sluggerotoole--2020-04-29--Emma De Souza: a solution?

Emma De Souza: a solution?

As we drift through another week in lockdown , it ’ s hard to believe that there ’ s anything else to discuss apart from Coronavirus .
Thankfully , Northern Ireland ’ s unique brand of identity politics stops for no pandemic .
Cast your mind back to last year and the case of Emma De Souza .
I wrote about it here .
Mrs De Souza ’ s case concerns Article 1 ( vi ) of the British-Irish Agreement .
That section states that the two governments recognise the right of : ‘ …..the people of Northern Ireland to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or British , or both , as they may so choose….
’ Mrs De Souza feels that the current law does not accurately reflect this commitment .
The Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission and the Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission has been considering the difficult issues at the heart of the De Souza case .
Recently the two bodies published a reported entitled , ‘ Legal Analysis of incorporating the Birthright Commitment under the Belfast ( Good Friday Agreement ) ’ Written by immigration barrister Allison Harvey , the report considers the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s citizenship laws .
Significantly , it suggests amending UK law to accommodate the concerns raised by the De Souza case .
The report hasn ’ t got significant attention considering , well , everything .
It has provoked a backlash on social media along with a few opinion pieces that are disparaging of its contents .
Given the sensitivities and complicated issues at hand , I thought it would be helpful to summarise the report ’ s key points before unpacking it .
For clarity , I ’ m going to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ S , 1 of the British Nationality Act 1981 states that ‘ A person born in the United Kingdom after commencement , or in a qualifying territory on or after the appointed day , shall be a British citizen if at the time of the birth his father or mother is— ( a ) a British citizen ; or ( b ) settled in the United Kingdom or that territory.
’ The operation of this section means that , in effect , nearly everyone born in Northern Ireland is automatically a British Citizen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ heart of the De Souza case .
Emma De Souza has never held a British passport and does not consider herself to be British .
She is an Irish citizen and holds an Irish passport .
However , because Mrs De Souza was born in Northern Ireland , she is also legally a British citizen .
This means that she is a dual national .
Mrs De Souza ’ s husband is an American citizen .
He applied for an EU Residence Card so he could remain in the UK .
The couple @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not make this application because the EU Immigration Rules do not apply to the spouses of dual nationals .
Dual nationals in Mrs De Souza ’ s position must apply under the British Immigration Rules .
Those rules are tough and require , amongst others , the applicant earning above £18,000 .
The income requirement is higher if you have children .
Mrs De Souza has the option to revoke her British citizenship .
She doesn ’ t want to do this because she asserts that she is not British and never has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that she is Irish and has only ever been Irish .
She believes that Article 1 of the British-Irish Agreement gives her and everyone in Northern Ireland the choice to be British , Irish or both .
Mrs De Souza took her case to the First Tier Tribunal who accepted her arguments .
The judge stated that Mrs De Souza is “ an Irish national only who has only ever been such.
” In a subsequent judgment , the Upper Tribunal disagreed with the lower court and agreed with Home Office that Mrs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It further stated that Article 1 of the British-Irish Agreement does not amend s1 of the British Nationality Act 1981 .
Why ?
The government can ’ t use the royal prerogative ( i.e make treaties like the British-Irish Agreement ) and use it to amend domestic law .
The Supreme Court very recently restated this position in the Brexit case of Miller .
Is Article 1 of the British-Irish Agreement binding on the British government ?
The Upper Tribunal said no .
The British-Irish Agreement is a treaty and is not binding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ makes several recommendations .
The author makes interesting observations regarding statelessness , the right of abode , immigration control and identifies a peculiar deficiency in the current law with regard to certain children born in the UK between 1st January 1983 and 1st July 2006 .
The proposal that ’ s likely to garner the most attention are the recommendations surrounding British citizenship .
The reports suggests entering a new subsection to s , 1 which , “ should provide that no assumption may be made as to the British citizenship of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ person having had an opportunity to assert their right not to be identified as a British citizen.
” What does this mean in practice ?
S , 1 of the British Nationality Act 1981 would remain as it is .
British citizenship is automatic for people in Northern Ireland .
What the proposals would change is how the Home Office perceives residents of Northern Ireland .
The report suggests that every person in Northern Ireland who has a British Passport should be treated as having elected to identify as British and should be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ British citizenship by either applying for a British passport , making a simple declaration of nationality in any context or via a declaration of assent in writing .
Under the proposals anyone who elects not to identify as British would have to return any unexpired passports .
In doing so , the report says , they should be treated as having revoked their citizenship .
People with parental responsibility ( PR ) for children should be allowed to ‘ elect ’ an identity for their child once the child is born .
Said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ child from birth .
At the age of eighteen , the child would be allowed to elect their citizenship again , but only once .
A declaration not to be treated as a British citizen can be done by a letter .
Anyone who declares that they do not assent to be identified as British shall be treated as not being a British citizen since birth , if their parents have not already made a declaration .
There is the option for someone to resume British citizenship after renouncing it .
The De @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It may not have come to light at all had the European Court of Justice not ruled as it did in the case of McCarthy .
As I ’ ve said before , the legal situation surrounding the De Souza case benefits no-one .
Identity is an important issue to a lot of people .
Irish citizens in NI are uncomfortable with a law that says they are legally British when they don ’ t want to be British .
Because the British Immigration Rules are so tough , some British citizens in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just to be with their loved ones .
Some commentators who dismiss the issues at the heart of the De Souza speak from a position of privilege .
They ’ ve never had to save thousands of pounds just to bring their wife or husband over to the UK .
They ’ ve never had to tell someone that they must be wealthy to be reunited with their family .
The British Immigration Rules negatively impact the working classes and the low paid more than anyone else .
The New Deal , New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ put the situation right ( p.g 48 ) .
The NDNA states that when it comes to family migration , “ eligible family members of the people of Northern Ireland will be able to apply for UK immigration status on broadly the same terms as the family members of Irish citizens in the UK.
” Because of the NDNA , the above report could be viewed as superfluous .
If the immigration rules are being changed , why propose further amendments ?
The simple answer is that the report aims to tackle the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ report has been lambasted as a sop to nationalism but it does not propose what some really want : the removal of automatic British citizenship for people in Northern Ireland .
It is , at times , critical of the legal arguments made by De Souza ’ s legal team .
As Emma herself pointed out to me on Twitter , this report will likely be rejected by some nationalists and republicans for being too weak .
The report proposes subtle changes as opposed to sweeping ones .
If they were implemented , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the scope of immigration law , be unaffected in a practical way .
On the other hand , Irish citizens would have to lumber through the bureaucracy of rejecting British citizenship for their children .
While it ’ s questionable whether the proposals would affect people practically , that doesn ’ t mean that they aren ’ t problematic .
If they were implemented British citizens in Northern Ireland would be treated differently to people in Britain in terms of citizenship .
The British Government would , by law , not assume someone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may seem like a small thing , but people already feel like their British identity is ignored , marginalised and forgotten about .
These proposals will rankle , and I understand why .
I said above that the issues at the heart of the De Souza case should be treated sympathetically .
The same applies to the suggestion in this report .
This is not the great onslaught that some are pretending it to be , but the report suggests changes that will be unacceptable to many .
What ’ s frustrating is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this report can ’ t understand that their valid , strongly held beliefs about their identity , their fears that it is under attack , are similar to the fears being expressed on the other side .
The greatest challenge for De Souza ’ s case is not unionist opposition but political will .
When the British government brings forward legislation to implement the NDNA , it ’ s questionable whether this report and its suggestions will ever be implemented .

As we drift through another week in lockdown, it’s hard to believe that there’s anything else to discuss apart from Coronavirus. Thankfully, Northern Ireland’s unique brand of identity politics stops for no pandemic.
Cast your mind back to last year and the case of Emma De Souza. I wrote about it here. Mrs De Souza’s case concerns Article 1(vi) of the British-Irish Agreement. That section states that the two governments recognise the right of:
‘…..the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves and be accepted as Irish or British, or both, as they may so choose….’
Mrs De Souza feels that the current law does not accurately reflect this commitment.
The Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission and the Irish Human Rights and Equality Commission has been considering the difficult issues at the heart of the De Souza case. Recently the two bodies published a reported entitled, ‘ Legal Analysis of incorporating the Birthright Commitment under the Belfast (Good Friday Agreement)’ Written by immigration barrister Allison Harvey, the report considers the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland’s citizenship laws. Significantly, it suggests amending UK law to accommodate the concerns raised by the De Souza case.
The report hasn’t got significant attention considering, well, everything. It has provoked a backlash on social media along with a few opinion pieces that are disparaging of its contents. Given the sensitivities and complicated issues at hand, I thought it would be helpful to summarise the report’s key points before unpacking it. For clarity, I’m going to cover a bit of old ground.
The current law
S, 1 of the British Nationality Act 1981 states that
‘A person born in the United Kingdom after commencement, or in a qualifying territory on or after the appointed day, shall be a British citizen if at the time of the birth his father or mother is— (a) a British citizen; or (b) settled in the United Kingdom or that territory.’
The operation of this section means that, in effect, nearly everyone born in Northern Ireland is automatically a British Citizen.
s, 1 is at the heart of the De Souza case. Emma De Souza has never held a British passport and does not consider herself to be British. She is an Irish citizen and holds an Irish passport. However, because Mrs De Souza was born in Northern Ireland, she is also legally a British citizen. This means that she is a dual national.
Mrs De Souza’s husband is an American citizen. He applied for an EU Residence Card so he could remain in the UK. The couple were advised soon after that they could not make this application because the EU Immigration Rules do not apply to the spouses of dual nationals. Dual nationals in Mrs De Souza’s position must apply under the British Immigration Rules. Those rules are tough and require, amongst others, the applicant earning above £18,000. The income requirement is higher if you have children.
Mrs De Souza has the option to revoke her British citizenship. She doesn’t want to do this because she asserts that she is not British and never has been British. Mrs De Souza says that she is Irish and has only ever been Irish. She believes that Article 1 of the British-Irish Agreement gives her and everyone in Northern Ireland the choice to be British, Irish or both.
What happened at court?
Mrs De Souza took her case to the First Tier Tribunal who accepted her arguments. The judge stated that Mrs De Souza is “an Irish national only who has only ever been such.”
In a subsequent judgment, the Upper Tribunal disagreed with the lower court and agreed with Home Office that Mrs De Souza was a dual national. It further stated that Article 1 of the British-Irish Agreement does not amend s1 of the British Nationality Act 1981. Why? The government can’t use the royal prerogative (i.e make treaties like the British-Irish Agreement) and use it to amend domestic law. The Supreme Court very recently restated this position in the Brexit case of Miller.
Is Article 1 of the British-Irish Agreement binding on the British government? The Upper Tribunal said no. The British-Irish Agreement is a treaty and is not binding under domestic law.
The NIHRC/IHREC Report.
The NIHRC/IHREC report makes several recommendations. The author makes interesting observations regarding statelessness, the right of abode, immigration control and identifies a peculiar deficiency in the current law with regard to certain children born in the UK between 1st January 1983 and 1st July 2006.
The proposal that’s likely to garner the most attention are the recommendations surrounding British citizenship. The reports suggests entering a new subsection to s, 1 which, “should provide that no assumption may be made as to the British citizenship of a person born in Northern Ireland without that person having had an opportunity to assert their right not to be identified as a British citizen.”
What does this mean in practice?
S, 1 of the British Nationality Act 1981 would remain as it is. British citizenship is automatic for people in Northern Ireland. What the proposals would change is how the Home Office perceives residents of Northern Ireland.
The report suggests that every person in Northern Ireland who has a British Passport should be treated as having elected to identify as British and should be recognised as such. One would acquire British citizenship by either applying for a British passport, making a simple declaration of nationality in any context or via a declaration of assent in writing.
Under the proposals anyone who elects not to identify as British would have to return any unexpired passports. In doing so, the report says, they should be treated as having revoked their citizenship.
Children
People with parental responsibility (PR) for children should be allowed to ‘elect’ an identity for their child once the child is born. Said election shall determine the nationality of the child from birth. At the age of eighteen, the child would be allowed to elect their citizenship again, but only once. A declaration not to be treated as a British citizen can be done by a letter.
Irish Nationals
Anyone who declares that they do not assent to be identified as British shall be treated as not being a British citizen since birth, if their parents have not already made a declaration. There is the option for someone to resume British citizenship after renouncing it.
*
The De Souza case is about immigration law. It may not have come to light at all had the European Court of Justice not ruled as it did in the case of McCarthy.
As I’ve said before, the legal situation surrounding the De Souza case benefits no-one. Identity is an important issue to a lot of people. Irish citizens in NI are uncomfortable with a law that says they are legally British when they don’t want to be British. Because the British Immigration Rules are so tough, some British citizens in NI are having to revoke their citizenship just to be with their loved ones.
Some commentators who dismiss the issues at the heart of the De Souza speak from a position of privilege. They’ve never had to save thousands of pounds just to bring their wife or husband over to the UK. They’ve never had to tell someone that they must be wealthy to be reunited with their family. The British Immigration Rules negatively impact the working classes and the low paid more than anyone else.
The New Deal, New Approach document, thankfully, intends to put the situation right (p.g 48). The NDNA states that when it comes to family migration, “eligible family members of the people of Northern Ireland will be able to apply for UK immigration status on broadly the same terms as the family members of Irish citizens in the UK.”
Because of the NDNA, the above report could be viewed as superfluous. If the immigration rules are being changed, why propose further amendments? The simple answer is that the report aims to tackle the identity issues behind the law.
The report has been lambasted as a sop to nationalism but it does not propose what some really want: the removal of automatic British citizenship for people in Northern Ireland. It is, at times, critical of the legal arguments made by De Souza’s legal team. As Emma herself pointed out to me on Twitter, this report will likely be rejected by some nationalists and republicans for being too weak.
The report proposes subtle changes as opposed to sweeping ones. If they were implemented, British citizens in NI would, outside the scope of immigration law, be unaffected in a practical way. On the other hand, Irish citizens would have to lumber through the bureaucracy of rejecting British citizenship for their children.
While it’s questionable whether the proposals would affect people practically, that doesn’t mean that they aren’t problematic. If they were implemented British citizens in Northern Ireland would be treated differently to people in Britain in terms of citizenship. The British Government would, by law, not assume someone in Northern Ireland is British. It may seem like a small thing, but people already feel like their British identity is ignored, marginalised and forgotten about. These proposals will rankle, and I understand why.
I said above that the issues at the heart of the De Souza case should be treated sympathetically. The same applies to the suggestion in this report. This is not the great onslaught that some are pretending it to be, but the report suggests changes that will be unacceptable to many. What’s frustrating is that those outraged by the contents of this report can’t understand that their valid, strongly held beliefs about their identity, their fears that it is under attack, are similar to the fears being expressed on the other side.
The greatest challenge for De Souza’s case is not unionist opposition but political will. When the British government brings forward legislation to implement the NDNA, it’s questionable whether this report and its suggestions will ever be implemented.


sluggerotoole--2020-04-29--Why careful consideration must be given to when we re-open schools and how

John Barry ’ s book , The Great Influenza , provides an extraordinary account of the medical and scientific struggle against the Spanish Flu in 1918 .
In the second edition of the book , written after the 2009 H1N1 swine flu pandemic , he added a chapter on the issues that would need to be addressed and the lessons learned for any future pandemic .
Reading the chapter now in the midst of the covid-19 crisis it is extraordinarily prescient .
He considers the experience of various ‘ non-pharmaceutical interventions ’ ( NPIs ) including imposing quarantine conditions , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but describes the most controversial as the issue of closing schools .
The primary case for closing them , he suggested , was that they acted as a vector for spreading infection , but closing schools can have immense economic costs .
The debate only a few weeks ago on exactly this issue highlighted Barry ’ s prescience and the controversy has reignited now that consideration is being given to reopening schools .
Several commentators applauded the decision in Demark last week reopen schools , although it emerged this was a very partial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ schools , desks had to be two metres apart , no more than ten children were allowed in a classroom , regular hand-washing was required , and parent pick-ups had to be staggered .
In other countries , including Northern Ireland and the Republic , reopening schools is also under consideration , but also under similar restrictions and options : for targeted groups of pupils , with strict social distancing rules , sometimes using shift systems such that pupils have a shorter school day , or only attend a few days a week @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it will be some considerable time before schools operate in anything that approximates to normality .
At least three key considerations should be applied before any decision to reopen schools in Northern Ireland is taken : First , what is the evidence on whether children act as super-spreaders of infection ?
Many suggest that schools can reopen since children appear not to be badly affected by the virus , but this seems to forget that teachers will also be in the room , and they will want reasonable assurance they will be safe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ distance measures need to be implemented and how long will they need to be in place ?
Any new arrangements have to be prepared , and we will need to know how long they will have to be applied , as this sets the duration of the transition period to anything close to ‘ normal ’ schooling .
Third , should younger children return first , so their parents can return to work ?
Or should older students return first , as they are more likely to be facing important exams ?
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ goal behind reopening schools , but this is rarely discussed explicitly .
One final matter .
The closure of schools has revealed the stark reality of the digital divide and the huge inequalities of circumstance among children and families , but as yet this issue is not getting the attention it deserves .
If we are going to start the slow process of reopening schools , perhaps we should ensure that the children most disadvantaged by the lockdown are the ones who return first ?
“ old school ” by alamosbasement is licensed @ @ @

John Barry’s book, The Great Influenza, provides an extraordinary account of the medical and scientific struggle against the Spanish Flu in 1918. In the second edition of the book, written after the 2009 H1N1 swine flu pandemic, he added a chapter on the issues that would need to be addressed and the lessons learned for any future pandemic.
Reading the chapter now in the midst of the covid-19 crisis it is extraordinarily prescient. He considers the experience of various ‘non-pharmaceutical interventions’ (NPIs) including imposing quarantine conditions, restricting movement, hand-washing and masks, but describes the most controversial as the issue of closing schools.
The primary case for closing them, he suggested, was that they acted as a vector for spreading infection, but closing schools can have immense economic costs. The debate only a few weeks ago on exactly this issue highlighted Barry’s prescience and the controversy has reignited now that consideration is being given to reopening schools.
Several commentators applauded the decision in Demark last week reopen schools, although it emerged this was a very partial process: it only applied to primary schools, desks had to be two metres apart, no more than ten children were allowed in a classroom, regular hand-washing was required, and parent pick-ups had to be staggered.
In other countries, including Northern Ireland and the Republic, reopening schools is also under consideration, but also under similar restrictions and options: for targeted groups of pupils, with strict social distancing rules, sometimes using shift systems such that pupils have a shorter school day, or only attend a few days a week.
Whatever measures are put in place it will be some considerable time before schools operate in anything that approximates to normality. At least three key considerations should be applied before any decision to reopen schools in Northern Ireland is taken:
First, what is the evidence on whether children act as super-spreaders of infection? Many suggest that schools can reopen since children appear not to be badly affected by the virus, but this seems to forget that teachers will also be in the room, and they will want reasonable assurance they will be safe.
Second, what additional cleaning and distance measures need to be implemented and how long will they need to be in place? Any new arrangements have to be prepared, and we will need to know how long they will have to be applied, as this sets the duration of the transition period to anything close to ‘normal’ schooling.
Third, should younger children return first, so their parents can return to work? Or should older students return first, as they are more likely to be facing important exams? This speaks to our priorities and the short-term goal behind reopening schools, but this is rarely discussed explicitly.
One final matter. The closure of schools has revealed the stark reality of the digital divide and the huge inequalities of circumstance among children and families, but as yet this issue is not getting the attention it deserves.
If we are going to start the slow process of reopening schools, perhaps we should ensure that the children most disadvantaged by the lockdown are the ones who return first?
“old school” by alamosbasement is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-04-30--Boris Johnson’s perversity on the Brexit cliff edge reminds me of the Free State’s rejection of all

Boris Johnson’s perversity on the Brexit cliff edge reminds me of the Free State’s rejection of all things British

The UK ’ s stubbornly negative approach to future relations within the EU reminds me of the newborn Free State ’ s attitude to Britain after the trauma of independence .
They can ’ t wait to be rid of even the symbols as well as the substance of the former power even to the extent of trying to deny the facts of mutual interdependence particularly over the economy .
Granted there are vital differences .
No blood has been spilled over Brexit and… I was going to write that the EU is no imperial power ; but that isn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ We have regained our independence ” and all that .
Today saw the first meeting of an elaborate piece of bureaucracy which will be responsible for shaping quite a bit of Northern Ireland ’ s future destiny , the Joint Committee in which NI is represented by a senior civil servant .
Its role and potential is explained here by the QUB experts on the EU Katy Hayward and David Phinnemore .
At the meeting the UK reps stuck to their guns .
No need to bid for an extension for negotiations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – to set up customs at GB ports to check which goods are destined for NI only and which for onward to the RoI /EU .
The EU believes IT systems and databases for customs checks and controls need to be in place in Northern Ireland by June 1 in order for the Irish Protocol to be properly implemented , according to a nine-page note circulated to member states , reports RTE ’ s excellent Europe editor Tony Connelly .
After the meeting the EU put out an anodyne statement and the British @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the EU firmly rejected the UK ’ s almost casual , light touch approach , as Connelly reports : UK sources say EU customs and veterinary officials could enter and leave NI in the same way the EU agriculture officials periodically carry out CAP audits in member states .
EU sources reject this , saying there is no comparison with the Protocol , which involves the EU is implementing its single market and customs rules in an entire chunk of a country which is no longer a member of the EU .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ matter rest .
UK sources suggest the second rejection letter means the issue is all but dead .
However , I expect there will be more to come on this .
Then there is the neuralgic issue of a new EU office in Belfast to monitor compliance and the operations of the single market in the province .
The British attitude to this reminds me of the slow removal from the Viceregal Lodge , of the British residual presence of the Governor General from 1933 and the office ’ s replacement by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Just a few months ago the EU Commission had a full presence in Belfast as the capital of an EU region .
The standoff over a new office is explained in characteristic style by Newton Emerson .
The EU and the Republic have both upped the ante to open the new EU office in Belfast .
Connelly ’ s report again .
… discussions on an EU office in Belfast need to be “ advanced as a matter of urgency.
” This is despite the UK rejecting for a 2nd time this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a physical presence in NI to allow EU officials to support the implementation of the Protocol .
While the meeting was regarded as constructive , with the UK putting forward more concrete proposals than they have to date , both sides are still poles apart on the EU office issue , and on how goods at risk of entering the single market ( over the landborder ) should be handled .
Dublin also flatly rejected the idea that such an office would undermine the Good Friday Agreement .
In her letter to Michel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ( the UK cabinet minister Paymaster General ) Penny Mordaunt said an EU presence wd be “ divisive in political and community terms ” And of course the DUP and Sinn Fein have fallen for it – and over north-south cooperation over Covid , – but perhaps not too far to be unable to get out of the hole .
The DUP must see the benefit of cooperation and that imitation English nationalism will get them nowhere .
But they ’ ve yet to find the language to express it without losing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do well to keep targeting their fire on the Johnson administration while nudging their awkward Executive partners towards the goal of the common good .
Meanwhile Aodhán Connolly , director of the NI Retail Consortium was making the real pitch for our interests to the Commons ’ ironically entitled Committee on “ Unfettered access.
” From his twitter notes… .
The Joint Committee – There is a difference in Perception .
EU thinks that it is about the implementation of the laws that are explicit within the Withdrawal Agreement & UK think it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ means friction from day one… The first iteration of the NI Protocol had very little friction between NI and GB and vice versa .
Now there are new regulatory , jurisdictional and enforcement issues to the free flow of goods including different customs arrangement and remember friction = cost .
Joint Comm has to talk to biz it & give an evidentiary threshold of how it will judge what is it and what ’ s not at risk .
It needs to make decisions on 100ks products .
All guidance/procedures need to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to implement .
Time we don ’ t have !
Retail and consumers in NI don ’ t have room to absorb higher costs if there is friction .
Retail is a high vol low profit margin industry c2 % for some major retailers so no wiggle room .
NI households have half of the discretionary income of GB so they can ’ t absorb rises..
Unless goods can show that they are not at risk then there will be the presumption that they are at risk .
The EU priority will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ single market .
For them this is not just about Brexit & the UK but every other border they have too .
There ’ s been talk of possible waivers & facilitations and of a “ Special 3rd country status…….
” .
But that won ’ t happen .
There is no Hail Mary pass or gentlemens agreement .
This all has to be pinned down in legislation and treaty .
We need an FTA & agreements .
A legal framework It ’ s not for business to interpret the legislation .
Needs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the UK govt & Northern Ireland Exec .
We also NEED to see a UK draft plan on the custom checks between NI & GB to allow us to prepare properly .
Some talk about fixing 1 part and think the whole of the friction is fixed .
That ’ s not right .
This is a jigsaw of friction pieces that need sorted , SPS , customs , VAT , security & Safety , transit , all need sorted if we are to give the NI public the same choice and affordability @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Reconstitution of the Alter Arguments Working Group to look at NI-GB-NI trade .
• Biz needs access to Joint Comm to explain challenges & support needed • An economic impact assessment UKG on the effects of the protocol on NI business & NI households .
Added to the pressure of leaving the EU on 1 Jan we also have the Corona virus to deal with which is already having a devastating effect .
It has proved that Just In Time Supply chains when they work are great but delays or problems can have @ @ @ @ @

Warrenpoint Harbour
The UK’s stubbornly negative approach to future relations within the EU reminds me of the newborn Free State’s attitude to Britain after the trauma of independence. They can’t wait to be rid of even the symbols as well as the substance of the former power even to the extent of trying to deny the facts of mutual interdependence particularly over the economy. Granted there are vital differences. No blood has been spilled over Brexit and… I was going to write that the EU is no imperial power; but that isn’t how Brexiteers see it. “ We have regained our independence” and all that.
Today saw the first meeting of an elaborate piece of bureaucracy which will be responsible for shaping quite a bit of Northern Ireland’s future destiny, the Joint Committee in which NI is represented by a senior civil servant. Its role and potential is explained here by the QUB experts on the EU Katy Hayward and David Phinnemore.
At the meeting the UK reps stuck to their guns. No need to bid for an extension for negotiations and no hurry- or no need? – to set up customs at GB ports to check which goods are destined for NI only and which for onward to the RoI /EU.
The EU believes IT systems and databases for customs checks and controls need to be in place in Northern Ireland by June 1 in order for the Irish Protocol to be properly implemented, according to a nine-page note circulated to member states, reports RTE’s excellent Europe editor Tony Connelly. After the meeting the EU put out an anodyne statement and the British said nothing. But behind the scenes the EU firmly rejected the UK’s almost casual, light touch approach, as Connelly reports:
UK sources say EU customs and veterinary officials could enter and leave NI in the same way the EU agriculture officials periodically carry out CAP audits in member states. EU sources reject this, saying there is no comparison with the Protocol, which involves the EU is implementing its single market and customs rules in an entire chunk of a country which is no longer a member of the EU. The EU appears determined not to let the matter rest. UK sources suggest the second rejection letter means the issue is all but dead. However, I expect there will be more to come on this.
Then there is the neuralgic issue of a new EU office in Belfast to monitor compliance and the operations of the single market in the province. The British attitude to this reminds me of the slow removal from the Viceregal Lodge, of the British residual presence of the Governor General from 1933 and the office’s replacement by the President in the renamed Aras an Uachtarain.
Just a few months ago the EU Commission had a full presence in Belfast as the capital of an EU region. The standoff over a new office is explained in characteristic style by Newton Emerson. The EU and the Republic have both upped the ante to open the new EU office in Belfast. Connelly’s report again.
… discussions on an EU office in Belfast need to be “advanced as a matter of urgency.” This is despite the UK rejecting for a 2nd time this week the EU’s request for a physical presence in NI to allow EU officials to support the implementation of the Protocol. While the meeting was regarded as constructive, with the UK putting forward more concrete proposals than they have to date, both sides are still poles apart on the EU office issue, and on how goods at risk of entering the single market (over the landborder) should be handled. Dublin also flatly rejected the idea that such an office would undermine the Good Friday Agreement. In her letter to Michel Barnier and the EUs’ Helga Schmidt, (the UK cabinet minister Paymaster General) Penny Mordaunt said an EU presence wd be “divisive in political and community terms”
And of course the DUP and Sinn Fein have fallen for it – and over north-south cooperation over Covid, – but perhaps not too far to be unable to get out of the hole. The DUP must see the benefit of cooperation and that imitation English nationalism will get them nowhere. But they’ve yet to find the language to express it without losing face. The SDLP and Alliance would do well to keep targeting their fire on the Johnson administration while nudging their awkward Executive partners towards the goal of the common good.
Meanwhile Aodhán Connolly, director of the NI Retail Consortium was making the real pitch for our interests to the Commons’ ironically entitled Committee on “ Unfettered access.” From his twitter notes….
The Joint Committee – There is a difference in Perception. EU thinks that it is about the implementation of the laws that are explicit within the Withdrawal Agreement & UK think it is about negotiation & mitigation. That means friction from day one… The first iteration of the NI Protocol had very little friction between NI and GB and vice versa. Now there are new regulatory, jurisdictional and enforcement issues to the free flow of goods including different customs arrangement and remember friction = cost.
Joint Comm has to talk to biz it & give an evidentiary threshold of how it will judge what is it and what’s not at risk. It needs to make decisions on 100ks products. All guidance/procedures need to be issued the biz & business needs time to implement. Time we don’t have!
Retail and consumers in NI don’t have room to absorb higher costs if there is friction. Retail is a high vol low profit margin industry c2% for some major retailers so no wiggle room. NI households have half of the discretionary income of GB so they can’t absorb rises.. Unless goods can show that they are not at risk then there will be the presumption that they are at risk. The EU priority will be to protect the customs Union and the single market. For them this is not just about Brexit & the UK but every other border they have too.
There’s been talk of possible waivers & facilitations and of a “Special 3rd country status…….” . But that won’t happen. There is no Hail Mary pass or gentlemens agreement. This all has to be pinned down in legislation and treaty. We need an FTA & agreements. A legal framework
It’s not for business to interpret the legislation. Needs to be clear and unequivocal guidance from the UK govt & Northern Ireland Exec. We also NEED to see a UK draft plan on the custom checks between NI & GB to allow us to prepare properly.
Some talk about fixing 1 part and think the whole of the friction is fixed. That’s not right. This is a jigsaw of friction pieces that need sorted, SPS, customs, VAT, security & Safety, transit, all need sorted if we are to give the NI public the same choice and affordability.
From UK we need: • Reconstitution of the Alter Arguments Working Group to look at NI-GB-NI trade. • Biz needs access to Joint Comm to explain challenges & support needed • An economic impact assessment UKG on the effects of the protocol on NI business & NI households.
Added to the pressure of leaving the EU on 1 Jan we also have the Corona virus to deal with which is already having a devastating effect. It has proved that Just In Time Supply chains when they work are great but delays or problems can have huge knock on effects.


sluggerotoole--2020-04-30--It’s time we rediscovered the simple pleasures of holidaying at home…

I used to travel A LOT .
Up to ten trips a year sometimes : America once or twice a year , then lots of weekend breaks around Europe , then throw in a beach holiday or two in Majorca for good measure .
All that travel came to a grinding halt five years ago when our son was born .
We made two trips with him to the Netherlands when he was a few months old .
But it was so much hassle travelling with him that we just decided to holiday at home .
I came up with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to places that were no more than an hour ’ s drive away .
So Majorca , Berlin and Amsterdam were swapped for Ballycastle , Newcastle and Rostrevor .
A bit of a fall from grace , but to be honest , we were happy enough to stay local .
Travel can be a horrible experience at times .
The endless research on TripAdvisor and Airbnb , long queues at security checks , delayed flights , all the trudging around trying to find the place you are staying .
On one particularly memorable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the norovirus .
We had a nine-hour wait in Newark Airport for our flight home .
I felt like death warmed up .
I think the internet has made the World more samey .
When I first went to America in the 90 ’ s it was fantastically exotic .
Everything was a new experience .
Now trends are global ; there are burrito bars from the Lisburn Road to Lisbon , and you see the same products wherever you go .
Also , you do get jaded : I will be happy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ museum or cathedral .
Holidays at home have a ton of benefits .
You can drive yourself there , you can bring as much stuff as you like , and most importantly , you can drive home quickly when you inevitably want to get back to your own bed .
We have some beautiful scenery in Northern Ireland .
The Glens of Antrim are stunning .
We passed through Waterfoot last year and stopped for ice cream .
The beach was practically empty , and we had a great time splashing around in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just as good as the Lake District in my book ; Rostrevor is a beautiful little village .
A few days in Ballycastle with some day trips to Rathlin Island or Portstewart make a great trip .
We have a whole host of fantastic places to visit , all on our doorstep .
I have been thinking a lot recently about what makes a good holiday .
I have been lucky to visit a lot of places – New York , San Francisco , Berlin , Paris etc .
But I don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experience than sitting outside a pub in Donegal with a pint and a plate of chips looking out over a sunny beach .
Kids love a beach : splashing around , digging in the sand , pottering about – it is how most of us spent our family holidays before cheap flights came along .
Every year we went to our caravan in Sligo .
Gas mantels , sleeping bags , endless slices of toast .
Freezing your nuts off in the cold Atlantic , liberally applying Sudocrem on your sunburn – the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about getting a caravan as they are perfect for kids .
You can throw them out the door , and they can roam around the site with the other kids leaving you alone to read a book and drink tea .
Due to Covid-19 you will likely not be going anywhere abroad this year , so my advice is to embrace the more simplistic holiday at home .
And it does not rain as much as we imagine , I promise .
“ Waterfoot Beach ” by Bold Frontiers is licensed under CC @

I used to travel A LOT. Up to ten trips a year sometimes: America once or twice a year, then lots of weekend breaks around Europe, then throw in a beach holiday or two in Majorca for good measure.
All that travel came to a grinding halt five years ago when our son was born. We made two trips with him to the Netherlands when he was a few months old. But it was so much hassle travelling with him that we just decided to holiday at home.
I came up with a rule that we would only go to places that were no more than an hour’s drive away. So Majorca, Berlin and Amsterdam were swapped for Ballycastle, Newcastle and Rostrevor. A bit of a fall from grace, but to be honest, we were happy enough to stay local.
Travel can be a horrible experience at times. The endless research on TripAdvisor and Airbnb, long queues at security checks, delayed flights, all the trudging around trying to find the place you are staying. On one particularly memorable trip to America, I picked up the norovirus. We had a nine-hour wait in Newark Airport for our flight home. I felt like death warmed up.
I think the internet has made the World more samey. When I first went to America in the 90’s it was fantastically exotic. Everything was a new experience. Now trends are global; there are burrito bars from the Lisburn Road to Lisbon, and you see the same products wherever you go. Also, you do get jaded: I will be happy if I never set foot in another museum or cathedral.
Holidays at home have a ton of benefits. You can drive yourself there, you can bring as much stuff as you like, and most importantly, you can drive home quickly when you inevitably want to get back to your own bed.
We have some beautiful scenery in Northern Ireland. The Glens of Antrim are stunning. We passed through Waterfoot last year and stopped for ice cream. The beach was practically empty, and we had a great time splashing around in the very safe waters. Fermanagh is just as good as the Lake District in my book; Rostrevor is a beautiful little village. A few days in Ballycastle with some day trips to Rathlin Island or Portstewart make a great trip. We have a whole host of fantastic places to visit, all on our doorstep.
I have been thinking a lot recently about what makes a good holiday. I have been lucky to visit a lot of places – New York, San Francisco, Berlin, Paris etc. But I don’t think you can have a better experience than sitting outside a pub in Donegal with a pint and a plate of chips looking out over a sunny beach.
Kids love a beach: splashing around, digging in the sand, pottering about – it is how most of us spent our family holidays before cheap flights came along.
Every year we went to our caravan in Sligo. Gas mantels, sleeping bags, endless slices of toast. Freezing your nuts off in the cold Atlantic, liberally applying Sudocrem on your sunburn – the simple pleasures.
I have been thinking about getting a caravan as they are perfect for kids. You can throw them out the door, and they can roam around the site with the other kids leaving you alone to read a book and drink tea.
Due to Covid-19 you will likely not be going anywhere abroad this year, so my advice is to embrace the more simplistic holiday at home. And it does not rain as much as we imagine, I promise.
“Waterfoot Beach” by Bold Frontiers is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-05-01--Stormont and the UK government jointly fund air service by £5.7m

Just putting this here .
This is what it costs to keep our vital infrastructure ticking over… Short-haul air travel @ @ @ @ @ was…

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sluggerotoole--2020-05-01--Post #Covid19, “we have to be totally open to everything being different…”

Plan for what is difficult while it is easy to do , do what is great while it is small , The most difficult things in the world must be done while they are still easy , the greatest things must be done while they are still small .
As we wait to find out whether the Green Party has an appetite for going into government with the state ’ s two oldest parties , I ’ ve been curious to know what effect the lockdown has had on carbon emissions .
Writing in the FT , Tim Harford notes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ estimates that emissions in 2020 are likely to fall by about 5 or 6 per cent relative to emissions last year .
That would be the largest fall on record .
What might be a surprise is that it is not enough .
If the cuts were compounded at that rate for the rest of the decade , we ’ d still fall short of what the UN Environment Programme estimates would be needed to restrict global temperature rises to 1.5 degrees .
Hmm , that ’ s not exactly what I was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to point out that our de-growth experience of lockdown is not the recipe for effective tackling of climate change , but it should be a moment when politicians consider more refined solutions .
He suggests , “ research subsidies for green technology ; support for the smart grids necessary to harness ever-cheaper solar and wind energy ; carbon pricing ” .
This last , he says , “ has been a tough sell , politically ” .
Our globally shorthanded response to the Coronavirus pandemic is a foretaste of how we might struggle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the polar ice caps to melt and take our chances with a change that will burn wealth and wellbeing in equal measure .
As futurist Amy Webb noted on the TWIT podcast this week , what we might usefully learn from this point of punctuated equilibrium , is how to deal with the idea of change we need to learn from and accommodate to… It ’ s like being on this road where you ’ re sliding out of control and the issue is everybody wants to slam on the brake and go @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we get all of these how soon does the economy reopen ?
How soon do we go back to school ?
Instead what we have to do is to lean into uncertainty [ so ] we have to be totally open to everything being different at all times right now because we ’ re in the middle of [ the skid ] while keeping an eye on the road ahead and steering into that direction.
< What I 'm noticing is we 're very consumed with what 's happening right now because it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but I do n't see enough people with one eye on the road ahead steering us into a direction .
And I think that 's the biggest problem that we 're facing right now even though I know the immediate problems feel much more acute .
At Global Dashboard , Elle Dodd , lays out three different types of change we might usefully embrace from this period .
First are the novel changes , things we didn ’ t expect to see but which we might want to keep after the crisis is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , stuff we thought couldn ’ t ever actually change but which we now understand can and could go further ( like health services radically adapting them to real and pressing new need ) afterward .
Finally , visionary changes , creating the belief ( and the practical paths ) to doing those things which we know we want to do but can ’ t yet .
As Elle says “ things our new way of living has made us re-evaluate and increased our need or desire to do them in future ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve burned a shedload of opportunities , out of a combination of the fatalism of the Troubles ( and its narcissism of small differences ) , blinding ourselves to the possibility of bringing meaningful change at the practical/citizen level .
We northerners tend to ignore the fact the Republic ’ s progress relied on identifying a range of small changes in the late 1950s and early 1960s , which ( at great cost ) they got on with , first under Fianna Fail and subsequently under all three of the older parties @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Straw in his tour de force on how to design for successful government , Stand and Deliver , notes that such a design “ must be designed for its objectives and aligned internally ” .
As we are seeing this is generally not the case .
Think Andrew Cuomo over Donald Trump ?
There are a lot of great things that need to be done , not just tackling climate change .
Now would be a good time for all of Ireland ’ s politicians to take note of what we are learning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ road ahead .
Photo by Free-Photos is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

Plan for what is difficult while it is easy to do, do what is great while it is small, The most difficult things in the world must be done while they are still easy, the greatest things must be done while they are still small.
-Tao-te Ching
As we wait to find out whether the Green Party has an appetite for going into government with the state’s two oldest parties, I’ve been curious to know what effect the lockdown has had on carbon emissions. Writing in the FT, Tim Harford notes:
The climate science website Carbon Brief estimates that emissions in 2020 are likely to fall by about 5 or 6 per cent relative to emissions last year. That would be the largest fall on record. What might be a surprise is that it is not enough. If the cuts were compounded at that rate for the rest of the decade, we’d still fall short of what the UN Environment Programme estimates would be needed to restrict global temperature rises to 1.5 degrees.
Hmm, that’s not exactly what I was hoping for. But he goes on to point out that our de-growth experience of lockdown is not the recipe for effective tackling of climate change, but it should be a moment when politicians consider more refined solutions.
He suggests, “research subsidies for green technology; support for the smart grids necessary to harness ever-cheaper solar and wind energy; carbon pricing”. This last, he says, “has been a tough sell, politically”.
Our globally shorthanded response to the Coronavirus pandemic is a foretaste of how we might struggle if we do nothing now and allow the polar ice caps to melt and take our chances with a change that will burn wealth and wellbeing in equal measure.
As futurist Amy Webb noted on the TWIT podcast this week, what we might usefully learn from this point of punctuated equilibrium, is how to deal with the idea of change we need to learn from and accommodate to…
It’s like being on this road where you’re sliding out of control and the issue is everybody wants to slam on the brake and go back to normal, which is where we get all of these questions like how soon does the economy reopen? How soon do we go back to school? Instead what we have to do is to lean into uncertainty [so] we have to be totally open to everything being different at all times right now because we’re in the middle of [the skid] while keeping an eye on the road ahead and steering into that direction. What I’m noticing is we’re very consumed with what’s happening right now because it’s a crisis that I totally understand but I don’t see enough people with one eye on the road ahead steering us into a direction. And I think that’s the biggest problem that we’re facing right now even though I know the immediate problems feel much more acute.
At Global Dashboard, Elle Dodd, lays out three different types of change we might usefully embrace from this period. First are the novel changes, things we didn’t expect to see but which we might want to keep after the crisis is over.
Then there are evolving changes, stuff we thought couldn’t ever actually change but which we now understand can and could go further (like health services radically adapting them to real and pressing new need) afterward.
Finally, visionary changes, creating the belief (and the practical paths) to doing those things which we know we want to do but can’t yet. As Elle says “things our new way of living has made us re-evaluate and increased our need or desire to do them in future”.
Back to Ireland, where we’ve burned a shedload of opportunities, out of a combination of the fatalism of the Troubles (and its narcissism of small differences), blinding ourselves to the possibility of bringing meaningful change at the practical/citizen level.
We northerners tend to ignore the fact the Republic’s progress relied on identifying a range of small changes in the late 1950s and early 1960s, which (at great cost) they got on with, first under Fianna Fail and subsequently under all three of the older parties.
Occasional contributor to Slugger, Ed Straw in his tour de force on how to design for successful government, Stand and Deliver, notes that such a design “must be designed for its objectives and aligned internally”. As we are seeing this is generally not the case.
Think Andrew Cuomo over Donald Trump? There are a lot of great things that need to be done, not just tackling climate change. Now would be a good time for all of Ireland’s politicians to take note of what we are learning the skid and what lies on the road ahead.
Photo by Free-Photos is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-05-01--Through careful observation and experience, hospital outcomes are significantly improving

There is much we don ’ t know about Covid 19 .
However , we are learning how to cut corners pretty efficiently .
This visualisation from the New York Times shows how tough it will be to find a vaccine , but also how the challenging timeline could be compressed .
There ’ s some fantastic learning going on , in terms of research and how doctors improve treatment at the work-face .
Here ’ s a podcast called This Week in Virology ( these guys have been going a long time so the language is very open to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beginning , there ’ s a tour de force from Daniel Griffin who pinpoints the sorts of techniques doctors on the frontline develop new techniques in the face of a novel health threat where evidence-based medicine , the ideal , is not available .
Eminence based medicine , finding the most experienced physician to ‘ drop some guidelines ’ but the problem with that is you may be asking ‘ someone who is making the same mistake with increasing confidence over an impressive number of years ’ .
Vehemence based medicine , where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the more timorous .
Eloquence based medicine , spin over science , “ where a well thought out professed approach is better than evidence , particularly when there is no evidence ” .
Diffidence based medicine , ‘ this is where you say , “ no good answer here ” .
Yes , there may be no good answers so let ’ s avoid those ’ .
Nervousness based medicine , ‘ I ’ m going to do everything because maybe one of those things is good , yeah , maybe 90 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but when the family call me on the phone , I can say I did everything ’ .
“ Careful observation and experience-based medicine , trying things , but always trying to say , what did that do .
With some stuff , you get quick feedback .
Things like “ proning ” where if you lay people on their belly oxygen levels go from the 80s % into the 90s % .
“ We saw this with anticoagulation .
We are seeing a lot of people having pulmonary [ embolisms ] , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instead of eight a day , we saw the numbers drop.
” He is keen to point out that these experience-based techniques are no replacement for actual evidence-based medicine , which requires clinical trials .
But it perhaps does go to explain why we are is a significant improvement in in-hospital patient outcomes .
Later he touches on the issue of people not seeking hospital treatment early enough as their symptoms get worse after the first week of having the disease either because they are afraid of going to the hospital , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go before .
In closing such small margins lives can be saved and the quality of future lives massively improved .
Needless to say , it ’ s well worth listening to the whole thing… Photo by Vidal Balielo Jr. is licensed under CC0

There is much we don’t know about Covid 19. However, we are learning how to cut corners pretty efficiently. This visualisation from the New York Times shows how tough it will be to find a vaccine, but also how the challenging timeline could be compressed.
There’s some fantastic learning going on, in terms of research and how doctors improve treatment at the work-face. Here’s a podcast called This Week in Virology (these guys have been going a long time so the language is very open to the generalist inquirer):
Towards the beginning, there’s a tour de force from Daniel Griffin who pinpoints the sorts of techniques doctors on the frontline develop new techniques in the face of a novel health threat where evidence-based medicine, the ideal, is not available.
Eminence based medicine, finding the most experienced physician to ‘drop some guidelines’ but the problem with that is you may be asking ‘someone who is making the same mistake with increasing confidence over an impressive number of years’.
Vehemence based medicine, where someone with a forceful personality, dictating to the more timorous.
Eloquence based medicine, spin over science, “where a well thought out professed approach is better than evidence, particularly when there is no evidence”.
Diffidence based medicine, ‘this is where you say, “no good answer here”. Yes, there may be no good answers so let’s avoid those’.
Nervousness based medicine, ‘I’m going to do everything because maybe one of those things is good, yeah, maybe 90% of those are bad or harmful but when the family call me on the phone, I can say I did everything’.
Then…
“Careful observation and experience-based medicine, trying things, but always trying to say, what did that do. With some stuff, you get quick feedback. Things like “proning” where if you lay people on their belly oxygen levels go from the 80s% into the 90s%. “We saw this with anticoagulation. We are seeing a lot of people having pulmonary [embolisms], when we started anticoagulation very quickly, instead of eight a day, we saw the numbers drop.”
He is keen to point out that these experience-based techniques are no replacement for actual evidence-based medicine, which requires clinical trials. But it perhaps does go to explain why we are is a significant improvement in in-hospital patient outcomes.
Later he touches on the issue of people not seeking hospital treatment early enough as their symptoms get worse after the first week of having the disease either because they are afraid of going to the hospital, or just because they never have needed to go before.
In closing such small margins lives can be saved and the quality of future lives massively improved. Needless to say, it’s well worth listening to the whole thing…
Photo by Vidal Balielo Jr. is licensed under CC0


sluggerotoole--2020-05-01--Orangefield, and an unexamined aspect of Northern resistance to sectarianism and political bigotry

In the cruel winnowing ways of time the last two years have been unsparing in regard to a generation of teachers brought together in the early 1960s to teach at a new school in east Belfast which had opened a little earlier in 1957 .
The school was called Orangefield and it played a key role in the dissemination of skills , opportunity and challenge to almost five decades of Belfast school children – first as an all-Boys school , which was then joined with an all-Girls school , before finally merging into a high school .
The school eventually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demolished in February 2017 leaving in its wake no physical record other than the memories of staff and pupils alike through its sixty-year story of Belfast ’ s educational , sporting , social and cultural life .
The original school , Orangefield Boys Secondary School under the inspirational leadership of Cambridge-educated John Malone , was by any yardstick , an exceptional place : ‘ Be Just and Fear Not ’ the school motto .
As Robert Crone has pointed out through his fascinating research into the school ’ s history the range and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outreach facilities were matched by Malone ’ s ambition to provide academic pathways for pupils who had failed the all-important ( indeed almost life-defining ) Eleven-Plus examination , known colloquially as the ‘ Qually ’ .
As a result , Malone gathered around him a cohort of young and dynamic teachers alongside a somewhat older group , some of whom had fought in World War Two .
The school , without broadcasting it , or perhaps even being conscious of it at the time , followed a liberal , progressive agenda .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that agenda set out to achieve nor the pedagogical , class and related challenges it faced in a provincial society strongly marked by class and religious divisions .
But undoubtedly the influence of Malone held a cluster of predominantly younger teachers together for a brief period of time , particularly through the 1960s and early 70s before they moved on to other educational opportunities in Northern Ireland and elsewhere .
The present writer was part of that Sixties experiment and is deeply grateful for his experiences at the school .
Now , all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to note the loss , in such a relatively brief span of time , of several of those original inspirational figures who went on to make reputations as broadcasters , educationalists , writers and academics .
Their achievements are manifold and diverse and deserve much greater acknowledgement than here , but it would be a pity if the passing of Henry Sinnerton ( 1941-2018 ) , Sam MacCready ( 1936-2019 ) , Douglas Carson ( 1938-2020 ) and , most recently , Jonathan Bardon ( 1941-2020 ) was not marked in some way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The individual loss of each of these four men to their close family and friends is all that matters .
But there might also be a sense of the passing of a generation ’ s vision which these teachers and their colleagues embodied across the educational spectrum .
I ’ m thinking about a liberal , non-sectarian ‘ protestant ’ view of social opportunity , cultural open-ness and civic engagement which was heavily influenced by the British post-war belief in social egalitarianism and education for all .
And while this understanding lasted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the time of Margaret Thatcher ’ s rise to power – festooned with an anti-intellectualism still very much entrenched , indeed applauded , alas , in the Tory Party – the prospect of it surviving the collapse of industrial Britain and , in its wake , the fragile state economy of Northern Ireland – grew increasingly remote .
The influential role of teachers such as Henry Sinnerton in the promotion of social justice , the educational initiatives which Douglas Carson created throughout his career in BBC programming – along with another ex-Orangefield @ @ @ @ @ @ @ magisterial writing of Jonathan Bardon ’ s reclamation of ‘ Ulster ’ history and Sam MacCready , alongside his life partner , Joan , and their tireless promotion of theatre from Northern Ireland .
They were visionaries in their own often self-ironising way and represent a substantial if largely unexamined aspect of Northern resistance to the sectarianism and political bigotry which threatened at times in the recent past to pitch the society into a never-ending blood bath .
Jonathan Bardon ’ s soft-spoken south county Dublin accent never left him .
As we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into early twentieth-century Irish history , first at Orangefield and then a little later at the College of Business Studies in Brunswick Street , as one of the very first bombs went off , it really was a miracle he decided to stay and make Belfast ( and Northern Irish history ) his home from home .
Sam MacCready ’ s energy knew no bounds .
His earliest encouragements to write remain special for the uncertain fifteen-year-old who awkwardly showed the first drafts of ‘ poems ’ to him in-between class break at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , style and commitment was an ideal so many of those teenagers aspired to without letting on .
Douglas Carson , in his unrepentantly ironic delivery of common sense , masked an emotional attachment and understanding which I can still hear in his richly bass and questioning voice .
What legacy these four men share and hand on , and the many other women and men of their generation , is best left for a younger slant of mind to comment upon .
For those my age , heading with disbelief towards the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s fair to say they modernised our local world and its traditions by keeping it in touch with the best of what was happening elsewhere .
In making our own places , our contested histories , our languages , our varied peoples , truly important and available , we remain forever in their debt .
Photo by ninocare is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

In the cruel winnowing ways of time the last two years have been unsparing in regard to a generation of teachers brought together in the early 1960s to teach at a new school in east Belfast which had opened a little earlier in 1957.
The school was called Orangefield and it played a key role in the dissemination of skills, opportunity and challenge to almost five decades of Belfast school children – first as an all-Boys school, which was then joined with an all-Girls school, before finally merging into a high school.
The school eventually closed in June 2014 and was unceremoniously demolished in February 2017 leaving in its wake no physical record other than the memories of staff and pupils alike through its sixty-year story of Belfast’s educational, sporting, social and cultural life.
The original school, Orangefield Boys Secondary School under the inspirational leadership of Cambridge-educated John Malone, was by any yardstick, an exceptional place: ‘Be Just and Fear Not’ the school motto. As Robert Crone has pointed out through his fascinating research into the school’s history the range and quality of school societies, clubs, outreach facilities were matched by Malone’s ambition to provide academic pathways for pupils who had failed the all-important (indeed almost life-defining) Eleven-Plus examination, known colloquially as the ‘Qually’.
As a result, Malone gathered around him a cohort of young and dynamic teachers alongside a somewhat older group, some of whom had fought in World War Two. The school, without broadcasting it, or perhaps even being conscious of it at the time, followed a liberal, progressive agenda.
This is not the place to explore what that agenda set out to achieve nor the pedagogical, class and related challenges it faced in a provincial society strongly marked by class and religious divisions. But undoubtedly the influence of Malone held a cluster of predominantly younger teachers together for a brief period of time, particularly through the 1960s and early 70s before they moved on to other educational opportunities in Northern Ireland and elsewhere.
The present writer was part of that Sixties experiment and is deeply grateful for his experiences at the school. Now, all these years later, it is chastening to note the loss, in such a relatively brief span of time, of several of those original inspirational figures who went on to make reputations as broadcasters, educationalists, writers and academics.
Their achievements are manifold and diverse and deserve much greater acknowledgement than here, but it would be a pity if the passing of Henry Sinnerton (1941-2018), Sam MacCready (1936-2019), Douglas Carson (1938-2020) and, most recently, Jonathan Bardon (1941-2020) was not marked in some way as a gesture of respect and gratitude.
The individual loss of each of these four men to their close family and friends is all that matters. But there might also be a sense of the passing of a generation’s vision which these teachers and their colleagues embodied across the educational spectrum. I’m thinking about a liberal, non-sectarian ‘protestant’ view of social opportunity, cultural open-ness and civic engagement which was heavily influenced by the British post-war belief in social egalitarianism and education for all.
And while this understanding lasted into the mid to late 1970s, by the time of Margaret Thatcher’s rise to power – festooned with an anti-intellectualism still very much entrenched, indeed applauded, alas, in the Tory Party – the prospect of it surviving the collapse of industrial Britain and, in its wake, the fragile state economy of Northern Ireland – grew increasingly remote.
The influential role of teachers such as Henry Sinnerton in the promotion of social justice, the educational initiatives which Douglas Carson created throughout his career in BBC programming – along with another ex-Orangefield teacher, Davy Hammond – match the magisterial writing of Jonathan Bardon’s reclamation of ‘Ulster’ history and Sam MacCready, alongside his life partner, Joan, and their tireless promotion of theatre from Northern Ireland.
They were visionaries in their own often self-ironising way and represent a substantial if largely unexamined aspect of Northern resistance to the sectarianism and political bigotry which threatened at times in the recent past to pitch the society into a never-ending blood bath.
Jonathan Bardon’s soft-spoken south county Dublin accent never left him. As we sat listening to him open the door into early twentieth-century Irish history, first at Orangefield and then a little later at the College of Business Studies in Brunswick Street ,as one of the very first bombs went off, it really was a miracle he decided to stay and make Belfast (and Northern Irish history) his home from home.
Sam MacCready’s energy knew no bounds. His earliest encouragements to write remain special for the uncertain fifteen-year-old who awkwardly showed the first drafts of ‘poems’ to him in-between class break at Orangefield while Henry Sinnerton’s flair, style and commitment was an ideal so many of those teenagers aspired to without letting on. Douglas Carson, in his unrepentantly ironic delivery of common sense, masked an emotional attachment and understanding which I can still hear in his richly bass and questioning voice.
What legacy these four men share and hand on, and the many other women and men of their generation, is best left for a younger slant of mind to comment upon. For those my age, heading with disbelief towards the seventy mark, I think it’s fair to say they modernised our local world and its traditions by keeping it in touch with the best of what was happening elsewhere. In making our own places, our contested histories, our languages, our varied peoples, truly important and available, we remain forever in their debt.
Photo by ninocare is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-05-02--Pressure for a Troubles amnesty continues to mount.

Denis Bradley , the co-author of the original report on Dealing with the Past thirteen years ago which has never been improved on , has come up with an extraordinary argument for what reads like one step away from an amnesty for the Troubles .
In this he joins the local academics who for years had been arguing for the elaborate process of “ transitional justice ” that would apply equally to all sides , based on an independent assessment of the evidence largely apart from state institutions who might not command enough trust – in effect within nationalism .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ UK government had appeared to accept the long standing proposals which owed a lot to the work of the academics headed by Queen ’ s Law professor Kieran McEvoy .
But when the new secretary of state did a sudden volte face in January , McEvoy ’ s model Bill team equally suddenly abandoned their own proposals too .
Bradley follows suit , holding his nose , clearly believing that agreement among local parties and with the present Conservative government on the Stormont House ( legacy ) Bill is impossible .
The criticism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pressure to protect their soldiers from prosecution is obviously correct .
But that same criticism can be made against all the groups who have a stake in this most sensitive issue .
There is no group who has the bragging rights when it comes to dealing with the past .
The governments , the political parties , the survivor and victim groups have all responded to dealing with this legacy only through the prism of their own experience and needs .
The ground that is our past , and the efforts to sort @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on so much that it has become a swamp .
It has been churned up so much that there is very little solid ground left on which to construct a solution .
The motivation of the British government probably stinks but the new proposal may be the only solid ground left on which to build .
Politics never sleeps .
Politics has moved far in the last ten years and further still in the last month .
The new British proposals can be worked on and improved .
The core proposal for a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and authoritative people is compatible with the core proposal of the Consultative Group on the Past .
On the other hand , the complicated governance mechanism in the Stormont House Agreement is a major political weakness .
Complete rejection of the government proposal at this time might well ensure that the more reasonable and rightful demands of victims and survivors will sink into the swamp .
There have been exceptions before and if the two governments make a case that a quarter of a century has passed since our troubles and that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investigation in a small number of cases , then it is likely to receive a favourable hearing .
Denis is the latest to call for a wrap on the Troubles .
Kieran McEvoy ’ s model team would settle for a waiver on prosecution in exchange for a soldier ’ s confession – or even without one .
Attorney General John Larkin would exempt from prosecution cases where a soldier had a split second to decide whether to open fire .
These are essentially fig leaves for amnesty .
To reach that point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sides , honesty and frankness all round will be needed in great quantities .
While the Catholic bishops , nationalist opinion and the Irish government are critical , I get the impression that the ground is falling under the feet .

Denis Bradley, the co-author of the original report on Dealing with the Past thirteen years ago which has never been improved on, has come up with an extraordinary argument for what reads like one step away from an amnesty for the Troubles. In this he joins the local academics who for years had been arguing that assessment of the evidence against both the security forces and paramilitaries should be independent from the usual institutions of the state if it was to win public, in effect mainly nationalist, confidence. After a period of consultation, the UK government had appeared to accept the long standing proposals which owed a lot to the work of the academics headed by Queen’s Law professor Kieran McEvoy. But Conservative pressure was increasing on successive governments to abandon what they regarded as false equivalence. When the new secretary of state did a sudden volte face in January, to considerable surprise McEvoy’s model Bill team equally suddenly abandoned their own proposals too. In their lengthy analysis of their new position they never quite explain why they’ve changed their minds.
Bradley follows suit, holding his nose, clearly believing that agreement among local parties and with the present Conservative government on the Stormont House ( legacy) Bill is impossible.
The criticism that the British are motivated by the pressure to protect their soldiers from prosecution is obviously correct. But that same criticism can be made against all the groups who have a stake in this most sensitive issue. There is no group who has the bragging rights when it comes to dealing with the past. The governments, the political parties, the survivor and victim groups have all responded to dealing with this legacy only through the prism of their own experience and needs.
The ground that is our past, and the efforts to sort it, has been rotavated and trampled on so much that it has become a swamp. It has been churned up so much that there is very little solid ground left on which to construct a solution.
The motivation of the British government probably stinks but the new proposal may be the only solid ground left on which to build. Politics never sleeps. Politics has moved far in the last ten years and further still in the last month. The new British proposals can be worked on and improved. The core proposal for a small legacy commission of a few experienced and authoritative people is compatible with the core proposal of the Consultative Group on the Past. On the other hand, the complicated governance mechanism in the Stormont House Agreement is a major political weakness.
Complete rejection of the government proposal at this time might well ensure that the more reasonable and rightful demands of victims and survivors will sink into the swamp.
There have been exceptions before and if the two governments make a case that a quarter of a century has passed since our troubles and that the proposal does not exclude a full police investigation in a small number of cases, then it is likely to receive a favourable hearing.
Denis is the latest to call for a wrap on the Troubles. Kieran McEvoy’s model team would settle for a waiver on prosecution in exchange for a soldier’s confession – or even without one. Attorney General John Larkin would exempt from prosecution cases where a soldier had a split second to decide whether to open fire. These are essentially fig leaves for amnesty. To reach that point without a storm of hypocrisy from all sides, honesty and frankness all round will be needed in great quantities. While the Catholic bishops, nationalist opinion and the Irish government are critical, I get the impression that the ground is falling under the feet.


sluggerotoole--2020-05-02--Church during Lockdown? – From Virtual Religion to Bronagh Lawson’s ‘Belfast: City of Light’

Earlier this week , the DUP ’ s Edwin Poots suggested that churches could reopen as part of a process of exiting the Covid-19 lockdown .
Poots ’ s comments have provoked debate .
Fr Paddy McCafferty of Corpus Christi parish , Ballymurphy , told BBC Radio Ulster that if reopening could be safely achieved ‘ we should certainly look at every possible way of achieving that ’ .
Poots ’ s DUP colleague Paul Givan made a case for opening of churches with large buildings , arguing that social distancing could be achieved in the same ways as in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Pastor Mark McClurg of Newtownards Elim Church , who was hospitalised with the virus , was more cautious – calling for a wider conversation on how churches could reopen safely .
Rev Steve Stockman of Fitzroy Presbyterian in Belfast said the churches should ‘ absolutely not ’ be opened yet .
In a detailed blog , Stockman considered social distancing measures that could implemented in churches further down the line , before arguing : As many readers are aware , Christian worship and church activities have not simply ceased because of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and denominations are livestreaming or pre-recording worship services .
The ‘ Digital Parish ’ Facebook page is documenting how priests , religious , bishops and lay people have been using digital media during the pandemic .
It features a daily interview detailing how ‘ virtual religion ’ has been experienced around Ireland .
Last Sunday , 11 , 257 people took part in Dublin Diocese ’ s online pilgrimage to Knock .
More than ‘ 1.5 million people have watched online services in Knock since March 1st.
’ Belfast has its own notable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Facebook page of St John ’ s Parish on the Falls Road , which features a ‘ thought for the day ’ with a truly ecumenical range of contributors .
In North Belfast , drag artist Tina Leggs Tantrum leads a nightly rosary on Facebook .
At the start of the lockdown , RTÉ began broadcasting mass daily from St Eunan ’ s and St Columba ’ s Cathedral in Letterkenny ; and BBC One restored its Sunday morning service after a long break .
By all accounts , there has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virtual religion ’ , although the surge is probably driven mostly by people who would normally be attending church in the flesh , rather than attracting people who are suddenly seeking God in a crisis .
Such initiatives may signal , as Stockman says , that ‘ many aspects of Church life have been kept very much alive , maybe more vibrant than ever.
’ But none of them are a substitute for meeting together .
Something of the vibrancy of meeting together is captured in a new book , Belfast : City @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now available on lulu .
Lawson , an artist , has spent the last decade visiting every church in Belfast .
The book – part memoir , part account of her experiences in these churches – is the product of those hundreds of Sunday morning journeys .
With church doors now closed , there ’ s no better time to join Lawson on those journeys and explore the variety of religious expression and experience in the city .
Lawson ’ s account is made more compelling by her confession that before her project @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had happened in Northern Ireland in the name of religion ’ and believed that ‘ organised religion was best avoided ’ ( p. 2 ) .
But after working 13 years in cross-community , cross-border developments , she was burnt out and exhausted .
During an impulsive visit to a church in Dublin with a friend , she experienced a great flow of energy trickling down her head .
This experience prompted her to attend a church service near where she lived in East Belfast .
Over time , she felt moved to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ process she described as following an artistic thread of creative enquiry .
Much of the book recounts Lawson ’ s personal spiritual experiences , including perceiving what she describes as positive energy flows around worshipping believers and feeling some of that energy herself .
She also recounts how her experiences fed into her art , including an art installation at the inter-church 4 Corners Festival .
As the debates earlier this week about reopening church services have reminded us , the communal aspects of religion are just as important as individual experience .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ largely individualistic , there is some recognition of the significance of communities of faith .
She admits that the spirituality she perceives among worshippers has something to do with their collective commitment , over many years , simply to meet together .
Lawson doesn ’ t offer a blow-by-blow account of every service she attended or person she met ; rather short descriptions of her interactions are interspersed with her own reflections .
For me , one particularly moving passage was Lawson ’ s comparison of the energy generated by gospel hall worshippers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ additional passages stuck with me and provide a sense of the book .
One is a compassionate account of a street preacher ( p. 111 ) : The other is her short conversation with a 106-year-old woman at a church in Donegal Road , which raises questions about how women continue to be overlooked in some churches , despite lifetimes of faithfulness ( p. 104 ) : Ultimately , Lawson ’ s Sunday morning journeys have led her to lament the decline in churchgoing in Belfast in recent years .
She confesses that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ darkness that lurked in my godless life and brought unimagined blessings.
’ She says that churches are ‘ pockets of light ’ that can act as catalysts for personal and societal transformation ( p. 146 ) .
These ‘ pockets of light ’ have moved online for the time being .
But Lawson ’ s book gives us a way to enter their doors again and consider what , if anything , the churches have to offer in terms of healing , love , and those all-important human connections .

Earlier this week, the DUP’s Edwin Poots suggested that churches could reopen as part of a process of exiting the Covid-19 lockdown.
Poots’s comments have provoked debate. Fr Paddy McCafferty of Corpus Christi parish, Ballymurphy, told BBC Radio Ulster that if reopening could be safely achieved ‘we should certainly look at every possible way of achieving that’. Poots’s DUP colleague Paul Givan made a case for opening of churches with large buildings, arguing that social distancing could be achieved in the same ways as in supermarkets or even the UK Parliament chamber.
Pastor Mark McClurg of Newtownards Elim Church, who was hospitalised with the virus, was more cautious – calling for a wider conversation on how churches could reopen safely. Rev Steve Stockman of Fitzroy Presbyterian in Belfast said the churches should ‘absolutely not’ be opened yet. In a detailed blog, Stockman considered social distancing measures that could implemented in churches further down the line, before arguing:
… I also want to make a call to fellow believers to listen to the call of God in all of this. “Love your neighbour” is a more intense and costly call at this moment than maybe any other moment in most of our lives. When we clash the writer to the Hebrews telling us “not to stop meeting together” and Jesus call to “love your neighbour” I believe Jesus wins hands down just now.
As many readers are aware, Christian worship and church activities have not simply ceased because of the Covid-19 lockdown. Many congregations, parishes and denominations are livestreaming or pre-recording worship services. The ‘Digital Parish’ Facebook page is documenting how priests, religious, bishops and lay people have been using digital media during the pandemic. It features a daily interview detailing how ‘virtual religion’ has been experienced around Ireland. Last Sunday, 11, 257 people took part in Dublin Diocese’s online pilgrimage to Knock. More than ‘1.5 million people have watched online services in Knock since March 1st.’
(Image: Bishop Fintan Monahan of Killaloe pictured during one of his live streamed Masses during the Easter Triduum. From ‘The Digital Parish’.)
Belfast has its own notable ‘virtual religion’ experiences, including the Facebook page of St John’s Parish on the Falls Road, which features a ‘thought for the day’ with a truly ecumenical range of contributors. In North Belfast, drag artist Tina Leggs Tantrum leads a nightly rosary on Facebook.
At the start of the lockdown, RTÉ began broadcasting mass daily from St Eunan’s and St Columba’s Cathedral in Letterkenny; and BBC One restored its Sunday morning service after a long break. By all accounts, there has been something of surge in people accessing ‘virtual religion’, although the surge is probably driven mostly by people who would normally be attending church in the flesh, rather than attracting people who are suddenly seeking God in a crisis.
Such initiatives may signal, as Stockman says, that ‘many aspects of Church life have been kept very much alive, maybe more vibrant than ever.’ But none of them are a substitute for meeting together.
Something of the vibrancy of meeting together is captured in a new book, Belfast: City of Light’ by Bronagh Lawson, now available on lulu.
Lawson, an artist, has spent the last decade visiting every church in Belfast. The book – part memoir, part account of her experiences in these churches – is the product of those hundreds of Sunday morning journeys.
With church doors now closed, there’s no better time to join Lawson on those journeys and explore the variety of religious expression and experience in the city.
Lawson’s account is made more compelling by her confession that before her project, she ‘was disgusted by what had happened in Northern Ireland in the name of religion’ and believed that ‘organised religion was best avoided’ (p. 2).
But after working 13 years in cross-community, cross-border developments, she was burnt out and exhausted. During an impulsive visit to a church in Dublin with a friend, she experienced a great flow of energy trickling down her head. This experience prompted her to attend a church service near where she lived in East Belfast. Over time, she felt moved to visit more and more churches, a process she described as following an artistic thread of creative enquiry.
Much of the book recounts Lawson’s personal spiritual experiences, including perceiving what she describes as positive energy flows around worshipping believers and feeling some of that energy herself. She also recounts how her experiences fed into her art, including an art installation at the inter-church 4 Corners Festival.
(Image: Lawson, far left, with Rev Jonathan Abernethy-Barkley,and former Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure Minister Carál Ní Chuilín at the 4 Corners Festival 2015)
As the debates earlier this week about reopening church services have reminded us, the communal aspects of religion are just as important as individual experience. And although Lawson’s account is largely individualistic, there is some recognition of the significance of communities of faith. She admits that the spirituality she perceives among worshippers has something to do with their collective commitment, over many years, simply to meet together.
Lawson doesn’t offer a blow-by-blow account of every service she attended or person she met; rather short descriptions of her interactions are interspersed with her own reflections. For me, one particularly moving passage was Lawson’s comparison of the energy generated by gospel hall worshippers with that of Buddhist monks. Two additional passages stuck with me and provide a sense of the book. One is a compassionate account of a street preacher (p. 111):
‘Before starting this church-attending odyssey I would have crossed the road to avoid a street preacher, but when I noticed one yesterday handing out leaflets and singing a hymn on the street I didn’t. … A teenager walked past taking the leaflet and said, “Anyone want a leaflet? It’s just a leaflet.” … I could see the man was filled with the spirit and wanted to share that experience …’
The other is her short conversation with a 106-year-old woman at a church in Donegal Road, which raises questions about how women continue to be overlooked in some churches, despite lifetimes of faithfulness (p. 104):
‘… when I commented that I thought I needed new glasses to read their hymn books … [she replied] “I always thought we just needed books in larger type.” Has her opinion ever been sought I thought? How many years has she been thinking that, with no one to listen to her?’
Ultimately, Lawson’s Sunday morning journeys have led her to lament the decline in churchgoing in Belfast in recent years. She confesses that her experiences have ‘washed away any darkness that lurked in my godless life and brought unimagined blessings.’ She says that churches are ‘pockets of light’ that can act as catalysts for personal and societal transformation (p. 146).
These ‘pockets of light’ have moved online for the time being. But Lawson’s book gives us a way to enter their doors again and consider what, if anything, the churches have to offer in terms of healing, love, and those all-important human connections.