Fergus on Monday

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sluggerotoole--2020-05-17--Have a listen to this unusual but very catchy Covid-19 charity song – On Horseback…

I have taken to listening to RTE Radio 1 early morning show , The Rising Time .
The gently introduce you into another Covid-19 Groundhog Day with some relaxing tunes .
The other morning I pricked up my ears at a song that started : I like beer , and I like cheese I like the smell of a westerly breeze But what I like more than all of these Is to be on horseback .
WTF ?
Thought I. is this a spoof song ?
You can ’ t listen to any song about horses without thinking of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s finest Neil Hannon .
But no , it turns out to a be real song written by Mike Oldfield ( he of Moonlight Shadow and Tubular Bells fame ) back in 1975 .
The cover version is narrated by RTE ’ s Health Correspondent Fergal Bowers while Kerry singer Gemma Goodey sings lead female vocals with guitarist Kyle Tyhter .
It is one of the most unique songs I have heard in ages , and catchy as hell , it has been stuck in my head all weekend .
Have a listen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all , who does not like a horsey ?
Photo by RobGlenister is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

I have taken to listening to RTE Radio 1 early morning show, The Rising Time. The gently introduce you into another Covid-19 Groundhog Day with some relaxing tunes. The other morning I pricked up my ears at a song that started:
I like beer, and I like cheese
I like the smell of a westerly breeze
But what I like more than all of these
Is to be on horseback.
WTF? Thought I. is this a spoof song? You can’t listen to any song about horses without thinking of the Fr Ted classic penned by Fermanagh’s finest Neil Hannon.
But no, it turns out to a be real song written by Mike Oldfield (he of Moonlight Shadow and Tubular Bells fame) back in 1975.
The cover version is narrated by RTE’s Health Correspondent Fergal Bowers while Kerry singer Gemma Goodey sings lead female vocals with guitarist Kyle Tyhter.
It is one of the most unique songs I have heard in ages, and catchy as hell, it has been stuck in my head all weekend. Have a listen and see what you think. After all, who does not like a horsey?
Photo by RobGlenister is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-05-19--Will the City Deal provide a “fresh start” for Derry?

The current global pandemic has put Northern Ireland ’ s long-standing problems firmly into context – with Coronavirus claiming more lives across the UK in a few days last month than thirty years of the Troubles did .
Fortunately post-conflict NI is a very different place these days , with change perhaps nowhere more prevalent than in our economy .
Current pandemic woes aside , NI entered the current decade in a much better economic condition than it has any other decade since at least the 1960s .
Unfortunately , that rising tide has not lifted all boats together .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ has prospered or boomed this century , one has remained consistently at the wrong end of the economic rankings .
More than two decades on from the Good Friday Agreement , Derry ( and the neighbouring town of Strabane ) still awaits its long-promised peace dividend .
Visitors to Derry are often baffled by the city ’ s sluggish economy .
It is a genuinely attractive place – rich in history and handsome buildings , with a beautiful riverside setting along the majestic River Foyle .
Derry exudes a cultural vibrancy and energy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pick of some highly-rated schools .
The city sits at the crossroads of the Causeway Coast and the Wild Atlantic Way and has a fast-growing tourism sector .
And with a coastline and superb inland scenery on its doorstep , and the lowest house prices in the UK , quality of life is high there whilst the cost of living is low .
So why is Derry not reaching the potential that these raw ingredients would suggest it should ?
In short – decades of chronic underinvestment have left the city with NI @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economic inactivity , its lowest provision of skills and third-level education and the worst infrastructure on the island .
Derry has had NI ’ s highest unemployment for years .
Standing at 4.8 % in April 2020 , its claimant count has benefited from an impressive 13 % year-on-year decline – but is still 70 % above the NI average ( 2.8 % ) , and 15 % above the second-highest location ( Belfast North , 4.2 % ) .
And that headline rate masks a significant inactivity problem .
The Derry and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economically inactive people in the UK ( 37 % , vs an NI average of 27 % ) , with a third of those due to disability or long-term illness .
Derry is the only city on the island not connected to any other by a motorway or dual carriageway .
And it has a significantly lower quality and frequency of rail service than every station east of the River Bann receives on the same Derry-Belfast rail line .
All of which gives the city unnecessarily long travel times and a peripheral feeling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ across the island with degree-granting institutions , Derry has the lowest Higher Education provision .
Ulster University ’ s Magee facility in Derry is the fourth priority campus of Belfast ’ s second-ranked university , with barely 3,000 full-time students ( compared to 15,000 at UU ’ s new Belfast campus ) .
Ulster has been busily diverting staff , students and courses away from Magee over the last decade – whilst also claiming it is serious about creating a 10,000 full-time student campus that it clearly has neither the resources nor inclination @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continue to fall – down by 100 students for 2019-20 – whilst growing at their other campuses .
Meanwhile , 1 in 3 adults in Derry have no qualifications at all , whilst the figure for Strabane is 40 % – both significantly higher than the NI average ( 24 % ) .
Derry is currently one of Europe ’ s youngest city regions , with 34 % of its population under 25 and 22 % under 16 .
Yet with limited educational and employment opportunities to retain its young or attract new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be the only district in NI facing population decline over the next twenty years ( albeit a modest fall ) .
More worryingly is the shift of the age profile within that population .
The proportion of those over 65 in Derry ( i.e .
adults of retirement age ) is predicted to soar by 63 % , whilst each age group below that will decline by 11-17 % .
All of which will reduce the city ’ s working-age population and create further economic pressure – thanks to net migration ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all whilst NI ’ s population as a whole is expected to rise by 6 % .
In a Northern Ireland already heavily skewed towards Belfast and the east , it should be a cause of genuine concern that our second city – and the only urban centre in the west – is expected to shrink whilst the east expands rapidly .
It should , therefore , come as no surprise that potential employers are often deterred from locating in Derry , or that its most talented young people leave in their droves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For those who do remain in the city , well-paid jobs are limited – particularly beyond the public sector , which accounts for a third of all employment .
So whilst Derry has many of the natural ingredients often found in prosperous cities , it has been denied the basic elements needed to catalyse those into a healthy economy .
And when residents or politicians from the city highlight that fact , they are instantly dismissed as ‘ whingers ’ .
The good news is that Derry is finally on the cusp of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ era of devolution , however , it is note-worthy that the catalyst for this is the UK Government ’ s ‘ City Deals ’ programme rather than any Stormont initiative to improve its most disadvantaged area .
Stormont has failed Derry since the GFA , and it is ironic that London is the lead source of the only specific attempt to address that .
City Deals are designed to kick-start and boost regional urban areas , and as far back as 2014 Derry was quick to spot the opportunity they presented – and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its proposal when the initiative was extended to NI .
The Derry-Strabane City Deal agreement was signed off by Westminster in May 2019 , with £105m made available for projects identified by the council and its partners as having transformative potential .
Last week Stormont agreed to deliver on its side of the deal through the mandatory match-funding – creating a combined public sector pot of £210m ( expected to increase to £300m through private sector involvement ) .
All of which should easily add up to the largest investment for a single @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1960 ’ s Craigavon project .
So what does the North-West plan to do with this investment ?
And will it kick-start the island ’ s most sluggish economy ?
Although one of Derry ’ s biggest barriers to economic growth is poor transport links it ’ s important to acknowledge that regional infrastructure is the responsibility of Stormont , and beyond the remit or budget of a City Deal .
Thankfully the argument for improving transport to the north-west was won long ago and is already being partly addressed by Stormont ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The A6 Derry-Belfast road is being upgraded , though will still not be dualled across its entire length .
The currently stalled A5 dualling has been beset by administrative blunders , legal challenges and delays for over a decade now .
And the required £30m to make the only rail line in the west of NI fit for purpose was unilaterally scrapped by DFI last year – despite being signed off by a Minister in 2011 and scheduled to happen in 2021 .
So whilst Derry ’ s City Deal references these key @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the document is on “ catalyst investment priorities ” of a more localised nature .
These can be grouped together under three main themes : Derry has lacked a clear economic niche since its days as the planet ’ s biggest shirt-maker .
With the world on the cusp of a new industrial revolution in digitalisation and automation , the City Deal aims to ensure that Derry and Strabane are better placed to take advantage of the opportunities ( and weather the challenges ) that will create .
The plan proposes a series @ @ @ @ @ @ @ industrial/commercial sectors with strong future growth potential – i.e .
robotics ; artificial intelligence and cognitive analytics ; virtual and augmented reality ; personalised and precision medicine ; health and life sciences ; and advanced manufacturing .
Ulster University has been selected as the council ’ s delivery partner for these , and the initial stage will be the long-awaited opening of a Graduate Entry Medical School in Derry ( first promised by UU in 2003 , now confirmed for 2021 entry ) .
This aspect of the proposal aims to widen employment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of skills and productivity within the city ’ s workforce .
It includes an Apprenticeship and Skills Hub focused on training for key sectors ( e.g .
digital , IT , advanced manufacturing ) ; an Intermediate Labour Market programme designed to equip the long-term jobless to enter employment ; a Youth Investment Programme targetted at areas of high deprivation ; and a Workforce Development Fund to upskill those already in employment .
The proposal also seeks ‘ UNESCO Learning City ’ status for the region .
This seeks to develop publicly-owned sites @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Perceived barriers to investment will be tackled – e.g .
the traffic-laden Buncrana Road will be widened to a dual carriageway ; the poor aesthetics and layout of the city ’ s Quayside will be addressed ; the long-idle Fort George site will finally be redeveloped ; and a new c.£20m signature tourism destination will be created .
Will this city deal deliver for Derry ?
A £300m gross investment equates to £2,500 per head of population across Derry and Strabane , and expenditure of that level will obviously have a positive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The council asserts that the projects within its City Deal were chosen to maximise their impact on job and wealth creation – and Westminster was sufficiently persuaded to provide £105m funding .
But a lot of the document feels buzzword heavy , and you sense that some of the ideas have been spoon-fed to the council by external partners/interests – possibly without the details being entirely thrashed out ( Belfast ’ s City Deal document does seem heavier on detail ) .
Only time will tell re the actual impact of Derry plan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if alternative strategies could have achieved more .
But it is still possible to critique what we do know of the proposals .
The City Deal document outlines the following expected impacts by 2032 : • 15,100 additional jobs .
Unemployment and inactivity reduced to below the NI average .
• £203m additional wages in the local economy , and a total Gross Value Add ( GVA ) of £1.16bn .
• 6,800 – 10,000 more people living in the city .
It also calculates that improving Derry ’ s unemployment and economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deliver a £26m saving in annual public spending , whilst also contributing £43m more in Tax and PAYE – a net annual boost of almost £70m to the UK ’ s public purse .
If achieved , that step alone would repay Westminster ’ s £105m investment within just 18 months .
You would naturally expect the figures within a City Deal proposal to lean towards optimism though – and a further cautionary note is required by the fact its calculations were done by Ulster University ’ s Economic Policy Centre ( UUEPC @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far the single biggest beneficiary within Derry ’ s City Deal proposal .
It will receive a minimum of £85m ( or 40 % of the £210m public pot ) as the delivery partner for the digital , technology and research aspects in the plan , as well as the new Medical School .
Every economic strategy for Derry over the last two decades has hinged heavily upon UU ’ s unfulfilled pledge to deliver a 10,000 full-time student campus .
A Council-commissioned review into the impact of significant university expansion on comparable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have the potential to place Derry at or below the NI average for unemployment and inactivity .
So Ulster University could have single-handedly transformed Derry ’ s economic fortunes over the last 20 years , just by delivering what it said it would – yet repeatedly failed to do so .
The council , therefore , stands accused of using City Deal funding to effectively bribe Ulster into an expansion that should have happened years ago .
Contrasts are made with the situation in Belfast , where UU is creating a new £350m @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Deal there .
When that project floundered earlier this year and required a £126m bailout , it was Stormont that Ulster sought assistance from rather than the Belfast City Deal in which it is a partner .
With UU exhibiting a growing tendency to use other people ’ s money to untangle itself from poor business decisions , there are fears it could over time relocate elements paid for by Derry ’ s City Deal away from the north-west – as it has done continually with Magee .
All of which is fuelling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be created in UU ’ s place , to meet the needs first and foremost of the city region .
Derry ’ s City Deal proposal is extraordinarily generous towards a university which has repeatedly failed the city for decades .
If it doesn ’ t result in the eventual major campus expansion that has long been promised , it could well force the conclusion of Ulster ’ s presence within the city .
One of the key economic challenges facing Derry is its lack of a clear niche in sectors with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ By focusing on areas like robotics , Artificial Intelligence and personalised medicine , Derry ’ s City Deal appears intent to address this .
There is a risk , however , of potential overlap with aspects of the Belfast City Deal – with both targeting sectors like advanced manufacturing and clinical healthcare .
Having complementary areas of focus and strength NI-wide would make sense in positioning the overall jurisdiction for external investment – and one can only presume that Westminster and Stormont are ensuring no conflict will occur here .
However – whilst @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strategy involves consciously carving up key future sectors and allocating them around its regional cities ( with further and higher education instructed to deliver the required workforce ) , Northern Ireland has never used economic development as a tool for genuine regional balance .
Invest NI has a poor record of attracting companies beyond Belfast and claims to passively let potential investors chose locations for themselves .
Without central coordination , there is , therefore , a risk that Derry and Belfast could end up competing for similar opportunities – with Belfast the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , workforce and universities .
On demography – the extra students delivered by the new Medical School and other university elements alone would reverse the small predicted decline in the city ’ s population and working-age cohort .
As will the additional employment created by the overall plan .
Without significant intervention at a Stormont level , however , the broader issue of a Northern Ireland ever-more skewed towards the east will persist .
The various City Deal projects are also likely to create a better environment for Derry ’ s private sector @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gross Value Added as a result .
Finally – even though it has been overshadowed somewhat by Covid , the ever-present elephant in the room for the North-west ’ s future is the economic risk posed by Brexit .
As the UK ’ s only genuine cross-border city region , the north-west will be uniquely impacted by whatever agreement is reached between Brussels and London .
Inaction in the face of this perhaps carries the greatest risk for Derry – so the City Deal is almost certain to leave the region better equipped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has made it clear that there will be no knight on a white horse riding to Derry ’ s economic rescue .
The city has had to continually fight for even the most basic assets that are taken for granted elsewhere in NI ( e.g .
decent roads and rail ) .
And it has been left behind whilst every other key city on the island has been equipped to grow and prosper .
A £210m City Deal is therefore as close to knightly intervention as Derry is ever likely to receive .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ that this investment plan will have , and we will never know if alternative priorities could have delivered greater benefit .
But the scale and nature of the expenditure within the proposal are likely to go at least some way towards addressing many of the key barriers holding Derry back .
It , therefore , stands a good chance of helping to finally get the proverbial boulder rolling on the island ’ s most under-performing economy – after which Derry ’ s numerous inherent assets should hopefully help keep that initial momentum going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doubt , a positive economic and social news story for a city that has long grown accustomed to being overlooked .
But it will also require Stormont to take more seriously the escalating east-west imbalance that exists within NI and to ensure that no part of its jurisdiction is ever left so far behind again .
It is as-yet unclear whether this point is even acknowledged within Stormont .
Steve Bradley is a native of Derry and works as a regeneration consultant in London .
Twitter : @ Bradley_Steve

The current global pandemic has put Northern Ireland’s long-standing problems firmly into context – with Coronavirus claiming more lives across the UK in a few days last month than thirty years of the Troubles did. Fortunately post-conflict NI is a very different place these days, with change perhaps nowhere more prevalent than in our economy. Current pandemic woes aside, NI entered the current decade in a much better economic condition than it has any other decade since at least the 1960s.
Unfortunately, that rising tide has not lifted all boats together. Whilst every other city on the island has prospered or boomed this century, one has remained consistently at the wrong end of the economic rankings. More than two decades on from the Good Friday Agreement, Derry (and the neighbouring town of Strabane) still awaits its long-promised peace dividend. Visitors to Derry are often baffled by the city’s sluggish economy.
It is a genuinely attractive place – rich in history and handsome buildings, with a beautiful riverside setting along the majestic River Foyle. Derry exudes a cultural vibrancy and energy, and its youthful population has the pick of some highly-rated schools. The city sits at the crossroads of the Causeway Coast and the Wild Atlantic Way and has a fast-growing tourism sector.
And with a coastline and superb inland scenery on its doorstep, and the lowest house prices in the UK, quality of life is high there whilst the cost of living is low.
So why is Derry not reaching the potential that these raw ingredients would suggest it should? In short – decades of chronic underinvestment have left the city with NI’s highest levels of unemployment and economic inactivity, its lowest provision of skills and third-level education and the worst infrastructure on the island.
1. Unemployment and inactivity
Derry has had NI’s highest unemployment for years. Standing at 4.8% in April 2020, its claimant count has benefited from an impressive 13% year-on-year decline – but is still 70% above the NI average (2.8%), and 15% above the second-highest location (Belfast North, 4.2%). And that headline rate masks a significant inactivity problem. The Derry and Strabane District has the highest percentage of economically inactive people in the UK (37%, vs an NI average of 27%), with a third of those due to disability or long-term illness.
2. Infrastructure
Derry is the only city on the island not connected to any other by a motorway or dual carriageway. And it has a significantly lower quality and frequency of rail service than every station east of the River Bann receives on the same Derry-Belfast rail line. All of which gives the city unnecessarily long travel times and a peripheral feeling.
3. Skills and Higher Education
Of the fifteen towns and cities across the island with degree-granting institutions, Derry has the lowest Higher Education provision. Ulster University’s Magee facility in Derry is the fourth priority campus of Belfast’s second-ranked university, with barely 3,000 full-time students (compared to 15,000 at UU’s new Belfast campus). Ulster has been busily diverting staff, students and courses away from Magee over the last decade – whilst also claiming it is serious about creating a 10,000 full-time student campus that it clearly has neither the resources nor inclination to deliver. Its numbers at Magee continue to fall – down by 100 students for 2019-20 – whilst growing at their other campuses. Meanwhile, 1 in 3 adults in Derry have no qualifications at all, whilst the figure for Strabane is 40% – both significantly higher than the NI average (24%).
4. Ageing and declining population
Derry is currently one of Europe’s youngest city regions, with 34% of its population under 25 and 22% under 16. Yet with limited educational and employment opportunities to retain its young or attract new residents, Derry and Strabane is predicted to be the only district in NI facing population decline over the next twenty years (albeit a modest fall).
More worryingly is the shift of the age profile within that population. The proportion of those over 65 in Derry (i.e. adults of retirement age) is predicted to soar by 63%, whilst each age group below that will decline by 11-17%. All of which will reduce the city’s working-age population and create further economic pressure – thanks to net migration (i.e. people leaving).
And all whilst NI’s population as a whole is expected to rise by 6%. In a Northern Ireland already heavily skewed towards Belfast and the east, it should be a cause of genuine concern that our second city – and the only urban centre in the west – is expected to shrink whilst the east expands rapidly.
It should, therefore, come as no surprise that potential employers are often deterred from locating in Derry, or that its most talented young people leave in their droves after school and rarely move back. For those who do remain in the city, well-paid jobs are limited – particularly beyond the public sector, which accounts for a third of all employment.
So whilst Derry has many of the natural ingredients often found in prosperous cities, it has been denied the basic elements needed to catalyse those into a healthy economy. And when residents or politicians from the city highlight that fact, they are instantly dismissed as ‘whingers’.
City Deal to the Rescue?
The good news is that Derry is finally on the cusp of receiving significant public investment. In an era of devolution, however, it is note-worthy that the catalyst for this is the UK Government’s ‘City Deals’ programme rather than any Stormont initiative to improve its most disadvantaged area. Stormont has failed Derry since the GFA, and it is ironic that London is the lead source of the only specific attempt to address that.
City Deals are designed to kick-start and boost regional urban areas, and as far back as 2014 Derry was quick to spot the opportunity they presented – and was significantly ahead of Belfast in developing its proposal when the initiative was extended to NI.
The Derry-Strabane City Deal agreement was signed off by Westminster in May 2019, with £105m made available for projects identified by the council and its partners as having transformative potential. Last week Stormont agreed to deliver on its side of the deal through the mandatory match-funding – creating a combined public sector pot of £210m (expected to increase to £300m through private sector involvement).
All of which should easily add up to the largest investment for a single NI location outside of Belfast since the 1960’s Craigavon project.
So what’s the big idea?
So what does the North-West plan to do with this investment? And will it kick-start the island’s most sluggish economy?
Although one of Derry’s biggest barriers to economic growth is poor transport links it’s important to acknowledge that regional infrastructure is the responsibility of Stormont, and beyond the remit or budget of a City Deal.
Thankfully the argument for improving transport to the north-west was won long ago and is already being partly addressed by Stormont (albeit at a glacial pace). The A6 Derry-Belfast road is being upgraded, though will still not be dualled across its entire length.
The currently stalled A5 dualling has been beset by administrative blunders, legal challenges and delays for over a decade now. And the required £30m to make the only rail line in the west of NI fit for purpose was unilaterally scrapped by DFI last year – despite being signed off by a Minister in 2011 and scheduled to happen in 2021. So whilst Derry’s City Deal references these key regional infrastructural requirements, the focus within the document is on “catalyst investment priorities” of a more localised nature. These can be grouped together under three main themes :
1) Tech: Innovation and Digital infrastructure/assets
Derry has lacked a clear economic niche since its days as the planet’s biggest shirt-maker. With the world on the cusp of a new industrial revolution in digitalisation and automation, the City Deal aims to ensure that Derry and Strabane are better placed to take advantage of the opportunities (and weather the challenges) that will create.
The plan proposes a series of research centres and innovation assets covering industrial/commercial sectors with strong future growth potential – i.e. robotics; artificial intelligence and cognitive analytics; virtual and augmented reality; personalised and precision medicine; health and life sciences; and advanced manufacturing. Ulster University has been selected as the council’s delivery partner for these, and the initial stage will be the long-awaited opening of a Graduate Entry Medical School in Derry (first promised by UU in 2003, now confirmed for 2021 entry).
2) Skills and employability
This aspect of the proposal aims to widen employment access by addressing the relatively low level of skills and productivity within the city’s workforce. It includes an Apprenticeship and Skills Hub focused on training for key sectors (e.g. digital, IT, advanced manufacturing); an Intermediate Labour Market programme designed to equip the long-term jobless to enter employment; a Youth Investment Programme targetted at areas of high deprivation; and a Workforce Development Fund to upskill those already in employment. The proposal also seeks ‘UNESCO Learning City’ status for the region.
3) Regeneration
This seeks to develop publicly-owned sites whilst also stimulating new private sector development. Perceived barriers to investment will be tackled – e.g. the traffic-laden Buncrana Road will be widened to a dual carriageway; the poor aesthetics and layout of the city’s Quayside will be addressed; the long-idle Fort George site will finally be redeveloped; and a new c.£20m signature tourism destination will be created.
Will this city deal deliver for Derry?
A £300m gross investment equates to £2,500 per head of population across Derry and Strabane, and expenditure of that level will obviously have a positive impact upon such a small area. The council asserts that the projects within its City Deal were chosen to maximise their impact on job and wealth creation – and Westminster was sufficiently persuaded to provide £105m funding.
But a lot of the document feels buzzword heavy, and you sense that some of the ideas have been spoon-fed to the council by external partners/interests – possibly without the details being entirely thrashed out (Belfast’s City Deal document does seem heavier on detail).
Only time will tell re the actual impact of Derry plan, and we will never genuinely know if alternative strategies could have achieved more. But it is still possible to critique what we do know of the proposals.
The City Deal document outlines the following expected impacts by 2032 :
15,100 additional jobs. Unemployment and inactivity reduced to below the NI average.
£203m additional wages in the local economy, and a total Gross Value Add (GVA) of £1.16bn.
£96m in additional tax revenue.
6,800 – 10,000 more people living in the city.
It also calculates that improving Derry’s unemployment and economic activity to just the NI average would deliver a £26m saving in annual public spending, whilst also contributing £43m more in Tax and PAYE – a net annual boost of almost £70m to the UK’s public purse. If achieved, that step alone would repay Westminster’s £105m investment within just 18 months.
You would naturally expect the figures within a City Deal proposal to lean towards optimism though – and a further cautionary note is required by the fact its calculations were done by Ulster University’s Economic Policy Centre (UUEPC). UU stands to be by far the single biggest beneficiary within Derry’s City Deal proposal.
It will receive a minimum of £85m (or 40% of the £210m public pot) as the delivery partner for the digital, technology and research aspects in the plan, as well as the new Medical School. Every economic strategy for Derry over the last two decades has hinged heavily upon UU’s unfulfilled pledge to deliver a 10,000 full-time student campus.
A Council-commissioned review into the impact of significant university expansion on comparable cities concluded that this step alone would have the potential to place Derry at or below the NI average for unemployment and inactivity. So Ulster University could have single-handedly transformed Derry’s economic fortunes over the last 20 years, just by delivering what it said it would – yet repeatedly failed to do so.
The council, therefore, stands accused of using City Deal funding to effectively bribe Ulster into an expansion that should have happened years ago. Contrasts are made with the situation in Belfast, where UU is creating a new £350m campus without any contribution from the City Deal there.
When that project floundered earlier this year and required a £126m bailout, it was Stormont that Ulster sought assistance from rather than the Belfast City Deal in which it is a partner. With UU exhibiting a growing tendency to use other people’s money to untangle itself from poor business decisions, there are fears it could over time relocate elements paid for by Derry’s City Deal away from the north-west – as it has done continually with Magee.
All of which is fuelling demands for a new stand-alone cross-border university to be created in UU’s place, to meet the needs first and foremost of the city region. Derry’s City Deal proposal is extraordinarily generous towards a university which has repeatedly failed the city for decades. If it doesn’t result in the eventual major campus expansion that has long been promised, it could well force the conclusion of Ulster’s presence within the city.
One of the key economic challenges facing Derry is its lack of a clear niche in sectors with strong future growth and employment prospects. By focusing on areas like robotics, Artificial Intelligence and personalised medicine, Derry’s City Deal appears intent to address this.
There is a risk, however, of potential overlap with aspects of the Belfast City Deal – with both targeting sectors like advanced manufacturing and clinical healthcare. Having complementary areas of focus and strength NI-wide would make sense in positioning the overall jurisdiction for external investment – and one can only presume that Westminster and Stormont are ensuring no conflict will occur here.
However – whilst the Republic of Ireland’s economic strategy involves consciously carving up key future sectors and allocating them around its regional cities (with further and higher education instructed to deliver the required workforce), Northern Ireland has never used economic development as a tool for genuine regional balance.
Invest NI has a poor record of attracting companies beyond Belfast and claims to passively let potential investors chose locations for themselves. Without central coordination, there is, therefore, a risk that Derry and Belfast could end up competing for similar opportunities – with Belfast the likely victor due to its superior infrastructure, workforce and universities.
On demography – the extra students delivered by the new Medical School and other university elements alone would reverse the small predicted decline in the city’s population and working-age cohort. As will the additional employment created by the overall plan.
Without significant intervention at a Stormont level, however, the broader issue of a Northern Ireland ever-more skewed towards the east will persist. The various City Deal projects are also likely to create a better environment for Derry’s private sector to grow, further boosting employment and Gross Value Added as a result.
Finally – even though it has been overshadowed somewhat by Covid, the ever-present elephant in the room for the North-west’s future is the economic risk posed by Brexit. As the UK’s only genuine cross-border city region, the north-west will be uniquely impacted by whatever agreement is reached between Brussels and London.
Inaction in the face of this perhaps carries the greatest risk for Derry – so the City Deal is almost certain to leave the region better equipped to weather any Brexit storms.
Conclusion
History has made it clear that there will be no knight on a white horse riding to Derry’s economic rescue. The city has had to continually fight for even the most basic assets that are taken for granted elsewhere in NI (e.g. decent roads and rail). And it has been left behind whilst every other key city on the island has been equipped to grow and prosper.
A £210m City Deal is therefore as close to knightly intervention as Derry is ever likely to receive. Only time will reveal the true impact that this investment plan will have, and we will never know if alternative priorities could have delivered greater benefit.
But the scale and nature of the expenditure within the proposal are likely to go at least some way towards addressing many of the key barriers holding Derry back. It, therefore, stands a good chance of helping to finally get the proverbial boulder rolling on the island’s most under-performing economy – after which Derry’s numerous inherent assets should hopefully help keep that initial momentum going.
The City Deal is, without doubt, a positive economic and social news story for a city that has long grown accustomed to being overlooked. But it will also require Stormont to take more seriously the escalating east-west imbalance that exists within NI and to ensure that no part of its jurisdiction is ever left so far behind again.
It is as-yet unclear whether this point is even acknowledged within Stormont.
Steve Bradley is a native of Derry and works as a regeneration consultant in London.
Twitter: @Bradley_Steve


sluggerotoole--2020-05-20--Could open streets save our restaurants and bars?

Covid-19 has severally affected the hospitality industry with most bars and restaurants now closed .
At some stage , we need to work out how we can let these businesses safely reopen .
I came across a video that proposes a solution – open streets .
In simple terms , it means having more outdoors areas for restaurants and bars .
Customers will be uncomfortable sitting inside ; they will be more relaxed sitting outside in the fresh air .
The chances of catching the virus outside are dramatically lower .
If you ever visit any European cities , you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a lot of places .
In Belfast , we have several places that currently offer outdoor seating .
St Annes Square , Bank Square ( Kellys Cellars ) , The Duke Of York , Henry Joys , The Beer Garden in the Sunflower etc .
The main thing that kills outdoor entertainment is cars ; you can ’ t enjoy a meal with some car spewing out diesel fumes next to you .
We need to look at what areas we can pedestrianise and how we can better use outdoor space for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Avenue , for example .
If we follow Jonathan ’ s plan to pedestrianise it , we can utilise the existing parking spots for outdoor seating .
This would dramatically transform the area into a calmer , more people-friendly place to visit .
You could even have variable pedestrianisation , with access for deliveries at certain hours .
You may have seen those steel bollards around that are timed to go up and door at different parts of the day .
The only flaw in my plan is what you do about toilets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outdoor concerts or races in the last few years , you might have seen these four man open-air urinals .
They work well , and I am sure you could tidy up the look of them with some strategically placed plants .
A few of these about Botanic would cover the whole area .
I am open to suggestions about how to accommodate the ladies ?
I also think the councils have rules around outdoor seating , but I am sure they could be changed .
The other issue with bars is that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their wits and social distancing goes out the window .
Bars will need to get their security staff to be on the lookup for troublemakers and deal with them promptly .
Also , you could have an 11 pm closing time .
I think as a society , we need to get out of the habit of going out very late ; we need to change practices to going out in the day or early evening .
It does not make sense for bars to be sitting empty most of the evening only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pm – 1 am .
But it gets a bit cold ?
We have a very mild climate , and before the shutdown , places like the Duke of York and Henry Joys had hundreds of people happily standing outside .
And it does not rain as much as we think .
I used Botanic Avenue as an example , but we can apply the same principles to other areas of the city and other towns around Northern Ireland .
The Cathedral Quarter is already mostly pedestrianised so it could quite easily accommodate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not going away anytime soon ; we need to come up with imaginative solutions for the new normal .
Open streets is an idea that could save our hospitality industry .
Photo by Free-Photos is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

Covid-19 has severally affected the hospitality industry with most bars and restaurants now closed. At some stage, we need to work out how we can let these businesses safely reopen. I came across a video that proposes a solution – open streets.
In simple terms, it means having more outdoors areas for restaurants and bars. Customers will be uncomfortable sitting inside; they will be more relaxed sitting outside in the fresh air. The chances of catching the virus outside are dramatically lower. If you ever visit any European cities, you will know outdoor seating is the default for a lot of places.
In Belfast, we have several places that currently offer outdoor seating. St Annes Square, Bank Square (Kellys Cellars), The Duke Of York, Henry Joys, The Beer Garden in the Sunflower etc.
The main thing that kills outdoor entertainment is cars; you can’t enjoy a meal with some car spewing out diesel fumes next to you. We need to look at what areas we can pedestrianise and how we can better use outdoor space for seating. Let’s take Botanic Avenue, for example. If we follow Jonathan’s plan to pedestrianise it, we can utilise the existing parking spots for outdoor seating.
Trees, planters and outdoor seating for 18 – All accomplished by eliminating one parking spot! https://t.co/RFXDz9ftNg pic.twitter.com/7gTpsFP9Lt — Business Districts (@bizdistricts) March 28, 2017
This would dramatically transform the area into a calmer, more people-friendly place to visit. You could even have variable pedestrianisation, with access for deliveries at certain hours. You may have seen those steel bollards around that are timed to go up and door at different parts of the day.
The only flaw in my plan is what you do about toilets? If you have been to any outdoor concerts or races in the last few years, you might have seen these four man open-air urinals. They work well, and I am sure you could tidy up the look of them with some strategically placed plants. A few of these about Botanic would cover the whole area. I am open to suggestions about how to accommodate the ladies?
I also think the councils have rules around outdoor seating, but I am sure they could be changed.
The other issue with bars is that as people get drunker, they lose their wits and social distancing goes out the window. Bars will need to get their security staff to be on the lookup for troublemakers and deal with them promptly. Also, you could have an 11 pm closing time. I think as a society, we need to get out of the habit of going out very late; we need to change practices to going out in the day or early evening. It does not make sense for bars to be sitting empty most of the evening only to have a mad rush from 11 pm – 1 am.
But it gets a bit cold? We have a very mild climate, and before the shutdown, places like the Duke of York and Henry Joys had hundreds of people happily standing outside. And it does not rain as much as we think.
I used Botanic Avenue as an example, but we can apply the same principles to other areas of the city and other towns around Northern Ireland. The Cathedral Quarter is already mostly pedestrianised so it could quite easily accommodate a lot of these ideas.
Covid-19 is not going away anytime soon; we need to come up with imaginative solutions for the new normal. Open streets is an idea that could save our hospitality industry.
Photo by Free-Photos is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-05-20--Musings from a beekeeper in lockdown on World Bee Day…

Last night the Prime Minister addressed the nation on the proposed easing of lockdown .
It was a long-winded vague ramble ; go to work if you can , but stay at home if you can ’ t , don ’ t stay at home , but stay alert .
Scotland , Wales and Northern Ireland have all done their own thing and extended the lockdown for a further three weeks .
The United Kingdom is not looking so united in the face of Covid-19 .
The unpalatable reality of social distancing looks like it will become the new normal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ R ’ rate below one .
The UK government is pushing for schools to open by June 1st but that will not apply to education authorities under the devolved governments .
Unions are kicking up a hornet ’ s nest about safety , it ’ s going to be difficult to get people to come out of this in an orderly fashion .
It ’ s all depressing and exhausting .
Time is something that used to pass invisibly , without any notice .
Few people recognised its worth in the moment , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at something further ahead in times ’ great ether .
But lockdown has made time visible .
Time has been a topic that ’ s been in the headlines every day .
How do you spend it , what are you doing with it , how do you fill it ?
No longer invisible , it ’ s being counted , it ’ s being felt .
The afternoon is sunny , even if much cooler than before .
After home-school I drag the boys ’ bright yellow beanbag to the front garden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ watch them at their business .
It ’ s a balm .
I ’ m reading a new parenting book .
It ’ s been on my shelf for several months already , waiting to admonish me for everything I ’ ve done and continue to do wrong as a parent .
Seven weeks into lockdown it might be too late , but I ’ m desperate .
Last week the teenager said , “ Mum you ’ re grumpy all the time these days.
” It can ’ t end lockdown but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me cope with it .
I sit on my buttercup beanbag and watch the bees dart and dance like a herd of wild horses .
Parenting ; it can feel like a hundred bee stings .
The 2020 Honey Show has been cancelled ; my beacon of light at the end of the lockdown tunnel .
Considering the enormity of the events that have unfolded during the last two months , the honey show ’ s significance has paled in importance since I started this diary .
So much of life is on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I am numb to it now .
I might not be able to enter the honey competition this year but the thought of my first jar of honey still fills me with delight .
Since my husband began keeping bees , honey has flavoured our world .
We drizzle it and spoon it into everything .
Every drop is savoured and appreciated .
We ’ ve started to clean up our wax !
My husband has buckets that he ’ s kept from the past three years .
There ’ s never been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do anything with it before .
Perhaps our foray into wax will be something we ’ ll thank lockdown for in the future .
First we needed to remove all the debris and dirt from it .
I ’ m from a hording family ; nothing is ever thrown out .
A forty-year-old cast iron thirty-two-pint pot was a perfect find for our wax making .
We added water and heated the mixture gently .
A glorious smell wafted around the house – a mixture of burnt honey , wax and honeycomb .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ had melted it was set aside to cool .
As it cooled the sediment fell to the bottom of the pot leaving a clean layer of wax on the top .
We ’ ll need to repeat the process again and then filter the wax before it ’ s pure enough to use .
Bees produce wax from glands on their abdomen , initially soft it hardens in the atmosphere .
Making wax is labour intensive for a bee , it uses eight pounds of honey to make one pound of beeswax .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a healing balm and beauty product ; I ’ m tempted to lather it on myself once it ’ s cleaned .
Before electric light , only pure beeswax candles were used in churches because they don ’ t omit fumes and therefore did not damage the paintings and artefacts .
The light from beeswax candles is said to be closest to sunlight .
It ’ s another natural wonder product from the humble honeybee , an insect hardly bigger than a fingernail , that not only sweetens our world but can light @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t been near the bees for three days – lockdown leeches my time .
I ’ m tethered to the house by domestic chores , by people who need fed and watered , who need taught , who need dragged away from screens .
I ’ m not so sure women are ‘ locked down ’ as ‘ locked in.
’ The eight-year-old has to construct sentences using verbs , nouns , adverbs and adjectives .
A gregarious chatty boy ; the nuts and bolts of language silence him .
He sits and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both know he ’ ll not find any sentences there .
Let ’ s go see the bees , I suggest .
His tanned lockdowned face lights up .
At the hive I say , “ describe what you see.
” “ Dive-bombing , zig-zagging , clustering , excitedly , busy , buzzing , happily , speedily , quietly… ” The verbs , adverbs and adjectives flow out of him .
It ’ s been another dry week and I ’ m struggling to keep my new plants watered .
The Dahlia is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it a drowning today and hope it might perk up .
The rest seem to be ok so far .
I ’ m clueless when it comes to gardening , until the bees I had no interest in plants or flowers .
I ’ m trying to learn as much as I can but it ’ s like dust , something that gathers with time .
Gardening knowledge needs to be gleaned from the passing seasons ; it can ’ t be rushed .
I know more than I did this time last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very little .
The lavender in the flower beds at either side of our front door are dead .
I pruned them for the first-time last autumn and must have pruned too much .
When learning to garden death seems to be part of the collateral damage .
It makes me worry for my bees .
I dug up the dead dried stumps of lavender and planted new ones with compost and water and hope .
‘ Gardener ’ s World ’ reduced me to tears on Friday , not due to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ death of Monty Don ’ s dog ‘ Nigel.
’ The programme ended with a beautiful montage of the handsome hound , a feature in all Monty ’ s gardening programmes for the last twelve years .
Before the bees , there ’ s always been ‘ Doherty ’ my own canine stalwart who is pure love and loyalty .
He will be thirteen this August and his slowing down is difficult to watch .
My affection for him has always flowed one way , without irritation , without any kind of compromise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ internal pain like ingested bee stings .
I hope the rest of Monty Don ’ s dogs stay safe– I don ’ t think I could take anymore .
Meanwhile the parenting book says its ok to make mistakes but I must ‘ repair ’ the ‘ rupture.
’ I ’ ve begun apologising to both children for past ‘ ruptures.
’ Numerous occasions when I could have taken an action that was less damaging to their self-esteem .
The eight-year-old comforts me with kisses and says , ‘ don ’ t worry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at me with a bewildered pity .
I don ’ t think I ’ m earning any kudos with him for my attempts at ‘ repair.
’ If only children were as easy as bees .
I could keep them in a box at the bottom of the garden and check on them every week .
Photo by Alexas_Fotos is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

11th May
Last night the Prime Minister addressed the nation on the proposed easing of lockdown. It was a long-winded vague ramble; go to work if you can, but stay at home if you can’t, don’t stay at home, but stay alert. Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland have all done their own thing and extended the lockdown for a further three weeks. The United Kingdom is not looking so united in the face of Covid-19.
The unpalatable reality of social distancing looks like it will become the new normal in a bid to keep the ‘R’ rate below one. The UK government is pushing for schools to open by June 1st but that will not apply to education authorities under the devolved governments. Unions are kicking up a hornet’s nest about safety, it’s going to be difficult to get people to come out of this in an orderly fashion. It’s all depressing and exhausting. Time is something that used to pass invisibly, without any notice. Few people recognised its worth in the moment, we used to be too busy looking at something further ahead in times’ great ether. But lockdown has made time visible. Time has been a topic that’s been in the headlines every day. How do you spend it, what are you doing with it, how do you fill it? No longer invisible, it’s being counted, it’s being felt.
The afternoon is sunny, even if much cooler than before. After home-school I drag the boys’ bright yellow beanbag to the front garden and sit beside the hives. I watch them at their business. It’s a balm. I’m reading a new parenting book. It’s been on my shelf for several months already, waiting to admonish me for everything I’ve done and continue to do wrong as a parent. Seven weeks into lockdown it might be too late, but I’m desperate. Last week the teenager said, “Mum you’re grumpy all the time these days.” It can’t end lockdown but I’m hoping it will help me cope with it. I sit on my buttercup beanbag and watch the bees dart and dance like a herd of wild horses.
I think:
Parenting; it can feel like a hundred bee stings.
The 2020 Honey Show has been cancelled; my beacon of light at the end of the lockdown tunnel. Considering the enormity of the events that have unfolded during the last two months, the honey show’s significance has paled in importance since I started this diary. So much of life is on hold or cancelled, like everyone, I am numb to it now. I might not be able to enter the honey competition this year but the thought of my first jar of honey still fills me with delight. Since my husband began keeping bees, honey has flavoured our world. We drizzle it and spoon it into everything. Every drop is savoured and appreciated.
13th May
We’ve started to clean up our wax! My husband has buckets that he’s kept from the past three years. There’s never been the motivation, time or impetus to do anything with it before. Perhaps our foray into wax will be something we’ll thank lockdown for in the future. First we needed to remove all the debris and dirt from it. I’m from a hording family; nothing is ever thrown out. A forty-year-old cast iron thirty-two-pint pot was a perfect find for our wax making. We added water and heated the mixture gently. A glorious smell wafted around the house – a mixture of burnt honey, wax and honeycomb. Once the mixture of wax and water had melted it was set aside to cool. As it cooled the sediment fell to the bottom of the pot leaving a clean layer of wax on the top. We’ll need to repeat the process again and then filter the wax before it’s pure enough to use.
Bees produce wax from glands on their abdomen, initially soft it hardens in the atmosphere. Making wax is labour intensive for a bee, it uses eight pounds of honey to make one pound of beeswax. Beeswax has been used for centuries as a healing balm and beauty product; I’m tempted to lather it on myself once it’s cleaned. Before electric light, only pure beeswax candles were used in churches because they don’t omit fumes and therefore did not damage the paintings and artefacts. The light from beeswax candles is said to be closest to sunlight. It’s another natural wonder product from the humble honeybee, an insect hardly bigger than a fingernail, that not only sweetens our world but can light it up too!
I haven’t been near the bees for three days – lockdown leeches my time. I’m tethered to the house by domestic chores, by people who need fed and watered, who need taught, who need dragged away from screens. I’m not so sure women are ‘locked down’ as ‘locked in.’ The eight-year-old has to construct sentences using verbs, nouns, adverbs and adjectives. A gregarious chatty boy; the nuts and bolts of language silence him. He sits and looks to the ceiling, though we both know he’ll not find any sentences there. Let’s go see the bees, I suggest. His tanned lockdowned face lights up. At the hive I say, “describe what you see.” “Dive-bombing, zig-zagging, clustering, excitedly, busy, buzzing, happily, speedily, quietly…” The verbs, adverbs and adjectives flow out of him.
Bees unblock the boy.
It’s been another dry week and I’m struggling to keep my new plants watered. The Dahlia is withered and shrunken already. I gave it a drowning today and hope it might perk up. The rest seem to be ok so far. I’m clueless when it comes to gardening, until the bees I had no interest in plants or flowers. I’m trying to learn as much as I can but it’s like dust, something that gathers with time. Gardening knowledge needs to be gleaned from the passing seasons; it can’t be rushed. I know more than I did this time last year, but that still amounts to very little. The lavender in the flower beds at either side of our front door are dead. I pruned them for the first-time last autumn and must have pruned too much. When learning to garden death seems to be part of the collateral damage. It makes me worry for my bees. I dug up the dead dried stumps of lavender and planted new ones with compost and water and hope.
‘Gardener’s World’ reduced me to tears on Friday, not due to a plant fatality, but because of the death of Monty Don’s dog ‘Nigel.’ The programme ended with a beautiful montage of the handsome hound, a feature in all Monty’s gardening programmes for the last twelve years. Before the bees, there’s always been ‘Doherty’ my own canine stalwart who is pure love and loyalty. He will be thirteen this August and his slowing down is difficult to watch. My affection for him has always flowed one way, without irritation, without any kind of compromise. The thought of losing him is internal pain like ingested bee stings. I hope the rest of Monty Don’s dogs stay safe– I don’t think I could take anymore.
Meanwhile the parenting book says its ok to make mistakes but I must ‘repair’ the ‘rupture.’ I’ve begun apologising to both children for past ‘ruptures.’ Numerous occasions when I could have taken an action that was less damaging to their self-esteem. The eight-year-old comforts me with kisses and says, ‘don’t worry mum’ but the teenager only looks at me with a bewildered pity. I don’t think I’m earning any kudos with him for my attempts at ‘repair.’
I think:
If only children were as easy as bees. I could keep them in a box at the bottom of the garden and check on them every week.
Photo by Alexas_Fotos is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-05-21--Long past time for NI to think bigger than its historic grudge matches

Just listened to Erland Cooper ’ s “ Sounds of Change ” on BBC Radio 6 Music .
For me , the opening is pretty emotional .
As someone who grew up with the sea literally 50 yards from the shore of the Belfast Lough in Holywood , I suddenly realised how much miss it .
Then there ’ s the extraordinary words of Florence Nightengale , repeated by Paul Weller , a reminder of that the many nurses in my family have been both the pride and inspiration of my life .
But it also captures a moment of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Whilst the space for regrowing the rancour and discord of the pre-Covid 19 days will undoubtedly return , unlike the crash of 2008 we have time to contemplate and change our suboptimal courses for better ones .
We have had to come together on this thing .
That unity may seem frail , but proof that it ’ s genuine is seen in the actions taken and the general cover from others in the Executive that ’ s been given to the Health Minister despite the overall sluggish response ( north and south @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have its cake and eat it , by blaming powersharing for its inability to provide nice things ( like a world-class testing regime ) but like the wily political hedge fund it is , the party is always alert to the opportunity to make capital out of disaster .
Yet , after a shaky start , it has , by and large , played onside .
That ’ s where people want them .
Yesterday I was sent this from a book on the UK ’ s transition from 1930s austerity to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s played a critical role ) : There is an opportunity ( at macro and micro level ) to paddle through to a different era and very different fixes to ones that have seen massive transfers from Labour ( or , wage slaves ) to capital ( money/wealth ) over the last 40 years .
Here ’ s a 101 from Mark Blyth : As we return to a post-normal world , that won ’ t be so easy .
The loss in growth is as much a momentum problem as anything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ big question of how do we deal with this one ( 12 years after the last one ) .
As my friend David Steven of the Long Crisis group notes : This pandemic is the latest in a series of shocks .
It was rooted in loss of biodiversity , shifts in farming practices , increased urbanisation , and other stresses associated with economic and social change .
Its impacts are already being magnified by disruptive actors — both state and non-state .
And the response has been hampered by astonishingly poor leadership @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the President of the United States .
As a result , we find ourselves in an especially perilous stretch of the river .
The tempo is now controlled by the virus .
Even best-case outcomes will be messy .
And those who are willing to row together must resist both the spoilers who actively pursue a path of destruction and the tendency to retreat into polarisation at a time when so much depends on our ability to work collectively .
“ A series of shocks ” .
That implies that fixing this one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be other shocks that perhaps pile in on top of this one before it has finished unwinding .
That may sound like someone else ’ s problem .
What can a devolved institution do in the face of the insouciance of Whitehall in general and the Treasury in particular ?
Well , it ’ s what we have relied upon in this crisis .
And by and large , it has done okay , even compared to the south .
What we have discovered is that resilience is locally managed to such an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than 10 miles from the border would likely have noticed had it been closed .
As it happens , there has been no need for that .
Gabriel Scally was right to highlight how the UK government ’ s closing down of regional government offices has , by contrast with Northern Ireland , made England a geographically sprawling and hard to manage public health space .
We aren ’ t accustomed to thinking big in Northern Ireland , but it is long past time we started thinking bigger than our historic grudge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they have had to take a view on the macroeconomic situation and try to shape it .
Under Covid ( and the dearth of news we can genuinely add value to ) Slugger is starting to re-structure its purposes and how we go about things .
We have new writers , many of them women , quietly exploring our newfound “ sense of community ” as Priestly put it .
It ’ s cleared space for Brian O ’ Neill ’ s new vlogcast/podcast with two leading thinkers on roads and infrastructure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ look anew at plans that were cast in the 1990s in the context of the affordances and human needs of the early 21C .
And there ’ s Steve Bradley ’ s critical look at the new City Deal for Derry which if handled carefully , particularly where it edges into competition with the Belfast centred new deal area , and finally starts to bring the levels of opportunity and prosperity it will need .
There are people of talent who would move home from crowded metropolises across the western hemisphere at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we were beginning to embrace the future rather than just continuing to grumbling endlessly about past inequities .
How we handle that fragile future through and after these moments of clarity and great change matters hugely not only to our place in the world but that of our kids and grandkids .
“ Not going back to the way things were ” is one of the best slogans I ’ ve seen .
That needs to be turned into a broader ( dare I say it , Swedish style ) consensus that we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forward .
“ Crawfordsburn ” by Dumphasizer is licensed under CC BY-SA

Just listened to Erland Cooper’s “Sounds of Change” on BBC Radio 6 Music. For me, the opening is pretty emotional. As someone who grew up with the sea literally 50 yards from the shore of the Belfast Lough in Holywood, I suddenly realised how much miss it.
Then there’s the extraordinary words of Florence Nightengale, repeated by Paul Weller, a reminder of that the many nurses in my family have been both the pride and inspiration of my life. But it also captures a moment of freshness we need to not forget.
Whilst the space for regrowing the rancour and discord of the pre-Covid 19 days will undoubtedly return, unlike the crash of 2008 we have time to contemplate and change our suboptimal courses for better ones. We have had to come together on this thing.
That unity may seem frail, but proof that it’s genuine is seen in the actions taken and the general cover from others in the Executive that’s been given to the Health Minister despite the overall sluggish response (north and south).
Sure, SF wants to have its cake and eat it, by blaming powersharing for its inability to provide nice things (like a world-class testing regime) but like the wily political hedge fund it is, the party is always alert to the opportunity to make capital out of disaster.
Yet, after a shaky start, it has, by and large, played onside. That’s where people want them. Yesterday I was sent this from a book on the UK’s transition from 1930s austerity to a wartime economy (in which Labour minister’s played a critical role):
There is an opportunity (at macro and micro level) to paddle through to a different era and very different fixes to ones that have seen massive transfers from Labour (or, wage slaves) to capital (money/wealth) over the last 40 years. Here’s a 101 from Mark Blyth:
As we return to a post-normal world, that won’t be so easy. The loss in growth is as much a momentum problem as anything structural and it will come with a big question of how do we deal with this one (12 years after the last one).
As my friend David Steven of the Long Crisis group notes:
This pandemic is the latest in a series of shocks. It was rooted in loss of biodiversity, shifts in farming practices, increased urbanisation, and other stresses associated with economic and social change. Its impacts are already being magnified by disruptive actors — both state and non-state. And the response has been hampered by astonishingly poor leadership in many countries, above all, the President of the United States. As a result, we find ourselves in an especially perilous stretch of the river. The tempo is now controlled by the virus. Even best-case outcomes will be messy. And those who are willing to row together must resist both the spoilers who actively pursue a path of destruction and the tendency to retreat into polarisation at a time when so much depends on our ability to work collectively.
“A series of shocks”. That implies that fixing this one is no stand-alone job. There will be other shocks that perhaps pile in on top of this one before it has finished unwinding. That may sound like someone else’s problem.
What can a devolved institution do in the face of the insouciance of Whitehall in general and the Treasury in particular? Well, it’s what we have relied upon in this crisis. And by and large, it has done okay, even compared to the south.
What we have discovered is that resilience is locally managed to such an extent that none of us who live more than 10 miles from the border would likely have noticed had it been closed. As it happens, there has been no need for that.
Gabriel Scally was right to highlight how the UK government’s closing down of regional government offices has, by contrast with Northern Ireland, made England a geographically sprawling and hard to manage public health space.
We aren’t accustomed to thinking big in Northern Ireland, but it is long past time we started thinking bigger than our historic grudge matches. NI politicians may not feel that they have had to take a view on the macroeconomic situation and try to shape it.
Under Covid (and the dearth of news we can genuinely add value to) Slugger is starting to re-structure its purposes and how we go about things. We have new writers, many of them women, quietly exploring our newfound “sense of community” as Priestly put it.
It’s cleared space for Brian O’Neill’s new vlogcast/podcast with two leading thinkers on roads and infrastructure, who are asking our planners to look anew at plans that were cast in the 1990s in the context of the affordances and human needs of the early 21C.
And there’s Steve Bradley’s critical look at the new City Deal for Derry which if handled carefully, particularly where it edges into competition with the Belfast centred new deal area, and finally starts to bring the levels of opportunity and prosperity it will need.
There are people of talent who would move home from crowded metropolises across the western hemisphere at the drop of a hat if they thought we were beginning to embrace the future rather than just continuing to grumbling endlessly about past inequities.
How we handle that fragile future through and after these moments of clarity and great change matters hugely not only to our place in the world but that of our kids and grandkids. “Not going back to the way things were” is one of the best slogans I’ve seen.
That needs to be turned into a broader (dare I say it, Swedish style) consensus that we can all buy into and finally move forward.
“Crawfordsburn” by Dumphasizer is licensed under CC BY-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-05-21--We need to reopen the park car parks. Keeping them closed is dangerous and discriminatory…

After two months , I was getting a bit fed up walking around my small local park , so yesterday I decided to bring junior up to Lady Dixon Park for a change of scene .
As you may know , they decided at the start of the lockdown to keep parks open but close their car parks .
The idea was to discourage people from driving to parks .
This was not based on any science , but tabloid mock hysteria about people having the audacity to lie on the grass sunbathing .
Because the car park was closed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of dozens of cars parked on the pavement .
I don ’ t blame the drivers , as the car park is closed they have no choice but to park here .
Because cars are parked on the pavement , this means that people are forced to walk along a busy road often with children , as shown by the photo I took of a mother passing us with a twin buggy .
The other day I saw a family with three small children having to cross four lanes of heavy traffic on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The last few weeks a lot of people have been complaining on social media about cars parked on pavements , but what do you expect people to do when the car park is closed ?
People are asking for the cops to ticket drivers , as if wanting a walk in a park has suddenly became a crime .
Parks like Lady Dixon are on the outskirts of Belfast , the only practical way to get there is by car .
As well as being dangerous , keeping the car parks closed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people and disabled people being able to use our parks .
It also discriminates against people who do not have gardens or access to parks within walking distance of their homes .
But what about social distancing I hear you ask ?
Well below is a photo I took of the inside of the park , more than enough room for everyone .
You can get 200metres apart never mind two .
Even if you reopen the car park and you get more users , Lady Dixon is 130 acres ; it is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ user and apart from special occasions like Rose Week , our local parks are never at capacity .
The chances of catching the virus outside are incredibly small .
Any risk is more than offset by the mental and physical benefits of having a dander in our lovely parks .
We are told we can go back to work , we can shop , we can pray , we can go to a garden centre , but we still can ’ t enjoy the outdoors ?
This is madness .
We need to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , forests , beaches and other amenities now .

After two months, I was getting a bit fed up walking around my small local park, so yesterday I decided to bring junior up to Lady Dixon Park for a change of scene.
As you may know, they decided at the start of the lockdown to keep parks open but close their car parks. The idea was to discourage people from driving to parks. This was not based on any science, but tabloid mock hysteria about people having the audacity to lie on the grass sunbathing.
Because the car park was closed, I was greeted with the sight of dozens of cars parked on the pavement.
I don’t blame the drivers, as the car park is closed they have no choice but to park here. Because cars are parked on the pavement, this means that people are forced to walk along a busy road often with children, as shown by the photo I took of a mother passing us with a twin buggy.
The other day I saw a family with three small children having to cross four lanes of heavy traffic on Stockmans Lane to get into Musgrave Park. The last few weeks a lot of people have been complaining on social media about cars parked on pavements, but what do you expect people to do when the car park is closed? People are asking for the cops to ticket drivers, as if wanting a walk in a park has suddenly became a crime. Parks like Lady Dixon are on the outskirts of Belfast, the only practical way to get there is by car.
As well as being dangerous, keeping the car parks closed is also discriminatory. It stops older people and disabled people being able to use our parks. It also discriminates against people who do not have gardens or access to parks within walking distance of their homes.
But what about social distancing I hear you ask? Well below is a photo I took of the inside of the park, more than enough room for everyone. You can get 200metres apart never mind two. Even if you reopen the car park and you get more users, Lady Dixon is 130 acres; it is enormous. I am a regular park user and apart from special occasions like Rose Week, our local parks are never at capacity.
The chances of catching the virus outside are incredibly small. Any risk is more than offset by the mental and physical benefits of having a dander in our lovely parks.
We are told we can go back to work, we can shop, we can pray, we can go to a garden centre, but we still can’t enjoy the outdoors? This is madness.
We need to reopen the car parks of our parks, forests, beaches and other amenities now.


sluggerotoole--2020-05-21--Will the promise of light touch, low regulation for the border in the Irish Sea at our ports be fulf

Will the promise of light touch, low regulation for the border in the Irish Sea at our ports be fulfilled?

If we have to have a border in the Irish Sea it would be great to keep it cheap and simple .
That ’ s the powerful appeal of the British “ Attitude to the Northern Ireland Protocol ” available here in full .
It contrasts with all the complex thicket of process in the EU version supported by a chorus of Europhiles .
After all the UK government should know ; they will implement it not the EU .
It isn ’ t at all clear how the EU can challenge them without pulling the whole house down .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the Commons yesterday .
There will not be any customs infrastructure and there will not , save in the specific example of agrifoods and products of animal origin…..
It will be the case that we will implement these principles in a way that has the lightest possible touch , so that Northern Ireland ’ s businesses—wrestling with covid-19—have the brightest possible future.. “ The lightest possible touch ” promises Gove .
Do we believe him ?
The most artful of cabinet spinmeisters has form .
Already there was a retreat from Boris @ @ @ @ @ @ @ News ’ s David Blevins neatly sets out spin from reality in counterpoint .
During a visit to Northern Ireland last November , a businessman asked Boris Johnson if he could tell his staff they “ will not be filling in any customs declarations for goods leaving Northern Ireland to go to Great Britain ?
” “ You can , ” replied Mr Johnson adding : “ If somebody asks you to do that , tell them to ring up the prime minister and I will direct them to throw that form in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be checks on goods moving between Northern Ireland and Great Britain , but there will be “ some new administrative processes ” on products coming in the opposite direction .
There won ’ t be tariffs on products entering Northern Ireland , but tariffs “ should be charged if goods are destined for sale in Ireland or the EU single marker more broadly , or if there is a genuine and substantial risk of them ending up there ” .
They won ’ t build new checkpoints at airports and seaports but “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of these sites for the purpose of agri-food checks and assurance ” .
In other words , the prime minister is honouring the agreement he reached with his Irish counterpart Leo Varadkar last October , despite his claims to the contrary .
There are differences of substance as well as spin tweets the BBC ’ s Europe editor Katya Adler .
UK saying no checks needed on goods travelling from N Ireland to GB under the protocol .
No checks on goods from GB into N Ireland either .
Those goods remain in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republic of Ireland and rest of single market .
EU disagrees .
Thinks some kinds of control will be necessary .
Worried about goods entering mkt through “ back door ” .
UK saying it won ’ t add any additional customs infrastructure .
This will increase tensions between the two sides about what is required under protocol .
EU figures off record say this feeds into their mistrust of U.K. side in separate trade talks .
Also reason EU was so insistent in request it should have office in Belfast to keep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pitch was acutely angled towards assuring unionists that remaining within the EU single market was not the slippery slope to a united Ireland .
Did they not have a veto on renewing the protocol ?
If the workings of the protocol are viewed by the people and parties of Northern Ireland as onerous , too much , intrusive and unacceptable , they have the opportunity to vote them down in 2024 .
That is why it is so important that we design an approach that can continue to command consent .
This was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recruit from the bowels of Whitehall , Matthew O ’ Toole as it “ gleefully tees up the 2024 assembly election as a referendum on the protocol .
Total disregard for the effect on a fragile society.
” But need he be so worried ?
The rules prescribe that any Assembly vote to leave would be by simple majority not a cross community vote and the trend is set against any return to an overall unionist majority .
Gove ’ s bubble was pricked by no less than Theresa May .
She drily @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” isolates NI from GB , unlike her ill- fated backstop which bound both into the customs union .
Will he confirm that , as from 1 January 2021 , Northern Ireland—that is , a part of the United Kingdom—will be required to abide by EU regulations on certain goods until at least 2024 and potentially indefinitely ?
However Arlene Foster and Jeffrey Donaldson pronounced themselves cautiously happy with Gove ’ s interpretation – a shift in position which Newton Emerson regards as fundamental .
But in any struggle of the UK and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much of a look-in ?
Gove was full of assurances Of course , we have already guaranteed , in the “ New Decade , New Approach ” deal , that the Northern Ireland Executive have a seat at the table in any meeting where Northern Ireland is being discussed and the Irish Government are present .
Alongside that , there will be a new business engagement forum to exchange proposals , concerns and feedback from across the community on how best to maximise the free flow of trade , and we will ensure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of our thinking .
There are lot of tables to sit at according to our local experts David Phinnemore , Katy Hayward and Milena Komarova who ’ ve kindly come up with no less than 80 recommendations to redress Northern Ireland ’ s “ democratic deficit.
” The UK government should increase the frequency and importance of meetings of the Joint Ministerial Committee ( of the UK government and the governments of S , W , and NI ) .
• The NI Executive should act on establishing a consultative forum to engage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assessing the implementation of the Protocol , ( b ) drawing attention to issues of concern about the Protocol , and ( c ) requesting changesto the operation of the Protocol .
• A consultative forum will be an important contribution towards the public consultation that will be required prior to the ‘ democratic consent ’ vote to be held by MLAs on the application of the Protocol on Northern Ireland/Ireland within four years of the end of the transition period .
• To make best use of the fact that ( a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ NSMC ) is a pre-existing body used to finding common ground and common decisions on a north/south basis and ( b ) it has a direct route to the Specialised Committee , the NSMC should be given a formal role to monitor the implementation and the impact of the Protocol .
This should be specifically but not exclusively in relation to the maintenance of north/south cooperation ( Article 11 Protocol ) .
• The Joint Committee , Specialised Committee and JCWG should provide regular detailed reports on Protocol ’ s implementation to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and any future NI or cross-border consultative forum .
Etc etc.. Phew !
Sounds like a lot of fun for all .
It ’ s clearly a document designed to reinforce the bond between Northern Ireland and Great Britain .
The UK paper on implementing the Protocol skirts as close to the rocks of EU disapproval as possible .
But it may have just done enough to avoid a fresh crisis over the Irish question .
The devil will be in the detail but there was no mistaking the political emphasis .
Michael @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provocative of quotes for nationalists as his payoff .
… it was Margaret Thatcher who said that Northern Ireland was “ as British as Finchley ” , and that has always been my view .
It is of course the case that the Belfast agreement recognises the particular history , traditions , geography and conflict that has existed in Northern Ireland , but the people of Northern Ireland have decided and voted consistently to remain part of the United Kingdom , and I celebrate that .

Larne Harbour
If we have to have a border in the Irish Sea it would be great to keep it cheap and simple. That’s the powerful appeal of the British “Attitude to the Northern Ireland Protocol” available here in full. It contrasts with all the complex thicket of process in the EU version supported by a chorus of Europhiles. After all the UK government should know; they will implement it not the EU. It isn’t at all clear how the EU can challenge them without pulling the whole house down. Cabinet Office minister Michael Gove was upbeat in the Commons yesterday.
There will not be any customs infrastructure and there will not, save in the specific example of agrifoods and products of animal origin….. It will be the case that we will implement these principles in a way that has the lightest possible touch, so that Northern Ireland’s businesses—wrestling with covid-19—have the brightest possible future..
“The lightest possible touch” promises Gove. Do we believe him? The most artful of cabinet spinmeisters has form. Already there was a retreat from Boris Johnson’s opening shot. Sky News’s David Blevins neatly sets out spin from reality in counterpoint.
During a visit to Northern Ireland last November, a businessman asked Boris Johnson if he could tell his staff they “will not be filling in any customs declarations for goods leaving Northern Ireland to go to Great Britain?”
“You can,” replied Mr Johnson adding: “If somebody asks you to do that, tell them to ring up the prime minister and I will direct them to throw that form in the bin.”
There won’t be checks on goods moving between Northern Ireland and Great Britain, but there will be “some new administrative processes” on products coming in the opposite direction.
There won’t be tariffs on products entering Northern Ireland, but tariffs “should be charged if goods are destined for sale in Ireland or the EU single marker more broadly, or if there is a genuine and substantial risk of them ending up there”.
They won’t build new checkpoints at airports and seaports but “expanded infrastructure will be needed at some of these sites for the purpose of agri-food checks and assurance”.
In other words, the prime minister is honouring the agreement he reached with his Irish counterpart Leo Varadkar last October, despite his claims to the contrary.
There are differences of substance as well as spin tweets the BBC’s Europe editor Katya Adler.
UK saying no checks needed on goods travelling from N Ireland to GB under the protocol. No checks on goods from GB into N Ireland either. Those goods remain in N Ireland and are not headed for Republic of Ireland and rest of single market. EU disagrees. Thinks some kinds of control will be necessary. Worried about goods entering mkt through “back door”. UK saying it won’t add any additional customs infrastructure. This will increase tensions between the two sides about what is required under protocol. EU figures off record say this feeds into their mistrust of U.K. side in separate trade talks. Also reason EU was so insistent in request it should have office in Belfast to keep eye on how.”
Gove’s pitch was acutely angled towards assuring unionists that remaining within the EU single market was not the slippery slope to a united Ireland. Did they not have a veto on renewing the protocol?
If the workings of the protocol are viewed by the people and parties of Northern Ireland as onerous, too much, intrusive and unacceptable, they have the opportunity to vote them down in 2024. That is why it is so important that we design an approach that can continue to command consent.
This was condemned by the SDLP’s new recruit from the bowels of Whitehall, Matthew O’Toole as it “gleefully tees up the 2024 assembly election as a referendum on the protocol. Total disregard for the effect on a fragile society.”
But need he be so worried? The rules prescribe that any Assembly vote to leave would be by simple majority not a cross community vote and the trend is set against any return to an overall unionist majority. Gove’s bubble was pricked by no less than Theresa May. She drily reminded him that the new “frontstop” isolates NI from GB, unlike her ill- fated backstop which bound both into the customs union.
Will he confirm that, as from 1 January 2021, Northern Ireland—that is, a part of the United Kingdom—will be required to abide by EU regulations on certain goods until at least 2024 and potentially indefinitely?
However Arlene Foster and Jeffrey Donaldson pronounced themselves cautiously happy with Gove’s interpretation – a shift in position which Newton Emerson regards as fundamental.
But in any struggle of the UK and EU titans would little Northern Ireland get much of a look-in? Gove was full of assurances
Of course, we have already guaranteed, in the “New Decade, New Approach” deal, that the Northern Ireland Executive have a seat at the table in any meeting where Northern Ireland is being discussed and the Irish Government are present. Alongside that, there will be a new business engagement forum to exchange proposals, concerns and feedback from across the community on how best to maximise the free flow of trade, and we will ensure that those discussions sit at the heart of our thinking.
There are lot of tables to sit at according to our local experts David Phinnemore, Katy Hayward and Milena Komarova who’ve kindly come up with no less than 80 recommendations to redress Northern Ireland’s “ democratic deficit.”
The UK government should increase the frequency and importance of meetings of the Joint Ministerial Committee (of the UK government and the governments of S,W, and NI).
The NI Executive should act on establishing a consultative forum to engage civil society representatives in (a) assessing the implementation of the Protocol, (b) drawing attention to issues of concern about the Protocol, and (c) requesting changesto the operation of the Protocol.
A consultative forum will be an important contribution towards the public consultation that will be required prior to the ‘democratic consent’ vote to be held by MLAs on the application of the Protocol on Northern Ireland/Ireland within four years of the end of the transition period.
To make best use of the fact that (a) the North South Ministerial Council (NSMC) is a pre-existing body used to finding common ground and common decisions on a north/south basis and (b) it has a direct route to the Specialised Committee, the NSMC should be given a formal role to monitor the implementation and the impact of the Protocol. This should be specifically but not exclusively in relation to the maintenance of north/south cooperation (Article 11 Protocol).
The Joint Committee, Specialised Committee and JCWG should provide regular detailed reports on Protocol’s implementation to the NSMC, NSIPA and British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly and any future NI or cross-border consultative forum.
Etc etc.. Phew! Sounds like a lot of fun for all.
The Irish verdict from RTE’s Tony Connelly.
It’s clearly a document designed to reinforce the bond between Northern Ireland and Great Britain. The UK paper on implementing the Protocol skirts as close to the rocks of EU disapproval as possible. But it may have just done enough to avoid a fresh crisis over the Irish question.
The devil will be in the detail but there was no mistaking the political emphasis. Michael Gove couldn’t resist the most provocative of quotes for nationalists as his payoff.
… it was Margaret Thatcher who said that Northern Ireland was “as British as Finchley”, and that has always been my view. It is of course the case that the Belfast agreement recognises the particular history, traditions, geography and conflict that has existed in Northern Ireland, but the people of Northern Ireland have decided and voted consistently to remain part of the United Kingdom, and I celebrate that.