sluggerotoole--2020-06-07--This world will break your heart but kindness is everywhere, notice it…

If you ’ re like me and regularly wake up at silly o ’ clock no matter the weather or time of year , you ’ ll have developed the best strategy for gently starting your day .
I ’ m well practised in this art of either watching the sunrise or lying for hours waiting for the first touch of the day to show in the sky , depending on the season .
Being awake early or having disturbed sleep isn ’ t a new thing for me , it revisited me as yet another symptom of chronic illness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are teenagers you may think I ’ ve forgotten the zombie-like daze of daytime hours while wondering why I ’ d bothered going to bed in the first place .
At least now I don ’ t have babies or young kids to look after as I face my day with tired eyes .
The turns have tabled and trying to get the teens out of bed now is the challenge of middle-age parenting .
I ’ m still hopeful for a brass band to come and parade outside our house , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bagpipes .
Yes ?
Anyone ?
I have a clear memory of when the insomnia began .
I was in The Ulster Hospital , or Dundonald Hospital as it ’ s known around these parts .
Sleep had completely eluded me .
It was those wee small hours that I discovered Chris Hawkins ( Radio 6 , or 6 music as they like to call themselves .
Notions ! )
.
Chris is my preferred choice of company while sipping my cup of ginger tea and slowly easing in to the day .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the crowd goes WILD… . )
I flick on the telly .
No I don ’ t .
That ’ s like saying I ’ ve “ taped ” a programme which used to bewilder my kids .
Makes perfect sense to me and brings me back to the 80s .
After many years I ’ ve trained myself to say I ’ ve RECORDED a show when talking to anyone under 30 .
I was a real whizz with the video recording back in the day .
I even pre-set it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alive when I was out , much to my Mum ’ s amazement .
When the video clicked in and changed channels several times while I was out flying my kite this blew her mind and she thought I was some kind of techno genius .
In fact all I ’ d done was read the instructions .
What a rebel , eh ?
So in 202O I turn on my iPad , tune in to the lovely folks on the red sofa who keep me company as I get the porridge on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I used to hear how others would have the telly on “ for company ” and I thought it was tragic .
Now I ’ m doing it .
I ’ m not sure what I make of it , but somehow it does soothe me .
Ah , the news .
It ’ s everywhere .
It ’ s inescapable .
But I won ’ t be lectured on having a media fast .
That ’ s such a patronising and cringeworthy statement .
I understand that we support our mental health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I think I ’ m managing that ok .
I like to know what ’ s going on but try not to delve too deeply .
It ’ s a fine balancing act and right now it ’ s almost impossible to get that balance right .
I ’ m looking at you , Twitter .
At times like these I like to remember the advice given to parents to help their kids understand and cope with very sad and upsetting news on the tv/internet .
That advice is to look for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always people who will help and make a difference .
I ’ m reminded of my own opinion that no matter how bad things are we should remember that people are essentially good .
For some people I admit this goodness is certainly not visible , we may have to dig very deep to reveal that sense of humanity that we desperately need to see .
For others it ’ s a natural , visceral and automatic response of kindness .
On a personal level I know this to be true .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ abating I started to unwillingly retreat from the outside world .
I noticed how my circle of friends was quietly shrinking .
When I first realised this was happening I felt really stung .
Indeed for a while I subscribed to the angry ideal that when life gets tough YOU FIND OUT WHO YOUR FRIENDS ARE !
But this wasn ’ t my first rodeo .
I had a marriage split a couple of years earlier and witnessed the frankly unbelievable retreat of friends , I remember one looked at me with ill-disguised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outdoor gathering .
I was only going to say hello , not bloody steal her husband .
( Would ye take the gift of ‘ im… ) Eventually I accepted that this happens , friendships end abruptly or just fade away .
It was incredibly sad , disappointing and did nothing for my already low self-esteem .
Out of sight , out of mind and all that .
I was exhausted from everything anyway , becoming seriously ill is not a good career move .
I concluded that draining my dwindling reserves with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The people who remain with me to this day are marvellous individuals , some are recent friends and some are old friends .
I mean old as in we go way back to schooldays .
Yes I mean you Jo .
I ’ m older than her by 3 months , as she enjoys reminding me .
This is a friend who , despite her diminutive size ( I am a relative giant at 5 ’ 9 ” ) was so worried about my health some time ago that she practically carried @ @ @ @ @ @ @ oxter cogging and you have the right idea .
This was no mean feat for Jo , considering our difference in height .
Also her family have been extraordinarily supportive and are indeed the very knees of the bees .
This is only one of many , many examples I could give for the myriad of help , support and kindness that I have received from friends , family and my local community .
I ’ ve even been scooped off the ground by neighbours , one occasion was our first introduction as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in two doors down .
That ’ s a fine way to say my first how d ’ ye do… This is your reminder that people are intrinsically good .
This world can be strange , frightening , outrageous and grotesque .
This world will break your heart .
Kindness is everywhere , look for it .

If you’re like me and regularly wake up at silly o’clock no matter the weather or time of year, you’ll have developed the best strategy for gently starting your day. I’m well practised in this art of either watching the sunrise or lying for hours waiting for the first touch of the day to show in the sky, depending on the season. Being awake early or having disturbed sleep isn’t a new thing for me, it revisited me as yet another symptom of chronic illness. I have kids and now they are teenagers you may think I’ve forgotten the zombie-like daze of daytime hours while wondering why I’d bothered going to bed in the first place. At least now I don’t have babies or young kids to look after as I face my day with tired eyes. The turns have tabled and trying to get the teens out of bed now is the challenge of middle-age parenting. I’m still hopeful for a brass band to come and parade outside our house, or at the very least someone playing the bagpipes. Yes? Anyone?
I have a clear memory of when the insomnia began. I was in The Ulster Hospital, or Dundonald Hospital as it’s known around these parts. Sleep had completely eluded me. It was those wee small hours that I discovered Chris Hawkins (Radio 6, or 6 music as they like to call themselves. Notions!). Chris is my preferred choice of company while sipping my cup of ginger tea and slowly easing in to the day.
When I eventually make it downstairs (and the crowd goes WILD….) I flick on the telly. No I don’t. That’s like saying I’ve “taped” a programme which used to bewilder my kids. Makes perfect sense to me and brings me back to the 80s. After many years I’ve trained myself to say I’ve RECORDED a show when talking to anyone under 30. I was a real whizz with the video recording back in the day. I even pre-set it and the video recorder used to come alive when I was out, much to my Mum’s amazement. When the video clicked in and changed channels several times while I was out flying my kite this blew her mind and she thought I was some kind of techno genius. In fact all I’d done was read the instructions. What a rebel, eh? So in 202O I turn on my iPad, tune in to the lovely folks on the red sofa who keep me company as I get the porridge on the go. Before I became ill I used to hear how others would have the telly on “for company” and I thought it was tragic. Now I’m doing it. I’m not sure what I make of it, but somehow it does soothe me.
Ah, the news. It’s everywhere. It’s inescapable. But I won’t be lectured on having a media fast. That’s such a patronising and cringeworthy statement. I understand that we support our mental health by rationing our intake of news. I think I’m managing that ok. I like to know what’s going on but try not to delve too deeply. It’s a fine balancing act and right now it’s almost impossible to get that balance right. I’m looking at you, Twitter.
At times like these I like to remember the advice given to parents to help their kids understand and cope with very sad and upsetting news on the tv/internet. That advice is to look for the people who are helping. There are always people who will help and make a difference. I’m reminded of my own opinion that no matter how bad things are we should remember that people are essentially good. For some people I admit this goodness is certainly not visible, we may have to dig very deep to reveal that sense of humanity that we desperately need to see. For others it’s a natural, visceral and automatic response of kindness.
On a personal level I know this to be true. As my serious illness showed no sign of abating I started to unwillingly retreat from the outside world. I noticed how my circle of friends was quietly shrinking. When I first realised this was happening I felt really stung. Indeed for a while I subscribed to the angry ideal that when life gets tough YOU FIND OUT WHO YOUR FRIENDS ARE! But this wasn’t my first rodeo. I had a marriage split a couple of years earlier and witnessed the frankly unbelievable retreat of friends, I remember one looked at me with ill-disguised horror as I approached her at an outdoor gathering. I was only going to say hello, not bloody steal her husband. (Would ye take the gift of ‘im…)
Eventually I accepted that this happens, friendships end abruptly or just fade away. It was incredibly sad, disappointing and did nothing for my already low self-esteem. Out of sight, out of mind and all that. I was exhausted from everything anyway, becoming seriously ill is not a good career move. I concluded that draining my dwindling reserves with self-defeating bitterness was getting me absolutely nowhere.
The people who remain with me to this day are marvellous individuals, some are recent friends and some are old friends. I mean old as in we go way back to schooldays. Yes I mean you Jo. I’m older than her by 3 months, as she enjoys reminding me. This is a friend who, despite her diminutive size (I am a relative giant at 5’ 9”) was so worried about my health some time ago that she practically carried me into the GP surgery. Think oxter cogging and you have the right idea. This was no mean feat for Jo, considering our difference in height. Also her family have been extraordinarily supportive and are indeed the very knees of the bees.
This is only one of many, many examples I could give for the myriad of help, support and kindness that I have received from friends, family and my local community. I’ve even been scooped off the ground by neighbours, one occasion was our first introduction as he and his wife had just moved in two doors down. That’s a fine way to say my first how d’ye do…
This is your reminder that people are intrinsically good.
This world can be strange, frightening, outrageous and grotesque.
This world will break your heart.
Kindness is everywhere, look for it.


sluggerotoole--2020-06-07--Between the constraints of collapsing lockdown and the exhilaration of anti- racist protest, which w

Between the constraints of collapsing lockdown and the exhilaration of anti- racist protest, which would you choose?

BLM .
Woe betide you if you need the acronym explained .
The tide of Black Lives Matter protest has swept across the Atlantic and across the world , following in the wake of Covid 19 .
Point out the risk of mass infection caused by close encounter at demonstrations and you risk being called a closet racist by some .
Politicians are gambling that there won ’ t be a second spike despite clear warnings from the north of England .
For so many young people champing at the bit against lockdown , health warnings are uncool , bor-ing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ BBC1 this morning for failing to make a connection between the two until the last interview with health secretary Matt Hancock Self proclaimed northern lass from Wigan the ethnically mixed Lisa Nandy now Labour ’ s shadow foreign secretary was unqualified in supporting the protests.
“ You can not be silent in the face of racism and police brutality , and I think those young people are right to raise their voices and to demand change .
• In 2018-19 , black people were more than nine times as likely to be stopped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ • They were over three times as likely to be arrestedas white people .
• They were more than five times as likely to have force used against themby police as white people .
• A quarter of the prison populationcomes from BAME backgrounds , despite representing just 14 % of the population .
Nandy never said a word about the health risks .
In the Observer , reporter Tim Adams tackled them head-on .
The protestors had made a real choice .
It was always likely that the months of lockdown would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ You imagined it would involve the usual British excesses of lager and sunshine .
In fact , in the past week its primary expression has been a coming together of mostly young people in our cities under the banner of Black Lives Matter… In the midst of that crowd – an unnatural human feeling in itself for all those who have been in isolation – it was impossible not to feel that those warnings should have been heeded far more closely .
But for the vast majority of those that came , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the banners in Parliament Square made their argument succinctly : “ Racism has always been a pandemic.
” As well as looking like the premature end of a shutdown spring in the capital , the protest also felt very much like the beginning of something ; not a one-off outpouring of rage against the brutal killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis 12 days ago , but a sustainable expression of the need for change .
The summer looks likely to pitch those demands for social justice squarely against public health .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – police violence .
But in Britain ?
Former home secretary and the chancellor Sajid Javid warned Boris Johnson to implement race reforms he left in the pipeline .
Britain is not the United States .
The City has come a long way since I was looking for my way in , and our police have proved themselves more effective than most at changing in response to injustice.. That said , there is greater disproportionality in the number of black people in prisons here than in the United States , and while the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in some ways our police service still has a way to go – as do we all .
My brother has served as a police officer for the past 27 years .
One of my proudest moments as Home Secretary was speaking at his graduation from our country ’ s most senior command course .
It wasn ’ t difficult to pick him out from behind the podium – aside from our matching haircuts , us Javid brothers were the only ethnic minorities in the room .
That progress hasn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it any cause for complacency .
Ethnic minorities in Britain are still the victims of racial injustice and substantial disparities in opportunity , as the think-tank British Future has demonstrated .
The government can and must do more to address racial inequalities in our society .
For starters , the Home Office has yet to implement the process of root and branch cultural change necessary in the aftermath of Windrush .
Like the Macpherson Report , the lessons-learned review that I ordered during my time as Home Secretary set out a clear plan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Published under my successor , it must be properly implemented to demonstrate that when we say ‘ never again ’ , we mean it .
I have every faith that Priti Patel will do so .
This week ’ s review showed that black and minority ethnic groups are up to twice as likely to lose their lives to COVID-19 as their white counterparts .
It was a stark reminder that while we may be in the pandemic together , we do not share its risks equally .
Tragically , two-thirds of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lost their lives to the virus have been from minority backgrounds .
It is imperative we discover why , so the government can do more to protect them .
The Race Disparity Audit initiated by Theresa May has a crucial role to play , and it ’ s important that it continues its work .
Yet there is little point shining a light on racial injustices if that does not turn into action to address them .
Historian David Olusoga presenter of the BBC series Black and British , a forgotten history .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the US is a bad habit with a long history .
It began in 1807 , with the abolition of the slave trade and picked up steam three decades later with the end of British slavery , twin events that marked the beginning of 200 years of moral posturing and historical amnesia .
The Victorian readers who rightly wept over Uncle Tom ’ s Cabin , for example , conveniently forgot which nation had carried his ancestors into slavery and didn ’ t dwell on the fact that most of the cotton @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shipped to Liverpool .
Late I9th century statue of Edward Colston , Bristol city benefactor and 17th century slaver , thrown into the river this afternoon .
A case of revisionism in history ?
Must we be prisoners of our history ?
A familiar question in Ireland .
Today there is also something more insidious than history ; stereotyping which cuts both ways ; an argument made by Matthew Syed in the Sunday Times The death of George Floyd was shocking , but high-profile instances of brutality can obscure more elusive factors that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ show that employers in the United States are 50 % more likely to reject candidates with black-sounding names — even when they have otherwise identical CVs .
Consider , too , a UK report for the Department for Work and Pensions that found “ high levels of name-based discrimination in favour of white applicants ” The culprit is stereotyping , the tendency , particularly under pressure of time , to make snap judgments about individuals based on group categorisation .
I was saddened to see a protester cheered to the rafters when he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ part of the disease.
” This is classic stereotyping , treating all officers as if they are interchangeable with Floyd ’ s murderer… Some campaigners have taken this narrative further , arguing that white people are “ inherently ” racist by virtue of being white .
White culture “ institutionalises subjugation ” and white norms of speech ( whatever that means ) “ underlie racialised institutions ” , as Professor Ian Haney López has put it .
It is true that black people have been discriminated against for centuries , but doesn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” run the risk of bolstering division ?
.
By setting up a “ them ” v “ us ” dichotomy , this reverse stereotyping is exacerbating the very problem that we need to solve — something that Donald Trump is only too willing to inflame and exploit .
And another case of stereotyping .
The wretched Trump is a Republican ; but that doesn ’ t make the Democrats good guys , writes Gerard Baker in the Times .
If only it were so simple .
George Floyd .
Eric Garner .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ baleful list of the names of black men killed or brutalised by police in America is long and too familiar .
So too the list of cities where these and other acts occurred , cities now engulfed in protest and mayhem : Minneapolis .
New York .
Baltimore .
Los Angeles .
These places have something else in common .
Every one of them is controlled by the Democratic Party .
Not just recently , or narrowly , or tenuously .
Like almost all big cities in America where most instances of racial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are citadels of one-party rule… he picture painted in the past week of a daily reality for black men in which they can not walk out their front door without fear of being murdered by a white police officer is grotesque .
According to the latest data from the justice department , blacks accounted for about a quarter of all those killed by police in the past three years ; whites were slightly more than half .
Blacks of course represent a smaller proportion of the US population — about 13 per cent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ represent a significantly disproportionate number of deaths by law enforcement .
But this is misleading .
The relevant statistic when considering what happens to people at the hands of the police is not total population but the numbers of people who come into contact with police .
In short , a better measure is the relationship between those who commit recorded violent crimes and those who are killed by police .
According to the FBI , almost 39 per cent of murders and 54 per cent of robberies in the US are committed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ narrative that portrays every encounter between a black man and a white police officer as a clash between good and evil , the reality of urban policing is much more complex .
The principal function in practice of police forces in these cities is , sadly , to try to stop black people from killing each other .
In 2018 , for every black person killed by a white in America , there were 11 blacks killed by a black person .
It is not racist to point this out .
It may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that entrap African-Americans : of income and wealth , education and opportunity , and of the prejudice that supports it .
No new coronavirus deaths have been reported in Northern Ireland .
Total deaths of those who tested positive for the virus in the country stands at 537 , according to the Department of Health .
There have been another six confirmed cases of Covid-19 , bringing the total recorded since the outbreak began to 4,796 .

BLM. Woe betide you if you need the acronym explained. The tide of Black Lives Matter protest has swept across the Atlantic and across the world, following in the wake of Covid 19. Point out the risk of mass infection caused by close encounter at demonstrations and you risk being called a closet racist by some. Politicians are gambling that there won’t be a second spike despite clear warnings from the north of England. For so many young people champing at the bit against lockdown, health warnings are uncool, bor-ing. I shouted at Andrew Marr on BBC1 this morning for failing to make a connection between the two until the last interview with health secretary Matt Hancock
Self proclaimed northern lass from Wigan the ethnically mixed Lisa Nandy now Labour’s shadow foreign secretary was unqualified in supporting the protests.“You cannot be silent in the face of racism and police brutality, and I think those young people are right to raise their voices and to demand change.
Nandy never said a word about the health risks. In the Observer, reporter Tim Adams tackled them head-on. The protestors had made a real choice.
It was always likely that the months of lockdown would demand some kind of emotional catharsis. You imagined it would involve the usual British excesses of lager and sunshine. In fact, in the past week its primary expression has been a coming together of mostly young people in our cities under the banner of Black Lives Matter…
In the midst of that crowd – an unnatural human feeling in itself for all those who have been in isolation – it was impossible not to feel that those warnings should have been heeded far more closely. But for the vast majority of those that came, the risk had seemed worth it. Some of the banners in Parliament Square made their argument succinctly: “Racism has always been a pandemic.”
As well as looking like the premature end of a shutdown spring in the capital, the protest also felt very much like the beginning of something; not a one-off outpouring of rage against the brutal killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis 12 days ago, but a sustainable expression of the need for change.
The summer looks likely to pitch those demands for social justice squarely against public health.
The immediate target in the US is obvious – police violence. But in Britain?
Former home secretary and the chancellor Sajid Javid warned Boris Johnson to implement race reforms he left in the pipeline.
Britain is not the United States. The City has come a long way since I was looking for my way in, and our police have proved themselves more effective than most at changing in response to injustice.. That said, there is greater disproportionality in the number of black people in prisons here than in the United States, and while the abuse hurled at our officers is unacceptable, in some ways our police service still has a way to go – as do we all.
My brother has served as a police officer for the past 27 years. One of my proudest moments as Home Secretary was speaking at his graduation from our country’s most senior command course. It wasn’t difficult to pick him out from behind the podium – aside from our matching haircuts, us Javid brothers were the only ethnic minorities in the room.
That progress hasn’t come about by accident, neither is it any cause for complacency. Ethnic minorities in Britain are still the victims of racial injustice and substantial disparities in opportunity, as the think-tank British Future has demonstrated. The government can and must do more to address racial inequalities in our society.
For starters, the Home Office has yet to implement the process of root and branch cultural change necessary in the aftermath of Windrush. Like the Macpherson Report, the lessons-learned review that I ordered during my time as Home Secretary set out a clear plan of action for the government to implement. Published under my successor, it must be properly implemented to demonstrate that when we say ‘never again’, we mean it. I have every faith that Priti Patel will do so.
This week’s review showed that black and minority ethnic groups are up to twice as likely to lose their lives to COVID-19 as their white counterparts. It was a stark reminder that while we may be in the pandemic together, we do not share its risks equally. Tragically, two-thirds of the NHS and care staff who have lost their lives to the virus have been from minority backgrounds. It is imperative we discover why, so the government can do more to protect them.
The Race Disparity Audit initiated by Theresa May has a crucial role to play, and it’s important that it continues its work. Yet there is little point shining a light on racial injustices if that does not turn into action to address them.
Historian David Olusoga presenter of the BBC series Black and British, a forgotten history.
Excusing or downplaying British racism with comparisons to the US is a bad habit with a long history. It began in 1807, with the abolition of the slave trade and picked up steam three decades later with the end of British slavery, twin events that marked the beginning of 200 years of moral posturing and historical amnesia. The Victorian readers who rightly wept over Uncle Tom’s Cabin, for example, conveniently forgot which nation had carried his ancestors into slavery and didn’t dwell on the fact that most of the cotton produced by American slaves like him was shipped to Liverpool.
Late I9th century statue of Edward Colston, Bristol city benefactor and 17th century slaver, thrown into the river this afternoon. Colston’s legacy has been controversial for years. Although the vandalism has been condemned, it means that whatever its ultimate fate, his statue and his reputation cannot be restored to its pedestal.
Learned activists like Olusoga are revising the traditional verdicts of history. He insists there is a direct link between the abuses of slavery over three hundred years ago and today’s persistent inequality. However uncomfortable the thought, elevating the abuses of the past above its achievements may give a momentary boost to the cause of social equality today. But the task in the longer term is less amenable to solutions however dramatic like throwing a statue into the river. It requires a more integrated approach and a determination not to be prisoners of our history. There are parallels here with how history is now viewed in Ireland.
Today there is also something more insidious than history ; stereotyping which cuts both ways; an argument made by Matthew Syed in the Sunday Times
The death of George Floyd was shocking, but high-profile instances of brutality can obscure more elusive factors that shape racial divisions. Consider studies that show that employers in the United States are 50% more likely to reject candidates with black-sounding names — even when they have otherwise identical CVs. Consider, too, a UK report for the Department for Work and Pensions that found “high levels of name-based discrimination in favour of white applicants”
The culprit is stereotyping, the tendency, particularly under pressure of time, to make snap judgments about individuals based on group categorisation.
I was saddened to see a protester cheered to the rafters when he said: “Every white officer is part of the disease.” This is classic stereotyping, treating all officers as if they are interchangeable with Floyd’s murderer…
Some campaigners have taken this narrative further, arguing that white people are “inherently” racist by virtue of being white. White culture “institutionalises subjugation” and white norms of speech (whatever that means) “underlie racialised institutions”, as Professor Ian Haney López has put it. It is true that black people have been discriminated against for centuries, but doesn’t the tarnishing of everything “white” run the risk of bolstering division?
. By setting up a “them” v “us” dichotomy, this reverse stereotyping is exacerbating the very problem that we need to solve — something that Donald Trump is only too willing to inflame and exploit.
And another case of stereotyping. The wretched Trump is a Republican; but that doesn’t make the Democrats good guys, writes Gerard Baker in the Times. If only it were so simple .
George Floyd. Eric Garner. Freddie Gray. Rodney King. The baleful list of the names of black men killed or brutalised by police in America is long and too familiar. So too the list of cities where these and other acts occurred, cities now engulfed in protest and mayhem: Minneapolis. New York. Baltimore. Los Angeles.
These places have something else in common. Every one of them is controlled by the Democratic Party. Not just recently, or narrowly, or tenuously. Like almost all big cities in America where most instances of racial tension have occurred of late, they are citadels of one-party rule…
he picture painted in the past week of a daily reality for black men in which they cannot walk out their front door without fear of being murdered by a white police officer is grotesque.
According to the latest data from the justice department, blacks accounted for about a quarter of all those killed by police in the past three years; whites were slightly more than half. Blacks of course represent a smaller proportion of the US population — about 13 per cent, so those black fatalities do indeed represent a significantly disproportionate number of deaths by law enforcement.
But this is misleading. The relevant statistic when considering what happens to people at the hands of the police is not total population but the numbers of people who come into contact with police. In short, a better measure is the relationship between those who commit recorded violent crimes and those who are killed by police. According to the FBI, almost 39 per cent of murders and 54 per cent of robberies in the US are committed by African-Americans.
For all the simplistic narrative that portrays every encounter between a black man and a white police officer as a clash between good and evil, the reality of urban policing is much more complex. The principal function in practice of police forces in these cities is, sadly, to try to stop black people from killing each other. In 2018, for every black person killed by a white in America, there were 11 blacks killed by a black person.
It is not racist to point this out. It may well indeed primarily reflect the vast inequalities that entrap African-Americans: of income and wealth, education and opportunity, and of the prejudice that supports it.
On an encouraging footnote …
No new coronavirus deaths have been reported in Northern Ireland.
Total deaths of those who tested positive for the virus in the country stands at 537, according to the Department of Health.
There have been another six confirmed cases of Covid-19, bringing the total recorded since the outbreak began to 4,796.


sluggerotoole--2020-06-08--How the Big Brother TV programme changed our world, contested truth and showed Trump the low road to

How the Big Brother TV programme changed our world, contested truth and showed Trump the low road to the Whitehouse

If you are still wondering how a Twitter troll got the keys to power in the world ’ s richest democracy or in spite of its activists ’ online trolling ( and few real policies ) SF is now the biggest party in Ireland , try Jamie Barlett ’ s new series on BBC Radio Four ?
The first part of Watching Us broadcast/dropped yesterday focuses on the onset of a new paradigm , when the decision to make Big Brother was arrived one July evening by dutch production company Endemol in Hilversum in Holland .
Jamie describes it as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” that “ somehow made the TV seem porous ” .
I ’ ve not heard the later episodes yet , but it seems to me this porosity in the fourth wall is key to understanding its huge impact in the wider world .
What ’ s the fourth wall ?
It ’ s defined as “ the space which separates a performer or performance from an audience ” .
It ’ s an idea that barely existed before the high art of the Renaissance era but which became so embedded in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s the sense that actors ( and latterly politicians ) live and perform in a world that ’ s carefully separated from that of their audience , and for whom the opportunities to participate are severely limited after they buy the ticket , or vote in any election .
It ’ s been a popular and largely uncontested social construct for much of the last four hundred years .
There have always been counter cultures and push backs , but most failed to ignite general new , popular social constructs .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of TV and live cameras within the house took audience participation to new ( and highly unpredictable ) levels .
It ’ s not a stretch to see the new volatility in electorates across the world as an extension of the BB vote .
How else to explain the voters ’ panning of SF last summer with a victory that saw one new SF TD booking a cruise during her campaign because she stood no chance of winning the seat ?
The biggest surprise was how surprised SF was at its own success @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
Policies aren ’ t needed ( who needs a wall , when all you need to do is talk about one ) ?
Want housing policy target no one else can live with ?
Think of a number , and then double it .
It ’ s just one vote on one day .
The key is participation .
This is what Trump and Sinn Féin ’ s populist movement understand much better than most of their rivals .
People want to get involved and they want to do something not just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their behalf .
You ’ ve only to see how rallies have played such a strong part in the Trump presidency , and how rather than through themselves into negotiations with other parties Sinn Féin ’ s president threw herself first into real Town Hall events then virtual ones .
Participation and return on engagement have been buzz words amongst e-democracy folks since forever .
Ireland ’ s success with citizen ’ s assemblies enabling difficult reforms to get through has triggered similar efforts in France and in the UK .
But amongst @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seems to have understood that “ there are moments of great acceleration of history and I think we are living through one of them ” .
He also knows that the future lies with le disrupteurs .
Much of his presidency has been an exploration of whether it is even possible to join this class of disrupters and be French president all at the same time .
He understands better than most that this is not a shiny toy that can be just put back in the box .
His party , La @ @ @ @ @ @ @ title ) has the fleet and agile hallmarks of a tech start-up now struggling with the structural inertias of the French Fifth Republic .
It may prove an important first effort in dealing with the loss of the fourth wall .
Having tumbled to the need for participation , making it work is less about persona or even agenda , it a matter of bringing curiosity and flexibility thinking back into the mainstream of official governance .
And above all , coming to understand that truth ( that much-bandied word ) is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every bit as much as its intrinsic content .
Otherwise , we may be facing a “ kick the bums out ” scenario in perpetuity…

If you are still wondering how a Twitter troll got the keys to power in the world’s richest democracy or in spite of its activists’ online trolling (and few real policies) SF is now the biggest party in Ireland, try Jamie Barlett’s new series on BBC Radio Four?
The first part of Watching Us broadcast/dropped yesterday focuses on the onset of a new paradigm, when the decision to make Big Brother was arrived one July evening by dutch production company Endemol in Hilversum in Holland.
Over the next five episodes I’m going to try to convince you that Big Brother was the most important television programme ever made, one which revolutionised TV and transformed our ideas about surveillance, technology, truth and in the end even politics.
Jamie describes it as “a bold and original social experiment” that “somehow made the TV seem porous”. I’ve not heard the later episodes yet, but it seems to me this porosity in the fourth wall is key to understanding its huge impact in the wider world.
What’s the fourth wall? It’s defined as “the space which separates a performer or performance from an audience”. It’s an idea that barely existed before the high art of the Renaissance era but which became so embedded in the landscape we rarely think about it.
It’s the sense that actors (and latterly politicians) live and perform in a world that’s carefully separated from that of their audience, and for whom the opportunities to participate are severely limited after they buy the ticket, or vote in any election.
It’s been a popular and largely uncontested social construct for much of the last four hundred years. There have always been counter cultures and push backs, but most failed to ignite general new, popular social constructs.
Until Big Brother, when the combination of TV and live cameras within the house took audience participation to new (and highly unpredictable) levels. It’s not a stretch to see the new volatility in electorates across the world as an extension of the BB vote.
How else to explain the voters’ panning of SF last summer with a victory that saw one new SF TD booking a cruise during her campaign because she stood no chance of winning the seat? The biggest surprise was how surprised SF was at its own success.
Welcome to the Big Brother House? Policies aren’t needed (who needs a wall, when all you need to do is talk about one)? Want housing policy target no one else can live with? Think of a number, and then double it. It’s just one vote on one day.
The key is participation. This is what Trump and Sinn Féin’s populist movement understand much better than most of their rivals. People want to get involved and they want to do something not just to see someone else do things on their behalf.
You’ve only to see how rallies have played such a strong part in the Trump presidency, and how rather than through themselves into negotiations with other parties Sinn Féin’s president threw herself first into real Town Hall events then virtual ones.
Participation and return on engagement have been buzz words amongst e-democracy folks since forever. Ireland’s success with citizen’s assemblies enabling difficult reforms to get through has triggered similar efforts in France and in the UK.
But amongst the centrists, only Macron in France seems to have understood that “there are moments of great acceleration of history and I think we are living through one of them”. He also knows that the future lies with le disrupteurs.
Much of his presidency has been an exploration of whether it is even possible to join this class of disrupters and be French president all at the same time. He understands better than most that this is not a shiny toy that can be just put back in the box.
His party, La République En Marche! (its full title) has the fleet and agile hallmarks of a tech start-up now struggling with the structural inertias of the French Fifth Republic. It may prove an important first effort in dealing with the loss of the fourth wall.
Having tumbled to the need for participation, making it work is less about persona or even agenda, it a matter of bringing curiosity and flexibility thinking back into the mainstream of official governance.
And above all, coming to understand that truth (that much-bandied word) is a social construct and therefore dependent upon form every bit as much as its intrinsic content. Otherwise, we may be facing a “kick the bums out” scenario in perpetuity…


sluggerotoole--2020-06-08--‘My coping mechanism is talking, seeking peace and reconciliation’

Alan McBride ’ s personal journey is well known , but remarkable nonetheless .
It was in 1993 that his wife Sharon and her father Desmond Frizzell were killed in an IRA bomb attack on the family fish shop in Belfast ’ s Shankill Road .
But with immense dignity , Alan has since dedicated his life to reconciliation and progress , as well as campaigning on behalf of victims .
He is the latest interviewee in the Holywell Trust Forward Together podcasts .
Alan admits that initially after Sharon died he had to deal with a range of emotions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , profound sadness and emptiness .
But then “ I started getting involved , speaking out and getting involved in rallies with an organization called Families Against Intimidation and Terror , who highlighted human rights abuses .
They fulfilled a need I had to speak out and to challenge paramilitaries and those that supported them ” .
He adds : “ I was trying to make sense of everything that was going on.
” A lot of his anger was directed against Gerry Adams , who helped carry the body of the dead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But his personal story included his father having been a member of the UDA .
“ I had this breakthrough moment when I started to think about my own upbringing , and started to think about how many Catholics I knew , the things I had got involved in as a kid – the riots , fires , 12th July celebrations , etc .
And I believed the society we had here was abnormal – it was very different from any other part of the United Kingdom .
The society itself produced some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to what the people who killed my wife did .
“ It wasn ’ t that I had forgiven them , or gone soft on them , but I sort of understood that if they had grown up in any other part of the United Kingdom they probably wouldn ’ t have done the things they did .
So when I ’ m thinking about peace and reconciliation and I ’ m thinking of pointing the finger – the net has to be cast much wider than just those who planted bombs and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are involved .
As a young boy I went to church and heard some very sectarian sermons from the pulpit… .
I also remember politicians who didn ’ t give us any sort of leadership .
If anything they were compounding our sense of sectarianism .
“ To be honest that hasn ’ t really changed that much in recent times .
One of the things I hope that comes out of this coronavirus is that we have a kinder more humane society .
The bullshit politics we have had in this country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : “ It was when I started to think like that I began to not feel the need to campaign against people like Gerry Adams and paramilitaries and instead involve myself in peace building and tried to engage in dialogue with people I had previously been opposed to and tried to build an understanding with them of where I am coming from .
“ These days I see my role as someone who is involved in peace building , advocates a peaceful life , a peaceful society .
My criticism is not only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to achieve a political end , but also for those who gave them cover .
I include in that , the DUP , the Ulster Unionists , not just Sinn Fein , anybody who had any tacit support for paramilitaries – advocating for them , or turning a blind eye as was quite often the case.
” In today ’ s society , one of the issues we still struggle with is whether all those who died should be treated equally , whether there should be ‘ a hierarchy of victims ’ .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the families who are left behind , ” says Alan .
“ I just see them as families whose relatives lost their lives in this conflict .
But I will say this – I will always challenge the person who tries to put my wife on the same page , in terms of her guilt or her innocence , with [ the bombers ] Sean Kelly or Thomas Begley .
They murdered my wife .
They went out that day to commit murder .
My wife wasn ’ t the intended victim – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ So I won ’ t put them on the same page .
But their families ?
Absolutely .
I will put them on the same page .
I suffer just as much as the Kelly family suffers , or the Begley family suffers.
” But he recognises there are people who regard them as soldiers in a war .
“ It ’ s obviously not an opinion I share… It is not helpful to me at all to say we are all victims in the same way.
” But the trauma @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who mourn dead relatives .
There is also the trauma of people left with profound injuries and disabilities because of events – and the trauma that passes down generations and can be manifested through addictions .
It can be “ the wider family circle ” , stresses Alan .
He is open that his coping mechanism is talking , campaigning , challenging others and seeking peace and reconciliation .
“ Yet there are others who cope in different ways.
” Alan admits that his journey to seek reconciliation was traumatic for his relatives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We have coped in very different ways .
And the way I coped had an impact on her.
” Alan adds : “ It ’ s ok not to talk about it , if that ’ s you and that ’ s your thing .
But if you are going to bed at night and that is the thing stopping you going to sleep , causing you recurring nightmares , then you probably do need at some stage to get that out , to talk about it , get it out into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ second Forward Together series is available here on the website of peace and reconciliation charity Holywell Trust .
It is funded by the Community Relations Council ’ s Media Grant Scheme Disclaimer : This project has received support from the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council which aims to promote a pluralist society characterised by equity , respect for diversity , and recognition of interdependence .
The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of the Community Relations Council .

Alan McBride’s personal journey is well known, but remarkable nonetheless. It was in 1993 that his wife Sharon and her father Desmond Frizzell were killed in an IRA bomb attack on the family fish shop in Belfast’s Shankill Road. But with immense dignity, Alan has since dedicated his life to reconciliation and progress, as well as campaigning on behalf of victims. He is the latest interviewee in the Holywell Trust Forward Together podcasts.
Alan admits that initially after Sharon died he had to deal with a range of emotions attached to bereavement – guilt, anger, profound sadness and emptiness. But then “I started getting involved, speaking out and getting involved in rallies with an organization called Families Against Intimidation and Terror, who highlighted human rights abuses. They fulfilled a need I had to speak out and to challenge paramilitaries and those that supported them”.
He adds: “I was trying to make sense of everything that was going on.” A lot of his anger was directed against Gerry Adams, who helped carry the body of the dead Shankill Road bomber, Thomas Begley. But his personal story included his father having been a member of the UDA.
“I had this breakthrough moment when I started to think about my own upbringing, and started to think about how many Catholics I knew, the things I had got involved in as a kid – the riots, fires, 12th July celebrations, etc. And I believed the society we had here was abnormal – it was very different from any other part of the United Kingdom. The society itself produced some of the types of things that led to what the people who killed my wife did.
“It wasn’t that I had forgiven them, or gone soft on them, but I sort of understood that if they had grown up in any other part of the United Kingdom they probably wouldn’t have done the things they did. So when I’m thinking about peace and reconciliation and I’m thinking of pointing the finger – the net has to be cast much wider than just those who planted bombs and shot and killed people. The churches are involved. As a young boy I went to church and heard some very sectarian sermons from the pulpit…. I also remember politicians who didn’t give us any sort of leadership. If anything they were compounding our sense of sectarianism.
“To be honest that hasn’t really changed that much in recent times. One of the things I hope that comes out of this coronavirus is that we have a kinder more humane society. The bullshit politics we have had in this country for far too long.”
He adds: “It was when I started to think like that I began to not feel the need to campaign against people like Gerry Adams and paramilitaries and instead involve myself in peace building and tried to engage in dialogue with people I had previously been opposed to and tried to build an understanding with them of where I am coming from.
“These days I see my role as someone who is involved in peace building, advocates a peaceful life, a peaceful society. My criticism is not only for those who were involved in violence to achieve a political end, but also for those who gave them cover. I include in that, the DUP, the Ulster Unionists, not just Sinn Fein, anybody who had any tacit support for paramilitaries – advocating for them, or turning a blind eye as was quite often the case.”
In today’s society, one of the issues we still struggle with is whether all those who died should be treated equally, whether there should be ‘a hierarchy of victims’. “What we have to consider is the families who are left behind,” says Alan. “I just see them as families whose relatives lost their lives in this conflict. But I will say this – I will always challenge the person who tries to put my wife on the same page, in terms of her guilt or her innocence, with [the bombers] Sean Kelly or Thomas Begley. They murdered my wife. They went out that day to commit murder. My wife wasn’t the intended victim – she was just expendable, collateral damage.
“So I won’t put them on the same page. But their families? Absolutely. I will put them on the same page. I suffer just as much as the Kelly family suffers, or the Begley family suffers.” But he recognises there are people who regard them as soldiers in a war. “It’s obviously not an opinion I share… It is not helpful to me at all to say we are all victims in the same way.”
But the trauma today is not restricted to the families who mourn dead relatives. There is also the trauma of people left with profound injuries and disabilities because of events – and the trauma that passes down generations and can be manifested through addictions. It can be “the wider family circle”, stresses Alan.
He is open that his coping mechanism is talking, campaigning, challenging others and seeking peace and reconciliation. “Yet there are others who cope in different ways.” Alan admits that his journey to seek reconciliation was traumatic for his relatives, especially for his mother-in-law. “We have coped in very different ways. And the way I coped had an impact on her.”
Alan adds: “It’s ok not to talk about it, if that’s you and that’s your thing. But if you are going to bed at night and that is the thing stopping you going to sleep, causing you recurring nightmares, then you probably do need at some stage to get that out, to talk about it, get it out into the open.”
This latest podcast in the second Forward Together series is available here on the website of peace and reconciliation charity Holywell Trust. It is funded by the Community Relations Council’s Media Grant Scheme
Disclaimer: This project has received support from the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council which aims to promote a pluralist society characterised by equity, respect for diversity, and recognition of interdependence. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of the Community Relations Council.


sluggerotoole--2020-06-08--Seriously Injured Victim Payment Scheme – Providing Some Clarity

There has much debate about the implementation of the pension for seriously injured victims over the past few days .
The sites of contention have seemed to shift over the past two weeks from which department would be responsible for the scheme , who will fund it ( given its UK reach ) , who will be eligible to what the guidance on conviction states .
Despite much sympathy and sweet words for years by politicians around the pension issue , there has been little push within the Executive Office to implement it .
In the Irish News on Saturday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ implement the already legislated scheme for seriously injured victims .
The Wave Injured Group has been advocating for the pension for years .
Many seriously injured victims are in their old age and want to have some financial security , independence and control over their own destiny in their final years .
The passing of the Victims Payment Regulations on the 31st January this year , brought a relief to many victims that they could apply for a much needed pension at the end of May .
However the NI Executive Office , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to designate a department on the 24th February to be responsible for the establishment of the Victims Payment Board .
Victims who have campaigned for years on this issue are now going to take a judicial review to force the Executive Office to comply with the law .
The resounding word used over the past few days to describe the situation has been ‘ shameful ’ .
I want in this post to provide some context and detail to the issue around the guidance and compensation with past convictions .
The Scheme and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ payment scheme is to be open to anyone who suffered a serious injury that resulted in permanent disablement as a result of a Troubles related incident between 1966-2010 in the UK or on more limited grounds if in the EU .
I have explained it in more detail here .
The likely cost of the scheme is to be around £115 million for the first five years , reflecting the back payments and lump sums to victims who choose this , with subsequent years being around £5 million as the numbers of victims @ @ @ @ @ @ @ estimate that eligible victims recorded by the VSS and other disability benefits , accounting for roughly 1500-2000 victims .
There is no reason why the UK government could not fund the start up costs of the scheme ( back-payment and lump sum ) , with the NI Executive picking up the annual £5 million estimate annual cost of the monthly pensions .
The law on the victim payments is clear : only those who are injured convicted in a Troubles-related injury that caused this injury are excluded , ( i.e .
injured by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such individuals could later be eligible to apply if the Criminal Case Review Commission overturns their conviction .
Other individuals who have convictions over 2.5 years , are injured and meet the requirements of being permanently disabled are entitled to apply .
They will be assessed by a different panel in the scheme , who will take into account a range of factors .
The BBC has obtain a copy of this guidance , which according to them includes the consideration of mitigating factors of : • Where the applicant demonstrates remorse and/or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contribution to society since the time of that conviction ; • If the offence was committed when the applicant was a juvenile ; • If a medical adviser appointed by the panel considers that psychological trauma caused by the Troubles may have contributed to subsequent offences ; • The vulnerability of the individual due to mental of physical incapacity or brain injury Aggravating factors include having recent convictions , reflecting that the passage of time and the impact of the injury are more important to entitle a person to a payment .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may not be appropriate when we are dealing with individuals who were left seriously injured and disabled .
Moreover , many non-state paramilitary armed groups have made apologies as an organisational level , rather than as individuals .
Also it could create difficult disclosure obligations for individuals to suggest they evidence how they have apologies or carried out restitution to a victim ’ s family , which may implicate them in further crimes .
As such we may be raising the bar too high .
We also need to think whether or not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ place for contrition , rather than through other Stormont House Agreement proposed institutions and more broadly whether in-private , legal bodies are best place for such reconciliatory moments that are more bureaucratic processes than relational between those harm and those responsible .
Under the Victims Payment scheme the Judge acting as President of the Board can also rule that an award to an individual is inappropriate in exceptional circumstances , but these are limited to two grounds of continuing involvement in terrorism evidence by convictions or civil judgements .
The guidance has not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still remains in draft , suggesting some room for negotiation between the Executive and the NIO .
In our own submission to the NIO consultation we recommended similar considerations and that the members on the panel weighing up these factors should be selected based on their qualities and experience that are likely to command the respect and confidence of victims , public authorities and others , and are able and willing to exercise their functions in an independent , impartial and sensitive manner .
Indeed the Regulations require three panel members including a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an ordinary member .
The discretion to withhold compensation based on spent or unspent convictions has for a long time used in Northern Ireland , and continues under the Criminal Injuries Compensation Scheme .
There are similar powers to exclude an individual with a criminal conviction in the rest of Ireland and England and Wales .
A repeated issue against the victim payment scheme is the suggestion that it is discriminatory .
The European Convention on Human Rights under Article 14 prohibits discrimination on the basis of status ( sex , gender , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of other rights and freedoms with the Convention .
That said , for social policy around issues such as compensation , a wide margin of appreciation is given to States when dealing with those with past serious convictions .
This is in line with the 1983 European Convention on the Compensation of Victims of Violent Crimes , which allows compensation to be reduced or refused on account of the victim ’ s ‘ involvement in organised crime or his membership of an organisation which engages in crimes of violence ’ or would be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or to public policy.
’ This is justified on the grounds that tax revenue should not be used to provide compensation to those who do not compensate their victims .
Recently the English and Wales Court of Appeal upheld two applicants ’ refusal of compensation by the Criminal Injury Compensation Agency on the grounds they had unspent convictions .
This was seen as human rights compliant and did not violate Article 14 on the grounds it was for a legitimate aim and proportionate in the means used to achieve that aim .
Last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on similar grounds upheld the withholding compensation miscarriages of justice on the Secretary of State ’ s discretion .
The Victims Payment scheme by having factors for the panel to consider it is a more transparent and restricted discretionary process than the Secretary of State ’ s decision to reject payments under the Criminal Injury Compensation Scheme .
In other countries we have worked in on these issues , ex-combatants have as an organisation or on an individual basis contributed to reparations to victims .
In some cases this meant seizing family property @ @ @ @ @ @ @ requiring monthly contributions to victim reparation funds .
However this is not conducive to dealing with the past in Northern Ireland or in line with the nature of the Victims Payment Scheme , which its stated purpose is to acknowledge the harm suffered by injured victims and promote reconciliation .
The panel to determine those with convictions as appropriate is to ensure confidence in the system and will be guided by factors that take into account their hardship and harm .
The panel is to avoid the situation that occurred around the proposals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where everyone was included and the proposals got through out as a result .
Some have suggested that those eligible should be based on 2006 Victims and Survivors ( NI ) Order .
However the Order only defines those victims as individuals ‘ appearing to ’ the Commission for Victims and Survivors , it does not give any further entitlement .
In addition , most countries around the world do not use such a broad definition for victim payments , but instead concentrate resources on those most seriously affected by violence .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ individuals who have convictions will meet the criteria of having an injury that is caused by a Troubles-related incident and results in permanent disability .
A number of individuals have never been prosecuted who may be injured by their own hands , though it would be difficult for them to evidence a Troubles-related incident to account for their loss .
Also those who were members of paramilitary organisations and were never convicted , but were seriously injured , would not be assessed by the panel for applicants with convictions .
No one deserves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ access to an effective remedy through this pension to acknowledge and relieve some of the consequences of their harm .
This is in a way about reconstructing values , in particular around the rule of law and human rights , that no matter the person they should not have suffered such violations of their bodily integrity and where they did they should have an effective remedy .
While some have argued that as Westminster has passed the scheme and it is eligible to those in the UK it should be under the remit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need for local ownership in dealing with the past .
Some have suggested that the scheme origins in Westminster means it is the British government ’ s narrative , but the Victims and Survivors ( NI ) Order 2006 was passed in the same manner .
It is understandable given the ‘ logjam ’ in the failure of politics to see beyond their own side , but we need to find common ground to move forward with solutions on the past that can meet each other half way .
The Victims Payment scheme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ claiming who have been injured in an incident they were convicted in .
The few dozen other ex-prisoners who are seriously injured are entitled to apply .
There is need for reasonable accommodation between two polar opposites .
It was only a few months ago that one party tried to redefine the Victims and Survivors ( NI ) Order to include only innocent victims .
The Executive Office is required by law to designate a department to establish the Board for the victim payments .
A written letter from the Executive Office to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is needed to get things moving , the guidance can be refined in the coming weeks .
We need grown up politics to deal with the past that was promised in the New Decade , New Approach Agreement .
This has been seen with the Executive coming together to tackle Covid-19 .
Seriously injured victims can not wait any longer , forcing them to get the government to follow the law is a further source of secondary victimisation .

There has much debate about the implementation of the pension for seriously injured victims over the past few days. The sites of contention have seemed to shift over the past two weeks from which department would be responsible for the scheme, who will fund it (given its UK reach), who will be eligible to what the guidance on conviction states. Despite much sympathy and sweet words for years by politicians around the pension issue, there has been little push within the Executive Office to implement it.
In the Irish News on Saturday I wrote about the timing pressure to implement the already legislated scheme for seriously injured victims. The Wave Injured Group has been advocating for the pension for years. Many seriously injured victims are in their old age and want to have some financial security, independence and control over their own destiny in their final years. The passing of the Victims Payment Regulations on the 31st January this year, brought a relief to many victims that they could apply for a much needed pension at the end of May.
However the NI Executive Office, as required by the law, failed to designate a department on the 24th February to be responsible for the establishment of the Victims Payment Board. Victims who have campaigned for years on this issue are now going to take a judicial review to force the Executive Office to comply with the law. The resounding word used over the past few days to describe the situation has been ‘shameful’. I want in this post to provide some context and detail to the issue around the guidance and compensation with past convictions.
The Scheme and the Guidance
Under the regulations the victim payment scheme is to be open to anyone who suffered a serious injury that resulted in permanent disablement as a result of a Troubles related incident between 1966-2010 in the UK or on more limited grounds if in the EU. I have explained it in more detail here.
The likely cost of the scheme is to be around £115 million for the first five years, reflecting the back payments and lump sums to victims who choose this, with subsequent years being around £5 million as the numbers of victims reduce. This is based on an estimate that eligible victims recorded by the VSS and other disability benefits, accounting for roughly 1500-2000 victims. There is no reason why the UK government could not fund the start up costs of the scheme (back-payment and lump sum), with the NI Executive picking up the annual £5 million estimate annual cost of the monthly pensions.
The law on the victim payments is clear: only those who are injured and convicted in a Troubles-related injury that caused this injury are excluded, (i.e. injured by their own hand). However, such individuals could later be eligible to apply if the Criminal Case Review Commission overturns their conviction.
Other individuals who have convictions over 2.5 years, are injured and meet the requirements of being permanently disabled are entitled to apply. They will be assessed by a different panel in the scheme, who will take into account a range of factors. The BBC has obtain a copy of this guidance, which according to them includes the consideration of mitigating factors of:
Where the applicant demonstrates remorse and/or has sought restitution or to make positive contribution to society since the time of that conviction;
If the offence was committed when the applicant was a juvenile;
If a medical adviser appointed by the panel considers that psychological trauma caused by the Troubles may have contributed to subsequent offences;
The vulnerability of the individual due to mental of physical incapacity or brain injury
Aggravating factors include having recent convictions, reflecting that the passage of time and the impact of the injury are more important to entitle a person to a payment. The factor of remorse/restitution or contribution to peacebuilding may not be appropriate when we are dealing with individuals who were left seriously injured and disabled. Moreover, many non-state paramilitary armed groups have made apologies as an organisational level, rather than as individuals. Also it could create difficult disclosure obligations for individuals to suggest they evidence how they have apologies or carried out restitution to a victim’s family, which may implicate them in further crimes. As such we may be raising the bar too high.
We also need to think whether or not this three person panel is the best place for contrition, rather than through other Stormont House Agreement proposed institutions and more broadly whether in-private, legal bodies are best place for such reconciliatory moments that are more bureaucratic processes than relational between those harm and those responsible.
Under the Victims Payment scheme the Judge acting as President of the Board can also rule that an award to an individual is inappropriate in exceptional circumstances, but these are limited to two grounds of continuing involvement in terrorism evidence by convictions or civil judgements.
The guidance has not been made public yet, as it still remains in draft, suggesting some room for negotiation between the Executive and the NIO. In our own submission to the NIO consultation we recommended similar considerations and that the members on the panel weighing up these factors should be selected based on their qualities and experience that are likely to command the respect and confidence of victims, public authorities and others, and are able and willing to exercise their functions in an independent, impartial and sensitive manner. Indeed the Regulations require three panel members including a legal practitioner, a medical practitioner and an ordinary member.
Compensation and Convictions
The discretion to withhold compensation based on spent or unspent convictions has for a long time used in Northern Ireland, and continues under the Criminal Injuries Compensation Scheme. There are similar powers to exclude an individual with a criminal conviction in the rest of Ireland and England and Wales.
A repeated issue against the victim payment scheme is the suggestion that it is discriminatory. The European Convention on Human Rights under Article 14 prohibits discrimination on the basis of status (sex, gender, religion etc.) for the enjoyment of other rights and freedoms with the Convention. That said, for social policy around issues such as compensation, a wide margin of appreciation is given to States when dealing with those with past serious convictions. This is in line with the 1983 European Convention on the Compensation of Victims of Violent Crimes, which allows compensation to be reduced or refused on account of the victim’s ‘involvement in organised crime or his membership of an organisation which engages in crimes of violence’ or would be ‘contrary to a sense of justice or to public policy.’ This is justified on the grounds that tax revenue should not be used to provide compensation to those who do not compensate their victims.
Recently the English and Wales Court of Appeal upheld two applicants’ refusal of compensation by the Criminal Injury Compensation Agency on the grounds they had unspent convictions. This was seen as human rights compliant and did not violate Article 14 on the grounds it was for a legitimate aim and proportionate in the means used to achieve that aim. Last month the Northern Irish High Court ruled on similar grounds upheld the withholding compensation miscarriages of justice on the Secretary of State’s discretion.
The Victims Payment scheme by having factors for the panel to consider it is a more transparent and restricted discretionary process than the Secretary of State’s decision to reject payments under the Criminal Injury Compensation Scheme.
In other countries we have worked in on these issues, ex-combatants have as an organisation or on an individual basis contributed to reparations to victims. In some cases this meant seizing family property, imposing debts on family homes and requiring monthly contributions to victim reparation funds. However this is not conducive to dealing with the past in Northern Ireland or in line with the nature of the Victims Payment Scheme, which its stated purpose is to acknowledge the harm suffered by injured victims and promote reconciliation.
The panel to determine those with convictions as appropriate is to ensure confidence in the system and will be guided by factors that take into account their hardship and harm. The panel is to avoid the situation that occurred around the proposals of the Consultative Group of the Past where everyone was included and the proposals got through out as a result.
Some have suggested that those eligible should be based on 2006 Victims and Survivors (NI) Order. However the Order only defines those victims as individuals ‘appearing to’ the Commission for Victims and Survivors, it does not give any further entitlement. In addition, most countries around the world do not use such a broad definition for victim payments, but instead concentrate resources on those most seriously affected by violence.
It is important to remember that very few individuals who have convictions will meet the criteria of having an injury that is caused by a Troubles-related incident and results in permanent disability. A number of individuals have never been prosecuted who may be injured by their own hands, though it would be difficult for them to evidence a Troubles-related incident to account for their loss. Also those who were members of paramilitary organisations and were never convicted, but were seriously injured, would not be assessed by the panel for applicants with convictions.
No one deserves to suffer such violence and should have access to an effective remedy through this pension to acknowledge and relieve some of the consequences of their harm. This is in a way about reconstructing values, in particular around the rule of law and human rights, that no matter the person they should not have suffered such violations of their bodily integrity and where they did they should have an effective remedy.
Finding common ground
While some have argued that as Westminster has passed the scheme and it is eligible to those in the UK it should be under the remit of the NIO, this overlooks the need for local ownership in dealing with the past. Some have suggested that the scheme origins in Westminster means it is the British government’s narrative, but the Victims and Survivors (NI) Order 2006 was passed in the same manner. It is understandable given the ‘logjam’ in the failure of politics to see beyond their own side, but we need to find common ground to move forward with solutions on the past that can meet each other half way. The Victims Payment scheme does that by only excluding those from claiming who have been injured in an incident they were convicted in. The few dozen other ex-prisoners who are seriously injured are entitled to apply.
There is need for reasonable accommodation between two polar opposites. It was only a few months ago that one party tried to redefine the Victims and Survivors (NI) Order to include only innocent victims. The Executive Office is required by law to designate a department to establish the Board for the victim payments. A written letter from the Executive Office to the Department of Justice is all that is needed to get things moving, the guidance can be refined in the coming weeks.
We need grown up politics to deal with the past that was promised in the New Decade, New Approach Agreement. This has been seen with the Executive coming together to tackle Covid-19. Seriously injured victims cannot wait any longer, forcing them to get the government to follow the law is a further source of secondary victimisation.


Fergus on Monday

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sluggerotoole--2020-06-08--In review: why the abortion debate landed where it landed

To begin with , the Northern Ireland Act 1998 specifically authorises Parliament to make laws for Northern Ireland ( Section 5 ( 6 ) ) and , in return , the Northern Ireland Assembly to amend laws made by Parliament to the extent that they affect Northern Ireland , provided that the matter has been “ transferred ” ( devolved – see section 6 ) .
In theory , there could be an unending game of ping pong as the Assembly asserts its will and Parliament asserts its sovereignty .
Thus the Sewell convention , which is as simple as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unless the Scottish Parliament , Welsh Assembly or Northern Ireland Assembly as the case may be consents to the Westminster legislation .
There are exceptions – for example , a UK Minister may not make regulations regarding retained EU law without giving the Assembly forty days to make a decision to consent – but in general , as far as Northern Ireland is concerned , it is a convention that Parliament will not pass legislation for devolved matters unless the Assembly agrees – and no more than a convention .
This sovereignty is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the Northern Ireland ( Executive Formation ) Act 2019 .
Or rather , part of the reason .
The NI ( Executive Formation ) Act received Royal Assent on 24th July 2019 .
During its passage through Parliament , Members of Parliament and the House of Lords added the following sections to the Act : • Section 8 , requiring the Secretary of State to make regulations for same-sex marriage and opposite-sex civil partnerships by 13 January 2020 • Section 9 , decriminialising abortion and requiring the Secretary of State to make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women ( CEDAW ) recommendations by 31 March 2020 • Section 10 , requiring the Secretary of State to make regulations to implement the Victims ’ payments scheme by 31 May 2020 Section 3 was also amended and sections 4-7 added to expand the reporting standards on progress towards the re-establishment of the Executive and matters such as gambling , suicide prevention , historic institutional abuse , the armed forces covenant , political donations and libel legislation .
The list is long .
Focussing in , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have one thing in common .
The requirement on the Secretary of State to act would only come into being if the Northern Ireland Executive were not re-established on or before 21 October 2019 .
Suddenly , an imperative to act .
The Executive did not exist because of fundamental disagreements between the DUP and Sinn Fein ; surely the DUP would be battering the door of the Sinn Fein offices down to negotiate terms for the return of the Executive on or before 21 October 2019 ?
But no .
We had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , attended by members of the DUP .
An attempt on the last day possible to circumvent Section 39 of the Northern Ireland Act , requiring the first order of business by the Assembly as elected in 2017 to be the election of a Speaker and Deputies ( although , had a Speaker been elected , the DUP could then have moved that Standing Orders be suspended to pass their Bill – successfully or otherwise ) .
Arlene Foster and DUP representatives continue to refuse to confirm what action they took between 24th @ @ @ @ @ @ @ negotiations with Sinn Fein to secure the return of the Northern Ireland Executive , compared to the hurry to negotiate when they no longer held the balance of power in the House of Commons .
Sinn Fein might have refused to negotiate in order that section 9 of the NI ( Executive Formation ) Act could not be prevented from coming into force , but if that had happened , then surely the DUP would have publicised this .
And that is why we are where we are .
Minister of State Robin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tails between their legs on Thursday , because as he factually pointed out , the law in Northern Ireland changed on 22nd October , and therefore the question of the regulations was not whether abortion should be permitted at all , but rather , as specified by the NI ( Executive Formation ) Act , the authority to make regulations regarding abortion was limited to how the CEDAW recommendations would be implemented .
The framing of Section 9 of the NI ( Executive Formation ) Act is such that the Secretary of State @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more limited regulations or not to make them at all : it is a legally binding compulsion to implement the recommendations of CEDAW .
In practical terms , the only mechanism by which this can be changed is for the Assembly to repeal section 9 of the NI ( Executive Formation ) Act , which is specifically within the powers granted in section 5 ( 6 ) of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 .
Except… it ’ s extremely unlikely to be successful , because of section 6 : Once a privilege has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be withdrawn .
In the case of abortion , any attempt to repeal or amend section 9 of the NI ( Executive Formation ) Act would immediately fall foul of the Sarah Ewart case .
Even the ability to amend the regulations is restricted by CEDAW .
There is however one thing that seriously disturbs me about the whole debate .
It ’ s the similarity of approach between the two sides of the abortion argument , which both require absolute adherence to their particular polar opposite argument , one that Christians can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a way that might permit women to have abortions , the other that progressive politics must always include a liberalised abortion regime .
I ’ ve said this before , but the mainstream in UK politics is that no public representative is whipped to support one side or the other .
Trevor Lunn has reminded us of why he and Stewart Dickson supported a particular inbetween line : The DUP motion was worded in such a way as to allow them to approach the Westminster government with a view to reopening the entire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is now law .
It was framed to look like support for the removal of the clause 7 ( 1 ) b which allows for abortion up to full term , where a severe physical or mental abnormality would cause serious disability .
I strongly object to this clause and have said so consistently , but the rest of the Abortion act I can support .
Along with others , I object to giving DUP any license to pursue this approach .
I asked Paul Givan in my intervention to confirm what their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ answer .
Westminster brought NI into line with the rest of the country because of our inability to make any changes ourselves .
Even the relatively simple change to allow for termination in cases of fatal foetal abnormality put forward by myself and Stewart Dickson several years ago was defeated mainly by DUP intransigence .
The amendment was worded in a manner which more accurately reflected my views .
It doesn ’ t matter to me that it was a Sinn Fein proposal , this is really not an Orange/Green or a Nationalist/Unionist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ m biased , but there is something badly wrong when abortion becomes the issue that decides whether you are one of “ us ” or one of “ them ” .
Where is the space for those inbetween ( or even towards one or other end of the spectrum ) who mightn ’ t necessarily like it , but recognise that things are the way they are , and who therefore want to focus on better lives for the living , tackling inequity , inequality , the acceptability of greed , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ things that get lost in the mix when abortion is the focus ?
In a progressive society , you can ’ t force others to behave as you wish in either direction ; you can decide not to prevent them , but as soon as you require a public representative to go against their conscience , you set a precedent that can be abused .
The law in Northern Ireland has been set by Parliament in a way that displeases the majority of the Assembly .
It ’ s extremely unlikely that any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and that law specifies the bounds within which abortion shall be permitted .
In the meantime , something I have said several times .
If I were a pregnant woman , could I promise you that I would not under any circumstances seek an abortion ?
As a Christian , I can not look you in the eye and tell you that if I were a woman I would never seek an abortion .
I mean , I hope that if I had been a woman , I would never have sought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be that woman in a crisis .
I will never have an unintended pregnancy .
I will never become pregnant as a result of rape .
I will never carry a baby who can not live outside the womb .
I will never have to face what such a woman faces .
And if I did have to face it , would I give the “ correct ” response ?
I ’ m pro-life .
I ’ m closer to Trevor and Stewart ’ s position than Chris Lyttle ’ s .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wholeheartedly that to be opposed to abortion isn ’ t enough , you have to support life for the living .
Canute proved that you can ’ t hold back a rising tide .
But you still end up looking at yourself in the mirror and saying “ If I were that person in that horrendous situation , would I have lived up to my standards ?
” And in that way , walking in the shoes of others , lies grace .

To begin with, the Northern Ireland Act 1998 specifically authorises Parliament to make laws for Northern Ireland (Section 5(6)) and, in return, the Northern Ireland Assembly to amend laws made by Parliament to the extent that they affect Northern Ireland, provided that the matter has been “transferred” (devolved – see section 6).
In theory, there could be an unending game of ping pong as the Assembly asserts its will and Parliament asserts its sovereignty. Thus the Sewell convention, which is as simple as that Westminster does not assert its sovereignty unless the Scottish Parliament, Welsh Assembly or Northern Ireland Assembly as the case may be consents to the Westminster legislation. There are exceptions – for example, a UK Minister may not make regulations regarding retained EU law without giving the Assembly forty days to make a decision to consent – but in general, as far as Northern Ireland is concerned, it is a convention that Parliament will not pass legislation for devolved matters unless the Assembly agrees – and no more than a convention.
This sovereignty is the reason why the Government is bound by the Northern Ireland (Executive Formation) Act 2019.
Or rather, part of the reason.
The NI (Executive Formation) Act received Royal Assent on 24th July 2019. During its passage through Parliament, Members of Parliament and the House of Lords added the following sections to the Act:
Section 8, requiring the Secretary of State to make regulations for same-sex marriage and opposite-sex civil partnerships by 13 January 2020
Section 9, decriminialising abortion and requiring the Secretary of State to make regulations to implement the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) recommendations by 31 March 2020
Section 10, requiring the Secretary of State to make regulations to implement the Victims’ payments scheme by 31 May 2020
Section 3 was also amended and sections 4-7 added to expand the reporting standards on progress towards the re-establishment of the Executive and matters such as gambling, suicide prevention, historic institutional abuse, the armed forces covenant, political donations and libel legislation. The list is long.
Focussing in, sections 8, 9 and 10 all have one thing in common. The requirement on the Secretary of State to act would only come into being if the Northern Ireland Executive were not re-established on or before 21 October 2019.
Suddenly, an imperative to act. The Executive did not exist because of fundamental disagreements between the DUP and Sinn Fein; surely the DUP would be battering the door of the Sinn Fein offices down to negotiate terms for the return of the Executive on or before 21 October 2019?
But no. We had a charade instead.
Protests outside Stormont, attended by members of the DUP.
An attempt on the last day possible to circumvent Section 39 of the Northern Ireland Act, requiring the first order of business by the Assembly as elected in 2017 to be the election of a Speaker and Deputies (although, had a Speaker been elected, the DUP could then have moved that Standing Orders be suspended to pass their Bill – successfully or otherwise).
Arlene Foster and DUP representatives continue to refuse to confirm what action they took between 24th July and 22nd October to engage in negotiations with Sinn Fein to secure the return of the Northern Ireland Executive, compared to the hurry to negotiate when they no longer held the balance of power in the House of Commons. Sinn Fein might have refused to negotiate in order that section 9 of the NI (Executive Formation) Act could not be prevented from coming into force, but if that had happened, then surely the DUP would have publicised this.
And that is why we are where we are. Minister of State Robin Walker sent the DUP away with their tails between their legs on Thursday, because as he factually pointed out, the law in Northern Ireland changed on 22nd October, and therefore the question of the regulations was not whether abortion should be permitted at all, but rather, as specified by the NI (Executive Formation) Act, the authority to make regulations regarding abortion was limited to how the CEDAW recommendations would be implemented. The framing of Section 9 of the NI (Executive Formation) Act is such that the Secretary of State does not have discretion to either make more limited regulations or not to make them at all: it is a legally binding compulsion to implement the recommendations of CEDAW.
In practical terms, the only mechanism by which this can be changed is for the Assembly to repeal section 9 of the NI (Executive Formation) Act, which is specifically within the powers granted in section 5(6) of the Northern Ireland Act 1998.
Except… it’s extremely unlikely to be successful, because of section 6:
(c)it is incompatible with any of the Convention rights; (e)it discriminates against any person or class of person on the ground of religious belief or political opinion;
Once a privilege has been granted, it cannot easily be withdrawn. In the case of abortion, any attempt to repeal or amend section 9 of the NI (Executive Formation) Act would immediately fall foul of the Sarah Ewart case. Even the ability to amend the regulations is restricted by CEDAW.
There is however one thing that seriously disturbs me about the whole debate. It’s the similarity of approach between the two sides of the abortion argument, which both require absolute adherence to their particular polar opposite argument, one that Christians cannot be Christians if they act in a way that might permit women to have abortions, the other that progressive politics must always include a liberalised abortion regime.
That isn’t right.
I’ve said this before, but the mainstream in UK politics is that no public representative is whipped to support one side or the other. Trevor Lunn has reminded us of why he and Stewart Dickson supported a particular inbetween line:
The DUP motion was worded in such a way as to allow them to approach the Westminster government with a view to reopening the entire debate on the Abortion act, which is now law. It was framed to look like support for the removal of the clause 7(1) b which allows for abortion up to full term, where a severe physical or mental abnormality would cause serious disability. I strongly object to this clause and have said so consistently, but the rest of the Abortion act I can support. Along with others, I object to giving DUP any license to pursue this approach. I asked Paul Givan in my intervention to confirm what their intentions were, but he declined to answer. … Westminster brought NI into line with the rest of the country because of our inability to make any changes ourselves. Even the relatively simple change to allow for termination in cases of fatal foetal abnormality put forward by myself and Stewart Dickson several years ago was defeated mainly by DUP intransigence. The amendment was worded in a manner which more accurately reflected my views. It doesn’t matter to me that it was a Sinn Fein proposal, this is really not an Orange/Green or a Nationalist/Unionist issue.
Look, we all know I’m biased, but there is something badly wrong when abortion becomes the issue that decides whether you are one of “us” or one of “them”. Where is the space for those inbetween (or even towards one or other end of the spectrum) who mightn’t necessarily like it, but recognise that things are the way they are, and who therefore want to focus on better lives for the living, tackling inequity, inequality, the acceptability of greed, and the treatment of the other, things that get lost in the mix when abortion is the focus?
In a progressive society, you can’t force others to behave as you wish in either direction; you can decide not to prevent them, but as soon as you require a public representative to go against their conscience, you set a precedent that can be abused.
The law in Northern Ireland has been set by Parliament in a way that displeases the majority of the Assembly. It’s extremely unlikely that any Bill to change the law will succeed, and that law specifies the bounds within which abortion shall be permitted.
In the meantime, something I have said several times.
If I were a pregnant woman, could I promise you that I would not under any circumstances seek an abortion? I would like to say yes. But I can’t. As a Christian, I cannot look you in the eye and tell you that if I were a woman I would never seek an abortion. I mean, I hope that if I had been a woman, I would never have sought an abortion. But I will never be that woman in a crisis. I will never have an unintended pregnancy. I will never become pregnant as a result of rape. I will never carry a baby who cannot live outside the womb. I will never have to face what such a woman faces. And if I did have to face it, would I give the “correct” response?
I’m pro-life. I’m closer to Trevor and Stewart’s position than Chris Lyttle’s. I think the four of us would agree wholeheartedly that to be opposed to abortion isn’t enough, you have to support life for the living. Canute proved that you can’t hold back a rising tide.
But you still end up looking at yourself in the mirror and saying “If I were that person in that horrendous situation, would I have lived up to my standards?”
And in that way, walking in the shoes of others, lies grace.