sluggerotoole--2020-08-17--Weir U Turns on A level results so “young people in Northern Ireland are in no way disadvantaged”

So after all , sense prevails… After some considerable pressure from other parties in the Assembly , most notably the SDLP , Peter Weir announces that Northern Ireland is abandoning the algorithmic calculator that Daniel McCrossan had been questioning for months now… “ My prime concern is to ensure that young people in Northern Ireland are in no way disadvantaged in comparison to their peers elsewhere .
“ Portability and comparability of qualifications is critical for students , particularly in Northern Ireland .
“ In the challenging situation in which we find ourselves , there are no perfect solutions .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ will provide a platform for [ students ] to go forward positively into higher education , employment or training.
” The SDLP leader was quick to claim the credit ( with some justification ) for a decision that was only remarkable for the length of time it took the Minister to see how things were going… There seems little doubt that tomorrow ’ s recall of the Assembly played a role in the Minister ’ s rather hasty U Turn , but his timely change of mind shows that the Assembly has some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with a matter of such overriding public interest…

So after all, sense prevails… After some considerable pressure from other parties in the Assembly, most notably the SDLP, Peter Weir announces that Northern Ireland is abandoning the algorithmic calculator that Daniel McCrossan had been questioning for months now…
“My prime concern is to ensure that young people in Northern Ireland are in no way disadvantaged in comparison to their peers elsewhere. “Portability and comparability of qualifications is critical for students, particularly in Northern Ireland. “In the challenging situation in which we find ourselves, there are no perfect solutions. “I hope today’s decision will provide a platform for [students] to go forward positively into higher education, employment or training.”
The SDLP leader was quick to claim the credit (with some justification) for a decision that was only remarkable for the length of time it took the Minister to see how things were going…
Glad that the Education Minister has finally listened to students, parents and teachers and U-turned on exam grades under immense pressure. Huge congratulations to all those who fought the algorithm and won! pic.twitter.com/UkiFSVLGxe — Colum Eastwood 🇺🇦 (@columeastwood) August 17, 2020
There seems little doubt that tomorrow’s recall of the Assembly played a role in the Minister’s rather hasty U Turn, but his timely change of mind shows that the Assembly has some considerable power when used in the conjunction with a matter of such overriding public interest…


sluggerotoole--2020-08-19--Next on the list of things for Stormont to do, lift the cap on University places…

Now after the U-turn , universities are now facing the cap on the number of places they can offer .
Brendan Hughes reports in the Irish News that Queens now needs an extra thousand places .
Given this is an artificial government policy , it seems that there is a determination in the Executive to lift the caps , and stump up the cash .
And it is going to be needed… Prof Stuart Elborn from Queen ’ s University said it was awaiting confirmation of the new results from exam boards and the university admissions service UCAS .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exam boards directly or through UCAS to give us those grades so that we can then make a determination of the students that we can help , ” he told the BBC .
He added : “ We have already turned down over 1,000 students , a proportion of whom will become probably eligible and will meet the grade criteria , and we think that could be anywhere now between 500 and 1,000 individuals.
” Queen ’ s and Ulster universities usually have a cap each year of accepting between 3,000 and 3,500 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Elborn said : “ In the areas of high demand , such as computer science , medicine and the healthcare professions , we are already stretched beyond our limits and to be able to deliver in those high-demand areas we will need extra support and will work with the Department for the Economy and the Northern Ireland Executive to deliver this for this generation of students who have faced a very difficult time to get there.
” Both the Economy and the Finance Ministers have been making positive noises in this regard , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t have much choice in the matter .
All of this is in the category of the consequence of the consequences .
Given our kids have just forgone months of education from P1 and upwards , these consequences are going reverberate down the years ahead in ways that will need to be dealt with , but which our fantasy driven politicians may struggle to deal with .
Photo by ninocare is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

Now after the U-turn, universities are now facing the cap on the number of places they can offer. Brendan Hughes reports in the Irish News that Queens now needs an extra thousand places.
Given this is an artificial government policy, it seems that there is a determination in the Executive to lift the caps, and stump up the cash. And it is going to be needed…
Prof Stuart Elborn from Queen’s University said it was awaiting confirmation of the new results from exam boards and the university admissions service UCAS. “We’re waiting for either the exam boards directly or through UCAS to give us those grades so that we can then make a determination of the students that we can help,” he told the BBC. He added: “We have already turned down over 1,000 students, a proportion of whom will become probably eligible and will meet the grade criteria, and we think that could be anywhere now between 500 and 1,000 individuals.” Queen’s and Ulster universities usually have a cap each year of accepting between 3,000 and 3,500 new undergraduates from the north. Prof Elborn said: “In the areas of high demand, such as computer science, medicine and the healthcare professions, we are already stretched beyond our limits and to be able to deliver in those high-demand areas we will need extra support and will work with the Department for the Economy and the Northern Ireland Executive to deliver this for this generation of students who have faced a very difficult time to get there.”
Both the Economy and the Finance Ministers have been making positive noises in this regard, but in fact, they don’t have much choice in the matter. All of this is in the category of the consequence of the consequences.
Given our kids have just forgone months of education from P1 and upwards, these consequences are going reverberate down the years ahead in ways that will need to be dealt with, but which our fantasy driven politicians may struggle to deal with.
Photo by ninocare is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-08-20--“You cannot use the local profits from eroding democracy to pay for your rise in global diplomacy.”

Fascinating piece from Sinead O ’ Sullivan in the Irish Times a few days ago .
In 1959 , Rostrevor man TK Whittaker wrote a paper that set the Republic ’ s course of the next 60 years years .
All of what came after , the ups and the downs , derived from that paper .
In short , it determined that the state would look outward economically and in almost every other way .
In fact , this had been the case since the shock of the Irish famine just over a hundred years earlier .
Prior to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emigrate .
In not owning land , and in large part living in a cashless economy ( although , not the type people are talking about today ) , they didn ’ t have the means to move townlands never mind shift countries .
Prior to this the only Irish to move were the Scots Irish .
Whittaker ’ s paper was an owning of that out turning .
It gave tools to two generations that both transformed the standard of education ( and therefore the confidence ) of those going out and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ foreign inward investment .
The social , cultural and economic changes in southern society can not be exaggerated .
This was a country without a significant industrial base , and very few sellable natural resources it could sell on the market against the capacity of bigger nations .
And yet , as Sinead , who works in a multidisciplinary team at Harvard Business School looking at the realities of the digital work , notes when it comes to the digital age Ireland ’ s reliance on FDI may have backed Ireland into a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ real danger inherent in Ireland ’ s relationship with the global tech sector is not an Irish problem alone .
We need to look outwardly during this debate .
Because while Ireland is winning the short game in terms of sector and economic growth off the back of these tech giants , the costs to this strategy are not only shared globally but are terminally damaging to the levels of democracy experienced worldwide .
The value and viability of global democracy is more highly contested today than ever before .
While democracy has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ half of the 20th century , technological progression is affecting the levels of democracy within old and new democracies alike .
The creation of algorithm-based technologies has led to overwhelmingly private ownership of the production , collection and distribution of information and knowledge in the technological era .
The very nature of democracy seeks to create a balance between government and individual control , however the private technology industry has created unprecedented influence for governments ( democratic and authoritarian alike ) and for itself .
Companies such as Google and Facebook have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such power have increased their share prices at the cost of moulding the civic norms upon which democracy exists .
Tech veteran Jaron Lanier refers to both these companies specifically as being hooked on a particularly pernicious BUMMER ( Behaviour of Users Modified and Made into an Empire for Rent ) business model ( of which more in a later review ) .
As Lanier notes , in his chapter on how “ Social Media is making politics impossible ” … Although Sinead is looking at this from an international perspective , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also having an effect on domestic Irish politics .
Each passing election sees the Dail rip itself into tinier shreds of parties and individuals who hate each other .
Publicly through Twitter , Facebook and the now ubiquitous WhatsApp group ‘ problems ’ scale as quickly as emotional contagion can travel down the artificial constructed neural pathways that these platforms have quickly assumed .
It uses the same kind of dumb algorithmic means to present to us as individuals what it thinks we want to hear about the world and occludes the world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all in the service to the folk who pay their bills , the advertisers .
It ’ s worth noting too that these social media ( BUMMER ) groups are an affordance only of liberal democracies .
The Arab Spring largely ended with those apparent freedoms being shut down .
Countries like Iran and China barely allowed them in the first place .
Her kicker goes like this… Not all big tech companies rely exclusively on this exploitative and dangerous BUMMER model .
Apple and Microsoft and even LinkedIn , all of whom @ @ @ @ @ @ @ services to real people and are not necessarily a danger to democracy .
Meanwhile , as they post their untaxed profits , the state is once again being asked to pick up every bill for Covid .
That , in anyone ’ s view , is unsustainable .
Angrynomics is real and must be reversed .
As Eric Lonergan says , it ’ s only imagination that ’ s needed .
Ireland needs a new Whittaker , someone with a broad enough vision to build on the advantages of the last 60 years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to pay its way not by bribing the wealthiest at any price , but by making its growth sustainable .

Fascinating piece from Sinead O’Sullivan in the Irish Times a few days ago. In 1959, Rostrevor man TK Whittaker wrote a paper that set the Republic’s course of the next 60 years years. All of what came after, the ups and the downs, derived from that paper.
In short, it determined that the state would look outward economically and in almost every other way. In fact, this had been the case since the shock of the Irish famine just over a hundred years earlier. Prior to that most Irish folk didn’t emigrate.
In not owning land, and in large part living in a cashless economy (although, not the type people are talking about today), they didn’t have the means to move townlands never mind shift countries. Prior to this the only Irish to move were the Scots Irish.
Whittaker’s paper was an owning of that out turning. It gave tools to two generations that both transformed the standard of education (and therefore the confidence) of those going out and the level and quality of the returning foreign inward investment.
The social, cultural and economic changes in southern society cannot be exaggerated. This was a country without a significant industrial base, and very few sellable natural resources it could sell on the market against the capacity of bigger nations.
And yet, as Sinead, who works in a multidisciplinary team at Harvard Business School looking at the realities of the digital work, notes when it comes to the digital age Ireland’s reliance on FDI may have backed Ireland into a corner regarding some big tech:
….the real danger inherent in Ireland’s relationship with the global tech sector is not an Irish problem alone. We need to look outwardly during this debate. Because while Ireland is winning the short game in terms of sector and economic growth off the back of these tech giants, the costs to this strategy are not only shared globally but are terminally damaging to the levels of democracy experienced worldwide. The value and viability of global democracy is more highly contested today than ever before. While democracy has enjoyed widespread global growth since the latter half of the 20th century, technological progression is affecting the levels of democracy within old and new democracies alike. The creation of algorithm-based technologies has led to overwhelmingly private ownership of the production, collection and distribution of information and knowledge in the technological era. The very nature of democracy seeks to create a balance between government and individual control, however the private technology industry has created unprecedented influence for governments (democratic and authoritarian alike) and for itself. Companies such as Google and Facebook have been permitted to acquire unfettered power and through such power have increased their share prices at the cost of moulding the civic norms upon which democracy exists.
Tech veteran Jaron Lanier refers to both these companies specifically as being hooked on a particularly pernicious BUMMER (Behaviour of Users Modified and Made into an Empire for Rent) business model (of which more in a later review).
As Lanier notes, in his chapter on how “Social Media is making politics impossible”…
BUMMER is neither liberal nor conservative, it is just pro paranoia, pro irritability, and pro-general assholeness.
Although Sinead is looking at this from an international perspective, it is not as though it is not also having an effect on domestic Irish politics. Each passing election sees the Dail rip itself into tinier shreds of parties and individuals who hate each other.
Publicly through Twitter, Facebook and the now ubiquitous WhatsApp group ‘problems’ scale as quickly as emotional contagion can travel down the artificial constructed neural pathways that these platforms have quickly assumed.
It uses the same kind of dumb algorithmic means to present to us as individuals what it thinks we want to hear about the world and occludes the world that every other individual is seeing, all in the service to the folk who pay their bills, the advertisers.
It’s worth noting too that these social media (BUMMER) groups are an affordance only of liberal democracies. The Arab Spring largely ended with those apparent freedoms being shut down. Countries like Iran and China barely allowed them in the first place.
Her kicker goes like this…
…is Ireland really a diplomatic superpower? In my mind, no. You cannot use the local profits from eroding democracy to pay for your rise in global diplomacy. You don’t get to promote a set of values abroad while quietly contradicting yourself at home. We cannot celebrate our Nobel laureates who have written about prevailing Irish sovereignty through wars fought on land while removing the sovereignty of others through wars fought online. [emphasis added]
Not all big tech companies rely exclusively on this exploitative and dangerous BUMMER model. Apple and Microsoft and even LinkedIn, all of whom have large assets in Ireland sell real services to real people and are not necessarily a danger to democracy.
Meanwhile, as they post their untaxed profits, the state is once again being asked to pick up every bill for Covid. That, in anyone’s view, is unsustainable. Angrynomics is real and must be reversed. As Eric Lonergan says, it’s only imagination that’s needed.
Ireland needs a new Whittaker, someone with a broad enough vision to build on the advantages of the last 60 years but who understands that the state needs to pay its way not by bribing the wealthiest at any price, but by making its growth sustainable.


sluggerotoole--2020-08-21--South loses second Agriculture minister over attendance at event which breached Covid rules

Whoops , someone hasn ’ t been paying attention to his own government ’ s rules ... Minister for Agriculture Dara Calleary and Seanad Leas-Cathaoirleach Jerry Buttimer have both resigned from their positions after they attended an event in Clifden , Co Galway , on Wednesday where 81 people were present .
Ouch .
[ Isn ’ t that the second Ag Minister since June ?
– Ed ] Wednesday until Friday morning ?
That ’ s accountable democracy for you .
What does unaccountability look like ?
Well , they weren ’ t the only big political figures there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was also among the guests at the event , and others who were there included independent TD Noel Grealish , Supreme Court Judge Seamus Woulfe , and former RTÉ broadcaster Sean O ’ Rourke .
In a statement on Twitter , Mr Hogan said he attended the event “ on the clear understanding that the organisers and the hotel concerned had been assured [ by the Irish Hotels ’ Federation ] that the arrangements put in place would be in compliance with the government ’ s guidelines .
Sinn Féin ’ s David @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as EU Commissioner , saying nothing about that little affair in which his own party organised a mass breach of Covid regulations in Northern Ireland .
[ Partitionist !
– Ed ] “ The Hypocrisy of the Charlie Hebdo Critics ” by HonestReporting.com is licensed under CC BY-SA

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sluggerotoole--2020-08-21--NI Executive Office acting unlawfully in delaying introduction of victims compensation scheme

Not unexpectedly , given Mr Justice McAlinden ’ s comments during the two-day hearing , Belfast High Court has ruled that the NI Executive Office is , indeed , acting unlawfully in failing to implement the victims payment scheme .
Or , rather , the NI deputy First Minister is acting unlawfully… From the summary of judgement [ pdf file ] It is incumbent upon the Executive Office to forthwith designate a Department under paragraph 2 ( 1 ) of Schedule 1 to the Victims ’ Payments Regulations 2020 to exercise the administrative functions of the Victims ’ Payments Board @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The actions of the Executive Office in deliberately refusing to designate a Department and thus stymieing the implementation of the scheme in order to pressurise the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland to make a different scheme which will be substantially directly funded by Westminster and which will have very different entitlement rules constitutes unlawful action on the part of the Executive Office .
The Executive Office has acted unlawfully in deciding to refuse to designate a Department in an effort to have the lawful scheme promulgated in the Victims ’ Payments Regulations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It is clearly unlawful for the Executive Office to deliberately refuse to comply with a legal requirement set out in a legislative scheme promulgated by the Westminster Parliament in order to force changes to that legislative scheme ; [ added emphasis ] In a scathing judgment delivered in Belfast High Court , Justice McAlinden said the Executive Office was under a “ clear , unqualified and unconditional obligation ” to designate a Stormont department to take forward the scheme by establishing a victims payment board by May 29th .
The judge said any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , absurd and irrational ” .
He dismissed as “ nonsense ” an Executive Office contention that the court should not involve itself in what it claimed was a political dispute .
The judge said the Executive Office was deliberately stymieing the introduction of the scheme in a bid to pressure Northern Ireland Secretary Brandon Lewis to change the terms of it .
He said the Executive Office ’ s stance was “ truly shocking ” and demonstrated a “ wilful disregard ” for , or “ abject ignorance ” of , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Deputy First Minister Michelle O ’ Neill was the only minister in the Executive Office taking this stance , and highlighted how First Minister Arlene Foster , having initially adopted the same position , had now made clear she was willing to designate a department immediately .
Justice McAlinden gave the Executive Office seven days to respond to the judgment .
And from the BBC report In his determination , Judge McAlinden said : “ What is in reality being done is that the Executive Office is deliberately stymieing the implementation of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of state to make a different scheme which will be substantially directly funded by Westminster ad which will have very different entitlement rules.
” He added : “ This is a truly shocking proposition .
“ It demonstrates either wilful disregard for the rule of law , or abject ignorance of what the rule of law means in a democratic society.
” [ added emphasis ] The BBC also quotes the relevant lines from the NI deputy First Minister , Sinn Féin ’ s Michelle O ’ Neill ’ s statement in response @ @ @ @ @ @ @ report Following Friday ’ s court ruling , Ms O ’ Neill said : “ As joint head of government I remain committed to delivering a scheme , which is based on equality and open to everyone who was seriously physically and psychologically injured during the conflict .
“ In light of the court ruling , therefore , I am left with no alternative other than to designate a department .
“ However , that designation will require the Executive to work together to secure the additional funds from Westminster for the cost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on eligibility and applications.
” And , in the same report , the NI First Minister , the DUP ’ s Arlene Foster…

Not unexpectedly, given Mr Justice McAlinden’s comments during the two-day hearing, Belfast High Court has ruled that the NI Executive Office is, indeed, acting unlawfully in failing to implement the victims payment scheme. Or, rather, the NI deputy First Minister is acting unlawfully…
From the summary of judgement [pdf file]
It is incumbent upon the Executive Office to forthwith designate a Department under paragraph 2(1) of Schedule 1 to the Victims’ Payments Regulations 2020 to exercise the administrative functions of the Victims’ Payments Board on the Board’s behalf; The actions of the Executive Office in deliberately refusing to designate a Department and thus stymieing the implementation of the scheme in order to pressurise the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland to make a different scheme which will be substantially directly funded by Westminster and which will have very different entitlement rules constitutes unlawful action on the part of the Executive Office. The Executive Office has acted unlawfully in deciding to refuse to designate a Department in an effort to have the lawful scheme promulgated in the Victims’ Payments Regulations 2020 replaced by a different scheme. It is clearly unlawful for the Executive Office to deliberately refuse to comply with a legal requirement set out in a legislative scheme promulgated by the Westminster Parliament in order to force changes to that legislative scheme; [added emphasis]
From the Irish Times report
In a scathing judgment delivered in Belfast High Court, Justice McAlinden said the Executive Office was under a “clear, unqualified and unconditional obligation” to designate a Stormont department to take forward the scheme by establishing a victims payment board by May 29th. The judge said any argument to the contrary was “obtuse, absurd and irrational”. He dismissed as “nonsense” an Executive Office contention that the court should not involve itself in what it claimed was a political dispute. The judge said the Executive Office was deliberately stymieing the introduction of the scheme in a bid to pressure Northern Ireland Secretary Brandon Lewis to change the terms of it. He said the Executive Office’s stance was “truly shocking” and demonstrated a “wilful disregard” for, or “abject ignorance” of, the rule of law. Justice McAlinden said Deputy First Minister Michelle O’Neill was the only minister in the Executive Office taking this stance, and highlighted how First Minister Arlene Foster, having initially adopted the same position, had now made clear she was willing to designate a department immediately. Justice McAlinden gave the Executive Office seven days to respond to the judgment.
And from the BBC report
In his determination, Judge McAlinden said: “What is in reality being done is that the Executive Office is deliberately stymieing the implementation of the scheme in order to pressure the secretary of state to make a different scheme which will be substantially directly funded by Westminster ad which will have very different entitlement rules.” He added: “This is a truly shocking proposition. “It demonstrates either wilful disregard for the rule of law, or abject ignorance of what the rule of law means in a democratic society.” [added emphasis]
[Or both! – Ed] Indeed…
The BBC also quotes the relevant lines from the NI deputy First Minister, Sinn Féin’s Michelle O’Neill’s statement in response to the ruling. From the BBC report
Following Friday’s court ruling, Ms O’Neill said: “As joint head of government I remain committed to delivering a scheme, which is based on equality and open to everyone who was seriously physically and psychologically injured during the conflict. “In light of the court ruling, therefore, I am left with no alternative other than to designate a department. “However, that designation will require the Executive to work together to secure the additional funds from Westminster for the cost of the scheme and get further clarity on eligibility and applications.”
And, in the same report, the NI First Minister, the DUP’s Arlene Foster…
First Minister Arlene Foster said it was a “welcome judgement”. Writing on social media, she added: “Now time for Sinn Féin to prioritise innocent victims rather than bombers.”
That seems clear enough…


sluggerotoole--2020-08-22--#InConversation podcast with Tim Attwood on the life and legacy of John Hume…

Tim Attwood was an SDLP councillor and party worker who knew John Hume well .
We discuss Hume ’ s @ @ @ @ @ up the Derry credit Union as well and John ’ s business ventures with a @ @ @ @ @ We move on to the importance Hume placed on his Irish American connections and how @ @ @ @ @ to get investment into Northern Ireland .
We also discuss what Hume was like at @ @ @ @ @ sweet tooth and love of Crunchies and Crème brûlée .
Tim is keen to emphasise @ @ @ @ @ ordinary man who placed great value on his family and community .
This is not @ @ @ @ @ achievements but rather to show that we can all capable of great things if we @ @ @ @ @ Hume ’ s legacy should be to remind us that people can make a difference @ @ @ @ @ you think of the chat in the comments .
You can subscribe to Slugger Podcasts @ @ @ @ @ Podcasts or Spotify

Tim Attwood was an SDLP councillor and party worker who knew John Hume well.
We discuss Hume’s early years, the setting up the Derry credit Union as well and John’s business ventures with a Donegal Fish Smoking House. We move on to the importance Hume placed on his Irish American connections and how he saw it as crucial to get investment into Northern Ireland.
We also discuss what Hume was like at a personal level. His sweet tooth and love of Crunchies and Crème brûlée.
Tim is keen to emphasise that John was quite an ordinary man who placed great value on his family and community. This is not to diminish John’s achievements but rather to show that we can all capable of great things if we have focus and drive. Hume’s legacy should be to remind us that people can make a difference.
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Let me know what you think of the chat in the comments.
You can subscribe to Slugger Podcasts on Apple Podcasts | Google Podcasts or Spotify


sluggerotoole--2020-08-22--Love in a time of Covid…

Love in a time of Covid…

It was on then it was off then it was on again ; a typical Irish wedding really .
The Bride telephoned from Doha mid-March asking my view on the new pandemic ’ s potential to upset her summer wedding plans .
I dismissed her concerns and reassured her that by mid-August things would be back to normal and that she should keep the date .
In mid-May she was less certain so , with full agreement of the venue , the caterer and the church she switched the date to August 2021 but still in beautiful Rathmullan , Co @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flew home from a six-year stint teaching in Qatar with plans to live and work in Liverpool , her fiancée ’ s home town , but now her life was on hold .
When I drove to Dublin Airport to collect her from a deserted Terminal 2 , I sensed her frustration and uncertainty .
When she tried on the wedding dress at a pre-arranged fitting the following week , she burst into tears and decided there and then the wedding would go ahead on the original date .
So , on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was full of the excited chatter and giddy laughter of four young women .
The bride and her bridesmaids drank champagne as ; hairs were dressed , nails polished and faces made-up by the regular arrival of beauty experts .
When I walked her down the aisle of a Belfast church a much reduced , socially distanced guest-list clapped with joy when they saw her .
The single singer ’ s voice lifted all our spirits high into the cupola .
The priest talked of commitment and love , her brother , doing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that “ love is very jealous ” and everyone noticed and laughed ; the groom struggled to locate in his trouser pocket a 1962 sixpence he had bought on the internet as a token of all he possessed .
The bride-and-groom , the stunning bridesmaids and the handsome groomsmen exited the church to sunlight bursting out of the morning mist and a round of applause from gathered friends , family and neighbours in the car park all keeping their physical distance but certainly not their emotional distance .
Coffee , scones and glasses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back garden as we waited to go to the Grand Central Hotel for dinner ; we had nowhere else to go .
We had been asked not to call it a wedding reception rather a family dinner but even then , the number at each table was restricted to six .
We had drinks in the spectacular observatory with views over Belfast resplendent in the later afternoon sunshine .
With this stunning panorama , the city looked full of promise and hope .
My mediocre speech , including an awkwardly composed tale of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the bride as a kidnap ransom note to which I invoked as a reply Liam Neeson ’ s famous speech from the movie Taken , was heralded the best father-of-the-bride speech ever .
Having welcomed our Liverpudlian guests back to the European Union and chiding Boris for making my daughter cross a border in the Irish sea when she comes home to visit , I finished with Seamus Heaney ’ s short poem Scaffolding .
The groom got very emotional during his speech and the best-man broke down .
With my superior experience @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s just too difficult to talk much about deceased family members , so I had kept clear .
They will not make that rooky mistake again .
After the wedding speeches , we dined in the Hotel ’ s Seahorse restaurant .
Family meal over we were given a section in the bar where we had too many nightcaps and just before midnight , I left for bed on the 20th floor .
It was a wonderful , traditional , intimate wedding in the most untraditional of times and it confirmed the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It was not the planned 200 guest reception at a dedicated wedding venue with dancing to a five-piece band followed by a disco and a late bar but it was just perfect .
The new couple will soon be off to their new life in Liverpool without a honeymoon but that can happen later .
Life must go on , life will go on and life does go on .
Masons , when they start upon a building , Are careful to test out the scaffolding ; Make sure that planks won @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Secure all ladders , tighten bolted joints .
And yet all this comes down when the job ’ s done Showing off walls of sure and solid stone .
So if , my dear , there sometimes seem to be Old bridges breaking between you and me Never fear .
We may let the scaffolds fall Confident that we have built our wall .
Photo by StockSnap is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

It was on then it was off then it was on again; a typical Irish wedding really. The Bride telephoned from Doha mid-March asking my view on the new pandemic’s potential to upset her summer wedding plans. I dismissed her concerns and reassured her that by mid-August things would be back to normal and that she should keep the date. In mid-May she was less certain so, with full agreement of the venue, the caterer and the church she switched the date to August 2021 but still in beautiful Rathmullan, Co Donegal. In early June, she flew home from a six-year stint teaching in Qatar with plans to live and work in Liverpool, her fiancée’s home town, but now her life was on hold. When I drove to Dublin Airport to collect her from a deserted Terminal 2, I sensed her frustration and uncertainty. When she tried on the wedding dress at a pre-arranged fitting the following week, she burst into tears and decided there and then the wedding would go ahead on the original date.
So, on the morning of the 15th August my house was full of the excited chatter and giddy laughter of four young women. The bride and her bridesmaids drank champagne as; hairs were dressed, nails polished and faces made-up by the regular arrival of beauty experts.
When I walked her down the aisle of a Belfast church a much reduced, socially distanced guest-list clapped with joy when they saw her. The single singer’s voice lifted all our spirits high into the cupola. The priest talked of commitment and love, her brother, doing one of the readings, mistakenly claimed that “love is very jealous” and everyone noticed and laughed; the groom struggled to locate in his trouser pocket a 1962 sixpence he had bought on the internet as a token of all he possessed. The bride-and-groom, the stunning bridesmaids and the handsome groomsmen exited the church to sunlight bursting out of the morning mist and a round of applause from gathered friends, family and neighbours in the car park all keeping their physical distance but certainly not their emotional distance.
Coffee, scones and glasses of bubbly were served in our small back garden as we waited to go to the Grand Central Hotel for dinner; we had nowhere else to go. We had been asked not to call it a wedding reception rather a family dinner but even then, the number at each table was restricted to six. We had drinks in the spectacular observatory with views over Belfast resplendent in the later afternoon sunshine. With this stunning panorama, the city looked full of promise and hope.
My mediocre speech, including an awkwardly composed tale of mistaking the grooms texted request to marry the bride as a kidnap ransom note to which I invoked as a reply Liam Neeson’s famous speech from the movie Taken, was heralded the best father-of-the-bride speech ever. Having welcomed our Liverpudlian guests back to the European Union and chiding Boris for making my daughter cross a border in the Irish sea when she comes home to visit, I finished with Seamus Heaney’s short poem Scaffolding.
The groom got very emotional during his speech and the best-man broke down. With my superior experience of wedding speeches, I knew it’s just too difficult to talk much about deceased family members, so I had kept clear. They will not make that rooky mistake again. After the wedding speeches, we dined in the Hotel’s Seahorse restaurant. Family meal over we were given a section in the bar where we had too many nightcaps and just before midnight, I left for bed on the 20th floor.
It was a wonderful, traditional, intimate wedding in the most untraditional of times and it confirmed the resilience of the human spirit to overcome. It was not the planned 200 guest reception at a dedicated wedding venue with dancing to a five-piece band followed by a disco and a late bar but it was just perfect. The new couple will soon be off to their new life in Liverpool without a honeymoon but that can happen later. Life must go on, life will go on and life does go on.
Scaffolding by Seamus Heaney
Masons, when they start upon a building,
Are careful to test out the scaffolding;
Make sure that planks won’t slip at busy points,
Secure all ladders, tighten bolted joints.
And yet all this comes down when the job’s done
Showing off walls of sure and solid stone.
So if, my dear, there sometimes seem to be
Old bridges breaking between you and me
Never fear. We may let the scaffolds fall
Confident that we have built our wall.
Photo by StockSnap is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-08-23--In praise of a daily nap…

In praise of a daily nap…

One thing that has kept me sane during lockdown is the resumption of my habit of taking a daily nap after lunch .
I come from a long line of nappers .
When I was young , you could walk into our living room and find us all snoozing away merrily after lunch .
The napping habit died out a bit with the advent of daytime TV and the Internet , but I found lockdown to be so emotionally exhausting that I needed a break from the doom .
A nap provides a perfect pause in the day to recharge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the afternoon .
After lunch , I go up to bed and lie down for half an hour .
After the nap I wake up , get a cup of tea and resume the day .
It is a fact that the body has a natural slump in the afternoon , so don ’ t try to fight it with caffeine and sugar ; instead , embrace it and take to your bed .
If you are at work , sneak out to the car in your lunch break or find a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if you commute by bus or train you can squeeze in a nap on your way home .
The best time for a nap is around 7 hours after you wake .
So if you get up at 7 am have a nap at 2 pm .
A nap should be 20-30 minutes , any more and you will go into a deep sleep and wake up groggy .
If you do need to take a longer nap aim for 1 hour 30 minutes as this is the length of a normal sleep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hear you thinking that ’ s all well and good for you , but I can ’ t go to sleep , I would just lie there awake .
Fear not , let me tell you the secret of a power nap .
If you have Spotify , there are all kinds of weird and wonderful hypnotism and relaxation tracks .
There is Andrew Johnston , who is a nice relaxing Scottish fella ; or how about Brett Cameron , a silky-smooth Australian .
If you have a search on Spotify you will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ try out .
I am not exactly sure if these tracks will boost my golf game ( don ’ t play it ) or stop my problem gambling ( don ’ t gamble ) but what I do know is they zonk you out for half an hour , and that ’ s all I want .
You can also find a lot of tracks on Youtube , but I suspect they will put ads into the playback ruining the relaxing experience .
My own personal favourite nap system is Synctuition .
Every @ @ @ @ @ @ @ listen to – a mini trip for the mind .
They are a weird mix of soundscapes , binaural beats and other whacky sound effects .
It is tough to explain what it is , so I recommend you get a free trial and give it a whirl for yourself .
Sign up for their newsletter , and they will email you discount offers .
You should get it for about 40 quid a year if you buy directly from them .
No matter what apps or tracks you listen to make sure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relaxed experience .
And it may be pointing out the obvious but do not listen to any of these tracks while driving or doing any activity that requires concentration .
One other tip is to turn on do not disturb on your phone to stop the various email and WhatsApp pings from disturbing you .
If you think you are too busy for a nap , have a look at your screentime on your iPhone or digital wellbeing on your Android phone .
If you are like most of the population , you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for 3-4 hours a day , more than enough spare time to squeeze in a nap .
Rest is extremely important in life .
If you find it hard to switch off , I can recommend a few books to convert you to the cause .
How to Be Idle by Tom Hodgkinson is a good starter .
I also recommend his Idler magazine .
Rest by Alex Soojung-Kim Pang is an excellent book for those of you who like lots of research and examples to convince you .
Embrace the nap – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nap Time ” by froshea is licensed under CC BY-SA

One thing that has kept me sane during lockdown is the resumption of my habit of taking a daily nap after lunch. I come from a long line of nappers. When I was young, you could walk into our living room and find us all snoozing away merrily after lunch.
The napping habit died out a bit with the advent of daytime TV and the Internet, but I found lockdown to be so emotionally exhausting that I needed a break from the doom. A nap provides a perfect pause in the day to recharge the aul batteries and set you up for the afternoon.
After lunch, I go up to bed and lie down for half an hour. After the nap I wake up, get a cup of tea and resume the day. It is a fact that the body has a natural slump in the afternoon, so don’t try to fight it with caffeine and sugar; instead, embrace it and take to your bed. If you are at work, sneak out to the car in your lunch break or find a quiet room if you can. Or if you commute by bus or train you can squeeze in a nap on your way home.
The best time for a nap is around 7 hours after you wake. So if you get up at 7 am have a nap at 2 pm. A nap should be 20-30 minutes, any more and you will go into a deep sleep and wake up groggy. If you do need to take a longer nap aim for 1 hour 30 minutes as this is the length of a normal sleep cycle.
At this point, I hear you thinking that’s all well and good for you, but I can’t go to sleep, I would just lie there awake. Fear not, let me tell you the secret of a power nap.
If you have Spotify, there are all kinds of weird and wonderful hypnotism and relaxation tracks. There is Andrew Johnston, who is a nice relaxing Scottish fella; or how about Brett Cameron, a silky-smooth Australian. If you have a search on Spotify you will find loads of different tracks you can try out. I am not exactly sure if these tracks will boost my golf game (don’t play it) or stop my problem gambling (don’t gamble) but what I do know is they zonk you out for half an hour, and that’s all I want.
You can also find a lot of tracks on Youtube, but I suspect they will put ads into the playback ruining the relaxing experience.
My own personal favourite nap system is Synctuition. Every day you get a new track to listen to – a mini trip for the mind. They are a weird mix of soundscapes, binaural beats and other whacky sound effects. It is tough to explain what it is, so I recommend you get a free trial and give it a whirl for yourself. Sign up for their newsletter, and they will email you discount offers. You should get it for about 40 quid a year if you buy directly from them.
No matter what apps or tracks you listen to make sure to listen with headphones for a more relaxed experience. And it may be pointing out the obvious but do not listen to any of these tracks while driving or doing any activity that requires concentration. One other tip is to turn on do not disturb on your phone to stop the various email and WhatsApp pings from disturbing you.
If you think you are too busy for a nap, have a look at your screentime on your iPhone or digital wellbeing on your Android phone. If you are like most of the population, you will find you are on your phone for 3-4 hours a day, more than enough spare time to squeeze in a nap. Rest is extremely important in life. If you find it hard to switch off, I can recommend a few books to convert you to the cause. How to Be Idle by Tom Hodgkinson is a good starter. I also recommend his Idler magazine. Rest by Alex Soojung-Kim Pang is an excellent book for those of you who like lots of research and examples to convince you.
Embrace the nap – you know it makes sense.
“Nap Time” by froshea is licensed under CC BY-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-08-24--Resignation can be a matter of pride, honour and self-respect, and an important form of public resti

Resignation can be a matter of pride, honour and self-respect, and an important form of public restitution (but SF doesn’t do them)…

I ’ ve only been vaguely following the huge and consuming outrage which followed the revelation that the former Minister for Agriculture , the Mayo Fianna Fáíl TD Dara Calleary had broken Covid rules .
My attitude to the breach at the time was clear .
You can ’ t be a member of the government in a crisis and then flaunt the very rules you are trying to get others to follow in order to keep the vulnerable safe .
Opposition reps like the Irish Labour leader Alan Kelly are right to ask tough questions about the presence of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the same event .
This is good democratic politics .
In a tough and thorough-going interview with Claire Byrne on RTÉ this morning , the Taoiseach welcomed that pressure saying he hoped that Mr Calleary ’ s resignation would be a clarifying moment .
Ms Byrne brought up the matter of pressure being applied from Sinn Féin ’ s representatives ( not least Mary Lou McDonald ) calling for accountability , Martin warned SF about “ sticking its chin out ” .
It was a reference to the extraordinary number of Sinn Féin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Belfast from all over the island for the Bobby Storey funeral , the multiple breaches of social distancing and of the specific regulations around funerals .
At this time , Michelle O ’ Neill and Mary Lou McDonald had been arguing strongly in public against the relaxation of lockdown regulations and received support from some public health experts for it .
And yet here the whole party was seen ( courtesy of enthusiastic supporters , as collated by Mairia Cahill on Twitter at the time ) to be in breach of the rules @ @ @ @ @ @ @ charge of hypocrisy Pearse Doherty the party ’ s southern spokesman on Finance simply went on a blustering attack on ‘ the elite ’ and in the process ignored Ms Byrne ’ s question .
In fact , Mr Doherty is pushing a standard in the south which his own party refused to accept for themselves in Northern Ireland and for something much worse than what happened in this recent case .
Fair play to them , I suppose , if a passive media lets them get away with it .
But the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its willingness to be accountable for its own actions .
Resignation should be a matter of pride , honour and self-respect .
Dara Calleary was gone in 24 hours , while Sinn Féin ’ s behaviour is now subject to an external police inquiry ( costing £1000s ) .
In light of the current controversy , it is now clear that this is only because the SF ministers concerned could not bring themselves to do the right thing and resign their posts .
As Nolan reported this morning , Sinn Féin has everyone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they breached their own regulations aimed at keeping everyone safe… Resignation is important for its potential as a reset .
A showing that we are all in this together .
That Mr Calleary is gone sends an internal message that government is no game show .
And it sends one to the public that nor is fighting Covid 19 .
If our politicians can not take it seriously for themselves , how many wake houses , pubs and clubs are following SF ’ s lead ?
Photo by cottonbro is licensed under CC0

I’ve only been vaguely following the huge and consuming outrage which followed the revelation that the former Minister for Agriculture, the Mayo Fianna Fáíl TD Dara Calleary had broken Covid rules.
My attitude to the breach at the time was clear. You can’t be a member of the government in a crisis and then flaunt the very rules you are trying to get others to follow in order to keep the vulnerable safe.
Opposition reps like the Irish Labour leader Alan Kelly are right to ask tough questions about the presence of the EU Trade Commissioner Phil Hogan at the same event. This is good democratic politics.
In a tough and thorough-going interview with Claire Byrne on RTÉ this morning, the Taoiseach welcomed that pressure saying he hoped that Mr Calleary’s resignation would be a clarifying moment.
Ms Byrne brought up the matter of pressure being applied from Sinn Féin’s representatives (not least Mary Lou McDonald) calling for accountability, Martin warned SF about “sticking its chin out”.
It was a reference to the extraordinary number of Sinn Féin members who were ‘brigaded’ into Belfast from all over the island for the Bobby Storey funeral, the multiple breaches of social distancing and of the specific regulations around funerals.
At this time, Michelle O’Neill and Mary Lou McDonald had been arguing strongly in public against the relaxation of lockdown regulations and received support from some public health experts for it.
And yet here the whole party was seen (courtesy of enthusiastic supporters, as collated by Mairia Cahill on Twitter at the time) to be in breach of the rules governing Covid-19.
When challenged with the charge of hypocrisy Pearse Doherty the party’s southern spokesman on Finance simply went on a blustering attack on ‘the elite’ and in the process ignored Ms Byrne’s question.
In fact, Mr Doherty is pushing a standard in the south which his own party refused to accept for themselves in Northern Ireland and for something much worse than what happened in this recent case.
Fair play to them, I suppose, if a passive media lets them get away with it. But the core of a good democratic government is its willingness to be accountable for its own actions.
Resignation should be a matter of pride, honour and self-respect. Dara Calleary was gone in 24 hours, while Sinn Féin’s behaviour is now subject to an external police inquiry (costing £1000s).
In light of the current controversy, it is now clear that this is only because the SF ministers concerned could not bring themselves to do the right thing and resign their posts.
As Nolan reported this morning, Sinn Féin has everyone tying themselves in knots despite the fact they breached their own regulations aimed at keeping everyone safe…
Today's @BBCNolan podcast 🎙 How can Sinn Féin demand resignations for something they have done themselves? Available now on @BBCSounds pic.twitter.com/CM9wITVVtL — Stephen Nolan (@StephenNolan) August 24, 2020
Resignation is important for its potential as a reset. A showing that we are all in this together. That Mr Calleary is gone sends an internal message that government is no game show.
And it sends one to the public that nor is fighting Covid 19. If our politicians cannot take it seriously for themselves, how many wake houses, pubs and clubs are following SF’s lead?
Photo by cottonbro is licensed under CC0


sluggerotoole--2020-08-27--A Northern World, “Looking Through You…”

In Going to the Territory , Ralph Ellison ’ s collection of essays on American national identity , the author of the masterpiece Invisible Man challenged the way cliché and stereotypes are attached to a particular region or people .
‘ Stereotypes ’ , he wrote in 1964 , ‘ are fabricated from fragments of reality , and it is these fragments that give them life , continuity , and availability for manipulation ’ .
It is a telling point from one of 20th century America ’ s greatest writers , made at the height of the civil rights movement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Fast forward barely a decade and the struggle for civil rights in Northern Ireland is mutating into a shockingly vicious local war .
The Belfast-based , Irish-American poet , Padraic Fiacc recounts , in one of his best known and most contested poems ‘ Glass Grass ’ , attending a poetry reading with John Hewitt and the west Belfast priest Des Wilson , ‘ on a promise ’ ‘ otherwise I wouldn ’ t venture forth again/Into this too-near-to-the-knuckle disaster… ’ The ‘ icons and guns ’ and ask ‘ Now is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ here , ‘ Credo Credo ’ , is an extraordinarily graphic indictment of ‘ the Military Machine ’ . )
I grew up in a society which was sectarian but were all its people ‘ sectarian ’ ?
I think not .
I think of the single-parent family that was my early experience of life in Belfast .
My mother was a brave young woman who faced down in the fifties and sixties some deep-seated prejudices of the time – single women didn ’ t separate from their men , for starters .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ young boy , a stirring conversation with one of her long-time , slightly older women friends who visited us regularly and who had been supportive during my mother ’ s young married post WWII life in north Belfast , and of my becoming aware that some ‘ exchange ’ had happened as they sat having afternoon tea .
It had something to do with a comment made about ‘ the other side ’ and my mother was having none of it .
During an election in the early sixties , a lorry rumbled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the wife of the politician seeking re-election called for local support , my mother briskly shuffled us back indoors .
It was a coded sectarian plea , and she was having none of that .
She faced down in her own way any slight signs of prejudice ; a lesson stood by example .
Later on , I started to experience the realities of sectarianism and learnt how best to circumvent these when they reared their ugly head : Belfast ’ s second sight .
But it is not possible to ‘ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Troubles brought to ordinary people .
Looking back over fifty or more years the history of that time simply doesn ’ t get any easier to read or write , never mind relive for those caught in the maelstrom .
But ‘ all ’ sectarian ?
There was another , if you like , ‘ parallel ’ or pre-world , one which I have tried to recover from the sixties and a little beyond when Belfast , and the wider northern province , had a momentary opportunity to redress some of the civic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eventually fester and provide the ammunition for what would follow .
Looking Through You : Northern Chronicles is an attempt to describe a little of this moment from a personal viewpoint and describe what it was like growing up in Belfast in the mid to late nineteen sixties , and encountering the excitement of a new kind of popular culture – beginning with the music and lyrics of The Beatles , discovering as a young pupil at Orangefield School in east Belfast the poetry of Robert Lowell and Sylvia Plath along with all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ influence was powerfully present in the dance clubs of the city at the time .
So that some idea is given of what it was like to be part , without really knowing it at the time , of a hopeful and exciting younger generation , freed from the shackles of sectarianism and content within themselves to be part of a transatlantic culture which embraced music and style and the sense of being in their own place , and not one festooned with bigotry or triumphalism but keen on finding out where the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enter as it was on our doorstep , or more likely , on our black and white TV screens , blaring out of our radios and ‘ gramophones ’ and on the stages of our favourite dancehalls and concert halls .
Looking Through You : Northern Chronicles by Gerald Dawe with photographs by Euan Gebler , is published by Merrion Press , 10 August .

In Going to the Territory, Ralph Ellison’s collection of essays on American national identity, the author of the masterpiece Invisible Man challenged the way cliché and stereotypes are attached to a particular region or people. ‘Stereotypes’, he wrote in 1964, ‘are fabricated from fragments of reality, and it is these fragments that give them life, continuity, and availability for manipulation’.
It is a telling point from one of 20th century America’s greatest writers, made at the height of the civil rights movement for racial equality in the United States. Fast forward barely a decade and the struggle for civil rights in Northern Ireland is mutating into a shockingly vicious local war.
The Belfast-based, Irish-American poet, Padraic Fiacc recounts, in one of his best known and most contested poems ‘Glass Grass’, attending a poetry reading with John Hewitt and the west Belfast priest Des Wilson, ‘on a promise’ ‘otherwise I wouldn’t venture forth again/Into this too-near-to-the-knuckle disaster…’
I read my poem about
The ‘icons and guns’ and ask ‘Now is
That “sectarian”?’
‘We’re all “sectarian” here!’
Some honest person replies.
(The poem Fiacc is referring to here, ‘Credo Credo’, is an extraordinarily graphic indictment of ‘the Military Machine’.) I grew up in a society which was sectarian but were all its people ‘sectarian’? I think not.
I think of the single-parent family that was my early experience of life in Belfast. My mother was a brave young woman who faced down in the fifties and sixties some deep-seated prejudices of the time – single women didn’t separate from their men, for starters.
I also recall, as a very young boy, a stirring conversation with one of her long-time, slightly older women friends who visited us regularly and who had been supportive during my mother’s young married post WWII life in north Belfast, and of my becoming aware that some ‘exchange’ had happened as they sat having afternoon tea.
It had something to do with a comment made about ‘the other side’ and my mother was having none of it. During an election in the early sixties, a lorry rumbled down the avenue with a band playing as the wife of the politician seeking re-election called for local support, my mother briskly shuffled us back indoors.
It was a coded sectarian plea, and she was having none of that. She faced down in her own way any slight signs of prejudice; a lesson stood by example.
Later on, I started to experience the realities of sectarianism and learnt how best to circumvent these when they reared their ugly head: Belfast’s second sight. But it is not possible to ‘audit’ the pain and suffering the Troubles brought to ordinary people.
Looking back over fifty or more years the history of that time simply doesn’t get any easier to read or write, never mind relive for those caught in the maelstrom. But ‘all’ sectarian?
There was another, if you like, ‘parallel’ or pre-world, one which I have tried to recover from the sixties and a little beyond when Belfast, and the wider northern province, had a momentary opportunity to redress some of the civic, economic and cultural injustices which would eventually fester and provide the ammunition for what would follow.
Looking Through You: Northern Chronicles is an attempt to describe a little of this moment from a personal viewpoint and describe what it was like growing up in Belfast in the mid to late nineteen sixties, and encountering the excitement of a new kind of popular culture – beginning with the music and lyrics of The Beatles, discovering as a young pupil at Orangefield School in east Belfast the poetry of Robert Lowell and Sylvia Plath along with all the black blues musicians and singers whose influence was powerfully present in the dance clubs of the city at the time.
So that some idea is given of what it was like to be part, without really knowing it at the time, of a hopeful and exciting younger generation, freed from the shackles of sectarianism and content within themselves to be part of a transatlantic culture which embraced music and style and the sense of being in their own place, and not one festooned with bigotry or triumphalism but keen on finding out where the big world was and how best to enter as it was on our doorstep, or more likely, on our black and white TV screens, blaring out of our radios and ‘gramophones’ and on the stages of our favourite dancehalls and concert halls.
Looking Through You: Northern Chronicles by Gerald Dawe with photographs by Euan Gebler, is published by Merrion Press, 10 August.


sluggerotoole--2020-08-26--Phil Hogan set to resign

Phil Hogan set to resign

David McCann holds a PhD in North-South relations from University of Ulster .
You can follow him on twitter @ @


sluggerotoole--2020-08-26--What is to be the message of Northern Ireland 100?

Does anybody out there know how plans to mark Northern Ireland ’ s centenary are progressing ?
To try to find answers , I ’ ve been combing the websites and having a few chats , without much luck .
Last month , following a few bumbled sentences from Boris Johnson it seemed that the UK government with due regard to the “ sensitivities ” , were taking the initiative , thus avoiding the potential for another Stormont deadlock .
The SoS Brandon Lewis looked forward to..
Following formal acceptance of invitations to join the Centenary Forum and Historical Advisory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ groups will have their first meetings later this month .
Further details on the centenary programme plans will be available in the autumn .
I claim no special access and I haven ’ t heard a peep since .
Maybe this post will help winkle out a few responses .
With only a few months to go it all seems so hesitant and last minute , like Covid U turns , wrapping up furlough , Brexit negotiations , you name it .
An “ Expo 100 ” forecast by the then DUP Tourism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out .
But it brings to mind memories of Ulster 71 , the official celebrations of the 50th anniversary , described without irony by a BBC reporter this month as “ a colourful affair ” .
It was in fact a hangover of the O ’ Neill era , well out the time in the year of internment and 170 Troubles deaths .
But despite the cringe making cheesy tone in the official voice , it gave a fair account of Northern Ireland ’ s achievements sited in and around what is now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brings to mind the late Eric Montgomery , perhaps the key moving spirit who saw Ulster 71 through to fruition .
Eric started up the NI Government Information Service in the 1950s with a determinedly good news angle where at all possible .
He was a kind of genius .
When the Troubles overshadowed normal life Eric steered clear of anything nasty , despite being the head of the Service .
At the heights of the Troubles he left the terrible job of explaining government actions to subordinates such as Tommy Roberts , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who for the record did an impossible job as well anybody could have , from internment to the hunger strike and beyond ; economical with the truth sometimes indeed , but not brazenly lying and from time to time giving invaluable steers off the record when the media were chasing red herrings .
Instead , Eric busied himself with projects that have survived the Troubles , such as the Folk and Transport Museum , the Ulster-American Folk Park which exploited to the full the rival if minor counter attraction to Irish America , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ US Presidents with Ulster ancestry and local ancestral homes to visit .
Jammy though Eric ’ s career was , who ’ s to say he made the wrong choice ?
Maybe he was on to something , the soft power we could agree on and even foster ?
Although convulsive violence is over , we live is an age of incomparably more sophisticated and agitated messaging .
What is to be the message of Northern Ireland 100 ?
If as announced it is specifically pro Union albeit “ sensitive , ” it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the SDLP on the rack of a dilemma .
“ Inclusivity ” could mean blandness and invite attack all round particularly from frustrated unionists .
My own suggestion is to feature beyond the Troubles legacy what we have in common .
This would entail elements of Britishness and Irishness & NI-ness in different measures that combine to create our collective personality .
And run a competition to identify the elements and bring them to life .
The political formula is ready made and need not create undue angst .
It lies in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ role for historians ?
They are perfectly capable of producing a narrative that does justice to all sides , based on the values common to all civilised states .
What they can ’ t do is reach a single conclusion or verdict .
For 2021 the task is to offer future choices that no democrat can reasonably refuse .
This I ’ m assured is not incompatible with the idea of the only person making the running , the inevitable , estimable Alex Kane How are messages to be delivered during ongoing pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the BBC and other broadcasters who still provide the main shared experience .
At least the short time scale strongly suggests a modest exercise .
Another approach is to devise – very late in the day – the long promised new ll vision of the UK Union and invite responses to it .
The wider context of a Union under threat makes us that bit less exceptional , less prone to trot out the same boring old positions .
It might even make nationalist participation easier than the predetermined traditional pro- Union @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Charter of the Union has been developed by one of the most imaginative thinkers on the whole Union , Arthur Aughey .
Mick has noted Arthur ’ s recent contribution on the writing of history .
For the think tank Policy Exchange , he wrote in 2018 : Making the case for the Union has never been easy .
It is easier to mobilise people around a dream of the future ( soaring dove ) rather than the defence of a somewhat clumsy and contingent status quo .
The Union is a “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is hard to create great enthusiasm around it .
The glue that holds the Union together is a composite of rational or “ instrumental ” considerations and a deeper electoral or democratic “ affinity ” , underscored by the principle of consent .
The Union depends , above all , on the “ principle of consent ” .
That consent can be measured by something that might be called “ elective affinity ” : people elect to associate together through various democratic means ( from referenda on the Belfast Agreement or Scottish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) .
The principle of consent also accepts a degree of contingency : that people may choose to separate if , for example , the instrumental case for the Union is diminished ; or the affinities to underscore these begin to fray beyond repair .
Since he wrote , the “ fraying ” has continued .
It is likely that reform of what has become known as territorial “ inter-governmental relations ” will be necessary when Brexit eventually happens because many of the powers repatriated from Brussels will fall within the competence of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worth revisiting reform of the Joint Ministerial Committee ( JMC ) and its terms of reference in order to provide a stable framework for relations of trust between Westminster and the devolved administrations .
• Consideration should be given to a Charter of the Union in order to lay down the principles of the territorial constitution ’ and which might reverse the notion that devolution is eroding rather than strengthening the Union .
More thorough-going constitutional reform may be necessary to accommodate the consequences of Brexit as well as accommodating the demands for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the Union .
• A solution on the Irish border which creates a special status for Northern Ireland or customs border between it and the rest of the United Kingdom in the Irish Sea should be resisted .
This last has of course been superseded by the Ireland/ NI Protocol although there is provision for the Assembly – in theory – to leave it .
The other keynotes are entirety dormant .
But even if a new vision of the Union was available , it would be one for the seminar room @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appeal .
You could even host it on Slugger .
Not at all what Jim Allister has in mind .

Ulster 71 (archive)
Does anybody out there know how plans to mark Northern Ireland’s centenary are progressing? To try to find answers, I’ve been combing the websites and having a few chats, without much luck. Last month, following a few bumbled sentences from Boris Johnson it seemed that the UK government with due regard to the “sensitivities”, were taking the initiative, thus avoiding the potential for another Stormont deadlock. The SoS Brandon Lewis looked forward to..
Following formal acceptance of invitations to join the Centenary Forum and Historical Advisory Panel, it is expected that these groups will have their first meetings later this month. Further details on the centenary programme plans will be available in the autumn.
I claim no special access and I haven’t heard a peep since. Maybe this post will help winkle out a few responses. With only a few months to go it all seems so hesitant and last minute, like Covid U turns, wrapping up furlough, Brexit negotiations, you name it.
An “Expo 100” forecast by the then DUP Tourism minister Simon Hamilton in 2017 is surely out. But it brings to mind memories of Ulster 71, the official celebrations of the 50th anniversary, described without irony by a BBC reporter this month as “ a colourful affair”. It was in fact a hangover of the O’Neill era, well out the time in the year of internment and 170 Troubles deaths. But despite the cringe making cheesy tone in the official voice, it gave a fair account of Northern Ireland’s achievements sited in and around what is now the Queen’s gym.
It brings to mind the late Eric Montgomery, perhaps the key moving spirit who saw Ulster 71 through to fruition. Eric started up the NI Government Information Service in the 1950s with a determinedly good news angle where at all possible. He was a kind of genius. When the Troubles overshadowed normal life Eric steered clear of anything nasty, despite being the head of the Service. At the heights of the Troubles he left the terrible job of explaining government actions to subordinates such as Tommy Roberts, Jack McNally and the great David Gilliland who for the record did an impossible job as well anybody could have, from internment to the hunger strike and beyond ; economical with the truth sometimes indeed, but not brazenly lying and from time to time giving invaluable steers off the record when the media were chasing red herrings.
Instead, Eric busied himself with projects that have survived the Troubles, such as the Folk and Transport Museum, the Ulster-American Folk Park which exploited to the full the rival if minor counter attraction to Irish America, the Scots –Irish tradition of the 10 US Presidents with Ulster ancestry and local ancestral homes to visit. Jammy though Eric’s career was, who’s to say he made the wrong choice? Maybe he was on to something, the soft power we could agree on and even foster?
Although convulsive violence is over, we live is an age of incomparably more sophisticated and agitated messaging. What is to be the message of Northern Ireland 100? If as announced it is specifically pro Union albeit “ sensitive,” it produces a Sinn Fein boycott and puts the SDLP on the rack of a dilemma. “Inclusivity” could mean blandness and invite attack all round particularly from frustrated unionists .
My own suggestion is to feature beyond the Troubles legacy what we have in common. This would entail elements of Britishness and Irishness & NI-ness in different measures that combine to create our collective personality. And run a competition to identify the elements and bring them to life. The political formula is ready made and need not create undue angst. It lies in the relationships of the GFA. And the role for historians? They are perfectly capable of producing a narrative that does justice to all sides, based on the values common to all civilised states. What they can’t do is reach a single conclusion or verdict. For 2021 the task is to offer future choices that no democrat can reasonably refuse. This I’m assured is not incompatible with the idea of the only person making the running, the inevitable, estimable Alex Kane
How are messages to be delivered during ongoing pandemic restrictions? It puts a major onus on the BBC and other broadcasters who still provide the main shared experience. At least the short time scale strongly suggests a modest exercise.
Another approach is to devise – very late in the day – the long promised new ll vision of the UK Union and invite responses to it. The wider context of a Union under threat makes us that bit less exceptional, less prone to trot out the same boring old positions. It might even make nationalist participation easier than the predetermined traditional pro- Union stance. This idea including a new Charter of the Union has been developed by one of the most imaginative thinkers on the whole Union, Arthur Aughey. Mick has noted Arthur’s recent contribution on the writing of history. For the think tank Policy Exchange, he wrote in 2018:
Making the case for the Union has never been easy. It is easier to mobilise people around a dream of the future (soaring dove) rather than the defence of a somewhat clumsy and contingent status quo. The Union is a “historical fact” but for that reason it is hard to create great enthusiasm around it.
The glue that holds the Union together is a composite of rational or “instrumental” considerations and a deeper electoral or democratic “affinity”, underscored by the principle of consent.
The Union depends, above all, on the “principle of consent”. That consent can be measured by something that might be called “elective affinity”: people elect to associate together through various democratic means (from referenda on the Belfast Agreement or Scottish independence to votes for Union-orientated political parties). The principle of consent also accepts a degree of contingency: that people may choose to separate if, for example, the instrumental case for the Union is diminished; or the affinities to underscore these begin to fray beyond repair.
Since he wrote, the “fraying” has continued.
Among Aughey’s “keynotes”
It is likely that reform of what has become known as territorial “inter-governmental relations” will be necessary when Brexit eventually happens because many of the powers repatriated from Brussels will fall within the competence of the devolved administrations.
It is worth revisiting reform of the Joint Ministerial Committee (JMC) and its terms of reference in order to provide a stable framework for relations of trust between Westminster and the devolved administrations.
Consideration should be given to a Charter of the Union in order to lay down the principles of the territorial constitution’ and which might reverse the notion that devolution is eroding rather than strengthening the Union.
More thorough-going constitutional reform may be necessary to accommodate the consequences of Brexit as well as accommodating the demands for greater recognition of England’s place in the Union.
A solution on the Irish border which creates a special status for Northern Ireland or customs border between it and the rest of the United Kingdom in the Irish Sea should be resisted.
This last has of course been superseded by the Ireland/ NI Protocol although there is provision for the Assembly – in theory – to leave it. The other keynotes are entirety dormant.
But even if a new vision of the Union was available, it would be one for the seminar room or website and therefore of strictly limited appeal. You could even host it on Slugger. Not at all what Jim Allister has in mind.


sluggerotoole--2020-08-26--UPDATED: Martina Anderson writes off the lives of the majority of NI victims as somehow complicit in

UPDATED: Martina Anderson writes off the lives of the majority of NI victims as somehow complicit in “Britain’s dirty war”…

I had the pleasure to be asked on to the Frank Mitchell Show on U105 this morning to comment on Martina Anderson ’ s extraordinary tweet ( now conveniently deleted ) in which she accused the beneficiaries of the new victim ’ s pension to be “ mainly those who fought Britain ’ s dirty war ” .
The best I can say about this is that , probably , if you were ordered to England to help conduct a bombing campaign by your military superior you might possibly think that the victims of that campaign were not innocent at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Dirty War ” .
Probably .
Maybe .
Perhaps .
I don ’ t know , I ’ m just guessing here .
But as my co-commentator on the programme Tom Kelly pointed out , how does this apply to children , parents , and adults just going about their daily business ?
( A critical question now for the party , since Martina hasn ’ t explained . )
How un-complicit do you have to be to pass Sinn Féin ’ s standard for ‘ innocence ’ ?
It takes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overcome their natural reluctance to take the lives of others .
As one of our former blog colleagues , Turgon once noted here on Slugger the British Army spends a fortune in trying to get people to override that cultural safety catch and actually take lives on the battlefield .
To carry out a bombing campaign in which you know innocents will get killed ( regrettable , as you may say , but what ’ s a terror campaign without any actual terror ? )
, perhaps there are protecting myths you tell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ individuals , but offering such standards as policy brings a stiffer test .
Since we don ’ t know who will successfully apply for and get these pensions , let ’ s look at the ‘ collusion ’ charge that Martina levels at those who “ mainly ” will .
Here are the raw death figures in my 2006 copy of Lost Lives which state that : • All security forces were responsible for 367 Another 89 were killed by organisations ( or individual “ others ” ) who did not have their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those who died , by far the greatest number were civilians of both religions , 2087 .
Next RUC/UDR/RIR , 509 , the British Army , 503 , Republican paramilitaries , 395 and finally Loyalists , 167 .
It ’ s pretty clear to see who “ mainly ” did the dying and who “ mainly ” did the killing .
Reading these figures , I struggle to see what calculus ( if any ) Martina is using here , other than considering this a case of a protagonist to a bombing campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actions onto the victims .
Such ‘ traumatic transference ’ is commonplace in academic literature .
But , leaving the excitability of Twittersphere ( which I do promise I am still trying to give up ) to one side for a moment , here ’ s the real rub at the policy end of this .
Weeks ago now , Newton Emerson wrote in his Irish News column : It is simply incorrect , as has been widely reported , that the proposed Troubles pension excludes people with a conviction of more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
All such people can apply , unless their conviction relates to the incident that caused their injury , and it appears that nearly all such applications will be successful .
A judge-led panel will rule if a pension is “ appropriate ” based on two broad sets of guidelines : has the applicant demonstrated remorse or contributed positively to society since the incident ; and has the applicant had a “ recent ” conviction for terrorist activity or membership .
This ‘ check ’ is in line with guidance from the European @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ m not sure what ‘ wrong ’ Martina imagines has been done here .
Maybe it is a smokescreen to re-assure old bombers and killers that they ’ ve not been forgotten , but in her haste , she ’ s arraigned the majority who will claim .
The political reaction in Northern Ireland has been a lot more temperate than Sinn Féin ’ s calling for heads over a golf event , which ran over the maximum allowed under Covid regulations by 30 in the south .
And rightly so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lather at the moment , it needed executions .
We don ’ t need them , even if Sinn Féin might .
But nor should we ignore what Martina ’ s statement tells us about Sinn Féin ’ s attitude towards victims : “ if you weren ’ t for us , you were agin us ” .
Even if that means writing off the suffering of the majority of those who will receive this pension .
Tom says the least she should offer is an apology .
Whether she does or she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the voters of Derry , both nationalist and unionist , just exactly what she meant by that ?
That ’ s where real accountability begins and ends .
13:58 Update : Martina ’ s statement in full from this morning… “ MEP Martina Anderson ” by GUE/NGL is licensed under CC BY-SA

I had the pleasure to be asked on to the Frank Mitchell Show on U105 this morning to comment on Martina Anderson’s extraordinary tweet (now conveniently deleted) in which she accused the beneficiaries of the new victim’s pension to be “mainly those who fought Britain’s dirty war”.
The best I can say about this is that, probably, if you were ordered to England to help conduct a bombing campaign by your military superior you might possibly think that the victims of that campaign were not innocent at all, but complicit in “Britain’s Dirty War”.
Probably. Maybe. Perhaps. I don’t know, I’m just guessing here. But as my co-commentator on the programme Tom Kelly pointed out, how does this apply to children, parents, and adults just going about their daily business? (A critical question now for the party, since Martina hasn’t explained.) How un-complicit do you have to be to pass Sinn Féin’s standard for ‘innocence’?
It takes a lot to get ordinary people to overcome their natural reluctance to take the lives of others. As one of our former blog colleagues, Turgon once noted here on Slugger the British Army spends a fortune in trying to get people to override that cultural safety catch and actually take lives on the battlefield.
To carry out a bombing campaign in which you know innocents will get killed (regrettable, as you may say, but what’s a terror campaign without any actual terror?), perhaps there are protecting myths you tell yourself. That may be fine for individuals, but offering such standards as policy brings a stiffer test.
Since we don’t know who will successfully apply for and get these pensions, let’s look at the ‘collusion’ charge that Martina levels at those who “mainly” will. Here are the raw death figures in my 2006 copy of Lost Lives which state that:
Republican paramilitaries were responsible for 2152 deaths
Loyalist paramilitaries were responsible for 1112 deaths
All security forces were responsible for 367
Another 89 were killed by organisations (or individual “others”) who did not have their names attached to given murders.
Of those who died, by far the greatest number were civilians of both religions, 2087. Next RUC/UDR/RIR, 509, the British Army, 503, Republican paramilitaries, 395 and finally Loyalists, 167. It’s pretty clear to see who “mainly” did the dying and who “mainly” did the killing.
Reading these figures, I struggle to see what calculus (if any) Martina is using here, other than considering this a case of a protagonist to a bombing campaign seeking to transfer blame for their own actions onto the victims. Such ‘traumatic transference’ is commonplace in academic literature.
But, leaving the excitability of Twittersphere (which I do promise I am still trying to give up) to one side for a moment, here’s the real rub at the policy end of this. Weeks ago now, Newton Emerson wrote in his Irish News column:
It is simply incorrect, as has been widely reported, that the proposed Troubles pension excludes people with a conviction of more than two and a half years in prison. All such people can apply, unless their conviction relates to the incident that caused their injury, and it appears that nearly all such applications will be successful. A judge-led panel will rule if a pension is “appropriate” based on two broad sets of guidelines: has the applicant demonstrated remorse or contributed positively to society since the incident; and has the applicant had a “recent” conviction for terrorist activity or membership.
This ‘check’ is in line with guidance from the European Charter for Human Rights. So, I’m not sure what ‘wrong’ Martina imagines has been done here. Maybe it is a smokescreen to re-assure old bombers and killers that they’ve not been forgotten, but in her haste, she’s arraigned the majority who will claim.
The political reaction in Northern Ireland has been a lot more temperate than Sinn Féin’s calling for heads over a golf event, which ran over the maximum allowed under Covid regulations by 30 in the south. And rightly so. The Republic is in a complete lather at the moment, it needed executions.
We don’t need them, even if Sinn Féin might. But nor should we ignore what Martina’s statement tells us about Sinn Féin’s attitude towards victims: “if you weren’t for us, you were agin us”. Even if that means writing off the suffering of the majority of those who will receive this pension.
Tom says the least she should offer is an apology. Whether she does or she doesn’t, let her explain to the voters of Derry, both nationalist and unionist, just exactly what she meant by that? That’s where real accountability begins and ends.
13:58 Update: Martina’s statement in full from this morning…
“I apologise unreservedly for the hurt and offence caused by my tweet to people who suffered serious harm during the conflict here. “My comments were clumsy were not directed at them and it was never my intention to cause them any hurt. “All victims of the conflict deserve acknowledgement of their pain and loss and I support them in their efforts to get their pension.
“MEP Martina Anderson” by GUE/NGL is licensed under CC BY-SA


sluggerotoole--2020-08-26--Reasons to be cheerful – Africa declared free of wild polio after no cases in four years…

I am in a glum mood today .
The inability of our government to do the most basic tasks like sort out a water system or put in some bike lanes depresses me .
Thankfully emotions are like the weather , and in a while , this gloom shall make way for the bright rays of emotional sunshine .
Something that did lift my mood was the news that polio has been eradicated in Africa .
From the Irish Times : Water-borne infection at one point paralysed 75,000 children each year across the continent .
Africa was declared free of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and neighbouring Afghanistan as the only countries thought to still have the highly infectious , water-borne virus .
The World Health Organisation says it is just the second time a virus has been eradicated in Africa , after the elimination of smallpox four decades ago .
Hooray , take that polio ya prick !
A huge thank you to Mr Bill Gates who financed a large chunk of the work .
The Gates Foundation shows what is possible if we put our minds to a task and give it proper funding .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gates and vaccines .
“ Lining up for vaccination ” by hdptcar is licensed under CC BY

I am in a glum mood today. The inability of our government to do the most basic tasks like sort out a water system or put in some bike lanes depresses me. Thankfully emotions are like the weather, and in a while, this gloom shall make way for the bright rays of emotional sunshine. Something that did lift my mood was the news that polio has been eradicated in Africa. From the Irish Times:
Water-borne infection at one point paralysed 75,000 children each year across the continent. Africa was declared free of wild polio on Tuesday, leaving Pakistan and neighbouring Afghanistan as the only countries thought to still have the highly infectious, water-borne virus. The World Health Organisation says it is just the second time a virus has been eradicated in Africa, after the elimination of smallpox four decades ago.
Hooray, take that polio ya prick! A huge thank you to Mr Bill Gates who financed a large chunk of the work. The Gates Foundation shows what is possible if we put our minds to a task and give it proper funding.
I await the conspiracy theory comments about Bill Gates and vaccines.
“Lining up for vaccination” by hdptcar is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-08-26--#TheReset: Reducing the risk of ‘stag-deflation’ after COVID…

If the post COVID ‘ reset ’ works , then it will have to move beyond longstanding structural thorns that western society has so far failed to deal with .
The great twentieth century historian Eric Hobsbawm wrote that the period from 1945 to the early 1970s were a ‘ golden age ’ in human achievement and it was only the breakdown of the mid to late 1970s of economic wellbeing and living standards that broke this unprecedented period of growth .
In the height of this progressive era , in 1967 , JK Galbraith wrote : The era ended @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stagflation ’ where the previously thought impossible combination occurred .
High unemployment in the 1970s meant that in theory consumer demand to buy products would decrease and therefore inflation would reduce , however prices continued to rise at uncontrollable rates .
Even in the midst of the troubles , NI had fuel shortages ( as did most western countries ) as oil prices spiked .
What western economies have faced , or rather feared , since the 2008 crash is “ deflation ” which simply means a rapid decrease in the price of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the availability of credit ( “ credit crunch ” ) .
On the face of it this sounds marvellous for all concerned , cheaper prices mean more in your back pocket at the end of a working week .
But in actual fact this is not the case , lower prices mean that suppliers have to squeeze tight margins to maintain profitability and wages stagnate .
Our sluggish manufacturing sector failed to do this and so the far eastern boom swept across western industry due to its superior ability to provide Galbraith @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We were left with high quality professional services becoming our highest value export which has enriched and enlivened a professional class of people who have nearly completely been educated by the state ( in most cases through comprehensive education ) .
In the face of ever decreasing prices governments have sought to increase the supply of credit through monetary policy .
By printing money through quantitative easing and depressing interest rates the central banks hope to spur on growth through consumer and commercial borrowing .
With this there is a risk of inflation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over-supply of money .
However , this risk has completely failed to materialise and so we are on a 500 or so year decline in base central bank interest rates with little inflationary effects .
The IMF credit this long-term decline in rates to an ageing population , with this comes a totally different set of social attitudes because of the proclivity for saving amongst the older population .
This has its own effect on the deflationary risk as the elderly population have conservative spending habits , somebody needs to buy the eastern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ With inflation so low it begs the question of whether we are at a precipice moment .
Keynes predicted ( with it must be said liberal enthusiasm ) that by our time the rate of automation would ensure leisure time peaking over work time .
However , what the great economist forgot to mention in his assessment was money .
Interest rates could go into negative and cash would still be out of the hands of a great many who not only need it but could do a great deal for the economy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think that the great post war golden age should be kickstarted again post covid with a serious attempt at a universal basic income .
Firms producing everything from coffee machines to coffee tables continued to operate through the worst throws of the pandemic and consumer demand was kept afloat thanks to the wonders of broadband communication .
The furlough scheme was proof that injecting cash into a great proportion of the population to buy these products online wouldn ’ t lead to rampant inflation – the data for a “ trial ” is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the end of Hobsbawm ’ s golden era , the unlikely figure of Richard Nixon proposed legislation which included a guaranteed minimum income for all families .
It never made it into law but since then the UBI debate has raged .
The reset we need doesn ’ t need to come in the form of great structural changes to welfare , health , education or economic regulation but it can come in the form of a systemic change to all of these things with an enlivened populace receiving a guaranteed minimum income @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deflation by ‘ buying out , to help out.
’ Photo by Skitterphoto is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA This post is part of our # TheReset series in association with the Ulster Bank

If the post COVID ‘reset’ works, then it will have to move beyond longstanding structural thorns that western society has so far failed to deal with. The great twentieth century historian Eric Hobsbawm wrote that the period from 1945 to the early 1970s were a ‘golden age’ in human achievement and it was only the breakdown of the mid to late 1970s of economic wellbeing and living standards that broke this unprecedented period of growth.
In the height of this progressive era, in 1967, JK Galbraith wrote:
No hungry man who is also sober can be persuaded to use his last dollar for anything but food. But a well-fed, well-clad, well sheltered and otherwise well-tended person can be persuaded as between an electric razor and an electric toothbrush. Along with process and costs, consumer demand becomes subject to management.
The era ended because of the period known as ‘stagflation’ where the previously thought impossible combination occurred. High unemployment in the 1970s meant that in theory consumer demand to buy products would decrease and therefore inflation would reduce, however prices continued to rise at uncontrollable rates. Even in the midst of the troubles, NI had fuel shortages (as did most western countries) as oil prices spiked.
What western economies have faced, or rather feared, since the 2008 crash is “deflation” which simply means a rapid decrease in the price of goods and services spurred by a reduction in the availability of credit (“credit crunch”). On the face of it this sounds marvellous for all concerned, cheaper prices mean more in your back pocket at the end of a working week. But in actual fact this is not the case, lower prices mean that suppliers have to squeeze tight margins to maintain profitability and wages stagnate.
Our sluggish manufacturing sector failed to do this and so the far eastern boom swept across western industry due to its superior ability to provide Galbraith’s myriad of consumer products. We were left with high quality professional services becoming our highest value export which has enriched and enlivened a professional class of people who have nearly completely been educated by the state (in most cases through comprehensive education).
In the face of ever decreasing prices governments have sought to increase the supply of credit through monetary policy. By printing money through quantitative easing and depressing interest rates the central banks hope to spur on growth through consumer and commercial borrowing. With this there is a risk of inflation whereby prices shoot up because of an over-supply of money.
However, this risk has completely failed to materialise and so we are on a 500 or so year decline in base central bank interest rates with little inflationary effects. The IMF credit this long-term decline in rates to an ageing population, with this comes a totally different set of social attitudes because of the proclivity for saving amongst the older population. This has its own effect on the deflationary risk as the elderly population have conservative spending habits, somebody needs to buy the eastern products being marketed by western professionals.
With inflation so low it begs the question of whether we are at a precipice moment. Keynes predicted (with it must be said liberal enthusiasm) that by our time the rate of automation would ensure leisure time peaking over work time. However, what the great economist forgot to mention in his assessment was money. Interest rates could go into negative and cash would still be out of the hands of a great many who not only need it but could do a great deal for the economy with it.
This is why I think that the great post war golden age should be kickstarted again post covid with a serious attempt at a universal basic income. Firms producing everything from coffee machines to coffee tables continued to operate through the worst throws of the pandemic and consumer demand was kept afloat thanks to the wonders of broadband communication. The furlough scheme was proof that injecting cash into a great proportion of the population to buy these products online wouldn’t lead to rampant inflation – the data for a “trial” is already there!
In 1969, near the end of Hobsbawm’s golden era, the unlikely figure of Richard Nixon proposed legislation which included a guaranteed minimum income for all families. It never made it into law but since then the UBI debate has raged. The reset we need doesn’t need to come in the form of great structural changes to welfare, health, education or economic regulation but it can come in the form of a systemic change to all of these things with an enlivened populace receiving a guaranteed minimum income to pursue their own happiness and fight deflation by ‘buying out, to help out.’
Photo by Skitterphoto is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA
This post is part of our #TheReset series in association with Ulster Bank