sluggerotoole--2020-10-19--With over 8 hours of news in a 12 hour period is BBC Radio Ulster forgetting its remit is also to en

With over 8 hours of news in a 12 hour period is BBC Radio Ulster forgetting its remit is also to entertain?

When the lockdown was reintroduced last week I decided I needed to take drastic action to stay sane .
I quit all social media , stopped reading online news , and stopped listening to Radio Ulster .
I never watched the news on TV so that was already covered .
Now I only read a printed newspaper as I find its less stressful but you can keep up to date .
I have also switched to listening mostly to podcasts and music .
Like a lot of people , I would have listened to Radio Ulster during the day .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Covid-19 was really starting to affect my mental health .
From 6 am till 6 pm there are over 8 hours of news and debate , most of it around Covid-19 .
Much of it is the same content over and over again .
How they fill so much airtime with the one issue is a wonder .
The simple solution , of course , is to turn the radio off .
But I know for a lot of people the radio is a comfort and companion to them .
I remember the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he switched the radio on when he got up and it stayed on all day until he went to bed .
Bertie was blind and like a lot of people who are lonely or housebound , he got company from the wireless .
On Wednesday they actually extended the Nolan show till 11 .
People then got an hour ’ s break from the doom before Talkback discussed the exact same issues that Nolan had discussed two hours before .
Coming into the winter many people are really are starting to crack under @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this tweet : The BBC seriously need to evaluate how this constant stream of negativity they are pumping out is affecting listeners .
The remit of the BBC is to inform , educate and entertain .
But it seems the entertain part has taken a backseat to constantly informing us over and over again like an aural waterboarding .
Maybe I am wrong : maybe the general public are loving all this news and listenership is at a record high .
I would welcome an explanation from the BBC as to why there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the detriment of entertainment .
It is going to be a long winter .
Could someone in Broadcasting House please give us more rays of sunshine ?

When the lockdown was reintroduced last week I decided I needed to take drastic action to stay sane. I quit all social media, stopped reading online news, and stopped listening to Radio Ulster. I never watched the news on TV so that was already covered. Now I only read a printed newspaper as I find its less stressful but you can keep up to date. I have also switched to listening mostly to podcasts and music.
Like a lot of people, I would have listened to Radio Ulster during the day. But I found the constant focus on Covid-19 was really starting to affect my mental health. From 6 am till 6 pm there are over 8 hours of news and debate, most of it around Covid-19. Much of it is the same content over and over again. How they fill so much airtime with the one issue is a wonder.
The simple solution, of course, is to turn the radio off. But I know for a lot of people the radio is a comfort and companion to them. I remember the late Bertie in Lisburn once saying that he switched the radio on when he got up and it stayed on all day until he went to bed. Bertie was blind and like a lot of people who are lonely or housebound, he got company from the wireless.
On Wednesday they actually extended the Nolan show till 11. People then got an hour’s break from the doom before Talkback discussed the exact same issues that Nolan had discussed two hours before.
Coming into the winter many people are really are starting to crack under the strain. You may have seen this tweet:
I am not ok. Feeling rock bottom. Please take a few seconds to say hello if you see this tweet. Thank you. — Edmund O'Leary (@emerald1910) October 16, 2020
The BBC seriously need to evaluate how this constant stream of negativity they are pumping out is affecting listeners. The remit of the BBC is to inform, educate and entertain. But it seems the entertain part has taken a backseat to constantly informing us over and over again like an aural waterboarding.
Maybe I am wrong: maybe the general public are loving all this news and listenership is at a record high. I would welcome an explanation from the BBC as to why there is so much focus on news output to the detriment of entertainment.
It is going to be a long winter. Could someone in Broadcasting House please give us more rays of sunshine?


RIP Austerity?

It is the intellectual debate which has defined our times ; indeed , it has defined a greater part of my life on this planet .
It isn ’ t the moral maze of non-platforming or any other culture war battleground we all have opinions on .
No , it ’ s that old chestnut of ‘ austerity.
’ On this island , David McWilliams proudly proclaimed a RIP to austerity this week on his podcast .
He is a part of the Irish austerity story , spotting early on the problems in the property market he used his newspaper @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the crash in 2008 .
Since then he has tried to dispel the ideology of austerity .
It must be highlighted at this point that austerity is an ideology .
We chose to elect governments , they chose to support policies and western elites followed lock step into the austerity spiral .
All we are left with is a resurgence in 20th century style populism ( they are still a bit clumsy with 21st century tech ) and a destruction of the social fabric .
In the last great economic debate of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the day , money is an issue of supply and demand .
It should not be constrained by metal prices or by slavish following single metrics like inflation .
With quantitative easing , low to negative interest rates and buy-back schemes central banks have injected cash into the economy through one funnel .
That funnel is monetary policy , it nearly exclusively depends on a financialisation of the entire economy .
The only metric becomes “ balancing the books ” in the immediate here and now .
In Greece it saw ports being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nostalgia for the ‘ shock therapy ’ policy which destroyed Russia at the end of the Soviet Union – pushing people there into the arms of oligarchs .
Fiscal responsibility will always plague national governments , there is no disputing of this .
However , in an age of dramatically low inflation and where consumer behaviour has never been so predictable it is fair to say that policy makers had been a bit wet up until the COVID crisis .
Tom Kibasi calls it the ‘ zombie ideology ’ as chancellor Rishi Sunak @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now we can move away from the politics of inevitability which I believe are why the ‘ remain ’ side lost the referendum and why Hillary Clinton lost the white house in the same fateful year of 2016 .
It is part of an elitist mentality that takes for granted the great achievements of the EU or of why a wealthy and connected person should command high office .
Instead of selling such ideas to people the political class treated it as an inevitability .
But the people have now rebelled , if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this new paradigm it must be in the embrace of radical and creative solutions .
Labour quite early on spotted the political opportunity in pressing that furlough be extended .
The financial taps are switched on , it ’ s time to use them .

It is the intellectual debate which has defined our times; indeed, it has defined a greater part of my life on this planet. It isn’t the moral maze of non-platforming or any other culture war battleground we all have opinions on. No, it’s that old chestnut of ‘austerity.’
On this island, David McWilliams proudly proclaimed a RIP to austerity this week on his podcast. He is a part of the Irish austerity story, spotting early on the problems in the property market he used his newspaper articles to highlight the issues long before the crash in 2008. Since then he has tried to dispel the ideology of austerity.
It must be highlighted at this point that austerity is an ideology. We chose to elect governments, they chose to support policies and western elites followed lock step into the austerity spiral. All we are left with is a resurgence in 20th century style populism (they are still a bit clumsy with 21st century tech) and a destruction of the social fabric.
In the last great economic debate of the 1930s it looked like Keynes had won the day, money is an issue of supply and demand. It should not be constrained by metal prices or by slavish following single metrics like inflation. With quantitative easing, low to negative interest rates and buy-back schemes central banks have injected cash into the economy through one funnel.
That funnel is monetary policy, it nearly exclusively depends on a financialisation of the entire economy. The only metric becomes “balancing the books” in the immediate here and now. In Greece it saw ports being sold to private German companies and a nostalgia for the ‘shock therapy’ policy which destroyed Russia at the end of the Soviet Union – pushing people there into the arms of oligarchs.
Fiscal responsibility will always plague national governments, there is no disputing of this. However, in an age of dramatically low inflation and where consumer behaviour has never been so predictable it is fair to say that policy makers had been a bit wet up until the COVID crisis. Tom Kibasi calls it the ‘zombie ideology’ as chancellor Rishi Sunak attempts to revive austere thinking:
Both the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank now advocate for fiscal activism rather than restraint. vises employers to cut jobs rather than hours; the Yet despite this radical shift in the economic consensus – and the continuing fight against the virus – the chancellor has already attempted to cut back the levels of employment support before reversing course again. The job support scheme incentivises employers to cut jobs rather than hours; the revived furlough scheme is more targeted by geography and sector. Economic policy has consistently been on the back foot during the crisis.
Hopefully now we can move away from the politics of inevitability which I believe are why the ‘remain’ side lost the referendum and why Hillary Clinton lost the white house in the same fateful year of 2016. It is part of an elitist mentality that takes for granted the great achievements of the EU or of why a wealthy and connected person should command high office.
Instead of selling such ideas to people the political class treated it as an inevitability. But the people have now rebelled, if the left want to make anything from this new paradigm it must be in the embrace of radical and creative solutions. Labour quite early on spotted the political opportunity in pressing that furlough be extended. The financial taps are switched on, it’s time to use them.


sluggerotoole--2020-10-20--Whether from Poots or Sinn Féin simplifying populism is useless in fight against Covid…

On Thursday I ’ ll be part of a panel hosted by the Clinton Centre at UCD , which will be looking at Populism in the US and Europe .
Quite aside from the considerable wooliness of the term , it will be an opportunity to look at what it means in contemporary use and what it probably doesn ’ t .
In Northern Ireland , the demagogue ( an older term for ‘ populist ’ ) seems to have been with us for as far back as many of us can recall .
Belfast Agreement hinted at a promise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as Eamonn McCann pointed out at the time , it preserved our historic divisions , they asserted control .
The verb means to “ rhetorically exploit ( an issue ) for political purposes in a way calculated to appeal to the desires and prejudices of ordinary people ” .
And was still very much in evidence in Sinn Féin ’ s nearly successful attempt ( it failed by one seat ) to take the First Minister ’ s seat from the DUP in 2017 .
That year ’ s Election to Nowhere segued @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this year with weeks to spare ahead of the onset of the Covid crisis .
To this day there is no evidence that anything other Sinn Féin ’ s own selfish political interest in the southern elections had sparked a sudden change of heart .
But it would be unfair to argue that theirs was the only form of populism in Northern Irish politics .
Throughout delicate Brexit negotiations , the DUP leader Arlene Foster has had to be stoic in the face of a gaggle of noises off second-guessing her or ramping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ served .
No doubt internal pressures have been increasing since Sinn Féín decided to brazen out its breach of funeral regulations they ’ d endorsed whilst holding office in government .
This ability to hold to two contradictory things at once , Daniele Albertazzi notes here , is also evident in populist parties in Italy .
Then came Agriculture Minister Ed Poots outburst at the end of last week .
Now , if we still care about detail , I doubt there is anything like the detail needed to justify this statement available @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That there may be a problem in nationalist areas is beyond a reasonable doubt , but the job of ANY Stormont minister is to fix it , not use it for low political gain .
Slugger understands that the latest figures had been in the hands of Executive ministers for about a week before Poots accusatory statement and had been the subject of strained debate , but that the Executive had decided that a broad lockdown would be in the best interests of all of NI .
Our own Peter Donaghy then leapt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there are other correlations at play here .
Peter argues that the key factor is poverty , and that tallies with data elsewhere .
Poorer communities have fewer resources , and are more densely populated with less communal resilience .
That makes sense .
We can ’ t be sure what it might or mightn ’ t say about political identity .
That would take another order of work but there is a prima face case for suggesting that despite the fact that Catholics broadly are upwardly mobile , working-class Catholic areas still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against established perceptions that working-class Catholics are doing better than working-class Protestants .
Covid has provided us with a telling snapshot .
The decision by the Executive was ( whatever its enormous drawbacks for local business ) was to shoot the covid rapids together .
After twenty years of on-off populist/demagogic led administration/non-government , the message is clear : no one gets out of poverty until everyone pulls together as a ‘ larger us ’ .
Minister Poots would be better trying to thole the provocations and stick to the task of taking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As Siobhan O ’ Neill pointed out last week , what ’ s needed is leadership from right across the playing field and at every single level of society… .

On Thursday I’ll be part of a panel hosted by the Clinton Centre at UCD, which will be looking at Populism in the US and Europe. Quite aside from the considerable wooliness of the term, it will be an opportunity to look at what it means in contemporary use and what it probably doesn’t.
In Northern Ireland, the demagogue (an older term for ‘populist’) seems to have been with us for as far back as many of us can recall. Belfast Agreement hinted at a promise of something better; even though, as Eamonn McCann pointed out at the time, it preserved our historic divisions, they asserted control.
The verb means to “rhetorically exploit (an issue) for political purposes in a way calculated to appeal to the desires and prejudices of ordinary people”. And was still very much in evidence in Sinn Féin’s nearly successful attempt (it failed by one seat) to take the First Minister’s seat from the DUP in 2017.
That year’s Election to Nowhere segued into a three-year hiatus, ending only this year with weeks to spare ahead of the onset of the Covid crisis. To this day there is no evidence that anything other Sinn Féin’s own selfish political interest in the southern elections had sparked a sudden change of heart.
It may be that in conjunction with a real collective crisis of Covid, the population of Northern Ireland has had a change of heart too. Twenty years of rowing about culture and not doing very much with their mandates, has triggered a change of view on both sides, but particularly within unionist population.
It would be unfair to argue that SF’s was the only form of populism in Northern Irish politics. Throughout delicate Brexit negotiations, the DUP leader Arlene Foster has had to be stoic in the face of a gaggle of noises off second-guessing her or ramping up the rhetoric when silence might have served.
No doubt internal pressures have been increasing since Sinn Féín decided to brazen out its breach of funeral regulations they’d endorsed whilst holding office in government. This ability to hold to two contradictory things at once, Daniele Albertazzi notes here, is also evident in populist parties in Italy.
Then came Agriculture Minister Ed Poots outburst at the end of last week.
DUP Agriculture Minister Edwin Poots says nationalist areas of NI have more cases of #coronavirus than unionist areas – on a scale of 6 to 1. He told UTV the breakdown in compliance, in nationalist areas , could be traced back to Bobby Storey’s funeral. — Darran Marshall (@DarranMarshall) October 16, 2020
Now, if we still care about detail, I doubt there is anything like the detail needed to justify this statement available to the minister or anyone else. That there may be a problem in nationalist areas is beyond a reasonable doubt, but the job of ANY Stormont minister is to fix it, not use it for low political gain.
Slugger understands that the latest figures had been in the hands of Executive ministers for about a week before Poots accusatory statement and had been the subject of strained debate, but that the Executive had decided that a broad lockdown would be in the best interests of all of NI.
Our own Peter Donaghy then leapt into the fray to point out that there are other correlations at play here. Peter argues that the key factor is poverty, and that tallies with data elsewhere. Poorer communities have fewer resources, and are more densely populated with less communal resilience.
That makes sense. We can’t be sure what it might or mightn’t say about political identity. That would take another order of work but there is a prima face case for suggesting that despite the fact that Catholics broadly are upwardly mobile, working-class Catholic areas still endure the worst poverty.
The key factor behind areas badly hit by Northern Ireland's 2nd COVID-19 wave isn't religion, but poverty. Only 1 of NI's 40 least deprived postcode areas has over 400 weekly cases per 100k, ¼ of the most deprived 40 areas do. pic.twitter.com/x7a0tyGrc0 — Peter Donaghy (@peterdonaghy) October 18, 2020
This cuts against established perceptions that working-class Catholics are doing better than working-class Protestants. Covid has provided us with a telling snapshot. The decision by the Executive was (whatever its enormous drawbacks for local business) was to shoot the covid rapids together.
After twenty years of on-off populist/demagogic led administration/non-government, the message is clear: no one gets out of poverty until everyone pulls together as a ‘larger us’. Minister Poots would be better trying to thole the provocations and stick to the task of taking the whole of NI through together.
As Siobhan O’Neill pointed out last week, what’s needed is leadership from right across the playing field and at every single level of society….


sluggerotoole--2020-10-20--The Numbers Game; Prediction show for the US Elections

This was a fun programme I recorded last week with Democratic Strategist , Ian Russell .
If you want to @ @ @ @ @ and predict yourself , you can do so here .

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sluggerotoole--2020-10-20--It’s strictly dancing up to the Brexit deadline. Meanwhile “the border in the Irish Sea” takes shape

It’s strictly dancing up to the Brexit deadline. Meanwhile “the border in the Irish Sea” takes shape in Northern Ireland

The off- on- off again dance around the final stages of Brexit negotiations is taking place against a mounting clamour of confusion and anger over the crazy politics including the real implications of the threatened No Deal , about which the UK government postures so insouciantly .
UK in a Changing Europe think tank says their modelling with the LSE of the impact of a no-deal Brexit suggests the total cost to the UK economy over the longer term will be 2 to 3 times as large as that implied by the Bank of England ’ s forecast for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t fully registered with the public preoccupied with Covid .
Anger such as heard in a Lords debate yesterday is concentrated on the breach of international law created by the Internal Market Bill cancelling key provisions of the Withdrawal Agreement .
Removing or finessing this obstacle is essential if a deal is to be struck .
To general surprise senior clergy not normally noted for impactful statements on public affairs crystallised the issues .
The joint letter from the four senior Anglican archbishops in these islands was a rare model of clarity and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ currently asks the country ’ s highest law-making body to equip a government minister to break international law .
This has enormous moral , as well as political and legal , consequences.. .
The Scottish Parliament and Welsh Senedd have made clear that the bill ’ s weakening of both the principles and the effect of devolved policymaking is of constitutional significance… Moreover , if the bill is made law without consent from devolved legislatures ( as will happen if it is not amended to address their concerns ) , this will further @ @ @ @ @ @ @ govern the different parts of the United Kingdom.
” There was no hesitation here about interfering in politics .
It is a moral issue .
The hand of the lead signatory John McDowell Archbishop of Armagh , can be seen in the emphasis on the Good Friday agreement “ We believe this would create a disastrous precedent .
It is particularly disturbing for all of us who feel a sense of duty and responsibility to the Good Friday ( Belfast ) agreement..
The UK negotiated the Northern Ireland Protocol with the EU to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its dimensions ’ .
“ One year on , in this bill , the UK Government is not only preparing to break the protocol , but also to breach a fundamental tenet of the Agreement : namely by limiting the incorporation of the European Convention on Human Rights in Northern Ireland law .
“ If carefully negotiated terms are not honoured and laws can be ‘ legally ’ broken , on what foundations does our democracy stand ?
” Archbishop McDowell has form .
As Bishop of Clogher last year , he twice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the subject of the border , first in June then in October 2019 The ground on which people build and grow in the Border region feels particularly fragile today .
It is almost possible to feel the heat of the past burning the soles of our feet .
So , please , in your consideration of the future of this place : tread carefully .
And with deep and genuine concern I would ask you to be very conscious of the legacy your Government will leave .
He returned to the PM with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 29 October 2019 The Border does not just stretch from Warrenpoint in Co Down to Muff in Co Donegal .
It goes through every village and town in Northern Ireland , and in some places in Belfast it is so hard that it takes the form of very high brick walls topped by razor wire… And like all borders , if it is to be managed peacefully , people on both sides of those dividing lines ( visible and invisible ) need to have confidence that their well-being means something to those who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it is necessary to talk to them and to get to know them .
When I wrote to you last , it was my sense that it was largely ( though not wholly ) the people on one side of the “ borders ” who were feeling a strange mixture of neglect and emboldenment .
Today I have an equally strong feeling that it is largely ( though not completely ) people on the other side of the little “ borders ” who are feeling afraid .
In an LSE blog Prof @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Internal Market Bill would affect Northern Ireland The government has ‘ doubled down ’ on equipping of government Ministers to break the law through future secondary legislation under clauses 44 and 45 .
Clause 47 now explicitly disapplies section 6 ( 1 ) of the Human Rights Act , which requires public authorities to act in a way that is compatible with the European Convention on Human Rights ( ECHR ) rights • These amendments have the effect of shutting off routes for legal challenges to the UKIM Bill .
It was never @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taken on the grounds of human rights , but clause 47 now closes off the possibility of a challenge to Ministers ’ use of these powers on the basis of the 1998 Good Friday/Belfast Agreement .
• In recognition of the importance of the ECHR in Northern Ireland , Article 2 of the Protocol states : “ The United Kingdom shall ensure that no diminution of rights , safeguards or equality of opportunity , as set out in that part of the 1998 Agreement… results from its withdrawal from the Union ” .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ limits the incorporation of convention rights in law and the means by which holders of these rights can bring challenges before domestic courts .
• Even though the UK Internal Market Bill does nothing to smooth movement of goods from GB into NI and it assumes that the Protocol will be implemented , the future economic position of Northern Ireland depends on what happens to this Bill because of its significance for the UK/EU negotiations .
In a statement to MPs yesterday Michael Gove clarified nothing about the state of the overall negotiations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kind has been made in the joint committee of the Ireland/NI Protocol .
These ultimately depend on whether there is a Deal .
But even there is one , there will be plenty of “ friction ” going and coming in both directions We also discussed our work to implement the Northern Ireland Protocol .
The UK outlined the steps we are taking to implement new agri-food arrangements .
We acknowledged the EU ’ s concerns about appropriate monitoring of implementation , and have a better understanding of their requests and the reasoning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resolved before the end of December , we have made substantial progress on implementation .
Both sides are committed to an accelerated tempo of discussions via the Specialised Committees Tony Connelly of RTE spells out her practicalities behind the bureaucracy The EU is seeking to have some 15 customs + veterinary staff working alongside UK officials at NI ports to ensure the proper implementation of the NI Protocol , … In return the EU would drop an earlier request to have a physical office in Belfast .
Senior sources said Mr Gove promised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ side on the construction of Border Control Posts ( BCPs ) , required to facilitate EU controls on live animals , goods of animal origin and food consignments entering Northern Ireland from Great Britain .
Work also advanced on ensuring that Northern traders had the correct VAT numbers and IT system in order to be able to plug into the EU ’ s VAT system for goods..
It ’ s understood Mr Sefcovic stressed to his opposite number the importance of EU technical officials being able to monitor the work of UK officials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ amount to some 15 EU staff being able to work alongside their UK counterparts at Larne , Belfast , Warrenpoint ports and Belfast Airport , and to have access to the UK ’ s customs and veterinary database in the process .
This remains under discussion… Both sides are thought to have discussed the questions of whether or not goods moving from Northern Ireland to Great Britain would require exit summary declarations , and how supermarket consignments from GB to NI would be handled in terms of customs and regulatory checks… sources say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compromise on these issues , and that engagement would intensify , especially the role of the European Commission ’ s customs and taxation division .
It ’ s a rocky road to Christmas along more ways than through Covid .

Archbishops’ letter image. FT
The off- on- off again dance around the final stages of Brexit negotiations is taking place against a mounting clamour of confusion and anger over the crazy politics including the real implications of the threatened No Deal, about which the UK government postures so insouciantly.
UK in a Changing Europe think tank says their modelling with the LSE of the impact of a no-deal Brexit suggests the total cost to the UK economy over the longer term will be 2 to 3 times as large as that implied by the Bank of England’s forecast for the impact of Covid-19. This hasn’t fully registered with the public preoccupied with Covid.
Anger such as heard in a Lords debate yesterday is concentrated on the breach of international law created by the Internal Market Bill cancelling key provisions of the Withdrawal Agreement. Removing or finessing this obstacle is essential if a deal is to be struck.
To general surprise senior clergy not normally noted for impactful statements on public affairs crystallised the issues. The joint letter from the four senior Anglican archbishops in these islands was a rare model of clarity and pulled no punches
[The bill] currently asks the country’s highest law-making body to equip a government minister to break international law. This has enormous moral, as well as political and legal, consequences.. . The Scottish Parliament and Welsh Senedd have made clear that the bill’s weakening of both the principles and the effect of devolved policymaking is of constitutional significance… Moreover, if the bill is made law without consent from devolved legislatures (as will happen if it is not amended to address their concerns), this will further undermine trust and goodwill among those who govern the different parts of the United Kingdom.”
There was no hesitation here about interfering in politics. It is a moral issue. The hand of the lead signatory John McDowell Archbishop of Armagh, can be seen in the emphasis on the Good Friday agreement
“We believe this would create a disastrous precedent. It is particularly disturbing for all of us who feel a sense of duty and responsibility to the Good Friday (Belfast) agreement..
The UK negotiated the Northern Ireland Protocol with the EU to ‘protect the 1998 Agreement in all its dimensions’.
“One year on, in this bill, the UK Government is not only preparing to break the protocol, but also to breach a fundamental tenet of the Agreement: namely by limiting the incorporation of the European Convention on Human Rights in Northern Ireland law.
“If carefully negotiated terms are not honoured and laws can be ‘legally’ broken, on what foundations does our democracy stand?”
Archbishop McDowell has form. As Bishop of Clogher last year, he twice addressed Boris Johnson in open letters on the subject of the border, first in June then in October 2019
The ground on which people build and grow in the Border region feels particularly fragile today. It is almost possible to feel the heat of the past burning the soles of our feet. So, please, in your consideration of the future of this place: tread carefully. And with deep and genuine concern I would ask you to be very conscious of the legacy your Government will leave.
He returned to the PM with an update almost a year ago on 29 October 2019
The Border does not just stretch from Warrenpoint in Co Down to Muff in Co Donegal. It goes through every village and town in Northern Ireland, and in some places in Belfast it is so hard that it takes the form of very high brick walls topped by razor wire… And like all borders, if it is to be managed peacefully, people on both sides of those dividing lines (visible and invisible) need to have confidence that their well-being means something to those who govern them. And to do that, it is necessary to talk to them and to get to know them.
When I wrote to you last, it was my sense that it was largely (though not wholly) the people on one side of the “borders” who were feeling a strange mixture of neglect and emboldenment. Today I have an equally strong feeling that it is largely (though not completely) people on the other side of the little “borders” who are feeling afraid.
In an LSE blog Prof Katy Hayward explains how amendments to the Internal Market Bill would affect Northern Ireland
The government has ‘doubled down’ on equipping of government Ministers to break the law through future secondary legislation under clauses 44 and 45. Clause 47 now explicitly disapplies section 6(1) of the Human Rights Act, which requires public authorities to act in a way that is compatible with the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) rights
These amendments have the effect of shutting off routes for legal challenges to the UKIM Bill. It was never very likely that a case would be taken on the grounds of human rights, but clause 47 now closes off the possibility of a challenge to Ministers’ use of these powers on the basis of the 1998 Good Friday/Belfast Agreement.
In recognition of the importance of the ECHR in Northern Ireland, Article 2 of the Protocol states: “The United Kingdom shall ensure that no diminution of rights, safeguards or equality of opportunity, as set out in that part of the 1998 Agreement… results from its withdrawal from the Union”. The UK Internal Market Bill now explicitly limits the incorporation of convention rights in law and the means by which holders of these rights can bring challenges before domestic courts.
Even though the UK Internal Market Bill does nothing to smooth movement of goods from GB into NI and it assumes that the Protocol will be implemented, the future economic position of Northern Ireland depends on what happens to this Bill because of its significance for the UK/EU negotiations.
In a statement to MPs yesterday Michael Gove clarified nothing about the state of the overall negotiations. But at least progress of a kind has been made in the joint committee of the Ireland/NI Protocol. These ultimately depend on whether there is a Deal. But even there is one, there will be plenty of “friction” going and coming in both directions
We also discussed our work to implement the Northern Ireland Protocol. The UK outlined the steps we are taking to implement new agri-food arrangements. We acknowledged the EU’s concerns about appropriate monitoring of implementation, and have a better understanding of their requests and the reasoning behind them..
While much remains to be resolved before the end of December, we have made substantial progress on implementation. Both sides are committed to an accelerated tempo of discussions via the Specialised Committees
Tony Connelly of RTE spells out her practicalities behind the bureaucracy
The EU is seeking to have some 15 customs + veterinary staff working alongside UK officials at NI ports to ensure the proper implementation of the NI Protocol, … In return the EU would drop an earlier request to have a physical office in Belfast.
Senior sources said Mr Gove promised an open approach to updating the EU side on the construction of Border Control Posts (BCPs), required to facilitate EU controls on live animals, goods of animal origin and food consignments entering Northern Ireland from Great Britain.
Work also advanced on ensuring that Northern traders had the correct VAT numbers and IT system in order to be able to plug into the EU’s VAT system for goods.. It’s understood Mr Sefcovic stressed to his opposite number the importance of EU technical officials being able to monitor the work of UK officials in implementing checks and controls.. This would amount to some 15 EU staff being able to work alongside their UK counterparts at Larne, Belfast, Warrenpoint ports and Belfast Airport, and to have access to the UK’s customs and veterinary database in the process. This remains under discussion…
Both sides are thought to have discussed the questions of whether or not goods moving from Northern Ireland to Great Britain would require exit summary declarations, and how supermarket consignments from GB to NI would be handled in terms of customs and regulatory checks… sources say both sides have looked at ways to compromise on these issues, and that engagement would intensify, especially the role of the European Commission’s customs and taxation division.
It’s a rocky road to Christmas along more ways than through Covid.


sluggerotoole--2020-10-21--Rant I – Handbrake Turn Tourism and Visitor Centres…

This is the first in the series of posts regarding tourism , its under-exploited potential and the wider implications of our current strategy , these posts are effectively bit-sized rants from one epic length , foamy-mouthed , ganshing session .
To the best of my knowledge Handbrake Turn Tourism was coined by my late uncle , anyway , what it pertains to is the type of tourism where tourists flock to a must-see spot ( usually a visitor centre ) , take a few selfies and then head off to the next Instagramable micro destination .
Personally , I feel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It gives the attraction in question a magnetic field to attract the ferrous tourists .
I wouldn ’ t really grumble about it if someone else is paying for it , but , as usual it ’ s coming from the public purse ( so the screw of business rates is further torqued ) .
Take for example the Heaney Centre in Bellaghy , South Derry .
It cost 4 250 000 GBP to build .
It is already over 1 million quid in the red .
It was actually built knowing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ local rates payers have to foot the bill .
Meanwhile , Bellaghy ’ s main street looks lethargic at best ( I ’ m being nice ) .
So , the tour buses will arrive , go to the world class centre , then maybe the bawn and then hightail it to the next place .
If I was to spend 5 million pounds of public money in Bellaghy I would have done the following : 1/Buy and/or compulsory purchase all the derelict pre-war era buildings and refurbish them ( then let them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ believe this would be the proper use of compulsory purchase powers ) 2/ Turn the former RUC station ( the site of the Heaney Homestead ) into a village park ( no one seems to build parks anymore ) 3/ Paint every building in the main street ( by means of incentives ) 5/ Rebuild the walls of the Moyola Estate on the Hillhead Road 6/ Purchase , reopen , renovate and lease out the Knockloughrim Windmill Tea Rooms 8/ Reduce rates for cafes , bars , hotels and restaurants in the area @ @ @ @ @ @ @ signage on businesses in the area 10/ Give away the remainder of the money as grants to locals who would renovate their old farm buildings or cottages in an authentic style .
Basically , as someone summarised to me “ make Bellaghy THE Heaney Homestead ” instead of the visitor centre .
With the above plan there would be no public servant wages to pay and people would now have a broader , nicer area to explore rather than be depressed at the sight of Bellaghy ’ s main street ( please don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) No building maintenance expenditure ( aside from the housing but at least they ’ d be paying rent ) .
3 villages would now have an aesthetic upgrade .
There would be now a tourist trail of sorts There would be a greater choice of accommodation and many more restored buildings which is exactly what tourists want to see ( do you ever go to rural France or rural Italy looking to forward to seeing modern bungalows or modern apartment blocks ? )
People would have a greater insight to ‘ Heaney @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a visitor centre .
My fear though , is that this is not unique .
I noticed a visitor centre for St Patrick ’ s grave in Downpatrick .
Let us assume that it is excellent .
The rates-payer is paying for this excellence .
So , my question would be this ; are tourists coming because of the grave ( which supposedly has the remains of St Brigid and St Brendan too ) and the county museum and the scenery and the Game of Thrones spots and the handsome old buildings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s a centre ?
Is the centre really a tipping point ?
“ No !
I don ’ t care if it ’ s near the Mournes , Killyleagh Castle , Strangford , Lecale , has beautiful streets , a museum , a Cathedral , GoT spots , a viking burial ground , a race course , a vintage railway , is near the Irish Sea and has a nice café , I ’ m not interested in Down-ruddy-Patrick !
” Would it not be better to close the centre and pump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ form of an aesthetic preservation project or even cycle paths or the vintage railway line that has a famously short amount of railway track ?
Paint the place , uniformly decorate the place , do up the old buildings and ease off on the business rates ; tourism will take care of itself .
Hence my position on the matter of visitor centres is somewhat reserved as we can achieve so much more without concentrating on them .
Why not use this money to prettify and upgrade towns & villages and let the @ @ @ @ @ @

This is the first in the series of posts regarding tourism, its under-exploited potential and the wider implications of our current strategy, these posts are effectively bit-sized rants from one epic length, foamy-mouthed, ganshing session.
To the best of my knowledge Handbrake Turn Tourism was coined by my late uncle, anyway, what it pertains to is the type of tourism where tourists flock to a must-see spot (usually a visitor centre), take a few selfies and then head off to the next Instagramable micro destination.
Personally, I feel that visitor centres contribute to this mentality. It gives the attraction in question a magnetic field to attract the ferrous tourists.
I wouldn’t really grumble about it if someone else is paying for it, but, as usual it’s coming from the public purse (so the screw of business rates is further torqued).
Take for example the Heaney Centre in Bellaghy, South Derry.
I’m told it’s a great centre. However.
It cost 4 250 000 GBP to build. It is already over 1 million quid in the red. It was actually built knowing it would be a loss-maker. The local rates payers have to foot the bill.
https://www.irishnews.com/news/northernirelandnews/2019/03/06/news/seamus-heaney-1m-in-the-red-1566034/
Meanwhile, Bellaghy’s main street looks lethargic at best (I’m being nice).
So, the tour buses will arrive, go to the world class centre, then maybe the bawn and then hightail it to the next place.
If I was to spend 5 million pounds of public money in Bellaghy I would have done the following:
1/Buy and/or compulsory purchase all the derelict pre-war era buildings and refurbish them (then let them out as social housing, as I believe this would be the proper use of compulsory purchase powers)
2/ Turn the former RUC station (the site of the Heaney Homestead) into a village park (no one seems to build parks anymore)
3/ Paint every building in the main street (by means of incentives)
4/ Beautify the area around Devlin’s Forge https://www.midulstercouncil.org/visitor/places-to-visit/ancient-ulster/the-forge
5/ Rebuild the walls of the Moyola Estate on the Hillhead Road
6/ Purchase, reopen, renovate and lease out the Knockloughrim Windmill Tea Rooms
7/ Apply similar aesthetic measures to Castledawson
8/ Reduce rates for cafes, bars, hotels and restaurants in the area
9/ Pay for uniformed, old school signage on businesses in the area
10/ Give away the remainder of the money as grants to locals who would renovate their old farm buildings or cottages in an authentic style.
Basically, as someone summarised to me “make Bellaghy THE Heaney Homestead” instead of the visitor centre.
With the above plan there would be no public servant wages to pay and people would now have a broader, nicer area to explore rather than be depressed at the sight of Bellaghy’s main street (please don’t even pretend to be offended)
No building maintenance expenditure (aside from the housing but at least they’d be paying rent).
3 villages would now have an aesthetic upgrade.
There would be now a tourist trail of sorts
There would be a greater choice of accommodation and many more restored buildings which is exactly what tourists want to see (do you ever go to rural France or rural Italy looking to forward to seeing modern bungalows or modern apartment blocks?)
Local businesses would benefit
People would have a greater insight to ‘Heaney Country’, not just the inside of a visitor centre.
The Fear
My fear though, is that this is not unique. I noticed a visitor centre for St Patrick’s grave in Downpatrick.
Let us assume that it is excellent. The rates-payer is paying for this excellence.
So, my question would be this; are tourists coming because of the grave (which supposedly has the remains of St Brigid and St Brendan too) and the county museum and the scenery and the Game of Thrones spots and the handsome old buildings and the county museum or because there’s a centre?
Is the centre really a tipping point?
“No! I don’t care if it’s near the Mournes, Killyleagh Castle, Strangford, Lecale, has beautiful streets, a museum, a Cathedral, GoT spots, a viking burial ground, a race course, a vintage railway, is near the Irish Sea and has a nice café, I’m not interested in Down-ruddy-Patrick!”
“It has a visitor centre”
“What?! Okay, I’ll fetch my car keys!!!”
This is a conversation I don’t envisage.
Would it not be better to close the centre and pump the money back into Downpatrick in the form of an aesthetic preservation project or even cycle paths or the vintage railway line that has a famously short amount of railway track?
Paint the place, uniformly decorate the place, do up the old buildings and ease off on the business rates; tourism will take care of itself.
Hence my position on the matter of visitor centres is somewhat reserved as we can achieve so much more without concentrating on them.
Why not use this money to prettify and upgrade towns & villages and let the private sector do the rest?


sluggerotoole--2020-10-21--#TheReset: NI’s opportunity lies in attracting new people as well as new jobs

Today I spoke with my old friend and Lagan College alumnus Shane Greer , who now owns and publishes Campaigns and Elections Magazine and lives and works in Washington DC about whether in order for Northern Ireland to get a good reset we need to think more globally , not to mention bigly .
The main impetus for the start of the discussion was his recent Reset essay on what he sees as a live opportunity to exploit the new home working arrangements rapidly being put in place bring well-heeled consumers from wherever they are in the world into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cover : • In Northern Ireland , we spend too much time thinking about how things were in the past , too much time discussing things now and how they are , and too little time planning for a future and which is arriving at a far greater speed than most of us can keep up .
• Most quickly of all work is changing .
More people are shifting to remote working , which means , one more people are going to be able to work wherever they want , and two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wherever they want they are going to need the kinds of infrastructure that facilitates that .
• This , Shane argues , that as well as a job creation strategy we ought to have a people attraction strategy , bringing in high-value individuals from wherever in the world they want to come from .
Think of them like seeds for a whole series of journeys we have yet to imagine going on .
I was most interested in the implications of shifting the business pitch from corporates to real people looking for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enjoy the best that living in Northern Ireland might have to offer .
Of course , there are strengths , not least Northern Ireland ’ s lower cost of living .
But there are also considerable deficits that would have to be covered in order to make living in remote , rural , and/or western locations , in transport , broadband , and water infrastructure .
In anticipating changes in labour market structures early it could allow us to work with the grain of global change .
As CFO ’ s move staff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ locality elsewhere takes on a more economically viable face .
Why pay London prices for accommodation when you can afford far more space , better education for your kids , and better access to the country by relocating to ( London ) derry ?
If you would like to get involved in # TheReset with Ulster Bank either as an individual or as part of an organisation , please do get in touch by emailing us at [ email protected ] with an idea for inclusion in a range of articles or events @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meantime , you can catch up on Cargo of Bricks and In Conversation and subscribe on Apple Podcasts | Google Podcasts , Spotify , or wherever you get your quality podcasts .

Today I spoke with my old friend and Lagan College alumnus Shane Greer, who now owns and publishes Campaigns and Elections Magazine and lives and works in Washington DC about whether in order for Northern Ireland to get a good reset we need to think more globally, not to mention bigly.
The main impetus for the start of the discussion was his recent Reset essay on what he sees as a live opportunity to exploit the new home working arrangements rapidly being put in place bring well-heeled consumers from wherever they are in the world into the Northern Ireland economy.
Powered by RedCircle
In it we cover:
In Northern Ireland, we spend too much time thinking about how things were in the past, too much time discussing things now and how they are, and too little time planning for a future and which is arriving at a far greater speed than most of us can keep up.
Most quickly of all work is changing. More people are shifting to remote working, which means, one more people are going to be able to work wherever they want, and two, if they are going to work wherever they want they are going to need the kinds of infrastructure that facilitates that.
This, Shane argues, that as well as a job creation strategy we ought to have a people attraction strategy, bringing in high-value individuals from wherever in the world they want to come from. Think of them like seeds for a whole series of journeys we have yet to imagine going on.
I was most interested in the implications of shifting the business pitch from corporates to real people looking for the kind of people wh0 might want to enjoy the best that living in Northern Ireland might have to offer. Of course, there are strengths, not least Northern Ireland’s lower cost of living.
But there are also considerable deficits that would have to be covered in order to make living in remote, rural, and/or western locations, in transport, broadband, and water infrastructure. In anticipating changes in labour market structures early it could allow us to work with the grain of global change.
As CFO’s move staff out of big centres of populations, locality elsewhere takes on a more economically viable face. Why pay London prices for accommodation when you can afford far more space, better education for your kids, and better access to the country by relocating to (London)derry?
If you would like to get involved in #TheReset with Ulster Bank either as an individual or as part of an organisation, please do get in touch by emailing us at [email protected] with an idea for inclusion in a range of articles or events over September and October.
In the meantime, you can catch up on Cargo of Bricks and In Conversation and subscribe on Apple Podcasts | Google Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you get your quality podcasts.


sluggerotoole--2020-10-21--Department of Health release evidence bank for COVID 19 decisions

The Department of Health have released some of the evidence bank showing how they have made some of the decisions around lockdowns .
You can read it here and it ’ s important to note that other aspects of it have not been released .
There was a good debate about this on todays first hour of Talkback which is worth listening to .
Some of the evidence bases that caught my eye were ; I cite these as the first one has gotten the sector up in arms about why they have been closed and the second one is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ although there are less restrictions .
The evidence base in here brings home one thing ; the need for an effective track and trace system so we can pint point exactly where outbreaks happen and in what settings .
As John Campbell pointed out on Talkback today , the hoper is a mix of everything together will hopefully bring the R rate down ( for a while ) .
It is worth you while reading through it all .
Some parts of it will confuse you and others will make you bewildered about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sat around the Executive table .
The Health Minister , Robin Swann has commented on the document ; “ I understand the focus on one particular document – the September 24 paper which set out potential options for the NI Executive .
This was actually a summary of SAGE evidence which had already been placed in the public domain .
“ It would be unfortunate if the content and context of this September 24 paper was misrepresented .
For the record , it uses the word anecdotal just once .
“ What it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ extremely difficult choices to be made when introducing restrictions .
There are uncertainties with every option , and costs to individuals , communities and the economy .
“ An alternative to the Executive ’ s time-limited , targeted approach to restrictions would be a return to full lockdown .
I don ’ t believe any of us want that .
“ Debate is essential and I freely admit that there are no easy or good answers .
What we have to find are the least worst options .
“ What is undoubtedly true @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an option .
Avoiding hard decisions on restrictions and letting the virus spread unchecked would be catastrophic for many people – as well as for our health service and indeed the economy .
”

The Department of Health have released some of the evidence bank showing how they have made some of the decisions around lockdowns. You can read it here and it’s important to note that other aspects of it have not been released. There was a good debate about this on todays first hour of Talkback which is worth listening to.
Some of the evidence bases that caught my eye were;
Second Lockdown
I cite these as the first one has gotten the sector up in arms about why they have been closed and the second one is essentially what we are in now, although there are less restrictions. The evidence base in here brings home one thing; the need for an effective track and trace system so we can pint point exactly where outbreaks happen and in what settings. As John Campbell pointed out on Talkback today, the hoper is a mix of everything together will hopefully bring the R rate down (for a while). It is worth you while reading through it all. Some parts of it will confuse you and others will make you bewildered about what choices you would make if you sat around the Executive table.
The Health Minister, Robin Swann has commented on the document;
“I understand the focus on one particular document – the September 24 paper which set out potential options for the NI Executive. This was actually a summary of SAGE evidence which had already been placed in the public domain. “It would be unfortunate if the content and context of this September 24 paper was misrepresented. For the record, it uses the word anecdotal just once. “What it does starkly illustrate is that there are extremely difficult choices to be made when introducing restrictions. There are uncertainties with every option, and costs to individuals, communities and the economy. “An alternative to the Executive’s time-limited, targeted approach to restrictions would be a return to full lockdown. I don’t believe any of us want that. “Debate is essential and I freely admit that there are no easy or good answers. What we have to find are the least worst options. “What is undoubtedly true is that taking no action is not an option. Avoiding hard decisions on restrictions and letting the virus spread unchecked would be catastrophic for many people – as well as for our health service and indeed the economy.”


sluggerotoole--2020-10-23--What is a shared island?

What is a shared island?

I am but a mere local political commentator who occasionally gets asked to do TV and radio .
Occasionally I regurgitate my annoying opinions in written form .
Thanks to my involvement with an upcoming Institute of Irish Studies project , I got the opportunity to ask the Taoiseach about the new Shared Island Unit .
There were scenes on Whatsapp when I told my mum what I was doing .
“ Martin or Wee Higgins ?
” she texted , getting mixed up .
In his speech , Micheál Martin said he respected , “ everyone ’ s right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the constitutional future they wish for NI ” .
Along with recognising different identities , relationships and aspirations there was also a commitment to engage with women , young people and new communities .
The speech acknowledged unionists , nationalists and the neither ’ s .
£500m is being made available for cross border projects .
I asked how the unit would reach out to unionists and how they could be reassured .
The Taoiseach made it very clear that he wouldn ’ t be pushing for a border poll within the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spoke of his admiration for Seamus Mallon and how he approached the issue .
Significantly , I thought , he recognised that unionists need space to engage .
From a pro union/unionist perspective , I thought the speech was encouraging and positive .
His answer to my question was very thoughtful .
I agree with Mick here that , “ Under Martin , the Irish Government is waking up to a solemn responsibility that has been neglected or ignored.
” I wrote about the Shared Island Unit back in July .
It ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a difficult task .
How do you define a shared island ?
What does an inclusive conversation look like ?
The latter question seemed to dominate discussion after the speech .
Micheál Martin was asked whether he ’ d forgotten about a united Ireland .
His said he was focused on the Good Friday Agreement and that the question , for him , wasn ’ t territorial .
The online reaction from some quarters was one of anger .
How , some asked , can you engage with both communities and ignore aspirations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ island , for some nationalists and republicans , means a future without a border .
For me , a shared island means acknowledging different traditions , identities and the fact that there are two jurisdictions .
Its end goal should be better relationships and understanding .
Can you have that conversation if it ’ s only being facilitated to bring about constitutional change ?
I think it would be very difficult .
A couple of years ago I said that unionists could miss out if they didn ’ t talk about a united @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but I think I should have thought about forum and the distinction between political and civic unionism .
Some asking for unionist engagement on the issue of unity do so in bad faith .
They want people to talk so they can use their participation as evidence that a united Ireland is likely .
The only unionists invited to the conversation are the ones who say the right things .
Unionists aren ’ t props .
They fear being used and rightly so .
You can see that strain of thought in Jim @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s speech .
Allister doesn ’ t speak for every unionist , but some will share his concerns .
It ’ s obvious why nationalists and republicans want the Irish government to press for a border poll .
Whatever position the Republic takes , it ’ s the Northern Ireland Secretary of State in Westminster who will make the decision .
There are two types of border polls : a discretionary one that can be called at any time and a mandatory one [ 1 ] .
The latter must be called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a united Ireland in Northern Ireland .
Because of political circumstances , nationalists and republicans are currently calling for a discretionary poll .
They ’ re not calling for a poll because they think they can win it .
They have a right to do so .
I ’ m obviously biased here , but I don ’ t think a discretionary border poll would help further the conversation proposed by the Taoiseach .
If a discretionary poll was called the legal reasoning behind the decision would be scrutinised and challenged .
Unionists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would likely boycott it .
I hate to bring the word divisive into this , because all polls are divisive by their very nature , but a discretionary poll would be very divisive .
Where do our aspirations fit in then , nationalists and republicans will ask ?
It ’ s a fair point .
Can you talk about a sharing while others campaign for a united Ireland elsewhere ?
Can the unit survive a new government ?
The real test will come if Mary Lou McDonald becomes Taoiseach in five years ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fein doesn ’ t overcome the problems I ’ ve highlighted .
Everything comes back to that key question : how do you define a shared island ?
The unit poses a challenge for unionists as well .
The Prime Minister is encouraging them to engage .
Previous Irish governments haven ’ t made gestures like this .
Some unionists haven ’ t had a conversation about a shared island before and they ’ re going to have to interrogate their own fears .
People need to come out from behind the walls @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s meeting feel positive .
Time will tell whether the unit is successful or not .
It will be judged on its record .
Everybody will be watching to see if it delivers on the high bar it ’ s set for itself .
[ 1 ] Though my friend and constitutional lawyer Anurag Deb would argue that there ’ s only one type of poll .
“ Dáil Éireann – Election of An Taoiseach – 27 June 2020 ” by Houses of the Oireachtas is licensed under CC BY

I am but a mere local political commentator who occasionally gets asked to do TV and radio. Occasionally I regurgitate my annoying opinions in written form. Thanks to my involvement with an upcoming Institute of Irish Studies project, I got the opportunity to ask the Taoiseach about the new Shared Island Unit.
There were scenes on Whatsapp when I told my mum what I was doing. “Martin or Wee Higgins?” she texted, getting mixed up.
In his speech, Micheál Martin said he respected, “everyone’s right on the island to make the case for the constitutional future they wish for NI”. Along with recognising different identities, relationships and aspirations there was also a commitment to engage with women, young people and new communities. The speech acknowledged unionists, nationalists and the neither’s. £500m is being made available for cross border projects.
I asked how the unit would reach out to unionists and how they could be reassured. The Taoiseach made it very clear that he wouldn’t be pushing for a border poll within the current term of the Dáil. He spoke of his admiration for Seamus Mallon and how he approached the issue. Significantly, I thought, he recognised that unionists need space to engage.
From a pro union/unionist perspective, I thought the speech was encouraging and positive. His answer to my question was very thoughtful. I agree with Mick here that, “Under Martin, the Irish Government is waking up to a solemn responsibility that has been neglected or ignored.”
I wrote about the Shared Island Unit back in July. It’s safe to say that it faces a difficult task. How do you define a shared island? What does an inclusive conversation look like?
The latter question seemed to dominate discussion after the speech. Micheál Martin was asked whether he’d forgotten about a united Ireland. His said he was focused on the Good Friday Agreement and that the question, for him, wasn’t territorial. The online reaction from some quarters was one of anger. How, some asked, can you engage with both communities and ignore aspirations for a united Ireland? A shared island, for some nationalists and republicans, means a future without a border.
For me, a shared island means acknowledging different traditions, identities and the fact that there are two jurisdictions. Its end goal should be better relationships and understanding. Can you have that conversation if it’s only being facilitated to bring about constitutional change? I think it would be very difficult.
A couple of years ago I said that unionists could miss out if they didn’t talk about a united Ireland. I stand by that, but I think I should have thought about forum and the distinction between political and civic unionism. Some asking for unionist engagement on the issue of unity do so in bad faith. They want people to talk so they can use their participation as evidence that a united Ireland is likely. The only unionists invited to the conversation are the ones who say the right things.
Unionists aren’t props. They fear being used and rightly so. You can see that strain of thought in Jim Allister’s response to the Taoiseach’s speech. Allister doesn’t speak for every unionist, but some will share his concerns.
It’s obvious why nationalists and republicans want the Irish government to press for a border poll. Whatever position the Republic takes, it’s the Northern Ireland Secretary of State in Westminster who will make the decision. There are two types of border polls: a discretionary one that can be called at any time and a mandatory one[1]. The latter must be called if there’s majority support for a united Ireland in Northern Ireland.
Because of political circumstances, nationalists and republicans are currently calling for a discretionary poll. They’re not calling for a poll because they think they can win it. They have a right to do so. I’m obviously biased here, but I don’t think a discretionary border poll would help further the conversation proposed by the Taoiseach.
If a discretionary poll was called the legal reasoning behind the decision would be scrutinised and challenged. Unionists who reject the legitimacy of the poll would likely boycott it. I hate to bring the word divisive into this, because all polls are divisive by their very nature, but a discretionary poll would be very divisive.
Where do our aspirations fit in then, nationalists and republicans will ask? It’s a fair point. Can you talk about a sharing while others campaign for a united Ireland elsewhere? Can the unit survive a new government? The real test will come if Mary Lou McDonald becomes Taoiseach in five years’ time. The approach favoured by Sinn Fein doesn’t overcome the problems I’ve highlighted. Everything comes back to that key question: how do you define a shared island?
The unit poses a challenge for unionists as well. The Prime Minister is encouraging them to engage. Previous Irish governments haven’t made gestures like this. Some unionists haven’t had a conversation about a shared island before and they’re going to have to interrogate their own fears. People need to come out from behind the walls.
I came away from yesterday’s meeting feel positive. Time will tell whether the unit is successful or not. It will be judged on its record. Everybody will be watching to see if it delivers on the high bar it’s set for itself.
[1] Though my friend and constitutional lawyer Anurag Deb would argue that there’s only one type of poll.
“Dáil Éireann – Election of An Taoiseach – 27 June 2020” by Houses of the Oireachtas is licensed under CC BY


sluggerotoole--2020-10-23--If Unionism is going to defend the Union it needs to firmly separate church and state

Covid restrictions have drawbacks but afford time to clear out old materials stored for much-delayed future use .
Amongst old photographs , marked electoral registers indicative of older practices – or are they – newspaper cuttings , reports and publications by various parties and individuals , I come across fading copies of the Protestant Telegraph Vol 11 from the mid-1970s : ‘ THE TRUTH SHALL SET YOU FREE ’ is writ large under the title .
One copy from 1976 perused and the tone and tenor of the publication is laid bare .
It is pre-Trump Trumpism .
In the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political opposition of the day and claims that ‘ support for the Common Market is diminishing , ’ the bulk of the commentary , in language which to repeat would cause offence , is targeted at the Roman Catholic church in Northern Ireland , Europe and other parts of the world .
It is rhetoric and invective which reflects and nurtures sectarianism .
Associated with the late Dr Ian Paisley , the church , and the political party which he created , it is a type of Protestant Unionism which in various political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ damage the Union .
Ironically , it has also pushed people away from organised religion .
The political legacy has been apparent again in recent days .
Where this not the case , Edwin Poots MLA , the DUP Minister for Agriculture , would not be engaging in a condescending damage limitation exercise to ensure listeners that he “ cherishes his Catholic friends and neighbours.
” He can not have been unaware , given the renowned expertise of the DUP electoral bean counters , that the majority of those who live in what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ often not canvassed at election time , have in all probability been baptised as Catholic .
Given the historical pedigree of his party which struggles to engender pluralism and remains attuned to a particular brand of Protestantism , the inference would be obvious to many listeners even as some political unionists prefer not to listen to what they do not want to hear .
It has modernisers but sectarianism and communal division has been and remains too much of a political commodity within elements of the DUP for coded words not to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ point to a form of unionism wishing only to talk to itself and a throw-back to the prejudiced profiling of those marked registers .
In spite of the peace process and claims to inclusivity , it continues to live with its wounds and views politics as damage control .
This unionism fails to see that when you choose your voters and give up on some of the electorate , you effectively give up on yourself .
It is a lazy sense of preferential politics ; a product of conflicted relationships and resistance to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as worthy of engagement .
The complex nature of intertwined denominational religious affiliations that run like a faultline through this type of political conviction is leading many at the community level to prefer a civic or pro-Union stance rather than a traditional Protestant unionist identity .
In the case of religion , it has served to successfully inoculate against the potential value of beneficial insight and enlightenment .
Meanwhile , Unionist politicians , the latest being the DUP ’ s Paul Frew MLA , continue to exhibit characteristics of politico-religious grounding in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ revisit a parable in the New Testament where pouring ‘ old wine into new wineskins ’ is not advised .
They will know that to benefit from the new , the old is best discarded .
Dogma and rigidity can not be confused with fidelity , with Protestant unionism and its proponents presenting as a human barrier to progress .
Unionism in any form can not be about the preservation of the supremacy of preferred sects or factions .
It will only serve the community best where it promotes equality and policies compatible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economic well-being of a society grown tired of surviving on the edge of a precipice of uncertainty characterised by short-termism , wheeler-dealing , and cluttered mindsets that serve only to throw the community and politics into periodic distress .
It lies exposed once again that this is too often at the behest of combative and privileged unionism strong on self-righteous dogma but lacking in understanding of the need to address the needs of the whole community regardless of creed , race or political affiliation .
You can learn from the past to build @ @ @ @ @ @ @ walk into that future backwards unless you are looking at the trenches you have left behind , to realise the years you have wasted therein , Photo by Luis Quintero is licensed under CC0

Covid restrictions have drawbacks but afford time to clear out old materials stored for much-delayed future use. Amongst old photographs, marked electoral registers indicative of older practices – or are they – newspaper cuttings, reports and publications by various parties and individuals, I come across fading copies of the Protestant Telegraph Vol 11 from the mid-1970s: ‘THE TRUTH SHALL SET YOU FREE’ is writ large under the title.
One copy from 1976 perused and the tone and tenor of the publication is laid bare. It is pre-Trump Trumpism. In the midst of attacks on the government and political opposition of the day and claims that ‘support for the Common Market is diminishing,’ the bulk of the commentary, in language which to repeat would cause offence, is targeted at the Roman Catholic church in Northern Ireland, Europe and other parts of the world. It is rhetoric and invective which reflects and nurtures sectarianism.
Associated with the late Dr Ian Paisley, the church, and the political party which he created, it is a type of Protestant Unionism which in various political theatres has served to misrepresent Unionism and damage the Union. Ironically, it has also pushed people away from organised religion.
The political legacy has been apparent again in recent days. Where this not the case, Edwin Poots MLA, the DUP Minister for Agriculture, would not be engaging in a condescending damage limitation exercise to ensure listeners that he “cherishes his Catholic friends and neighbours.”
He cannot have been unaware, given the renowned expertise of the DUP electoral bean counters, that the majority of those who live in what he referred to as Nationalist areas, often not canvassed at election time, have in all probability been baptised as Catholic.
Given the historical pedigree of his party which struggles to engender pluralism and remains attuned to a particular brand of Protestantism, the inference would be obvious to many listeners even as some political unionists prefer not to listen to what they do not want to hear.
It has modernisers but sectarianism and communal division has been and remains too much of a political commodity within elements of the DUP for coded words not to be seen for what they are. They point to a form of unionism wishing only to talk to itself and a throw-back to the prejudiced profiling of those marked registers.
In spite of the peace process and claims to inclusivity, it continues to live with its wounds and views politics as damage control.
This unionism fails to see that when you choose your voters and give up on some of the electorate, you effectively give up on yourself. It is a lazy sense of preferential politics; a product of conflicted relationships and resistance to meaningful dialogue that treats one chosen constituency as worthy of engagement.
The complex nature of intertwined denominational religious affiliations that run like a faultline through this type of political conviction is leading many at the community level to prefer a civic or pro-Union stance rather than a traditional Protestant unionist identity. In the case of religion, it has served to successfully inoculate against the potential value of beneficial insight and enlightenment.
Meanwhile, Unionist politicians, the latest being the DUP’s Paul Frew MLA, continue to exhibit characteristics of politico-religious grounding in the Assembly. They would do well to revisit a parable in the New Testament where pouring ‘old wine into new wineskins’ is not advised.
They will know that to benefit from the new, the old is best discarded. Dogma and rigidity cannot be confused with fidelity, with Protestant unionism and its proponents presenting as a human barrier to progress. Unionism in any form cannot be about the preservation of the supremacy of preferred sects or factions.
It will only serve the community best where it promotes equality and policies compatible with welfare, education, and the economic well-being of a society grown tired of surviving on the edge of a precipice of uncertainty characterised by short-termism, wheeler-dealing, and cluttered mindsets that serve only to throw the community and politics into periodic distress.
It lies exposed once again that this is too often at the behest of combative and privileged unionism strong on self-righteous dogma but lacking in understanding of the need to address the needs of the whole community regardless of creed, race or political affiliation.
You can learn from the past to build a better future but you cannot walk into that future backwards unless you are looking at the trenches you have left behind, to realise the years you have wasted therein,
Photo by Luis Quintero is licensed under CC0


sluggerotoole--2020-10-23--Micheál Martin offers a hand to shift us from “post conflict island” to “a shared home place”…

Here ’ s a simple question .
What was Dublin ’ s northern policy before Micheál doubled its budget from €500,000,000 to €1 billion pa for the next five years ?
I asked a unionist friend that question earlier today , after I ’ d sent on a copy of his speech launching the Shared Island Unit .
His reply , “ nothing ” .
Harsh , but hardly unfair .
The original sum was not nothing , but , what was it for ?
How had policy changed after Fianna Fáil left in 2011 ?
It ’ s hard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s policy beyond accomodating itself to successive emanating waves of controversy ( including the collapse of the GFA ) from NI .
This budgetary commitment alone is a clear indication that is a big shift from business as usual .
Martin seems to want to leave a permanent enough stamp on this government ’ s tenure that it will endure his standing down at the end of 2022 .
Contrary to the cynics ’ expectation , the Shared Island Unit has teeth .
In Dublin Castle the SIU will operate through the Office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ role in the heart of government , demanding that departments at least consider new policy developments in the light of this shared island agenda , along with a very public space for facilitating consultation and dialogue .
Martin also made it clear that this means that the Unit ’ s core budgets can be augmented by core budgets from health , education , transport , higher education etc..
He also estimates with a new round of Peace funding from the EU and the UK , that almost the same again may become available @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is waking up to a solemn responsibility that has been neglected or ignored .
In essence , within the Republic , the Belfast Agreement is to be restored as a foundational document for the regulation of relations within , and between , these islands , its three strands of that Agreement , says Martin , are key to the effective moderation of the shocks that will almost certainly come ahead .
If ongoing relations with the UK are ( post-Brexit ) are to become deeply embedded in the three-stranded institutions of 1998 then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ institutions for narrow party political gain , it will be a matter of national controversy in the south as well as Northern Ireland .
Making north-south policy meaningful means the creation of real connections around real and identifiable needs of people in the north and the south .
He seems determined to engage with those 1.3 million who have been born on the island since the Belfast Agreement who will shape the next 30 years .
But he hasn ’ t taken his eye off the populist threat to our collective futures… As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Centre webinar yesterday on populism and European parallels with Trump here ( 1.13 in ) in being left to their own devices all the two dominant populist parties in Northern Ireland can cynically boast is that they stopped each other from actually getting anything done .
Some nationalist discourses seem pietistic and unworldly to the extent of wondering why anyone would ask the burghers of Coleraine or Newtownards what they think about anything as banal as a shared future .
The toughest legacies of the troubles are that groupthink [ T ] rumps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of what Ed Straw in our next Cargo of Bricks podcast next week terms an ‘ end-stage fallacy ’ in that you assume that by pulling one or two levers on the policy slot machine ( a border poll , or even more risibly , a government white paper ) you can get the outcome you want .
Actually , just talking about a united Ireland prolongs its eventual arrival because it bars to the way to collective action on the shared interest we already have in the near term , so that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and in the real world , such fantasies that fail to move reality may die .
In systems thinking , which is really the focus of that podcast next week , instead of trying to fix one problem at a time bureaucratically ( and creating one almighty mess behind the wall ) you take a broader view of “ the single great problem ” to take in the contextual landscape and fix stuff by changing that .
It starts with deliberation and even asking whether or not we have a problem at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to start with a series of conversations amongst ordinary people to figure out what ’ s actually needed in the medium to long term .
That as Tim Bale says ( 1.09 ) requires giving up the illusion of almighty power .
There are some ready to roll projects already on the books .
The feasibility study for a high-speed rail link between Dublin and Derry ( which interestingly will run in parallel with Johnson ’ s study of a bridge across the North Channel ) , the islandwide university hub , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But the filling in of the wider context is critical .
I ’ ve always been of the view that the reason the narrow water bridge failed on the first attempt ( despite a lot of cash promised from the EU was that the case for its necessity ( and the benefits on either side ) was never properly filled out .
And so it was let go cheaply .
Conversation first is well fitted to the chaotic times we ’ re in .
As Karl Weick notes in Managing the Unexpected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the assumption that organizing emerges among agents who are loosely connected ” rather than using “ consultation ” to “ justify decisions or positions already taken ” .
Martin ’ s ambition is huge , but its success is dependent on his ability to appeal across divides and to set up an era in which Irish British co-operation works through both north-south and east-west axes .
He needs Unionists to engage constitutionally ie , through the institutions of the Belfast Agreement .
In doing so , he has a tricky legacy to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ led administration , whose consideration of unionist interests through Brexit was at best cursory and worst malign .
Take this report from 28th March 2019… As Brexit comes to a conclusion Martin is attempting to effect a profound shift in relationships on the island .
Such change won ’ t be done by words alone ( or white papers ) but by actions that make it clear there is a common interest in the shared homeplace of the island , short of constitutional change .
As the Taoiseach notes , this is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the populist rhetoric of the last few years is now deeply embedded , and where the GFA seems only like a term they only use for stuff that happens up there in ‘ the north ’ .
That can change not by rhetoric but through meaningful action .
“ We are going nowhere without each other ” “ 07.01.2012 – His Hand ” by Jlhopgood is licensed under CC BY-ND

Here’s a simple question. What was Dublin’s northern policy before Micheál doubled its budget from €500,000,000 to €1 billion pa over the next five years? I asked a unionist friend that question earlier today, after I’d sent on a copy of his speech launching the Shared Island Unit. His reply, “nothing”.
Harsh, but hardly unfair. The original sum was not nothing, but, what was it for? How had policy changed after Fianna Fáil left in 2011? It’s hard to see any shift in Dublin’s policy beyond accomodating itself to successive emanating waves of controversy (including the collapse of the GFA) from NI.
This budgetary commitment alone is a clear indication that is a big shift from business as usual. Martin seems to want to leave a permanent enough stamp on this government’s tenure that it will endure his standing down at the end of 2022. Contrary to the cynics’ expectation, the Shared Island Unit has teeth.
In Dublin Castle the SIU will operate through the Office of the Taoiseach, giving it a role in the heart of government, demanding that departments at least consider new policy developments in the light of this shared island agenda, along with a very public space for facilitating consultation and dialogue.
Martin also made it clear that this means that the Unit’s core budgets can be augmented by core budgets from health, education, transport, higher education etc.. He also estimates with a new round of Peace funding from the EU and the UK, that almost the same again may become available.
Under Martin, the Irish Government is waking up to a solemn responsibility that has been neglected or ignored.
In essence, within the Republic, the Belfast Agreement is to be restored as a foundational document for the regulation of relations within, and between, these islands, its three strands of that Agreement, says Martin, are key to the effective moderation of the shocks that will almost certainly come ahead.
If ongoing relations with the UK are (post-Brexit) are to become deeply embedded in the three-stranded institutions of 1998 then any future willful collapse of the Stormont institutions for narrow party political gain, it will be a matter of national controversy in the south as well as Northern Ireland.
Making north-south policy meaningful means the creation of real connections around real and identifiable needs of people in the north and the south. He seems determined to engage with those 1.3 million who have been born on the island since the Belfast Agreement who will shape the next 30 years.
But he hasn’t taken his eye off the populist threat to our collective futures…
The persistence of identity politics, where a position on constitutional identity is judged to be of primary importance, hindering productive discussion about policy priorities or good governance, is a challenge that we must also recognise. The tough truth is that before we even start this series, your view on the value of this work will also be different depending on whether you are in Newry or Newtownards, Coleraine or Coalisland.
As I noted in yesterday’s Clinton Centre webinar yesterday on populism and European parallels with Trump here (1.13 in) in being left to their own devices all the two dominant populist parties in Northern Ireland can cynically boast is that they stopped each other from actually getting anything done.
Some nationalist discourses seem pietistic and unworldly to the extent of wondering why anyone would ask the burghers of Coleraine or Newtownards what they think about anything as banal as a shared future. The toughest legacies of the troubles are that groupthink [T]rumps meaningful participation.
It’s part of what Ed Straw in our next Cargo of Bricks podcast next week terms an ‘end-stage fallacy’ in that you assume that by pulling one or two levers on the policy slot machine (a border poll, or even more risibly, a government white paper) you can get the outcome you want.
Actually, just talking about a united Ireland prolongs its eventual arrival because it bars to the way to collective action on the shared interest we already have in the near term, so that over time the fallacy gradually becomes fantasy, and in the real world, such fantasies that fail to move reality may die.
In systems thinking, which is really the focus of that podcast next week, instead of trying to fix one problem at a time bureaucratically (and creating one almighty mess behind the wall) you take a broader view of “the single great problem” to take in the contextual landscape and fix stuff by changing that.
It starts with deliberation and even asking whether or not we have a problem at all. Martin’s plan is to start with a series of conversations amongst ordinary people to figure out what’s actually needed in the medium to long term. That as Tim Bale says (1.09) requires giving up the illusion of almighty power.
There are some ready to roll projects already on the books. The feasibility study for a high-speed rail link between Dublin and Derry (which interestingly will run in parallel with Johnson’s study of a bridge across the North Channel), the islandwide university hub, and a cross border campus in the NW.
But the filling in of the wider context is critical. I’ve always been of the view that the reason the narrow water bridge failed on the first attempt (despite a lot of cash promised from the EU was that the case for its necessity (and the benefits on either side) was never properly filled out. And so it was let go cheaply.
Conversation first is well fitted to the chaotic times we’re in. As Karl Weick notes in Managing the Unexpected, it is best to “start with the assumption that organizing emerges among agents who are loosely connected” rather than using “consultation” to “justify decisions or positions already taken”.
Martin’s ambition is huge, but its success is dependent on his ability to appeal across divides and to set up an era in which Irish British co-operation works through both north-south and east-west axes. He needs Unionists to engage constitutionally ie, through the institutions of the Belfast Agreement.
In doing so, he has a tricky legacy to deal with from the previous Fine Gael led administration, whose consideration of unionist interests through Brexit was at best cursory and worst malign. Take this report from 28th March 2019…
As Brexit comes to a conclusion Martin is attempting to effect a profound shift in relationships on the island. Such change won’t be done by words alone (or white papers) but by actions that make it clear there is a common interest in the shared homeplace of the island, short of constitutional change.
As the Taoiseach notes, this is a huge job particularly in the south where the populist rhetoric of the last few years is now deeply embedded, and where the GFA seems only like a term they only use for stuff that happens up there in ‘the north’. That can change not by rhetoric but through meaningful action.
“We are going nowhere without each other ”
-David Ervine.
“07.01.2012 – His Hand” by Jlhopgood is licensed under CC BY-ND


sluggerotoole--2020-10-24--Robinson calls on Unionists to prepare for a potential border poll

The News Letter has a new columnist , former First Minister , Peter Robinson .
In his first column for @ @ @ @ @ a border poll and why unionism should be ready for one .
Advocating for the @ @ @ @ @ duty of those who cherish our link with Great Britain , but beyond the routine @ @ @ @ @ in preparing for the predictable showdown .
I know there are border poll deniers who @ @ @ @ @ never be called or believe that to talk about and prepare for a plebiscite creates @ @ @ @ @ arrival .
I do not subscribe to such complacent and dangerous thinking .


sluggerotoole--2020-10-25--The first Christmas Tree of the season…

The first Christmas Tree of the season…

I was out for a walk the other day , and I noticed that someone in the next street had their Christmas Tree up already .
It was an odd mashup as they also had all their Halloween decorations up .
It was likely everything in the attic was getting an airing at the one time .
In normal times you would be tempted to tut and make an observation that Christmas is getting earlier every year , but these are not normal times .
This year has been one of relentless misery and doom .
Who could blame someone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ twinkly fairy lights ?
Some people really like Christmas and find comfort in the rituals ; it gives them something to look forward to .
Then maybe there was a darker reason for the tree being up early .
Maybe some poor sod in the house will not see Christmas , I hope not .
In times of crisis , you are allowed a bit of leeway in how you celebrate the season .
The uncle and his family had their Christmas Dinner two weeks ago .
The cousin lives abroad , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ home for Christmas , so they had their dinner early .
A good night was had by all by all accounts .
Sometimes it is good to shake up the aul routine .
To be honest , I think a quieter Christmas is no bad thing .
We have turned Christmas into a long stressful forced march of consumerism with a constant round of Christmas Markets , Nights Out , Meals , presents etc .
I am sure many of us have wished for a quieter Christmas at times and this year we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ familiar with the Danish term “ hygge , ” defined as “ a quality of cosiness and comfortable conviviality that engenders a feeling of contentment or well-being.
” To cope with long winters , Danish people make their homes all cosy , so much so that many of them look forward to chilling out over the winter .
This week I discovered Walter Presents , a dapper Italian chappie who recommends the best of European drama to watch on Channel 4 .
For those of us who do not like ads , most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or Prime .
There is also quite an active Facebook group that can give you good recommendations on what to watch .
I have also been walking a lot more .
With the autumn leaves falling our parks and forests are very pretty this time of year .
There is nothing to stop you meeting up with friends or family for a good walk and a bit of chat .
Bring a flask of tea or coffee and a bar of chocolate .
After a long walk it will be the best coffee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are back open again .
You can also use the Libby app to read books on your phone or tablet and the RBDigital app that lets you read a wide range of magazines for free .
I know this pandemic and all the restrictions are incredibly stressful and annoying .
Just remember the words of Jon Kabat-Zinn – ‘ You can ’ t stop the waves , but you can learn to surf.
’ We like to overcomplicate life and look for magic bullet solutions to fix our issues , but the reality @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need already .
Nice walks , good books , an engrossing TV series , podcasts , Spotify , cooking a nice meal , getting a takeaway , chocolate , a good cup of tea or something stronger .
These are small things that get us through winter .
And remember to reduce your news consumption to a level that does not drive you demented .
While I was writing this post ‘ Life ’ s a Happy Song ’ from the Muppets movie came on Spotify .
‘ I ’ ve got everything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me ‘ seems as good a note to end on as any .
The Muppets can always put a smile on your face .
Photo by Free-Photos is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA

I was out for a walk the other day, and I noticed that someone in the next street had their Christmas Tree up already. It was an odd mashup as they also had all their Halloween decorations up. It was likely everything in the attic was getting an airing at the one time.
In normal times you would be tempted to tut and make an observation that Christmas is getting earlier every year, but these are not normal times. This year has been one of relentless misery and doom. Who could blame someone for wanting a bit of joy from twinkly fairy lights? Some people really like Christmas and find comfort in the rituals; it gives them something to look forward to.
Then maybe there was a darker reason for the tree being up early. Maybe some poor sod in the house will not see Christmas, I hope not.
In times of crisis, you are allowed a bit of leeway in how you celebrate the season. The uncle and his family had their Christmas Dinner two weeks ago. The cousin lives abroad, and she will not be able to come home for Christmas, so they had their dinner early. A good night was had by all by all accounts. Sometimes it is good to shake up the aul routine.
To be honest, I think a quieter Christmas is no bad thing. We have turned Christmas into a long stressful forced march of consumerism with a constant round of Christmas Markets, Nights Out, Meals, presents etc. I am sure many of us have wished for a quieter Christmas at times and this year we get the chance.
You are probably familiar with the Danish term “hygge,” defined as “a quality of cosiness and comfortable conviviality that engenders a feeling of contentment or well-being.” To cope with long winters, Danish people make their homes all cosy, so much so that many of them look forward to chilling out over the winter.
This week I discovered Walter Presents, a dapper Italian chappie who recommends the best of European drama to watch on Channel 4. For those of us who do not like ads, most of the shows are also on Netflix or Prime. There is also quite an active Facebook group that can give you good recommendations on what to watch.
I have also been walking a lot more. With the autumn leaves falling our parks and forests are very pretty this time of year. There is nothing to stop you meeting up with friends or family for a good walk and a bit of chat. Bring a flask of tea or coffee and a bar of chocolate. After a long walk it will be the best coffee you ever taste.
Remember the libraries are back open again. You can also use the Libby app to read books on your phone or tablet and the RBDigital app that lets you read a wide range of magazines for free.
I know this pandemic and all the restrictions are incredibly stressful and annoying. Just remember the words of Jon Kabat-Zinn – ‘You can’t stop the waves, but you can learn to surf.’
We like to overcomplicate life and look for magic bullet solutions to fix our issues, but the reality is most of us have everything we need already. Nice walks, good books, an engrossing TV series, podcasts, Spotify, cooking a nice meal, getting a takeaway, chocolate, a good cup of tea or something stronger. These are small things that get us through winter. And remember to reduce your news consumption to a level that does not drive you demented.
While I was writing this post ‘Life’s a Happy Song’ from the Muppets movie came on Spotify. ‘I’ve got everything that I need right in front of me‘ seems as good a note to end on as any. The Muppets can always put a smile on your face.
Photo by Free-Photos is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA