sluggerotoole--2020-07-31--Shouldn’t we be encouraging encourage a degree of risk-taking in ministers who see an opportunity in

Shouldn’t we be encouraging encourage a degree of risk-taking in ministers who see an opportunity in developing political capital out of “getting stuff done”?

So Arlene ’ s leadership is safe .
I ’ m not actually sure it was under threat , but last week ’ s article from Richard Bullick criticising a bill easing controls on ministers clearly spooked some the party ’ s senior reps into washing their linen in the semi-public .
I understand Bullick ’ s concerns , through the 2013 example when Mrs O ’ Neill as Agriculture Minister refused to consult the Finance Minster details of how she planned to spend £100k of EU funding and was brought to the High Court under the current provisions , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see the problem .
When you make the institutions so tight and so safe that they can not contain controversy , you risk systemic and periodic collapse .
Mrs O ’ Neill ’ s daring attempt to make off with an EU cheque aside , most fiscal matters will have to be settled at Minister of Finance ’ s office and around the Executive table .
And there is some sense in allowing ( as was the case pre-2002 ) Minister some leeway for enterprise to pick up the slack of the last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less dangerous than doing something stupid with the limited cash currently available , but that ’ s likely to change coming out of Covid .
As The Dissenter blog notes , if you take a look at the bigger picture even briefly there ’ s awful lot of groundwork that needs to be done before any of the bigger ideas can be advanced , and that actually it might make sense if ministers were freed to make more headway on groundwork projects… Indeed , who has not noticed the advantage of having a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cabinet colleagues to get on with the important job of protecting the citizens of Northern Ireland ?
What if ministers only had to run the scrutiny of their departmental committees , not their cabinet colleagues ?
For that to happen ( and to safely dispense with some of the protections of the St Andrews ’ Agreement we need our political parties toman up , develop real politics , to engage not just with each other but with that free and informed civic space that Professor Shirlow talks about in this week ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ireland is a pot that can not be left unwatched .
For me this was the original sin of what I ’ ve come to see as the rather louche Cameron/Kenny era .
Johnson and Martin urgent job is to developing a functional support base to keep our politicians busy for the next five to ten years .
Too few of us in Northern Ireland know how to get anything done on our own and in any case we don ’ t have the resources that include not having many journalists how things @ @ @ @ @ @ @ notes , we have problems to tackle , but we ’ re not always keen to look for solutions .
As The Dissenter notes , we often resort to derision rather than enlightenment .
Instead of laughing at Boris ’ s bridge , or indulging the idea as having great merit , perhaps step one is banking the idea that infrastructure is essential and can be transformative .
However , to imagine something transformative however , we need to get address fundamentals .
If there is to be investment in infrastructure , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the basics .
If as Pete Shirlow notes that 48 % of young people have no idea which community won or lost from the Belfast Agreement , the cracks in the current Unionist/Nationalist dam on action on development , wealth creation and actively tackling inequality , further inaction will lead to more cracking .
In short , taking off the protections may matter more when there ’ s very little in way of policy innovation happening than at a time when you might want to encourage a degree of risk-taking ministers who see @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of actually getting some important stuff done .
“ Stormont ” by D-Stanley is licensed under CC BY

So Arlene’s leadership is safe. I’m not actually sure it was under threat, but last week’s article from Richard Bullick criticising a bill easing controls on ministers clearly spooked some the party’s senior reps into washing their linen in the semi-public.
I understand Bullick’s concerns, not least through the 2013 example when Mrs O’Neill as Agriculture Minister refused to consult the Finance Minster on how she planned to spend £100k of EU funding and was brought to the High Court under the current provisions, I’m not sure I quite see the problem.
When you make the institutions so tight and so safe that they cannot contain controversy, you risk systemic and periodic collapse. Mrs O’Neill’s daring attempt to make off with an EU cheque aside, most fiscal matters will have to be settled at Minister of Finance’s office and around the Executive table.
And there is some sense in allowing (as was the case pre-2002) Minister some leeway for enterprise to pick up the slack of the last twenty years. Doing nothing might be less dangerous than doing something stupid with the limited cash currently available, but that’s likely to change coming out of Covid.
As The Dissenter blog notes, if you take a look at the bigger picture even briefly there’s awful lot of groundwork that needs to be done before any of the bigger ideas can be advanced, and that actually it might make sense if ministers were freed to make more headway on groundwork projects…
…and that might leave the Executive with the job to deal with the difficult strategic issues. On that point we talked about the previous thedissenter post on the failure to address fundamental strategic infrastructure that was placed a dampener on any prospect of significant future economic development – a electricity supply that is ‘insecure’ and a waste water treatment infrastructure that is at or near capacity.
Indeed, who has not noticed the advantage of having a Health Minister who is broadly trusted by cabinet colleagues to get on with the important job of protecting the citizens of Northern Ireland? What if ministers only had to run the scrutiny of their departmental committees, not their cabinet colleagues?
For that to happen (and to safely dispense with some of the protections of the St Andrews’ Agreement) we need our political parties to man up, develop real politics, to engage not just with each other but with that free and informed civic space that Professor Shirlow talks about in this week’s Cargo Of Bricks…
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Indeed, also in the News Letter today, Shane Greer, who is actually quite sceptical of the proposed “Bridge to Scotland” says that at least the feasibility study should go ahead, because…
“As a people who have spent decades now building metaphorical bridges between erstwhile detached communities in Northern Ireland, we can do better than trying without empirical merit to prevent the construction of physical ones. …perhaps most important of all, we need to dispense with that most tiresome of character traits, the desire to shoot others down and shoot their ideas down. Seats in the peanut gallery are cheap, but they add nothing but distraction to actual events being played out on the stage. It is a tiresome trait that holds Northern Ireland back in so many ways. The notion that that will never work, that engaging in a new venture is too risky, that things are the way they are for a reason, that you should not rock the boat, are not worthy of a people whose capacity to overcome adversity is legend.
More broadly, Northern Ireland is a pot that cannot be left unwatched. For me this was the original sin of what I’ve come to see as the rather louche Cameron/Kenny era. Johnson and Martin urgent job is to developing a functional support base to keep our politicians busy for the next five to ten years.
Too few of us in Northern Ireland know how to get anything done on our own and in any case we don’t have the resources that include not having many journalists how things works inside the government. As Shirlow notes, we have problems to tackle, but we’re not always keen to look for solutions.
As The Dissenter notes, we often resort to derision rather than enlightenment.
Instead of laughing at Boris’s bridge, or indulging the idea as having great merit, perhaps step one is banking the idea that infrastructure is essential and can be transformative. However, to imagine something transformative however, we need to get address fundamentals. If there is to be investment in infrastructure, in Northern Ireland it needs to start with the basics.
If as Pete Shirlow notes that 48% of young people have no idea which community won or lost from the Belfast Agreement, the cracks in the current Unionist/Nationalist dam on action on development, wealth creation and actively tackling inequality, further inaction will lead to more cracking.
In short, taking off the protections may matter more when there’s very little in way of policy innovation happening than at a time when you might want to encourage a degree of risk-taking ministers who see an opportunity in developing political capital out of actually getting some important stuff done.
“Stormont” by D-Stanley is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-07-31--#SluggerTV After lockdown, can the arts return to health without a vaccine? (John Hewitt Digital Fes

#SluggerTV After lockdown, can the arts return to health without a vaccine? (John Hewitt Digital Festival)

A recent article on The Stage magazine website noted that “ big tops are being built up across the UK ” .
“ With sidewalls raised and seats spaced out , tented circuses are resuming summer tours .
Heavy theatre doors , meanwhile , remain shut .
But there ’ s a simple solution to opening up with socially distanced productions .
Theatres should take to tents.
” A trip to the cinema this week – I ’ d recommend Saint Frances out of the poor fare currently being screened – was a lonely affair with five people spaced out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a bit more cramped and the economics of opening traditional theatre spaces to a third full audiences don ’ t look promising .
But perhaps The MAC should be teaming up with Tumble Circus and getting the big top back in Writer ’ s Square opposite St Anne ’ s Cathedral ( before the developers move in ) ?
Or perhaps the Lyric should be erecting a tent in Botanic Gardens to get performances underway ?
Normally , we take Slugger TV out of the NvTv studio and on the road to film @ @ @ @ @ @ @ live audience in Armagh , but this year the John Hewitt International Summer School had to morph into the John Hewitt Digital Festival of Literature and Ideas .
Earlier this month , I chaired , recorded and edited a panel discussion around some of the issues facing the arts sector in Northern Ireland .
Spoiler alert : After lockdown , can the arts return to health without a vaccine ?
was ultimately inconclusive in unearthing a silver bullet .
In the two weeks that have passed since recording , the Department for Communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ silent about whether they will accept the moral imperative to pass the £33m Barnett ’ s Consequential funding derived from an investment in English cultural activities onto museums and the arts in Northern Ireland .
At the time , Communities Minister Carál Ní Chuilín promised : “ I will be making strong representations to my Executive colleagues at the earliest opportunity on how this money should be spent to ensure the short term and long term sustainability of the sector.
” Those representations certainly haven ’ t yet resulted in quick , visible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Roisín McDonough ( chief executive , Arts Council of Northern Ireland ) , Maureen Kenelly ( director , An Chomhairle Ealaíon / The Arts Council of Ireland ) Mary Nagele ( chief executive , Arts and Business NI ) and John Campbell ( economics and business editor , BBC Northern Ireland ) .
If government spending along with National Lottery funding is compared across the Arts Council of Northern Ireland , Arts Council England , Creative Scotland and the Arts Council of Wales – calculated per head of population , using 2016/17 figures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – then Northern Ireland ( £6.06 ) spends less than half what is spent in England ( £12.97 ) , Scotland ( £12.39 ) or Wales ( £13.29 ) .
DCAL was deconstructed and subsumed into DfC .
It ’ s hard not to include that Culture , Arts and Leisure are Cinderella sectors in Northern Ireland .
Towards the end of our discussion , John Campbell chipped in on how value is applied to the arts .
He said that he had “ a real aversion to trying to apply economic value @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ it was a bad and dangerous path that the sector had been forced down [ by ] receiving public money [ and ] therefore we must demonstrate that we are growing the economy ” .
One of John ’ s earliest pieces of published journalism was a dispatch from a Hewitt Summer School !
“ You get these slightly sketchy impact assessments which make all sorts of heroic assumptions about the economic value of your work , which I think is dangerous because you know , on the kind of most optimistic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ add in pure GVA ( Gross Value Added , similar to GDP ) it ’ s only about 3 % .
“ Of course , it creates jobs and people work in it , but I don ’ t think that is where the value of the arts lie … The model I would prefer to look at is the kind of stuff Richard Florida has talked about in The Rise of the Creative Class , where you say , if you want to have a vibrant , city economy , which is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ things and technology and the creative industries and other things , you must have a vibrant art scene .
“ So you ’ ve got a good cafe culture .
You ’ ve got places for all these young people to go to and thrive .
And so the arts is part of that .
You create this kind of virtuous circle … to apply individual impact studies to individual organisations or productions is a bit of a fool ’ s errand in comparison .
I know that that the Richard Florida model @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of high priest of gentrification , but I still think it has some value and is better than the alternative of the slightly hooky impact assessments , which people are forced to do.
” Food for thought .
But in the meantime , it won ’ t put food on the plates of some people who normally work in the creative sector but have no work in sight , no auditions to attend , no sets to build , no bars to staff , no festivals to promote , no money to save @ @ @ @ @ @ @ providing entertainment and joy to audiences .
You can find out more about the John Hewitt Society ’ s 2020 programme in a preview post from earlier this week or by registering for the free events and tuning into their YouTube channel .
This episode of Slugger TV will also be broadcast on NvTv ,

A recent article on The Stage magazine website noted that “big tops are being built up across the UK”.
“With sidewalls raised and seats spaced out, tented circuses are resuming summer tours. Heavy theatre doors, meanwhile, remain shut. But there’s a simple solution to opening up with socially distanced productions. Theatres should take to tents.”
A trip to the cinema this week – I’d recommend Saint Frances out of the poor fare currently being screened – was a lonely affair with five people spaced out across the raked seating. Theatres are a bit more cramped and the economics of opening traditional theatre spaces to a third full audiences don’t look promising.
But perhaps The MAC should be teaming up with Tumble Circus and getting the big top back in Writer’s Square opposite St Anne’s Cathedral (before the developers move in)? Or perhaps the Lyric should be erecting a tent in Botanic Gardens to get performances underway?
Normally, we take Slugger TV out of the NvTv studio and on the road to film a holiday episode in front of a live audience in Armagh, but this year the John Hewitt International Summer School had to morph into the John Hewitt Digital Festival of Literature and Ideas.
Earlier this month, I chaired, recorded and edited a panel discussion around some of the issues facing the arts sector in Northern Ireland. Spoiler alert: After lockdown, can the arts return to health without a vaccine? was ultimately inconclusive in unearthing a silver bullet.
In the two weeks that have passed since recording, the Department for Communities and the NI Executive have been relatively silent about whether they will accept the moral imperative to pass the £33m Barnett’s Consequential funding derived from an investment in English cultural activities onto museums and the arts in Northern Ireland.
At the time, Communities Minister Carál Ní Chuilín promised: “I will be making strong representations to my Executive colleagues at the earliest opportunity on how this money should be spent to ensure the short term and long term sustainability of the sector.” Those representations certainly haven’t yet resulted in quick, visible action …
I was joined online by Roisín McDonough (chief executive, Arts Council of Northern Ireland), Maureen Kenelly (director, An Chomhairle Ealaíon / The Arts Council of Ireland) Mary Nagele (chief executive, Arts and Business NI) and John Campbell (economics and business editor, BBC Northern Ireland).
If government spending along with National Lottery funding is compared across the Arts Council of Northern Ireland, Arts Council England, Creative Scotland and the Arts Council of Wales – calculated per head of population, using 2016/17 figures published by the House of Commons Library – then Northern Ireland (£6.06) spends less than half what is spent in England (£12.97), Scotland (£12.39) or Wales (£13.29).
DCAL was deconstructed and subsumed into DfC. It’s hard not to include that Culture, Arts and Leisure are Cinderella sectors in Northern Ireland.
Towards the end of our discussion, John Campbell chipped in on how value is applied to the arts. He said that he had “a real aversion to trying to apply economic value to the arts”, adding that “it was a bad and dangerous path that the sector had been forced down [by] receiving public money [and] therefore we must demonstrate that we are growing the economy”.
One of John’s earliest pieces of published journalism was a dispatch from a Hewitt Summer School!
“You get these slightly sketchy impact assessments which make all sorts of heroic assumptions about the economic value of your work, which I think is dangerous because you know, on the kind of most optimistic readings of what does the creative arts add in pure GVA (Gross Value Added, similar to GDP) it’s only about 3%.
“Of course, it creates jobs and people work in it, but I don’t think that is where the value of the arts lie … The model I would prefer to look at is the kind of stuff Richard Florida has talked about in The Rise of the Creative Class, where you say, if you want to have a vibrant, city economy, which is full of young people, doing exciting things and technology and the creative industries and other things, you must have a vibrant art scene.
“So you’ve got a good cafe culture. You’ve got places for all these young people to go to and thrive. And so the arts is part of that. You create this kind of virtuous circle … to apply individual impact studies to individual organisations or productions is a bit of a fool’s errand in comparison. I know that that the Richard Florida model is much criticised now as a kind of high priest of gentrification, but I still think it has some value and is better than the alternative of the slightly hooky impact assessments, which people are forced to do.”
Food for thought. But in the meantime, it won’t put food on the plates of some people who normally work in the creative sector but have no work in sight, no auditions to attend, no sets to build, no bars to staff, no festivals to promote, no money to save for house deposits, fewer ways of providing entertainment and joy to audiences.
You can find out more about the John Hewitt Society’s 2020 programme in a preview post from earlier this week or by registering for the free events and tuning into their YouTube channel. This episode of Slugger TV will also be broadcast on NvTv,


sluggerotoole--2020-07-31--Peace and Conflict: Understanding out World – New Podcast Series from Queen’s…

A new podcast series has been launched by Queen ’ s University that looks at conflict and peace-building around the @ @ @ @ @ Ireland , Colombia to South Africa and the Middle East .
Academics from Queen ’ @ @ @ @ @ and reflections on how societies can transition from conflict to peace and how the traumatic @ @ @ @ @ endure and continue to shape political discourse today .
Drawing from a range of expertise @ @ @ @ @ discuss such issues as how factors such as education and economics affect and define conflict @ @ @ @ @ organisations , the definition of ` terrorism ’ itself and the impact of the marginalisation @ @ @ @ @ Spread across eight episodes , you can hear from Queen ’ s academics who are @ @ @ @ @ conflict-related research , whether they ’ re working on the front-line in Afghanistan , or @ @ @ @ @ Ireland and other contexts .
You can listen to this series through Apple Podcasts or @ @ @ @ @ StockSnap is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

A new podcast series has been launched by Queen’s University that looks at conflict and peace-building around the world, from Afghanistan to Ireland, Colombia to South Africa and the Middle East.
Academics from Queen’s University share their experiences and reflections on how societies can transition from conflict to peace and how the traumatic political legacies of conflict can endure and continue to shape political discourse today.
Drawing from a range of expertise, Queen’s academics discuss such issues as how factors such as education and economics affect and define conflict, why people join illegal organisations, the definition of `terrorism’ itself and the impact of the marginalisation of women in peacebuilding.
Spread across eight episodes, you can hear from Queen’s academics who are providing insights globally into their conflict-related research, whether they’re working on the front-line in Afghanistan, or shaping education systems in Northern Ireland and other contexts.
You can listen to this series through Apple Podcasts or through Spotify.
Photo by StockSnap is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-07-31--Shouldn’t we be encouraging a degree of risk-taking in ministers who see an opportunity in developin

Shouldn’t we be encouraging a degree of risk-taking in ministers who see an opportunity in developing political capital out of “getting stuff done”?

So Arlene ’ s leadership is safe .
I ’ m not actually sure it was under threat , but last week ’ s article from Richard Bullick criticising a bill easing controls on ministers clearly spooked some the party ’ s senior reps into washing their linen in the semi-public .
I understand Bullick ’ s concerns , not least through the 2013 example when Mrs O ’ Neill as Agriculture Minister refused to consult the Finance Minster on how she planned to spend £100k of EU funding and was brought to the High Court under the current provisions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quite see the problem .
When you make the institutions so tight and so safe that they can not contain controversy , you risk systemic and periodic collapse .
Mrs O ’ Neill ’ s daring attempt to make off with an EU cheque aside , most fiscal matters will have to be settled at Minister of Finance ’ s office and around the Executive table .
And there is some sense in allowing ( as was the case pre-2002 ) Minister some leeway for enterprise to pick up the slack of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be less dangerous than doing something stupid with the limited cash currently available , but that ’ s likely to change coming out of Covid .
As The Dissenter blog notes , if you take a look at the bigger picture even briefly there ’ s awful lot of groundwork that needs to be done before any of the bigger ideas can be advanced , and that actually it might make sense if ministers were freed to make more headway on groundwork projects… Indeed , who has not noticed the advantage of having @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by cabinet colleagues to get on with the important job of protecting the citizens of Northern Ireland ?
What if ministers only had to run the scrutiny of their departmental committees , not their cabinet colleagues ?
For that to happen ( and to safely dispense with some of the protections of the St Andrews ’ Agreement ) we need our political parties to man up , develop real politics , to engage not just with each other but with that free and informed civic space that Professor Shirlow talks about in this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , also in the News Letter today , Shane Greer , who is actually quite sceptical of the proposed “ Bridge to Scotland ” says that at least the feasibility study should go ahead , because… “ As a people who have spent decades now building metaphorical bridges between erstwhile detached communities in Northern Ireland , we can do better than trying without empirical merit to prevent the construction of physical ones .
…perhaps most important of all , we need to dispense with that most tiresome of character traits , the desire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ideas down .
Seats in the peanut gallery are cheap , but they add nothing but distraction to actual events being played out on the stage .
It is a tiresome trait that holds Northern Ireland back in so many ways .
The notion that that will never work , that engaging in a new venture is too risky , that things are the way they are for a reason , that you should not rock the boat , are not worthy of a people whose capacity to overcome adversity is legend .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ pot that can not be left unwatched .
For me this was the original sin of what I ’ ve come to see as the rather louche Cameron/Kenny era .
Johnson and Martin urgent job is to developing a functional support base to keep our politicians busy for the next five to ten years .
Too few of us in Northern Ireland know how to get anything done on our own and in any case we don ’ t have the resources that include not having many journalists how things works inside the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have problems to tackle , but we ’ re not always keen to look for solutions .
As The Dissenter notes , we often resort to derision rather than enlightenment .
If as Pete Shirlow notes that 48 % of young people have no idea which community won or lost from the Belfast Agreement , the cracks in the current Unionist/Nationalist dam on action on development , wealth creation and actively tackling inequality , further inaction will lead to more cracking .
In short , taking off the protections may matter more when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of policy innovation happening than at a time when you might want to encourage a degree of risk-taking ministers who see an opportunity in developing political capital out of actually getting some important stuff done .
“ Stormont ” by D-Stanley is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-08-01--Happy Swiss National Day…

Happy Swiss National Day…

A long established Slugger tradition is the annual posting on Bastille Day of the clip from Casablanca showing the emotional singing of La Marseillaise ( here ) .
Perhaps I can start another similar tradition .
Today , 1 August , is Swiss National Day and a public holiday , but only if the date falls during the working week .
It commemorates the events around the foundation of the country , and the struggle for freedom from the domination of the Holy Roman Empire .
There is documentary evidence that in “ early August ” 1291 , though no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the forested cantons around the southern extremity of Lake Lucerne , the Urnersee , met and swore an oath of loyalty to one another , signing an alliance .
This document is the original Federal Charter .
The cantons , small , independent states were ( and are ) Uri , Schwyz and Unterwalden .
Unterwalden has two parts , Obwalden , the upper part , and Nidwalden , the lower part .
Lake Lucerne is , in German , the Lake of the Four Forest Cantons .
As they had sworn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , they are called the Eidgenossen , the “ Compatriots of the Oath ” and that is also applied to the nation , the Eidgenossenschaft .
The location of their meeting is not precisely known , but has traditionally been attached to the Rütli , a twelve acre meadow on the west bank of the Urnersee .
The Rütli has over the years acquired a romantic and symbolic status as the site where Switzerland began .
It is now the tradition that every 1st August , a senior politician delivers a heart-warming address @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tradition there has also been , sadly , a demonstration from far-right extremist groups .
Another tradition is the lighting of bonfires on hilltops and mountain sides in the evening .
The date of 1 August 1291 was a pragmatic choice made shortly before the 600th anniversary of the foundation of Switzerland .
It was initially contentious , with some preferring 1307 .
On 25 July 1940 when the threat of German occupation was high , the Army General Henri Guisan took 650 of his senior officers to the Rütli , forcefully reminding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ invasion , and would never surrender : I decided to reunite you in this historic place , the symbolic ground of our independence , to explain the urgency of the situation , and to speak of you as a soldier to soldiers .
We are at a turning point of our history .
The survival of Switzerland is at stake .
The Rütli from the Urnersee , July 1983 In the middle of the 19th century the Rütli was in private hands and there were plans for a modern development including a hotel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ across the country , that a movement was formed to collect money to buy the meadow and present it to the federal government on behalf of all citizens .
The story , the legend , says that it was the Swiss school children who collected for this and donated their pocket money .
In any event , the purchase was successful .
An alternate version of the struggle for freedom is the story of William Tell , the chap who shot the apple on his son ’ s head .
This is conventionally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taken up by Friedrich von Schiller , who although he had never visited Switzerland , was helped by his wife Charlotte who had been to the area , and by his friend Goethe .
Schiller wrote Wilheim Tell , a play in five acts , and published it in 1804 , incorporating the themes of freedom , with Tell as an ordinary , freedom-loving man of action who opposes the despotic power of the Habsburg bailiff , Hermann Gessler .
Tell ’ s assassination of Gessler is presented as an act of self @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a love interest in which the male character has a change of beliefs .
The first part of the play presents the backgrounds of the story and some of the characters .
The aged Werner , the Baron von Attinghausen , realises that the age of feudal power is over , but his heir and nephew Ulrich von Rudenz is excited by the glamour of Gessler ’ s court , and has fallen in love with Gessler ’ s ward , the aristocratic heiress Berta von Bruneck , and goes off to join @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cantons , including Werner von Attinghausen from Uri , meet and swear an oath , in Schiller ’ s words : A little later the conspirators meet by moonlight on the Rütli and vow to expel the occupying Habsburgs .
Tell , the individualist , is not one of them .
Meanwhile Berta and Ulrich meet ; she has taken the side of the peasants against the tyrants .
She tells Ulrich that she can only love him if he joins her in this , and she is able to win him over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ set off on a visit , and pass through Altdorf , the capital of Uri .
There Gessler has set his hat on a pole and ordered the population to bow to it as they pass .
Tell doesn ’ t bow , and is quickly arrested .
Gessler arrives on the scene , and recognises Tell as a marksman .
Young Walter boasts that his father can hit an apple at a great distance .
Gessler demands proof , and Walter is forced to stand with an apple on his head .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Tell takes two bolts or quarrels from his quiver and loads his crossbow with one and shoots , cleaving the apple .
Gessler demands to know what the second bolt was for , and Tell replies that if the first had struck his child , the second would have gone through Gessler ’ s heart .
Gessler orders Tell to be bound and taken across the Urnersee to prison .
A severe storm breaks as they are crossing the lake , so the guards release Tell for he is the only one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ashore , but pushes the boat back into the lake .
In the meantime , Berta has been imprisoned by Gessler ’ s henchmen , while Ulrich is now firmly on the side of the people .
He returns to find the old Baron dead , after declaring that , “ the day of the nobles is passing , and the new day of the people is at hand ” .
Ulrich becomes the leader of the peasants who rise in revolt , but wait for a signal , a bonfire on a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gasse , a narrow , artificial defile cut through the rock .
There a beggar entreats him for help as her husband is in prison and her children are starving .
Gessler orders her out of the way , and threatens to ride over her if she doesn ’ t .
At this Tell , who has already decided that putting an end to Gessler ’ s tyrannical actions is morally justifiable , assassinates him with the second bolt .
This action starts the uprising .
Ulrich rescues Berta from prison , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s house .
The aristocratic Berta asks the peasants to be allowed to join them , and they agree .
Berta gives her hand to Ulrich , saying , “ I give this young man my rights , the free Swiss woman to the free man ” .
The play ends with Ulrich ’ s response : Schiller ’ s play has been performed in the open air theatre in Interlaken every summer from 1947 .
The stage is specially designed for this , no other play can be performed .
All @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sadly , the coronavirus means that this year ’ s performances have had to be cancelled , as have many other festivities .
Rossini wrote his opera Guillaume Tell based on a French version of the play .
The extract above is the final part of the overture , often called the March of the Swiss Soldiers , and represents Swiss horsemen at a gallop triumphing over the Habsburg oppression .
Please try not to think of anything else as you listen to it .
Rossini ’ s opera not unsurprisingly fell foul @ @ @ @ @ @ @ published .
Verdi ’ s opera Nabucco , particularly Va Pensiero , The Chorus of the Hebrew Slaves ; and Sibelius ’ s Finlandia both had similar problems .
Shiller ’ s play was banned by Hitler in 1940 .
And all for the same reason .
Historical research confirms the general authenticity of the meeting on the Rütli , and the Eidgenossen , if not all the details .
This agreement was only one of many anti-Habsburg pacts at the time , not all of which were kept .
Historians , miserable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are in agreement that William Tell did not exist as a person , but the legend represents a personification of the fight against tyrannical oppression .
They have also concluded that the legend of the Swiss children and the pocket money is true .
Photo by Fotoworkshop4You is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

A long established Slugger tradition is the annual posting on Bastille Day of the clip from Casablanca showing the emotional singing of La Marseillaise (here). Perhaps I can start another similar tradition.
Today, 1 August, is Swiss National Day and a public holiday, but only if the date falls during the working week. It commemorates the events around the foundation of the country, and the struggle for freedom from the domination of the Holy Roman Empire.
There is documentary evidence that in “early August” 1291, though no more exact date is given, representatives from the forested cantons around the southern extremity of Lake Lucerne, the Urnersee, met and swore an oath of loyalty to one another, signing an alliance. This document is the original Federal Charter. The cantons, small, independent states were (and are) Uri, Schwyz and Unterwalden. Unterwalden has two parts, Obwalden, the upper part, and Nidwalden, the lower part. Lake Lucerne is, in German, the Lake of the Four Forest Cantons. As they had sworn an oath, an Eid in German, they are called the Eidgenossen, the “Compatriots of the Oath” and that is also applied to the nation, the Eidgenossenschaft.
The location of their meeting is not precisely known, but has traditionally been attached to the Rütli, a twelve acre meadow on the west bank of the Urnersee. The Rütli has over the years acquired a romantic and symbolic status as the site where Switzerland began. It is now the tradition that every 1st August, a senior politician delivers a heart-warming address from there. More recently, a tradition there has also been, sadly, a demonstration from far-right extremist groups. Another tradition is the lighting of bonfires on hilltops and mountain sides in the evening.
The date of 1 August 1291 was a pragmatic choice made shortly before the 600th anniversary of the foundation of Switzerland. It was initially contentious, with some preferring 1307. On 25 July 1940 when the threat of German occupation was high, the Army General Henri Guisan took 650 of his senior officers to the Rütli, forcefully reminding them that Switzerland would resist any Nazi invasion, and would never surrender:
I decided to reunite you in this historic place, the symbolic ground of our independence, to explain the urgency of the situation, and to speak of you as a soldier to soldiers. We are at a turning point of our history. The survival of Switzerland is at stake.
The Rütli from the Urnersee, July 1983
In the middle of the 19th century the Rütli was in private hands and there were plans for a modern development including a hotel. This sacrilege so horrified many citizens across the country, that a movement was formed to collect money to buy the meadow and present it to the federal government on behalf of all citizens. The story, the legend, says that it was the Swiss school children who collected for this and donated their pocket money. In any event, the purchase was successful.
An alternate version of the struggle for freedom is the story of William Tell, the chap who shot the apple on his son’s head. This is conventionally dated to 1307.
The story was taken up by Friedrich von Schiller, who although he had never visited Switzerland, was helped by his wife Charlotte who had been to the area, and by his friend Goethe. Schiller wrote Wilheim Tell, a play in five acts, and published it in 1804, incorporating the themes of freedom, with Tell as an ordinary, freedom-loving man of action who opposes the despotic power of the Habsburg bailiff, Hermann Gessler. Tell’s assassination of Gessler is presented as an act of self defence, while the third theme is a love interest in which the male character has a change of beliefs.
The first part of the play presents the backgrounds of the story and some of the characters. The aged Werner, the Baron von Attinghausen, realises that the age of feudal power is over, but his heir and nephew Ulrich von Rudenz is excited by the glamour of Gessler’s court, and has fallen in love with Gessler’s ward, the aristocratic heiress Berta von Bruneck, and goes off to join them.
The chiefs of the three cantons, including Werner von Attinghausen from Uri, meet and swear an oath, in Schiller’s words:
A little later the conspirators meet by moonlight on the Rütli and vow to expel the occupying Habsburgs. Tell, the individualist, is not one of them.
Meanwhile Berta and Ulrich meet; she has taken the side of the peasants against the tyrants. She tells Ulrich that she can only love him if he joins her in this, and she is able to win him over.
Tell and his elder son Walter set off on a visit, and pass through Altdorf, the capital of Uri. There Gessler has set his hat on a pole and ordered the population to bow to it as they pass. Tell doesn’t bow, and is quickly arrested. Gessler arrives on the scene, and recognises Tell as a marksman. Young Walter boasts that his father can hit an apple at a great distance. Gessler demands proof, and Walter is forced to stand with an apple on his head. Walter promises to “stand still”. Tell takes two bolts or quarrels from his quiver and loads his crossbow with one and shoots, cleaving the apple.
Gessler demands to know what the second bolt was for, and Tell replies that if the first had struck his child, the second would have gone through Gessler’s heart. Gessler orders Tell to be bound and taken across the Urnersee to prison. A severe storm breaks as they are crossing the lake, so the guards release Tell for he is the only one who can save them. Tell jumps ashore, but pushes the boat back into the lake.
In the meantime, Berta has been imprisoned by Gessler’s henchmen, while Ulrich is now firmly on the side of the people. He returns to find the old Baron dead, after declaring that, “the day of the nobles is passing, and the new day of the people is at hand”. Ulrich becomes the leader of the peasants who rise in revolt, but wait for a signal, a bonfire on a hilltop.
Gessler rides through the Hohle Gasse, a narrow, artificial defile cut through the rock. There a beggar entreats him for help as her husband is in prison and her children are starving. Gessler orders her out of the way, and threatens to ride over her if she doesn’t. At this Tell, who has already decided that putting an end to Gessler’s tyrannical actions is morally justifiable, assassinates him with the second bolt.
This action starts the uprising. Ulrich rescues Berta from prison, and they and the people throng towards Tell’s house. The aristocratic Berta asks the peasants to be allowed to join them, and they agree. Berta gives her hand to Ulrich, saying, “I give this young man my rights, the free Swiss woman to the free man”. The play ends with Ulrich’s response:
Und frei erklär ich alle meine Knechte. I declare all my serfs freemen.
Schiller’s play has been performed in the open air theatre in Interlaken every summer from 1947. The stage is specially designed for this, no other play can be performed. All the actors are locals and amateurs. Sadly, the coronavirus means that this year’s performances have had to be cancelled, as have many other festivities.
Rossini wrote his opera Guillaume Tell based on a French version of the play. The extract above is the final part of the overture, often called the March of the Swiss Soldiers, and represents Swiss horsemen at a gallop triumphing over the Habsburg oppression. Please try not to think of anything else as you listen to it. Rossini’s opera not unsurprisingly fell foul of the censors soon after it was published. Verdi’s opera Nabucco, particularly Va Pensiero, The Chorus of the Hebrew Slaves; and Sibelius’s Finlandia both had similar problems. Shiller’s play was banned by Hitler in 1940. And all for the same reason.
Historical research confirms the general authenticity of the meeting on the Rütli, and the Eidgenossen, if not all the details. This agreement was only one of many anti-Habsburg pacts at the time, not all of which were kept.
Historians, miserable, unromantic sods that they are, are in agreement that William Tell did not exist as a person, but the legend represents a personification of the fight against tyrannical oppression. They have also concluded that the legend of the Swiss children and the pocket money is true.
Photo by Fotoworkshop4You is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-08-01--On high speed rail in Ireland (again)

On high speed rail in Ireland (again)

Any time I hear the phrase “ let ’ s build high speed rail in Ireland ” I find myself able , without undue effort , to restrain my enthusiasm within the bounds of public decorum .
This is not because I ’ m against the idea , but rather because politicians here have a habit of talking a lot about it while never actually doing anything to progress it .
It has been in the news a few times lately , most recently following yesterday ’ s north-south ministerial council meeting ; it also formed part of the New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it was not among the infrastructure projects mentioned in the new draft programme for government – a fact no northern politicians chose to draw attention to at the time ) .
At this stage , this debate has become a cliché .
I have been using the Enterprise since I was still at school in the mid-1990s .
I remember back then that politicians talked of a Belfast-Dublin journey time of 90 minutes .
This idea was floated as far back as the 1970s .
Yet in reality this journey time has barely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the late 1940s , when it was hauled by steam .
You might expect that given the economic growth across the island , the arrival of powersharing and enhanced cross-border co-operation , and indeed the four-year ministry of a Sinn Féin MLA from a border county in the relevant department , that the cross-border railway service between the island ’ s two largest cities would have been enhanced .
Instead , this period has coincided with a marked decline .
The Belfast-Dublin journey time has slipped by between 10 and 20 minutes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ powersharing first began .
It has received no investment other than a modest ( and excruciatingly slow ) mid-life refurbishment of the rolling stock .
This is , very simply , because the politicians who are now calling for high speed rail have failed to use their influence or decision making powers to invest in the service and make it fit for a growing economy .
The most egregious example of the kind of showboating we have come to expect on this matter was on the part of the members of Belfast City @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which decided ( tweet ) to spend a five-figure sum commissioning a report on delivering high speed cross border rail about 18 months ago .
Their objective in doing this remains somewhat unclear given that the council has no powers and extremely limited influence on regional transport spending priorities .
Moreover , we already know what it will say , not just because the challenge is already quite well understood , but because Translink and Irish Rail produced an outline strategic proposal for cross-border rail six months before the council announced that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ problems with the Enterprise and how they might be solved are well understood by industry watchers and by the infrastructure departments of Translink/NIR and Irish Rail .
The first is track quality , which is a problem almost exclusively on the northern side of the border .
Railways are complex civil engineering structures that require ongoing regular maintenance , including semi-regular refurbishment , to ensure stability of the track and enable safe operation at speed .
The Northern Ireland direct rule administration refurbished sections of the Belfast-border railway during the 1980s from its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ welded rail running on concrete sleepers .
These renewed sections were not included in the mid 1990s refurb and are now in comparatively poor condition .
Poor drainage and other problems in sections between Lisburn and the border have led to speed restrictions , which impact the timetabling of the service .
Track quality on the southern side of the border seems to be generally good , reflecting ongoing Irish government investment on what is a major commuter route into Dublin , with speed restrictions mainly in place through certain stations and over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a much more difficult one , and it is to do with congestion in the Dublin region between Connolly station and Malahide .
This section is operating close to full capacity with DART and regional commuter services .
For political reasons ( which likely explain the absence of this issue in the strategic report ) , Irish Rail appears to prioritise the service standards of these slower local trains over the Enterprise , which means that Enterprise services must proceed slowly through this region .
Solving the track quality problems in the north @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the congestion problem around Dublin is much more difficult .
It can only be properly solved by installation of at least one additional track between Malahide and Clontarf .
This is far from straightforward owing to the number of high-value residential areas that back on to the railway line southwards of Clongriffin , which will make it expensive to acquire any necessary land and difficult to install new sections of track without disrupting services .
This problem is set to get worse with the Irish government ’ s plans to extend the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and implementing the ideas in strategic report , could cost at least €1bn but would bring the service to the point where it is capable of running hourly and delivering something close to a 90-minute journey time .
These measures are the minimum necessary which would at least make the service competitive with the private car or bus .
When people talk about “ high speed rail ” , however , this is generally taken to mean services that operate at speeds higher than 125mph ( the track and rolling stock of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 90mph ) .
The only way to deliver this is to build entirely new and electrified track from scratch .
It is hard to say how expensive this would be , as no new railway lines have been built anywhere in Ireland for well over a century ( excepting the cross-harbour and Bleach Green-Monkstown direct curve projects near Belfast ) .
Recent projects in Italy have cost around €60m per mile to construct , suggesting a cost of around €6bn , and around €10bn for the Dublin-Cork section .
It would almost certainly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ station , which would increase the cost significantly especially given that the port tunnel already exists in that region .
A proper , feasibility study and cost-benefit analysis would be required to bottom out these figures but they give a rough idea of how much it will cost .
Even then , COVID-19 represents a complicating factor in calculating the business case for an upgrade , as it appears that the era of the mass commute may be drawing to an close , suggesting that all kinds of transport-related infrastructure projects require additional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about advancing this project , they must be up-front with the public about the options and how much cash will be required to see it through .
If they are not prepared to try to find this kind of money , it ’ s long past time they stopped talking about it .

Any time I hear the phrase “let’s build high speed rail in Ireland” I find myself able, without undue effort, to restrain my enthusiasm within the bounds of public decorum. This is not because I’m against the idea, but rather because politicians here have a habit of talking a lot about it while never actually doing anything to progress it. It has been in the news a few times lately, most recently following yesterday’s north-south ministerial council meeting; it also formed part of the New Decade New Approach document (although interestingly it was not among the infrastructure projects mentioned in the new draft programme for government – a fact no northern politicians chose to draw attention to at the time).
At this stage, this debate has become a cliché. I have been using the Enterprise since I was still at school in the mid-1990s. I remember back then that politicians talked of a Belfast-Dublin journey time of 90 minutes. This idea was floated as far back as the 1970s. Yet in reality this journey time has barely improved since the service was first launched in the late 1940s, when it was hauled by steam.
You might expect that given the economic growth across the island, the arrival of powersharing and enhanced cross-border co-operation, and indeed the four-year ministry of a Sinn Féin MLA from a border county in the relevant department, that the cross-border railway service between the island’s two largest cities would have been enhanced. Instead, this period has coincided with a marked decline. The Belfast-Dublin journey time has slipped by between 10 and 20 minutes, depending on the service, since powersharing first began. It has received no investment other than a modest (and excruciatingly slow) mid-life refurbishment of the rolling stock. This is, very simply, because the politicians who are now calling for high speed rail have failed to use their influence or decision making powers to invest in the service and make it fit for a growing economy.
The most egregious example of the kind of showboating we have come to expect on this matter was on the part of the members of Belfast City Council’s growth and regeneration committee, which decided (tweet) to spend a five-figure sum commissioning a report on delivering high speed cross border rail about 18 months ago. Their objective in doing this remains somewhat unclear given that the council has no powers and extremely limited influence on regional transport spending priorities. Moreover, we already know what it will say, not just because the challenge is already quite well understood, but because Translink and Irish Rail produced an outline strategic proposal for cross-border rail six months before the council announced that it would produce its own.
The problems with the Enterprise and how they might be solved are well understood by industry watchers and by the infrastructure departments of Translink/NIR and Irish Rail.
The first is track quality, which is a problem almost exclusively on the northern side of the border. Railways are complex civil engineering structures that require ongoing regular maintenance, including semi-regular refurbishment, to ensure stability of the track and enable safe operation at speed.
The Northern Ireland direct rule administration refurbished sections of the Belfast-border railway during the 1980s from its own budget, converting them to continuously welded rail running on concrete sleepers. These renewed sections were not included in the mid 1990s refurb and are now in comparatively poor condition. Poor drainage and other problems in sections between Lisburn and the border have led to speed restrictions, which impact the timetabling of the service. Track quality on the southern side of the border seems to be generally good, reflecting ongoing Irish government investment on what is a major commuter route into Dublin, with speed restrictions mainly in place through certain stations and over major bridges.
The second problem is a much more difficult one, and it is to do with congestion in the Dublin region between Connolly station and Malahide. This section is operating close to full capacity with DART and regional commuter services. For political reasons (which likely explain the absence of this issue in the strategic report), Irish Rail appears to prioritise the service standards of these slower local trains over the Enterprise, which means that Enterprise services must proceed slowly through this region.
Solving the track quality problems in the north is mainly about resource allocation. However, the congestion problem around Dublin is much more difficult. It can only be properly solved by installation of at least one additional track between Malahide and Clontarf. This is far from straightforward owing to the number of high-value residential areas that back on to the railway line southwards of Clongriffin, which will make it expensive to acquire any necessary land and difficult to install new sections of track without disrupting services. This problem is set to get worse with the Irish government’s plans to extend the DART to Drogheda.
Solving these problems, and implementing the ideas in strategic report, could cost at least €1bn but would bring the service to the point where it is capable of running hourly and delivering something close to a 90-minute journey time. These measures are the minimum necessary which would at least make the service competitive with the private car or bus.
When people talk about “high speed rail”, however, this is generally taken to mean services that operate at speeds higher than 125mph (the track and rolling stock of the current cross-border service is limited to 90mph). The only way to deliver this is to build entirely new and electrified track from scratch. It is hard to say how expensive this would be, as no new railway lines have been built anywhere in Ireland for well over a century (excepting the cross-harbour and Bleach Green-Monkstown direct curve projects near Belfast). Recent projects in Italy have cost around €60m per mile to construct, suggesting a cost of around €6bn, and around €10bn for the Dublin-Cork section. It would almost certainly have to run underground to reach Connolly station, which would increase the cost significantly especially given that the port tunnel already exists in that region.
A proper, feasibility study and cost-benefit analysis would be required to bottom out these figures but they give a rough idea of how much it will cost. Even then, COVID-19 represents a complicating factor in calculating the business case for an upgrade, as it appears that the era of the mass commute may be drawing to an close, suggesting that all kinds of transport-related infrastructure projects require additional consideration.
But if politicians are serious about advancing this project, they must be up-front with the public about the options and how much cash will be required to see it through. If they are not prepared to try to find this kind of money, it’s long past time they stopped talking about it.


sluggerotoole--2020-08-02--In praise of slightly boring, family-friendly seaside towns…

Years ago we were on holiday in New Jersey .
At the time I was a fan of the HBO show Boardwalk Empire .
If you are not familiar with the show , it is set in the world of gangsters during prohibition in the 1920s .
Most of the action takes place in Atlantic City , which is a traditional American seaside resort that was a popular destination for visitors from New York .
I was looking forward to paying a visit to Atlantic City .
In addition to Boardwalk Empire , it appears across American pop culture in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bruce Springsteen .
I assumed there would be some historical sites to visit , and I imagined there would be some gangster walking tour that would regale you with tales of the prohibition era .
The reality was a great disappointment .
Atlantic City is a complete hole of a place .
All the historical buildings have been razed to the ground to make way for ugly casinos .
The boardwalk strip is an endless stream of junk food and tacky shops .
In the words of Morrisey , it was ‘ the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ down… ’ The entire town had an air of despair that was palpable – like a broken gambler who had lost his last dollar .
This is a good article that explains how Atlantic City fell on hard times , and how a certain Donald J Trump features prominently in its downfall .
After the disappointment of Atlantic City , we headed down the coast to Ocean City .
I had never heard of the place , but Ocean City is Atlantic City ’ s good-living twin brother .
Founded as a Christian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1879 , it banned alcohol and gambling was definitely a no-no .
Ocean City is a bright and cheerful place with lots of nice restaurants and shops .
It has a more relaxed and prosperous feel than Atlantic City , and it was very clean and friendly .
I was thinking about Ocean City as I read an article about Bundoran by Rosita Boland in the Weekend Edition of The Irish Times .
This part got my attention : During the time I ’ m in Bundoran , people tell me the town @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being quieter at night .
They don ’ t want to name names because they don ’ t want to seem as if they are criticising people in the pub and entertainment industry .
“ There used to be men out drinking all night and never going home to their families all weekend.
” “ There is no hassle at all on the streets in the evenings now.
” “ The place is dead at night now , and maybe that ’ s not such a bad thing.
” We used to holiday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a town I know well .
I always remember we used to avoid it during the 12th as the town got very rough with an influx of my fellow Northerners , many of whom viewed a good holiday as getting really drunk and fighting each other .
I think an upside to the lockdown has been a re-evaluation of pub culture .
I like pubs and Bundoran has many fine traditional bars like Brennans and the Bridge Bar .
But I dislike binge drinking ; alcohol abuse takes a terrible toll on our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ situation might be fewer exhausted kids sitting bored in bars watching their parents get drunk .
Also , it should be pointed out that while many bars are still closed people have been drinking at home , where the potential to abuse alcohol is even higher than if you are at a bar .
Even Ocean City for all its good living can ’ t seem to avoid booze .
From Wikipedia : I am the first to admit that in my younger years I used to be out till all hours .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ few lockins where you went home at dawn .
But as you get older you just can ’ t do it anymore , you need your sleep .
Maybe we need to take a lesson from the continental tourists – go out for dinner , have a few drinks , but get to bed early and wake up refreshed for the next day .
It ’ s boring , but maybe some of us need some more slow and steady in our lives .
“ Donegal Bay & Bundoran , Ireland ” by @ @ @ @ @ @

Years ago we were on holiday in New Jersey. At the time I was a fan of the HBO show Boardwalk Empire. If you are not familiar with the show, it is set in the world of gangsters during prohibition in the 1920s. Most of the action takes place in Atlantic City, which is a traditional American seaside resort that was a popular destination for visitors from New York.
I was looking forward to paying a visit to Atlantic City. In addition to Boardwalk Empire, it appears across American pop culture in many movies and in the songs of Bruce Springsteen. I assumed there would be some historical sites to visit, and I imagined there would be some gangster walking tour that would regale you with tales of the prohibition era.
The reality was a great disappointment. Atlantic City is a complete hole of a place. All the historical buildings have been razed to the ground to make way for ugly casinos. The boardwalk strip is an endless stream of junk food and tacky shops. In the words of Morrisey, it was ‘the coastal town that they forgot to close down…’ The entire town had an air of despair that was palpable – like a broken gambler who had lost his last dollar. This is a good article that explains how Atlantic City fell on hard times, and how a certain Donald J Trump features prominently in its downfall.
After the disappointment of Atlantic City, we headed down the coast to Ocean City. I had never heard of the place, but Ocean City is Atlantic City’s good-living twin brother. Founded as a Christian holiday resort by some Methodist chaps in 1879, it banned alcohol and gambling was definitely a no-no.
Ocean City is a bright and cheerful place with lots of nice restaurants and shops. It has a more relaxed and prosperous feel than Atlantic City, and it was very clean and friendly.
I was thinking about Ocean City as I read an article about Bundoran by Rosita Boland in the Weekend Edition of The Irish Times. This part got my attention:
During the time I’m in Bundoran, people tell me the town is a much more pleasant place for being quieter at night. They don’t want to name names because they don’t want to seem as if they are criticising people in the pub and entertainment industry. “There used to be men out drinking all night and never going home to their families all weekend.” “There is no hassle at all on the streets in the evenings now.” “The place is dead at night now, and maybe that’s not such a bad thing.”
We used to holiday every year in Mullaghmore so Bundoran is a town I know well. I always remember we used to avoid it during the 12th as the town got very rough with an influx of my fellow Northerners, many of whom viewed a good holiday as getting really drunk and fighting each other.
I think an upside to the lockdown has been a re-evaluation of pub culture. I like pubs and Bundoran has many fine traditional bars like Brennans and the Bridge Bar. But I dislike binge drinking; alcohol abuse takes a terrible toll on our society. One upside to the current situation might be fewer exhausted kids sitting bored in bars watching their parents get drunk.
Also, it should be pointed out that while many bars are still closed people have been drinking at home, where the potential to abuse alcohol is even higher than if you are at a bar. Even Ocean City for all its good living can’t seem to avoid booze. From Wikipedia:
Despite the prohibition in the city, 18.3% of adults in Ocean City metropolitan statistical area (which includes all of Cape May County) drink alcohol heavily or binge drink, the highest percentage of any metro area in the state; USA Today listed Ocean City as the state’s most drunken city on its 2017 list of “The drunkest city in every state”.
I am the first to admit that in my younger years I used to be out till all hours. I have been in more than a few lockins where you went home at dawn. But as you get older you just can’t do it anymore, you need your sleep. Maybe we need to take a lesson from the continental tourists – go out for dinner, have a few drinks, but get to bed early and wake up refreshed for the next day.
It’s boring, but maybe some of us need some more slow and steady in our lives.
“Donegal Bay & Bundoran, Ireland” by jmenard48 is licensed under CC BY-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-08-03--John Hume’s vision, ambition, and his unstinting/stubborn belief in man’s potential…

“ If you treat an individual as he is , he will remain how he is .
But if you treat him as if he were what he ought to be and could be , he will become what he ought to be and could be.
” Goethe ’ s quotation , a long held favourite of mine , is a good summation of John Hume ’ s career as any I ’ ve come across .
What else he had planned for the rest of his life , in 1969 he caught sight of a Mountain which he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to climb .
Hume was tribal enough to lead political nationalism , often to the frustration of colleague Seamus Mallon and Gerry Fitt , but moral enough to understand it must be tempered with ambition not simply for his own Tribe , but for all the people of Northern Ireland .
This allowed him to be robust in public debate with his political opponents ( never enemies ) and define common causes with the likes of Ian Paisley senior in his role as an MEP for the whole of Northern Ireland .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , politics and in the social improvement in his native city of Derry the wider Northwest through practical and pragmatic intervention on behalf of the people there to an extent no public representative that has come after him as even begun to touch .
He had an untiring energy and commitment to lobbying cajoling even bullying people into taking Derry more seriously even in the midst of the provisionals own destructive campaign against the economic interests of the city .
In his Cargo of Bricks interview Willie McCarter talks about Hume ‘ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the only factor in the fruit of the loom coming across the border into Derry , he never let it drop .
Hume had a great eye for the possible at the moment when most of his colleagues and opponents were buried in the fatalism of a seemingly endless conflict .
Alone of the politicians of his age his legacy of an Agreed Ireland is one that no one Nationalist or Unionist can bypass in pursuing their own future goals .
This was myself and Alex Kane on Nolan this morning…

“If you treat an individual as he is, he will remain how he is. But if you treat him as if he were what he ought to be and could be, he will become what he ought to be and could be.”
Goethe’s quotation, a long held favourite of mine, is a good summation of John Hume’s career as any I’ve come across.
What else he had planned for the rest of his life, in 1969 he caught sight of a Mountain which he was to make his life‘s mission to climb.
Hume was tribal enough to lead political nationalism, often to the frustration of colleague Seamus Mallon and Gerry Fitt, but moral enough to understand it must be tempered with ambition not simply for his own Tribe, but for all the people of Northern Ireland.
This allowed him to be robust in public debate with his political opponents (never enemies) and define common causes with the likes of Ian Paisley senior in his role as an MEP for the whole of Northern Ireland.
He was a relentless champion in the economic, politics and in the social improvement in his native city of Derry the wider Northwest through practical and pragmatic intervention on behalf of the people there to an extent no public representative that has come after him as even begun to touch.
When John Hume first got dementia, he would still go on long walks, you’d always see him along the Foyle. As it progressed, people would walk with him to make sure he was alright. A few people I know walked him home. John Hume looked after us, so Derry looked after him. RIP John. — aoife moore. (@aoifegracemoore) August 3, 2020
He had an untiring energy and commitment to lobbying cajoling even bullying people into taking Derry more seriously even in the midst of the provisionals own destructive campaign against the economic interests of the city.
In his Cargo of Bricks interview Willie McCarter talks about Hume‘s relentless lobbying and whilst he was not the only factor in the fruit of the loom coming across the border into Derry, he never let it drop.
Hume had a great eye for the possible at the moment when most of his colleagues and opponents were buried in the fatalism of a seemingly endless conflict. Alone of the politicians of his age his legacy of an Agreed Ireland is one that no one Nationalist or Unionist can bypass in pursuing their own future goals.
This was myself and Alex Kane on Nolan this morning…


sluggerotoole--2020-08-03--John Hume the lone diplomat rather than party leader has won a special place in the history of these

John Hume the lone diplomat rather than party leader has won a special place in the history of these islands

It ’ s the memory of John the person that immediately springs to mind .
I believe he came to see himself with the vision and strategy of a man of destiny .
But he did so without any of the aura that would have set him apart and made him vulnerable to being taken down .
The near sainthood that some have attributed to him must have made him smile .
He had a great knack of friendliness even trust without ever actually giving much away .
I suspect this stood him on good stead with party colleagues as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out of the loop during his many solo runs , especially over Hume- Adams .
As an interviewee he could be deeply frustrating as he rolled out time and again the short version of the single transferable speech .
I was never sure – and never will be -how much he was committed to a constitutionally united Ireland .
The formula of an Agreed Ireland is at most ambiguous or at least an oxymoron .
But suffering from complete disillusionment with unionism after the collapse of power sharing in 1974 , John Hume @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to follow .
Rather than keep banging his head against the unionist wall , he moved in wide concentric circles to outflank them- to Washington , to Brussels to build support , to London vulnerable to foreign criticism over Ireland and always to Dublin where his influence was carefully cross party and all pervasive .
Belfast was the general exception .
He steered largely clear until the time was right .
His message was essential simple but took years of blood and loss finally to register and is by now almost a truism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of settlement between proud governments , between political parties and most controversially , between politicians and paramilitaries .
With all the bumps and potholes on the road , this was his towering achievement .
His secrecy and individual style of leadership draws comparison with Parnell but his personal style was entirely the opposite .
He would find a personal point of contact with you that remained with you for life ; in our case Derry and Donegal family connections .
He would have a sociable jar to unwind ; one of the most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sunday in the old City Hotel , hours after 1 Para had batoned charged anti-internment protestors at Magilligan camp with gratuitous force , an experience which made him fear for the following Sunday .
At Strasbourg he enjoyed his fluent French over a decent bottle of wine and a meal and expected you to keep up , part of the genuine cosmopolitanism which was as much part of him as his deep Derry roots .
The codas were warm hearted .
Just before he retired from Westminster in 2005 he would pull out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Salvation Army and St Vincent de Paul for donating equal shares of his Nobel Prize award .
There was a happy meeting in central lobby with his wife Pat and Seamus and Gertrude Mallon .
Pat bless her is now the sole survivor .
John declared how much how would miss his Westminster colleagues .
I admit this surprised me .
During his years with a dual and triple mandate he never seemed much at home there or indeed at Stormont .
The corridors of power rather than the debating chambers were his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Magee and finally about ten years ago in a Derry hotel over a coffee .
The high politics were receding and the talk was gentle gossip .
As a Derry Catholic , he admitted he never really understood the unionist mind although it was alive and well a few streets away as he was growing up .
He was puzzled because he genuinely believed he held the formula for their salvation too .
Could they not see that the old supremacy was completely untenable ?
It was perhaps this conviction that he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ irritated the hell out of them more than his natural nationalism .
He once asked a mutual friend : “ Why do unionists not like me ?
” “ Because you ’ re too clever for them , John.
” Not the whole truth perhaps , but there ’ s more than a little in it .

John Hume
photo Irish News
It’s the memory of John the person that immediately springs to mind. I believe he came to see himself with the vision and strategy of a man of destiny. But he did so without any of the aura that would have set him apart and made him vulnerable to being taken down. The near sainthood that some have attributed to him must have made him smile. He had a great knack of friendliness even trust without ever actually giving much away. I suspect this stood him on good stead with party colleagues as eminent as Seamus Mallon who sometimes felt out of the loop during his many solo runs, especially over Hume- Adams.
As an interviewee he could be deeply frustrating as he rolled out time and again the short version of the single transferable speech. I was never sure – and never will be -how much he was committed to a constitutionally united Ireland. The formula of an Agreed Ireland is at most ambiguous or at least an oxymoron.
But suffering from complete disillusionment with unionism after the collapse of power sharing in 1974, John Hume began to chart the direction for all to follow. Rather than keep banging his head against the unionist wall, he moved in wide concentric circles to outflank them- to Washington, to Brussels to build support, to London vulnerable to foreign criticism over Ireland and always to Dublin where his influence was carefully cross party and all pervasive. Belfast was the general exception. He steered largely clear until the time was right. His message was essential simple but took years of blood and loss finally to register and is by now almost a truism ; only engagement would bring any sort of settlement between proud governments, between political parties and most controversially, between politicians and paramilitaries. With all the bumps and potholes on the road, this was his towering achievement.
His secrecy and individual style of leadership draws comparison with Parnell but his personal style was entirely the opposite. He would find a personal point of contact with you that remained with you for life; in our case Derry and Donegal family connections. He would have a sociable jar to unwind; one of the most fateful on the Saturday night before Bloody Sunday in the old City Hotel, hours after 1 Para had batoned charged anti-internment protestors at Magilligan camp with gratuitous force, an experience which made him fear for the following Sunday. At Strasbourg he enjoyed his fluent French over a decent bottle of wine and a meal and expected you to keep up , part of the genuine cosmopolitanism which was as much part of him as his deep Derry roots.
The codas were warm hearted. Just before he retired from Westminster in 2005 he would pull out of his wallet the receipts from the Salvation Army and St Vincent de Paul for donating equal shares of his Nobel Prize award. There was a happy meeting in central lobby with his wife Pat and Seamus and Gertrude Mallon. Pat bless her is now the sole survivor. John declared how much how would miss his Westminster colleagues. I admit this surprised me. During his years with a dual and triple mandate he never seemed much at home there or indeed at Stormont. The corridors of power rather than the debating chambers were his natural forums. My last meetings were at Magee and finally about ten years ago in a Derry hotel over a coffee. The high politics were receding and the talk was gentle gossip.
As a Derry Catholic, he admitted he never really understood the unionist mind although it was alive and well a few streets away as he was growing up. He was puzzled because he genuinely believed he held the formula for their salvation too. Could they not see that the old supremacy was completely untenable? It was perhaps this conviction that he knew what was good for them that irritated the hell out of them more than his natural nationalism. He once asked a mutual friend: “Why do unionists not like me?” “ Because you’re too clever for them, John.” Not the whole truth perhaps, but there’s more than a little in it.


sluggerotoole--2020-08-03--Reaction to John Hume’s passing

Reaction to John Hume’s passing

The First Minister and DUP Leader , Arlene Foster ; The Deputy First Minister and Sinn Fein Vice President , @ @ @ @

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John Hume RIP

The family of John Hume have announced that he has sadly passed away .
John was the leader of the SDLP from 1979-2001 , We are deeply saddened to announce that John passed away peacefully in the early hours of the morning after a short illness .
We would like to extend our deepest and heartfelt thanks to the care and nursing staff of Owen Mor nursing home in Derry .
The care they have shown John in the last months of his life has been exceptional .
As a family , we are unfailingly inspired by the professionalism , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to John and all those under their care .
We can never adequately show them our thanks for looking after John at a time when we could not.The family drew great comfort in being with John again in the last days of his life .
We would like also to extend our gratitude to the people of Derry and Moville/Greencastle , who have looked after John and shown us so much kindness as his dementia has progressed .
Celebrating community in all its diversity went to the heart of John ’ s political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our communities supported , respected and protected John .
John was a husband , a father , a grandfather , a great grandfather and a brother .
He was very much loved , and his loss will be deeply felt by all his extended family .
John ’ s funeral will be arranged according to the current government regulations with very strict rules on numbers .
We realise this will mean that many will be unable to join us and we will arrange a memorial service and a celebration of his life in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ John would have prioritised public health , and the safety and health of our communities.We are grateful for your condolences and support , and we appreciate that you will respect the family ’ s right to privacy at this time of great loss .
It seems particularly apt for these strange and fearful days to remember the phrase that gave hope to John and so many of us through dark times : we shall overcome .

The family of John Hume have announced that he has sadly passed away.
John was the leader of the SDLP from 1979-2001,
We are deeply saddened to announce that John passed away peacefully in the early hours of the morning after a short illness.
We would like to extend our deepest and heartfelt thanks to the care and nursing staff of Owen Mor nursing home in Derry. The care they have shown John in the last months of his life has been exceptional. As a family, we are unfailingly inspired by the professionalism, compassion, and love they have shown to John and all those under their care. We can never adequately show them our thanks for looking after John at a time when we could not.The family drew great comfort in being with John again in the last days of his life.
We would like also to extend our gratitude to the people of Derry and Moville/Greencastle, who have looked after John and shown us so much kindness as his dementia has progressed. Celebrating community in all its diversity went to the heart of John’s political ethos and we are very appreciative that our communities supported, respected and protected John.
John was a husband, a father, a grandfather, a great grandfather and a brother. He was very much loved, and his loss will be deeply felt by all his extended family.
John’s funeral will be arranged according to the current government regulations with very strict rules on numbers. We realise this will mean that many will be unable to join us and we will arrange a memorial service and a celebration of his life in due course.Above all, we know that John would have prioritised public health, and the safety and health of our communities.We are grateful for your condolences and support, and we appreciate that you will respect the family’s right to privacy at this time of great loss.
It seems particularly apt for these strange and fearful days to remember the phrase that gave hope to John and so many of us through dark times: we shall overcome.


sluggerotoole--2020-08-03--’The unity conversation needs to be open, transparent, and let’s keep open minds, because we need to

’The unity conversation needs to be open, transparent, and let’s keep open minds, because we need to flesh out what Irish unity would look like and what the UK union would look like’

Ian Marshall is a beef farmer , a former dairy farmer , and was president of the Ulster Farmers Union from 2014 to 2016 .
But more significantly he was until earlier this year a senator in Ireland ’ s Oireachtas – a unionist in Ireland ’ s second legislative chamber .
A quite remarkable situation .
Many observers were disappointed – as was Ian – that he was not elected back into the Seanad ’ s agricultural panel , nor appointed on the lists of new Taoiseach Micheál Martin or the other coalition party leaders Leo Varadkar and Eamon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ latest Forward Together podcast from the Holywell Trust .
He reflects on his initial election .
“ The opportunity was something I hadn ’ t anticipated or prepared for .
It was a fascinating two years .
I work in Queen ’ s , so I have an office in Belfast that ’ s 104 miles from the office I had at Leinster House .
The reality is that it ’ s light years in understanding .
It ’ s light years because the people in Belfast have very little knowledge of Dublin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ goes on .
There ’ s an equal lack of knowledge in Dublin as regards Belfast , about Northern Ireland and the culture , which seems bizarre because we ’ re a small island and we ’ re neighbours.
” Despite this , Ian felt much more welcomed in the Seanad than he expected .
“ I was nervous .
I was always told that Dublin was a cold house for unionism .
But it was a warm reception .
It was very welcoming .
And I was told that you ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of your identity , you ’ re not here to be any more than that .
So from the first day , inside Leinster House , it was very warm , welcoming.
” Some unionists were reportedly unhappy that someone from their background and affiliation went to Dublin to sit in the Oireachtas .
“ The reality was that there was some noise from some individuals , but not very much , ” recalls Ian .
“ The vast majority of political leaders were very supportive .
Privately , they were very supportive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ needed dialogue with Dublin… the private conversations were very positive , upbeat and supportive.
” Ian reflects that much needs to be done to connect the two jurisdictions .
“ I learned that there is still a lot of work to do , still a lot of bridge building to do… .
We ’ re 22 years on from the signing of the Belfast Agreement and we ’ re in a truly global marketplace now .
There are huge benefits working together across an island , which should present no threat to anyone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opportunity .
I see a generation of people coming on who have never experienced the Troubles , who haven ’ t experienced the sectarianism , the bigotry , the hatred that many of us grew up in , which is a breath of fresh air .
And I believe that ’ s the future .
The younger people who are coming on who don ’ t carry this baggage and certainly don ’ t have the prejudices that many of the older generation may have.
” One of the false perceptions Ian met @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to enjoy themselves .
“ When I first went to Dublin and I spoke to a number of people who said , oh , you ’ re a northern unionist .
We assume a number of things about you .
You ’ re very conservative .
And you wouldn ’ t take a drink , you wouldn ’ t have fun .
I said , no , we ’ re actually a very open minded bunch .
We ’ re not at all conservative , we are forward looking .
So I think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Northern unionists .
“ The misconception that I pick up in Northern Ireland about the South is that there ’ s this appetite by everyone to have Irish unity .
Certainly there are many , many people who want to strive for Irish unity , which they are perfectly entitled to do , but equally there are many , many people south of the border who say , you know what , not at the moment .
“ I think the best analogy was someone in Leinster House who said to me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bit like heaven .
That sounds like a really good idea , but we ’ re not ready for it now… .
For most people it is about uniting people across the island.
” He argues : “ The way you unite people is to bring people together .
So that ’ s by virtue of organisations , sport , for example rugby .
Rugby has presented a platform where irrespective of whether you ’ re from a nationalist background , a unionist background , a loyalist background , or a republican background @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It presents no threat to anyone ’ s culture , identity and the model would be something that unites people as well as rugby does .
We can replicate that through other parts of society .
So I think this is about uniting people , uniting young people , getting schools to work together .
“ Businesses already work together .
There ’ s a huge all-Ireland economy , which can be so much greater .
And I think that we need to do that in conjunction with an acknowledgement that North-South @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so are the East-West relations , because those are important as we go forward , looking at how we build two islands working together.
” Perhaps a more surprising observation from Ian is that his experience of the Seanad has made him a strong supporter of second chambers – despite the proposal to scrap the Seanad only seven years ago .
“ What I ’ ve learned in the last two years is the importance of an upper house , ” he says .
“ The interesting thing is that we have a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Buildings .
We used to have senators .
I think there ’ s huge value in reinstating an upper house… [ as ] a scrutinising body .
It ’ s a governance structure .
It will cross reference , check legislation .
It will perform a task of scrutinising the legislation that comes before it… [ We could ] use an upper house [ in Stormont ] as a mechanism to drive good governance , good government.
” Ian is committed to improving engagement across the political divide , within Northern Ireland and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a constitutional conversation , ” he says .
“ The difficulty is effectively the conversation has been presented in such a way as this is a conversation about Irish unity .
And the analogy I draw is that it ’ s like going to turkeys to have a discussion about Christmas dinner and what stuffing they would like – why on earth would a turkey ever get involved in that conversation ?
“ So for me , the unity conversation needs to be open , transparent , and let ’ s keep open @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out what the Irish unity situation would look like , what the maintenance of the UK union would look like , how the island would function .
How would it affect education , healthcare , society , how would businesses function , would we ultimately be richer or poorer ?
In the absence of that conversation , it ’ s a very dangerous conversation to have… “ You need to present all the information to people , so that people know what it would look like , so that people can judge whether @ @ @ @ @ @ @ better or worse off .
And then , and only then at that point , it ’ s perfectly reasonable to ask those people to take a vote on that.
” This latest podcast in the second Forward Together series is available here on the website of peace and reconciliation charity Holywell Trust .
It is funded by the Community Relations Council ’ s Media Grant Scheme .
Disclaimer : This project has received support from the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council which aims to promote a pluralist society characterised by equity , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interdependence .
The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of the Community Relations Council .

Ian Marshall is a beef farmer, a former dairy farmer, and was president of the Ulster Farmers Union from 2014 to 2016. But more significantly he was until earlier this year a senator in Ireland’s Oireachtas – a unionist in Ireland’s second legislative chamber. A quite remarkable situation. Many observers were disappointed – as was Ian – that he was not elected back into the Seanad’s agricultural panel, nor appointed on the lists of new Taoiseach Micheál Martin or the other coalition party leaders Leo Varadkar and Eamon Ryan. Ian was speaking in the latest Forward Together podcast from the Holywell Trust.
He reflects on his initial election. “The opportunity was something I hadn’t anticipated or prepared for. It was a fascinating two years. I work in Queen’s, so I have an office in Belfast that’s 104 miles from the office I had at Leinster House. The reality is that it’s light years in understanding. It’s light years because the people in Belfast have very little knowledge of Dublin, of the South, of what goes on. There’s an equal lack of knowledge in Dublin as regards Belfast, about Northern Ireland and the culture, which seems bizarre because we’re a small island and we’re neighbours.”
Despite this, Ian felt much more welcomed in the Seanad than he expected. “I was nervous. I was always told that Dublin was a cold house for unionism. But it was a warm reception. It was very welcoming. And I was told that you’re a Northern unionist, be very proud of your identity, you’re not here to be any more than that. So from the first day, inside Leinster House, it was very warm, welcoming.”
Some unionists were reportedly unhappy that someone from their background and affiliation went to Dublin to sit in the Oireachtas. “The reality was that there was some noise from some individuals, but not very much,” recalls Ian. “The vast majority of political leaders were very supportive. Privately, they were very supportive of me. They thought that we needed dialogue with Dublin… the private conversations were very positive, upbeat and supportive.”
Ian reflects that much needs to be done to connect the two jurisdictions. “I learned that there is still a lot of work to do, still a lot of bridge building to do…. We’re 22 years on from the signing of the Belfast Agreement and we’re in a truly global marketplace now. There are huge benefits working together across an island, which should present no threat to anyone’s constitution. I see huge opportunity. I see a generation of people coming on who have never experienced the Troubles, who haven’t experienced the sectarianism, the bigotry, the hatred that many of us grew up in, which is a breath of fresh air. And I believe that’s the future. The younger people who are coming on who don’t carry this baggage and certainly don’t have the prejudices that many of the older generation may have.”
One of the false perceptions Ian met in Dublin was that unionists are unable to enjoy themselves. “When I first went to Dublin and I spoke to a number of people who said, oh, you’re a northern unionist. We assume a number of things about you. You’re very conservative. And you wouldn’t take a drink, you wouldn’t have fun. I said, no, we’re actually a very open minded bunch. We’re not at all conservative, we are forward looking. So I think there’s a lot of misconceptions of Northern unionists.
“The misconception that I pick up in Northern Ireland about the South is that there’s this appetite by everyone to have Irish unity. Certainly there are many, many people who want to strive for Irish unity, which they are perfectly entitled to do, but equally there are many, many people south of the border who say, you know what, not at the moment.
“I think the best analogy was someone in Leinster House who said to me that the Irish unity question was a bit like heaven. That sounds like a really good idea, but we’re not ready for it now…. For most people it is about uniting people across the island.”
He argues: “The way you unite people is to bring people together. So that’s by virtue of organisations, sport, for example rugby. Rugby has presented a platform where irrespective of whether you’re from a nationalist background, a unionist background, a loyalist background, or a republican background, everyone follows the Irish rugby team. It presents no threat to anyone’s culture, identity and the model would be something that unites people as well as rugby does. We can replicate that through other parts of society. So I think this is about uniting people, uniting young people, getting schools to work together.
“Businesses already work together. There’s a huge all-Ireland economy, which can be so much greater. And I think that we need to do that in conjunction with an acknowledgement that North-South relations are hugely important, but equally so are the East-West relations, because those are important as we go forward, looking at how we build two islands working together.”
Perhaps a more surprising observation from Ian is that his experience of the Seanad has made him a strong supporter of second chambers – despite the proposal to scrap the Seanad only seven years ago. “What I’ve learned in the last two years is the importance of an upper house,” he says. “The interesting thing is that we have a Senate chamber in Belfast, in Parliament Buildings. We used to have senators. I think there’s huge value in reinstating an upper house… [as] a scrutinising body. It’s a governance structure. It will cross reference, check legislation. It will perform a task of scrutinising the legislation that comes before it… [We could] use an upper house [in Stormont] as a mechanism to drive good governance, good government.”
Ian is committed to improving engagement across the political divide, within Northern Ireland and cross-border. “There needs to be a constitutional conversation,” he says. “The difficulty is effectively the conversation has been presented in such a way as this is a conversation about Irish unity. And the analogy I draw is that it’s like going to turkeys to have a discussion about Christmas dinner and what stuffing they would like – why on earth would a turkey ever get involved in that conversation?
“So for me, the unity conversation needs to be open, transparent, and let’s keep open minds, because we need to flush out what the Irish unity situation would look like, what the maintenance of the UK union would look like, how the island would function. How would it affect education, healthcare, society, how would businesses function, would we ultimately be richer or poorer? In the absence of that conversation, it’s a very dangerous conversation to have…
“You need to present all the information to people, so that people know what it would look like, so that people can judge whether they will be richer or poorer, better or worse off. And then, and only then at that point, it’s perfectly reasonable to ask those people to take a vote on that.”
This latest podcast in the second Forward Together series is available here on the website of peace and reconciliation charity Holywell Trust. It is funded by the Community Relations Council’s Media Grant Scheme.
Disclaimer: This project has received support from the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council which aims to promote a pluralist society characterised by equity, respect for diversity, and recognition of interdependence. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of the Community Relations Council.