and Springfield Road. We said, ‘Could you open or get that wee door open for us?’ And they did.
It wasn’t simply a matter of convincing the police– the local community needed to be on board as well. On 23 March, just four days after the soldiers’ murders, Fr Gerry Reynolds recorded that members of Cornerstone met with residents: ‘[Joan Knowles] had made visits on the Shankill side of the wall with Sam during the day. People were frightened at the prospect of having the gate in the wall opened.’
On the afternoon of Good Friday, the walk set out from the Falls in the sunshine. It was reported that 1,500 people took part.[2] Clonard Redemptorist Fr Adrian Egan recalled that Gerry threw him in at the deep end[3]:
We were outside and ready to go and the next thing he handed me a megaphone and said, ‘You go up front and start leading hymns.’ I said, ‘What are we gonna sing?’ We were going up the Shankill and I couldn’t be singing ‘Hail Queen of Heaven.’ So he said, ‘You just think of something!’ So I’m up front with the megaphone singing ‘Amazing Grace’ and ‘Walk in the Light,’ and anything that would could be sung by Protestants and Catholics.
Sam remembered parts of the walk as a logistical challenge: ‘It was nearly impossible, it took us hours to get through this wee door. One by one, you couldn’t get through anymore than one by one.’[4] The first person to carry the cross was John Lellis, a member of the Clonard Confraternity. One of the men that accompanied them told them that he had been among those who stoned a peace march on the Falls in the 1970s.
As the walkers made their way through the gate, word spread that a bomb had been planted along the route. Although it was a hoax, the walk was diverted along another road. What Sam described as ‘a tribe of ne’er-do-wells’ followed them. Gerry recorded two memories of this part of the walk: ‘the old Shankill woman lifting both her hands in blessing over the people as they passed: “God bless youse all.” And … the woman who comforted her daughter when she was frightened by those who abused the worshippers.’ The procession eventually reached Woodvale Park, where they held a prayer service under the cross. Sam recalled:
We carried that cross through the wee door and up the Shankill Road and into Woodvale Park and said our prayers. And it got as black as could be and a torrential rain came down, soaked us to the skin. And the sun came out and there was a triple rainbow. I don’t think I’ve ever seen a triple rainbow. Of course we said, ‘The Lord has answered us.’
Cornerstone had conceived of the walk as an example of Catholics and Protestants journeying together in penitence for sin. For many on that day, the triple rainbow was indeed a sign that God had heard their prayers. In the aftermath, Gerry and Sam wrote to the police and ‘asked them not to press charges against those whom they had to arrest on the Shankill and to let them know that the organizers of the Way of the Cross had asked that their offenses be overlooked’. He also featured the event in his ‘Communion’ column in the Irish News the next month (May 1988), with a story titled ‘The Rainbow’:
On Good Friday … people from both communities and many different traditions here gathered to carry a cross together from the Springfield Road, through the dividing wall at Cupar Way and into the Shankill. Here is part of a letter that arrived afterwards: ‘The sense of joy was tremendous with such a great crowd! Even when the rain came on in Woodvale Park, I still felt this was a victory. But when the sun came through the clouds as we finished praying, and that brilliant rainbow appeared, spanning the Shankill and the Falls, I felt that God Himself was really happy!’ I’m sure many of us that day were reminded of God’s promise to Noah: “I shall set my bow in the clouds and it will be the sign of the covenant between me and the truth.”
The rainbow on the Good Friday walk could have seemed insignificant when compared to the 14 days of mayhem that had just passed. But for Gerry and those who were journeying with him, such were the signs of hope that helped them to keep putting one foot in front of the other.
[1] Interview with Sam Burch, March 2016.
[2] ‘West Belfast Peace Song,’ Communion, Irish News, October 1988.
[3] Clonard Community focus group, October 2018.
[4] Interview with Sam Burch, March 2016.
(Image from Clonard.com, featuring Fr Alec Reid (left) and Fr Gerry Reynolds (right)


sluggerotoole--2020-04-10--Northern Ireland’s MPs and Brexit: Their past and future influence…

The UK in a Changing Europe recently published a report on Parliament and Brexit .
The report examines how much has changed as a result of Brexit and , of course , the 2019 election which is unlikely to have happened in other circumstances .
It also looks ahead to upcoming challenges for Parliament as the transition period hurtles along .
This extract from the report considers the parties from Northern Ireland and their place in Westminster .
It is easy to forget in hindsight , but all NI parties approached the 2019 election with at least the glimmer of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to hold or withhold the votes that could see a Johnson or Corbyn government formed .
Of course , in the end , Johnson ’ s majority was huge – and it was built on pretty much the opposite logic to that on which all NI parties campaigned .
Johnson promised to get Brexit done and to get the Withdrawal Agreement passed .
All NI parties promised to try and get rid of the Withdrawal Agreement , albeit for very different reasons .
As it is , Northern Ireland ’ s 18 MPs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Johnson , with most of the legislation relating to Brexit being rolled out through statutory instruments , and with a pandemic to deal with .
Are the strategies of their parties likely to make any difference to Northern Ireland ’ s Brexit fortunes ?
Sinn Féin ’ s policy of abstentionism held firm in the 2017-19 parliament despite arguments from outside the party ( not least from commentators and politicians in the Republic of Ireland ) that , as a pro-Remain party , Sinn Féin ’ s seven votes in a fractured parliament @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the course of Brexit .
The influence of Sinn Féin in Westminster regarding Brexit has come instead from the use of ‘ coffee cup diplomacy ’ ( using informal networking for influence ) and canny use of the parliamentary privileges that the party enjoys regardless of its MPs not taking their seats .
The party is experienced in making best use of the access it has to Commons resources and evidence , and makes sure that its MPs and advisers are well-briefed , clear and consistent in presenting the party line .
Sinn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is managing representation – and managing to coordinate its party position effectively – in no fewer than four legislatures : Westminster , Stormont , the Oireachtas and the European Parliament .
Indeed , the leverage that it wishes to use on the issues it values most will be greatest outside Westminster rather than within it .
The Commons has long been less of a priority for the party than Dáil Éireann and this was in part reflected in its contrasting fortunes in the UK general election of December 2019 and the Irish general @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The success of Sinn Féin in the 8 February Irish general election has unsurprisingly ‘ spooked ’ unionists ( and not just Unionists with a capital U ) .
Given the possibility that Sinn Féin might yet end up ( if not this time round , perhaps next time ) exercising far more influence in Dublin than the DUP did in London during its confidence and supply arrangement with the Conservative Party between 2017 and 2019 , it is little wonder that they are concerned .
For most of that time , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the voice of unionism and of Leave in Westminster – a card it played for all it was worth , much to the chagrin of nationalists and Remainers in Northern Ireland .
However , when the party proved unwilling to supply the votes that had been promised , it lost the confidence of the Conservative Party in very dramatic fashion .
That the Protocol on Northern Ireland/Ireland in Johnson ’ s Withdrawal Agreement was seen as the British government ‘ selling out ’ Northern Ireland was nothing unexpected in Irish nationalist circles .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ blow to their confidence in the Westminster parliament .
The DUP at this point faces a stark moment of decision over its strategy .
Does it push forward in resistance to the Protocol , in the hope that British MPs will finally wake up to what it sees as the ‘ betrayal ’ of the union ?
Or else does it swerve to develop a never-before seen collaborative effort with other Northern Ireland MPs and parties to defend the common interests of the region vis-à-vis Britain at this critical juncture ?
Much depends @ @ @ @ @ @ @ managed within the Northern Ireland Executive and , more broadly , on the tone and tenor of the British-Irish intergovernmental relationship which underpins the peace process .
Ultimately , what the DUP decides to do will follow from what it sees as best securing Northern Ireland ’ s position in the union , and this is likely to depend on the machinations of the Conservative government rather than a premeditated party line from the DUP itself .
The option – if not the imperative – of collaboration between Northern Ireland ’ s 18 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the 2019 general election , which saw the re-emergence of a centre ground in the region .
When the Good Friday ( Belfast ) Agreement was originally concluded , it was presumed that the moderate middle ground would continue to grow and form a solid basis for future reconciliation in Northern Ireland .
Instead , we saw a polarisation of discourse and an incentive to pursue conflictual ( albeit non-violent ) politics .
At the 2019 general election , however , both the DUP and Sinn Féin were punished for their three-year long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fell into crisis .
On the other hand , the pro-Remain and pro-cooperative stances of the moderate parties ( the SDLP and Alliance ) resulted in strong performances from them and sent three new ‘ centre ground ’ MPs to the Commons .
Whilst those parties are inevitably hindered by lack of numbers – by the way Commons procedures are arguably biased against smaller ( especially regional ) parties , and by the sheer size of Boris Johnson ’ s majority – those three MPs are respected as among the most effective political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will , of course , be tested .
But perhaps the biggest difference they can make in Westminster is in forming the cartilage between the two grinding bones of the DUP and Sinn Féin .
Although the impact of Northern Ireland ’ s MPs is unlikely to be as high-profile or as disproportionate as it was felt to be in the previous parliament , their role may in fact prove more critical now than it has been for a generation .
A more sympathetic ear from the Labour Party under Keir Starmer could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ majority .
And the role of peers in the House of Lords could also be important – not least in raising awareness in Westminster of the very distinct impact that Brexit and the Withdrawal Agreement will have here .
Everything depends , of course , on what the Government does in response – if anything at all .
At its heart , peace in Northern Ireland depends on people of all political views believing that democratic representation works and is worthwhile , including at UK level .
If the government responds favourably to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unprecedented willingness of the part of Northern Ireland ’ s parties in Westminster to work together and speak in common cause , it will be an important means of welding together the pillars of peace and stability amid what looks set to be a period of extraordinary political turbulence across these islands .
By Katy Hayward , senior fellow at The UK in a Changing Europe .
This article is from the Parliament and Brexit report .
“ Banksy does Brexit ( detail ) # banksy # brexit ” by dullhunk is licensed @ @ @

The UK in a Changing Europe recently published a report on Parliament and Brexit. The report examines how much has changed as a result of Brexit and, of course, the 2019 election which is unlikely to have happened in other circumstances. It also looks ahead to upcoming challenges for Parliament as the transition period hurtles along. This extract from the report considers the parties from Northern Ireland and their place in Westminster.
It is easy to forget in hindsight, but all NI parties approached the 2019 election with at least the glimmer of hope that they might get the chance to hold or withhold the votes that could see a Johnson or Corbyn government formed. Of course, in the end, Johnson’s majority was huge – and it was built on pretty much the opposite logic to that on which all NI parties campaigned. Johnson promised to get Brexit done and to get the Withdrawal Agreement passed. All NI parties promised to try and get rid of the Withdrawal Agreement, albeit for very different reasons.
As it is, Northern Ireland’s 18 MPs find themselves in a Parliament beholden to Johnson, with most of the legislation relating to Brexit being rolled out through statutory instruments, and with a pandemic to deal with. Are the strategies of their parties likely to make any difference to Northern Ireland’s Brexit fortunes?
Sinn Féin’s policy of abstentionism held firm in the 2017-19 parliament despite arguments from outside the party (not least from commentators and politicians in the Republic of Ireland) that, as a pro-Remain party, Sinn Féin’s seven votes in a fractured parliament could have made a significant difference to the course of Brexit.
The influence of Sinn Féin in Westminster regarding Brexit has come instead from the use of ‘coffee cup diplomacy’ (using informal networking for influence) and canny use of the parliamentary privileges that the party enjoys regardless of its MPs not taking their seats. The party is experienced in making best use of the access it has to Commons resources and evidence, and makes sure that its MPs and advisers are well-briefed, clear and consistent in presenting the party line.
Sinn Féin, we should not forget, is managing representation – and managing to coordinate its party position effectively – in no fewer than four legislatures: Westminster, Stormont, the Oireachtas and the European Parliament. Indeed, the leverage that it wishes to use on the issues it values most will be greatest outside Westminster rather than within it. The Commons has long been less of a priority for the party than Dáil Éireann and this was in part reflected in its contrasting fortunes in the UK general election of December 2019 and the Irish general election just a short while after.
The success of Sinn Féin in the 8 February Irish general election has unsurprisingly ‘spooked’ unionists (and not just Unionists with a capital U). Given the possibility that Sinn Féin might yet end up (if not this time round, perhaps next time) exercising far more influence in Dublin than the DUP did in London during its confidence and supply arrangement with the Conservative Party between 2017 and 2019, it is little wonder that they are concerned.
For most of that time, the DUP seemed secure in its position as the voice of unionism and of Leave in Westminster – a card it played for all it was worth, much to the chagrin of nationalists and Remainers in Northern Ireland. However, when the party proved unwilling to supply the votes that had been promised, it lost the confidence of the Conservative Party in very dramatic fashion.
That the Protocol on Northern Ireland/Ireland in Johnson’s Withdrawal Agreement was seen as the British government ‘selling out’ Northern Ireland was nothing unexpected in Irish nationalist circles. But for unionists it was a fresh blow to their confidence in the Westminster parliament. The DUP at this point faces a stark moment of decision over its strategy. Does it push forward in resistance to the Protocol, in the hope that British MPs will finally wake up to what it sees as the ‘betrayal’ of the union? Or else does it swerve to develop a never-before seen collaborative effort with other Northern Ireland MPs and parties to defend the common interests of the region vis-à-vis Britain at this critical juncture?
Much depends on how relations between the parties are managed within the Northern Ireland Executive and, more broadly, on the tone and tenor of the British-Irish intergovernmental relationship which underpins the peace process. Ultimately, what the DUP decides to do will follow from what it sees as best securing Northern Ireland’s position in the union, and this is likely to depend on the machinations of the Conservative government rather than a premeditated party line from the DUP itself.
The option – if not the imperative – of collaboration between Northern Ireland’s 18 MPs is made a feasible proposition following the 2019 general election, which saw the re-emergence of a centre ground in the region.
When the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement was originally concluded, it was presumed that the moderate middle ground would continue to grow and form a solid basis for future reconciliation in Northern Ireland. Instead, we saw a polarisation of discourse and an incentive to pursue conflictual (albeit non-violent) politics. At the 2019 general election, however, both the DUP and Sinn Féin were punished for their three-year long refusal to share power as public services fell into crisis. On the other hand, the pro-Remain and pro-cooperative stances of the moderate parties (the SDLP and Alliance) resulted in strong performances from them and sent three new ‘centre ground’ MPs to the Commons.
Whilst those parties are inevitably hindered by lack of numbers – by the way Commons procedures are arguably biased against smaller (especially regional) parties, and by the sheer size of Boris Johnson’s majority – those three MPs are respected as among the most effective political actors in Northern Ireland. Their mettle will, of course, be tested. But perhaps the biggest difference they can make in Westminster is in forming the cartilage between the two grinding bones of the DUP and Sinn Féin.
Although the impact of Northern Ireland’s MPs is unlikely to be as high-profile or as disproportionate as it was felt to be in the previous parliament, their role may in fact prove more critical now than it has been for a generation. A more sympathetic ear from the Labour Party under Keir Starmer could make a difference, although not a majority. And the role of peers in the House of Lords could also be important – not least in raising awareness in Westminster of the very distinct impact that Brexit and the Withdrawal Agreement will have here. Everything depends, of course, on what the Government does in response – if anything at all.
At its heart, peace in Northern Ireland depends on people of all political views believing that democratic representation works and is worthwhile, including at UK level. If the government responds favourably to what may turn out to be an unprecedented willingness of the part of Northern Ireland’s parties in Westminster to work together and speak in common cause, it will be an important means of welding together the pillars of peace and stability amid what looks set to be a period of extraordinary political turbulence across these islands.
By Katy Hayward, senior fellow at The UK in a Changing Europe. This article is from the Parliament and Brexit report.
“Banksy does Brexit (detail) #banksy #brexit” by dullhunk is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-04-09--Update on abortion. Stormont and the medical establishment will obey the law

According to BBC NI , Stormont has today complied with UK law .
Women will not have to travel by ferry to GB for the procedure after all .
Medical professionals in NI can now “ terminate pregnancies lawfully ” , the Department of Health has said .
Last month , abortion laws changed to permit terminations up to 12 weeks , but this had not been put into practice .
Some of NI ’ s health trusts had been told by the department not to proceed with temporary plans .
The department has now said it has received legal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at health and social care premises .
In a statement , it said it had written to the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists about the situation , after correspondence from the body expressed concern that the implementation of abortion services was being held up due to the Covid-19 crisis .
This is a hugely significant moment for abortion services in Northern Ireland .
While the new laws took effect last week , they are now being implemented on the ground .
It will be welcome news for medical professionals who said they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for others this will be a step too far .
Some trusts – the Belfast , South Eastern and Northern – had agreed a temporary plan to provide services in NI so women could stay at home , but had been instructed not to proceed , pending the issue being discussed by the Northern Ireland Executive .
An advisory paper was brought by Health Minister Robin Swann to the executive ’ s meeting on Monday , detailing the current situation and future options .
However , abortion is a sensitive issue that divides @ @ @ @ @ @ @ understood the parties did not reach any consensus .
On Tuesday , DUP leader Arlene Foster said NI ’ s Attorney General John Larkin had also raised issues about the implementation of the framework that would need to be addressed by the executive .
On Thursday the Stormont Health Committee had agreed , following a vote , to write to the health minister , urging him to press ahead and put the laws into practice .
Today , we launched our service to provide abortion medication by post to women in Northern Ireland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ woman who needs our care .
Please consider becoming a Friend of BPAS from just £2 a month to support our work : https : //friendsofbpas.org/sign-up/ # NowForNI

According to BBC NI, Stormont has today complied with UK law. Women will not have to travel by ferry to GB for the procedure after all.
Medical professionals in NI can now “terminate pregnancies lawfully”, the Department of Health has said. Last month, abortion laws changed to permit terminations up to 12 weeks, but this had not been put into practice.
Some of NI’s health trusts had been told by the department not to proceed with temporary plans. The department has now said it has received legal advice meaning abortions can be carried out at health and social care premises.
In a statement, it said it had written to the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists about the situation, after correspondence from the body expressed concern that the implementation of abortion services was being held up due to the Covid-19 crisis.
BBC News NI Political Reporter Jayne McCormick writes
This is a hugely significant moment for abortion services in Northern Ireland. While the new laws took effect last week, they are now being implemented on the ground.
It will be welcome news for medical professionals who said they were ready to provide terminations, but for others this will be a step too far.
Some trusts – the Belfast, South Eastern and Northern – had agreed a temporary plan to provide services in NI so women could stay at home, but had been instructed not to proceed, pending the issue being discussed by the Northern Ireland Executive.
An advisory paper was brought by Health Minister Robin Swann to the executive’s meeting on Monday, detailing the current situation and future options.
However, abortion is a sensitive issue that divides the political parties, and it is understood the parties did not reach any consensus.
On Tuesday, DUP leader Arlene Foster said NI’s Attorney General John Larkin had also raised issues about the implementation of the framework that would need to be addressed by the executive.
On Thursday the Stormont Health Committee had agreed, following a vote, to write to the health minister, urging him to press ahead and put the laws into practice.
British Pregnancy Advice service tweets
Today, we launched our service to provide abortion medication by post to women in Northern Ireland. This will be free to any woman who needs our care. Please consider becoming a Friend of BPAS from just £2 a month to support our work: https://friendsofbpas.org/sign-up/ #NowForNI


sluggerotoole--2020-04-09--Breakthrough news on the Troubles legacy. Legal critics of the UK government recommend a case by cas

Breakthrough news on the Troubles legacy. Legal critics of the UK government recommend a case by case amnesty

A get out of jail card has been produced by a group of academic lawyers who have spent years wrestling with the intractable problems of the Troubles legacy .
The card would not only work for former soldiers facing charges , but also for the British government which is likely to face years in court if it tries to discriminate in their favour .
Three weeks ago the government suddenly abandoned the long discussed and much consulted on plans originally in the Hasss report for an independent Historical Investigations Unit ( HIU ) and a separate Independent Commission on Information @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to relatives where legal process is no longer required .
The lawyers who formed a model Bill team to draw up proposals for dealing with the past have attacked the UK government ’ s abrupt decision to abandon its own Stormont House Agreement ( legacy ) Bill in favour of a desk top review of cases against former soldiers and a quick end to prosecutions .
In human rights terms this was a proposal so obviously outrageous that it may have been a ruse which has now had the desired effect of creating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The government promised legacy legislation within 100 days of the resumption of Stormont .
But no doubt this has been substantially delayed .
I ’ m indebted to Brian Rowan writing on eamonnmallie.com for drawing attention to the model team ’ s latest report .
I hope the News Letter covers it with same dedication it gave to claims of discrimination against the security forces .
For now the model Bill team have dramatically come up with their own version of a case by case amnesty which on the face could satisfy the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The team have revived their proposal to apply the early release scheme designed for paramilitaries that was a crucial part of the GFA settlement to former soldiers and police officers charged with Troubles offences .
The immediate objection to their plan is that it creates unwelcome parity between former soldiers and former paramilitaries .
Solders living under the shadow of a charge might think that is a price worth paying .
The proposal is also open to objection as a denial of open justice .
The cases against old soldiers accused of serious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to redouble searches for fresh evidence have been muted although there is no recommendation to terminate the investigations of the PSNI ’ s Legacy Investigations Branch and other inquiries .
The Historical Investigations Unit ( HIU ) so suddenly dropped by the government would be restored but its scope much reduced .
There is nothing here that will unearth new evidence .
Indeed the model bill team frankly recognise that fresh evidence is unlikely to emerge unless it comes in the form of voluntary confessions without the threat of legal sanction .
Professor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Queen ’ s University leading the team and Prof Louise Mallinder insist that the government ’ s latest approach violates both human rights law and the Good Friday Agreement .
They dispute at length the passionate claims of Tory MPs and a number of Ulster Unionists led by Jeff Dudgeon that the draft SHA legacy Bill discriminates against veteran soldiers and encourages “ vexatious prosecutions ” against them .
But the team present anew their own radical proposals which might satisfy Conservative and unionist champions of the military ’ s role .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ mind the government ’ s clear determination to keep soldiers out of prison , we have also reviewed a number of options which would see the Stormont House Agreement implemented in full – but where the current two year sentence before being considered for early release could be reduced to zero.
” The team find nine out of eleven major proposals incompatible with human rights law and the GFA .
They hit pay dirt with their own 10 and 11 .
If a former soldier or RUC veteran pleads guilty to a serious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against him if he gives a satisfactory account of his guilt to the information retrieval commission .
In a final option the team favour less , he could even be released at the secretary of state ’ s discretion .
The provision for a confession therefore looks like a fig leaf covering an amnesty .
If the government wishes to avert a certain legal challenge against its latest proposals , it might well seize on the following proposals for a case by case amnesty , with or without disclosure .
Proposal 10 : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from Two years to Zero , Based on Cooperation with the ICIR ( first raised with the Defence Select Committee in 2017 ) .
It is wrong in law to claim that the Early Release Scheme in the GFA designed for paramiltaries after serving two years in prison does not apply to army veterans .
An amended NI Sentences Act would include an amended criterion for the Sentence Review Commission … that would allow even earlier release based on consideration of ‘ a statement of full cooperation ’ from the Independent Commission on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ following a trial , any individual pleading guilty or found guilty regarding such offences , who had engaged with or who indicated a willingness to engage with ICIR , would be granted immediate temporary release in order to facilitate that engagement .
The Draft SHA Bill.. ( would ) .. ensure that conflict -related offences committed before August 1973 will be treated the same as those committed after that date .
Any member of the security forces or paramilitary found guilty will serve a maximum of two years imprisonment if they meet the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on eligibility for release will be taken by the independent Sentence Review Commission .
The work of the HIU ( including the provision of family reports ) , the ICIR , OHA , and IRG would be designed to provide a victim-centred service to victims and survivors which promotes reconciliation .
Any individual who was not granted such a ‘ statement of full cooperation ’ , or who refused to engage with the ICIR , would be assessed for eligibility for early release by the SRC in the normal fashion .
Such an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ maximum of two years imprisonment if deemed eligible for early release as per the terms of the Good Friday Agreement 1998 .
The ICIR is also envisaged as a cross-border body underpinned by an international treaty between the UK and Irish governments and requiring separate legislation in being passed in Dáil Éireann .
Logically , if a decision was made to permit a reduction in sentences for pre-1998 conflict in the United Kingdom in return for full cooperation with the ICIR , a similar arrangement would be required in the Republic of Ireland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Reduce Conflict-Related Imprisonment to Zero with no ICIR Cooperation Requirement The Good Friday Agreement committed both governments to establishing a review process designed to set prospective release dates for all qualifying prisoners.99 It further stipulated that should the circumstances allow it , any qualifying prisoners who remained in custody two years after the commencement of the scheme would be released at that point .
Section 10 ( 8 ) of the Northern Ireland Sentences Act stipulated that ‘ the Secretary of State may by order amend subsections 4-7.
’ This means that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reduced to zero by an order in council rather than requiring primary legislation .
The model team identify potential problems over discriminating in favour of military veterans on HR grounds and clearly favour Proposal 10 McEvoy ’ s team conclude with a substantial sting in the tail .
In my view they effectively refute the Newsletter ’ s campaign claiming discrimination against the security forces and the jingoistic charge of “ vexation prosecutions ” against army veterans which governs this government ’ s attitude .
One example in detail.. An ‘ Imbalanced Approach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the state was directly responsible for at least 360 or 10 % of the overall fatalities of the conflict ( leaving aside the issue of collusion ) ,33 the fact that almost one third of the cases under investigation by the ( PSNI ’ s Legacy Investigations Branch ( LIB ) ( since 2017 ) are state focused has been suggested as evidence that such investigations are imbalanced .
Between 1969 and 1974 , 170 people were killed by the British army .
Sixty-three per cent of these were undisputedly unarmed at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 24 people ) were confirmed as armed , with a further 14 listed as ‘ possibly armed ’ .
There were no criminal prosecutions of state actors during this period .
It is difficult to assert with any credibility that any of these cases were properly investigated , even by the investigative standards of the day , which is why the practice of Royal Military Police investigations was ceased .
More generally , as the official Operation Banner review notes , only a dozen or so serious cases involving Army personnel killing or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 30 years of the conflict .
In relation to operational shootings the report cites 4 convictions for murder , 1 of which was overturned on retrial .
These figures do not appear to include members of the Ulster Defence Regiment .
With regard to more recent investigations , a highly critical report by Her Majesty ’ s Inspectorate of Constabulary on the work of the Historical Enquiries Team found that ‘ state involvement cases had been reviewed with less rigour in some areas than non-state cases ’ .
The former PSNI Chief Constable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ criticisms in full and ordered that all 238 military killings should be reviewed afresh .
The reason for the higher number of state related cases requiring an effective investigation is the widespread acceptance by criminal justice and legal professionals that they were not properly investigated in the first place .
The DPP has initiated legacy prosecutions in 17 legacy cases ; 8 against alleged republican paramilitaries , 4 against alleged loyalists and 5 against British Army personnel ( 6 soldiers in total , one case involves two soldiers ) .45 Again , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ simply not supported by the relevant data .
In sum , there is no historical or contemporary evidence to support the claim of a witch-hunt in terms of the proportionate number of legacy investigations or prosecutions against state actors The campaign however might equally claim that their opponents in the argument have vindicated them by recognising that the evidential trail has grown too cold .
On the other hand fresh objections may come from Sinn Fein and Finucane Centre that their persistent claims of collusion are unlikely to be further tested .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ start to go out of the controversy to make way for grudging recognition of the inevitable .

Prof Kieran McEvoy
A get out of jail card has been produced by a group of academic lawyers who have spent years wrestling with the intractable problems of the Troubles legacy. The card would not only work for former soldiers facing charges, but also for the British government which is likely to face years in court if it tries to discriminate in their favour.
Three weeks ago the government suddenly abandoned the long discussed and much consulted on plans originally in the Hasss report for an independent Historical Investigations Unit (HIU) and a separate Independent Commission on Information Retrieval (ICIR) to disclose information to relatives where legal process is no longer required.
The lawyers who formed a model Bill team to draw up proposals for dealing with the past have attacked the UK government’s abrupt decision to abandon its own Stormont House Agreement (legacy) Bill in favour of a desk top review of cases against former soldiers and a quick end to prosecutions.
In human rights terms this was a proposal so obviously outrageous that it may have been a ruse which has now had the desired effect of creating a strong argument for an amnesty. The government promised legacy legislation within 100 days of the resumption of Stormont. But no doubt this has been substantially delayed.
I’m indebted to Brian Rowan writing on eamonnmallie.com for drawing attention to the model team’s latest report. I hope the News Letter covers it with same dedication it gave to claims of discrimination against the security forces.
For now the model Bill team have dramatically come up with their own version of a case by case amnesty which on the face could satisfy the government and many of its critics. The team have revived their proposal to apply the early release scheme designed for paramilitaries that was a crucial part of the GFA settlement to former soldiers and police officers charged with Troubles offences . The immediate objection to their plan is that it creates unwelcome parity between former soldiers and former paramilitaries. Solders living under the shadow of a charge might think that is a price worth paying.
The proposal is also open to objection as a denial of open justice. The cases against old soldiers accused of serious offences would not be heard. Calls to redouble searches for fresh evidence have been muted although there is no recommendation to terminate the investigations of the PSNI’s Legacy Investigations Branch and other inquiries.
The Historical Investigations Unit (HIU) so suddenly dropped by the government would be restored but its scope much reduced. There is nothing here that will unearth new evidence. Indeed the model bill team frankly recognise that fresh evidence is unlikely to emerge unless it comes in the form of voluntary confessions without the threat of legal sanction.
Professor Kieran McEvoy from the School of Law at Queen’s University leading the team and Prof Louise Mallinder insist that the government’s latest approach violates both human rights law and the Good Friday Agreement. They dispute at length the passionate claims of Tory MPs and a number of Ulster Unionists led by Jeff Dudgeon that the draft SHA legacy Bill discriminates against veteran soldiers and encourages “ vexatious prosecutions” against them.
But the team present anew their own radical proposals which might satisfy Conservative and unionist champions of the military’s role. As Prof Mallinder says “Bearing in mind the government’s clear determination to keep soldiers out of prison, we have also reviewed a number of options which would see the Stormont House Agreement implemented in full – but where the current two year sentence before being considered for early release could be reduced to zero.”
The team find nine out of eleven major proposals incompatible with human rights law and the GFA. They hit pay dirt with their own 10 and 11. If a former soldier or RUC veteran pleads guilty to a serious charge no further action would be taken against him if he gives a satisfactory account of his guilt to the information retrieval commission. In a final option the team favour less, he could even be released at the secretary of state’s discretion. The provision for a confession therefore looks like a fig leaf covering an amnesty.
If the government wishes to avert a certain legal challenge against its latest proposals, it might well seize on the following proposals for a case by case amnesty, with or without disclosure.
Proposal 10: Implement the SHA, Reduce Conflict-Related Imprisonment from Two years to Zero, Based on Cooperation with the ICIR (first raised with the Defence Select Committee in 2017).
It is wrong in law to claim that the Early Release Scheme in the GFA designed for paramiltaries after serving two years in prison does not apply to army veterans.
An amended NI Sentences Act would include an amended criterion for the Sentence Review Commission … that would allow even earlier release based on consideration of ‘a statement of full cooperation’ from the Independent Commission on Information Retrieval (ICIR). Immediately following a trial, any individual pleading guilty or found guilty regarding such offences, who had engaged with or who indicated a willingness to engage with ICIR, would be granted immediate temporary release in order to facilitate that engagement.
The Draft SHA Bill.. (would).. ensure that conflict -related offences committed before August 1973 will be treated the same as those committed after that date. Any member of the security forces or paramilitary found guilty will serve a maximum of two years imprisonment if they meet the criteria for early release. The decision on eligibility for release will be taken by the independent Sentence Review Commission. The work of the HIU (including the provision of family reports), the ICIR, OHA, and IRG would be designed to provide a victim-centred service to victims and survivors which promotes reconciliation.
Any individual who was not granted such a ‘statement of full cooperation’, or who refused to engage with the ICIR, would be assessed for eligibility for early release by the SRC in the normal fashion. Such an individual would be liable to serve a maximum of two years imprisonment if deemed eligible for early release as per the terms of the Good Friday Agreement 1998.
The ICIR is also envisaged as a cross-border body underpinned by an international treaty between the UK and Irish governments and requiring separate legislation in being passed in Dáil Éireann. Logically, if a decision was made to permit a reduction in sentences for pre-1998 conflict in the United Kingdom in return for full cooperation with the ICIR, a similar arrangement would be required in the Republic of Ireland.
Proposal 11: Implement the SHA, Reduce Conflict-Related Imprisonment to Zero with no ICIR Cooperation Requirement
The Good Friday Agreement committed both governments to establishing a review process designed to set prospective release dates for all qualifying prisoners.99 It further stipulated that should the circumstances allow it, any qualifying prisoners who remained in custody two years after the commencement of the scheme would be released at that point.
Section 10(8) of the Northern Ireland Sentences Act stipulated that ‘the Secretary of State may by order amend subsections 4-7.’ This means that the two-year time frame can already be reduced to zero by an order in council rather than requiring primary legislation.
The model team identify potential problems over discriminating in favour of military veterans on HR grounds and clearly favour Proposal 10
McEvoy’s team conclude with a substantial sting in the tail. In my view they effectively refute the Newsletter’s campaign claiming discrimination against the security forces and the jingoistic charge of “vexation prosecutions” against army veterans which governs this government’s attitude. One example in detail..
An ‘Imbalanced Approach’ to Legacy Investigations and Prosecutions
Given that the state was directly responsible for at least 360 or 10% of the overall fatalities of the conflict (leaving aside the issue of collusion),33 the fact that almost one third of the cases under investigation by the (PSNI’s Legacy Investigations Branch (LIB) (since 2017) are state focused has been suggested as evidence that such investigations are imbalanced.
Between 1969 and 1974, 170 people were killed by the British army. Sixty-three per cent of these were undisputedly unarmed at the time and only 12% (24 people) were confirmed as armed, with a further 14 listed as ‘possibly armed’. There were no criminal prosecutions of state actors during this period. It is difficult to assert with any credibility that any of these cases were properly investigated, even by the investigative standards of the day, which is why the practice of Royal Military Police investigations was ceased.
More generally, as the official Operation Banner review notes, only a dozen or so serious cases involving Army personnel killing or injuring others came to court during the 30 years of the conflict. In relation to operational shootings the report cites 4 convictions for murder, 1 of which was overturned on retrial. These figures do not appear to include members of the Ulster Defence Regiment.
With regard to more recent investigations, a highly critical report by Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary on the work of the Historical Enquiries Team found that ‘state involvement cases had been reviewed with less rigour in some areas than non-state cases’. The former PSNI Chief Constable, Sir Matt Baggott, accepted those criticisms in full and ordered that all 238 military killings should be reviewed afresh. The reason for the higher number of state related cases requiring an effective investigation is the widespread acceptance by criminal justice and legal professionals that they were not properly investigated in the first place.
The DPP has initiated legacy prosecutions in 17 legacy cases; 8 against alleged republican paramilitaries, 4 against alleged loyalists and 5 against British Army personnel (6 soldiers in total, one case involves two soldiers).45 Again, the notion of an imbalance in prosecutions is simply not supported by the relevant data.
In sum, there is no historical or contemporary evidence to support the claim of a witch-hunt in terms of the proportionate number of legacy investigations or prosecutions against state actors
The campaign however might equally claim that their opponents in the argument have vindicated them by recognising that the evidential trail has grown too cold. On the other hand fresh objections may come from Sinn Fein and Finucane Centre that their persistent claims of collusion are unlikely to be further tested.
But one way or another the heat may start to go out of the controversy to make way for grudging recognition of the inevitable.


sluggerotoole--2020-04-09--When it comes to Covid19, let’s shun institutional ageism…

We ’ re hearing an awful lot about how vulnerable groups , especially the elderly , require special protection from Covid-19 .
Strangely , though , we ’ re hearing very little from old people themselves .
That ’ s okay .
After all , we love our grandparents .
They went through tough times , and yet they looked after us through thick and thin .
They deserve protection in turn .
Of course , some of them tend to be a bit stubborn and contrary .
That ’ s okay too ; our job is to explain to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s best for them .
Unfortunately , though , old people are not some species of cossetted and especially appealing pets .
They are sentient and autonomous human beings .
They deserve a say .
And yet , this is denied to them .
Make no mistake : the lockdown is doing the aged no favours .
Inventing new language may make us feel better personally , but it isn ’ t ameliorating the real conditions on the ground .
Let ’ s be transparent : we ’ re not “ cocooning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not even isolating them .
The net result is that , not only will the elderly remain at risk of infection , they ’ ll be subjected to what many of them fear most : loneliness .
Many will die as a result of associated despair , or from the neglected treatment of other chronic illnesses .
At the same time , scandalously , we ’ re denying care workers personal protective equipment .
This means that not only are the carers more at risk themselves , they ’ re more at risk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It ’ s not clear why this is happening ; the most likely explanation is that we ’ re using vulnerable groups as a shield for our own fears .
The alarmism of mainstream and social media has convinced us that our own horrible deaths are just around the corner .
How can we deal with this ?
I know !
We ’ ll argue that we ’ re advocating lockdown to protect vulnerable groups !
Whatever the media suggest , advanced age in itself has not been shown to be an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in coronavirus infection .
It is , however , a marker for other risk factors , including general frailty and associated chronic diseases .
This is not specific for Covid-19 , but common to all acute illnesses .
Health care professionals , even in attenuated circumstances , will never make a decision based on age alone .
Their management plan will be dictated by the individual merits of every case , including the appropriateness of any proposed treatment , and , even more importantly , the fully informed wishes of the individual concerned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to any patient merely because they ’ re more than 70 years of age ( although , once a patient understands what the purgatory of intensive care really means , they may turn down the option anyway ) .
It ’ s time to be transparent , not only in our language , but about our own motives .
This reverse patronisation does nobody any good : neither ourselves , nor , especially , our disenfranchised seniors .
It ’ s nothing but ageism .
Let ’ s acknowledge this , and avoid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ under CC BY-NC-SA

We’re hearing an awful lot about how vulnerable groups, especially the elderly, require special protection from Covid-19. Strangely, though, we’re hearing very little from old people themselves.
That’s okay. After all, we love our grandparents. They went through tough times, and yet they looked after us through thick and thin. They deserve protection in turn. Of course, some of them tend to be a bit stubborn and contrary. That’s okay too; our job is to explain to them, kindly if firmly, what’s best for them.
Unfortunately, though, old people are not some species of cossetted and especially appealing pets. They are sentient and autonomous human beings. They deserve a say. And yet, this is denied to them.
Make no mistake: the lockdown is doing the aged no favours. Inventing new language may make us feel better personally, but it isn’t ameliorating the real conditions on the ground. Let’s be transparent: we’re not “cocooning” our grandparents. We’re not even isolating them.
We’re ostracising them.
The net result is that, not only will the elderly remain at risk of infection, they’ll be subjected to what many of them fear most: loneliness. Many will die as a result of associated despair, or from the neglected treatment of other chronic illnesses. At the same time, scandalously, we’re denying care workers personal protective equipment. This means that not only are the carers more at risk themselves, they’re more at risk of spreading infection to their vulnerable clients.
It’s not clear why this is happening; the most likely explanation is that we’re using vulnerable groups as a shield for our own fears. The alarmism of mainstream and social media has convinced us that our own horrible deaths are just around the corner. How can we deal with this?
I know! We’ll argue that we’re advocating lockdown to protect vulnerable groups!
Whatever the media suggest, advanced age in itself has not been shown to be an independent risk factor for a poor outcome in coronavirus infection. It is, however, a marker for other risk factors, including general frailty and associated chronic diseases. This is not specific for Covid-19, but common to all acute illnesses.
Health care professionals, even in attenuated circumstances, will never make a decision based on age alone. Their management plan will be dictated by the individual merits of every case, including the appropriateness of any proposed treatment, and, even more importantly, the fully informed wishes of the individual concerned. Invasive ventilation will not be denied to any patient merely because they’re more than 70 years of age (although, once a patient understands what the purgatory of intensive care really means, they may turn down the option anyway).
It’s time to be transparent, not only in our language, but about our own motives. This reverse patronisation does nobody any good: neither ourselves, nor, especially, our disenfranchised seniors.
It’s nothing but ageism. Let’s acknowledge this, and avoid it.
Photo by geralt is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA