alternet--2020-12-17--Hedge-fund billionaire Ken Griffin is a huge fan of Sen. Kelly Loeffler —  and the timing is intrigu

Hedge-fund billionaire Ken Griffin is a huge fan of Sen. Kelly Loeffler —  and the timing is intriguing

On Oct. 9 , billionaire Ken Griffin , the head of a , gave $ 2 million to a super PAC called Georgia United Victory ( GUV ) , which had originally been launched by allies of Georgia Gov .
Brian Kemp but at the time exclusively supported Sen. Kelly Loeffler 's election campaign .
Griffin ranks among the richest people in America , and during the 2020 election cycle he spent at least $ 57 million to support conservative candidates , most of that on Republicans in tight U.S. Senate campaigns .
He donated significant sums to support Sen. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gardner of Colorado , Sen. Martha McSally of Arizona and Michigan GOP candidate John James , among others .
But his $ 2 million to GUV on Oct. 9 was one of his 10 largest contributions ever , and he had already given the Loeffler-centric PAC $ 1 million about five weeks earlier .
Most major Republican donors at that time were avoiding Loeffler 's race , a nonpartisan `` jungle primary '' in which she faced not just Democrats like the Rev .
Raphael Warnock — her current opponent in the Jan. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rep. Doug Collins , a conservative Republican closely allied with President Trump .
Furthermore , there was no indication that Loeffler needed the money .
She is the richest member of Congress , with an estimated net worth of $ 800 million .
After Kemp appointed her to the Senate last January to fill the seat left vacant by the retirement of Republican Sen. Johnny Isakson , she had promised to spend as much as $ 20 million funding her own campaign .
She consistently told voters that her independent wealth conferred an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by corporate interests .
Griffin 's donation to GUV on Oct. 9 also came one day after the Wall Street Journal that one of his companies , Citadel Securities — a separate entity from the Citadel hedge fund , which Griffin also runs — had reached an initial agreement to buy one of its competitors , a company called IMC , for a price `` in the tens of millions of dollars . ''
Citadel Securities is one of the world 's leading `` `` — meaning a company that quotes both a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trade , hoping to make a profit on the spread — and the proposed acquisition would make Citadel Securities the largest designated market maker , or DMM , on the New York Stock Exchange , with domain over trades for more than half of all securities listed on the exchange .
But before that could happen , management at the world 's most famous stock exchange — a central institution in American capitalism since its founding in 1792 — had to approve the deal .
That followed in due course , and according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of IMC was finalized on Nov. 18 .
As it happens , Kelly Loeffler 's husband , Jeffrey Sprecher , is chairman of the New York Stock Exchange — as well as founder and CEO of Intercontinental Exchange ( ICE ) , the company that has owned the exchange since acquiring it in a $ 10.9 billion deal in 2013 .
Loeffler herself sits on a Senate committee that oversees Wall Street and the financial markets .
To be clear , there is no evidence of any illegality surrounding Griffin 's contributions to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Citadel Securities/IMC deal , a spokesperson for ICE , Sprecher 's company , told Salon by email that NYSE approval `` was a straightforward , staff-driven process that had zero involvement from Jeff . ''
After considerable discussion off the record , Zia Ahmed , a spokesperson for Griffin , issued a statement placing Griffin 's donations to Loeffler in the larger context of his political giving in 2020 : Still , the circumstances and timing of the Loeffler donations remain distinctive , and serve to illustrate the haze of money , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Georgia senator , who walked away from an immensely lucrative career as a top executive within her husband 's firm when she entered politics a little less than a year ago .
Given Loeffler 's connections , as well as the government oversight she now exercises over those connections , almost every contact she has with her husband 's industry reverberates with potential conflicts of interest .
At the time of Griffin 's donations , this had been made clear in months of reporting about Loeffler 's wealth and corporate ties , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , along with several other senators , for a number of well-timed stock trades ahead of the coronavirus pandemic .
A Justice Department investigation later cleared Loeffler of criminal wrongdoing , but she and her husband liquidated all individual stocks — except for their shares of Sprecher 's firm , Intercontinental Exchange , the parent company of NYSE .
On Nov. 18 , the same day that Citadel Securities formally announced its purchase of IMC , with the runoff campaign between Loeffler and Warnock underway , Griffin gave $ 5,600 to the Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to support both Loeffler and Perdue ( who also faces a Jan. 5 runoff ) .
That curious amount may reflect a misunderstanding : A PAC can accept much larger sums , but in this instance Griffin gave the maximum any individual could have donated directly to the two runoff candidates .
The NYSE says that DMM firms like Citadel Securities are `` the cornerstone of the NYSE market model . ''
DMMs analyze market data to match buyers with sellers , executing trades both manually and electronically in real time , sometimes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ matchmaking also helps limit volatility , such as during this year , which has proved a boom time for Citadel .
In return , DMMs collect small fees on massive numbers of transactions , scrape potentially useful data and , to some degree , shape markets .
Citadel Securities , however , also excels in high-frequency trading , where nanoseconds can make a difference .
The combination presents the firm with a virtually inimitable advantage that has vaulted it to the top of its industry .
Ben Edwards , a securities law expert @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nevada School of Law , told Salon that Citadel 's purchase of IMC would give it a greater presence into the market , especially with the recent rise of app-based trading , an emergent focus for Citadel .
`` As Citadel grows in size , its view of the market also expands — likely allowing Citadel to become even more efficient in market making and high-speed trading , '' Edwards said .
`` As retail trading expands with apps like Robinhood , market makers should profit significantly by executing uninformed trades . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a consequential transaction , according to the Wall Street Journal .
It reduced the number of DMM firms on the world 's most famous stock exchange from four to three , and gave Citadel oversight of daily transactions for more than 60 % of NYSE listings , `` potentially raising concerns that the DMM business is becoming overly concentrated , '' the Journal reported .
That consolidation was unlikely to impact the real-time experience of regular investors , Edwards told Salon , but the NYSE might see it as beneficial synchronicity .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ acquisition of a market maker because it aligns their interests to a greater degree , '' he said .
`` Although Citadel and NYSE may not always agree , Citadel 's purchase of a NYSE market maker likely means that Citadel is n't going to undermine the NYSE or try to shift order flow away from the NYSE .
If they did , it would result in less business for their market-making subsidiary . ''
Last year Citadel joined a number of other major firms — such as Merrill Lynch , JPMorgan , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in opening its own exchange , MEMX , that would compete with the NYSE directly .
`` We will not fight it , '' Sprecher on a call with investors after the MEMX announcement , a notably different approach than his purported detachment from Citadel Securities ' bid for IMC .
`` We think it has spillover benefits for the New York Stock Exchange . ''
Sprecher and Griffin were the top two donors to Georgia United Victory , the pro-Loeffler PAC .
The third-biggest donor gave $ 500,000 .
Again , Griffin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the 2020 election cycle , ranking sixth out of all Americans , according to data compiled by .
Sprecher , too , has spent tens of millions of dollars , much of it on his wife 's campaign .
But it 's also true that before the Nov. 3 general election , GUV apparently received contributions from only a few donors .
In the four months between the PAC 's July launch and Election Day , Griffin and Sprecher were among only 26 contributors .
Griffin 's $ 3 million was exceeded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , with all other GUV donors chipping in a combined total of about $ 3 million .
Otherwise , as mentioned above , major Republican donors mostly stayed away from Loeffler during the `` jungle primary . ''
That was n't true of Griffin : Two of his went to Loeffler , with the rest going to national Republican-oriented committees and to a PAC supporting John James , the Republican candidate taking on Democratic Sen. Gary Peters in Michigan .
In the period before the Nov. 3 election , GUV entirely deployed its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Loeffler 's principal Republican opponent , and did not spend a dime attacking Warnock or any other Democrat .
From Election Day onward , GUV raised only about $ 2 million — and that came from 850 individual contributions , which together account for less than Griffin 's two contributions before the election .
Collins attacked Loeffler 's wealth and her stock trading scandal throughout the fall campaign .
`` Raising money — especially from small donors — is a great barometer of support and it is clear that Doug has a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Collins campaign spokesperson Dan McLagan told ABC News in July .
`` Kelly Loeffler is mainly supported by Kelly Loeffler , her super wealthy stock-exchange-owning husband and a bunch of lobbyists .
She leads a very small and lonely parade . ''
Collins , however , had also vigorously supported President Trump 's 2017 tax bill , which disproportionately benefited corporate and financial interests and multinational firms .
Between 2014 and 2016 , Collins voted against multiple efforts to close offshore tax loopholes like the ones Loeffler and Sprecher have so successfully @ @ @ @ @ @ @ words , there are no obvious political or ideological reasons why Ken Griffin would value Kelly Loeffler so much higher than Doug Collins , or why he was evidently so much more invested in her success than were other GOP mega-donors .
As noted above , however , Loeffler sits on the Senate committee that conducts oversight of stock trading .
`` It 's safe to assume that the donations are being made because Citadel stands to benefit by keeping her in office , '' Edwards told Salon .
`` It may be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ control over the Senate .
If Sen. Sherrod Brown [ a liberal Ohio Democrat ] gained control of the Senate Banking Committee , it could create political risk and increased oversight for the industry .
Griffin may also believe that she 's more likely to understand and support their industry than most because of her prior work and husband . ''
Loeffler estimated wealth of $ 800 million makes her by far the richest member of the Senate , but that 's only 4 % of Griffin 's Bloomberg-estimated net worth of $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the 50 richest people in the U.S. For millions of Americans , 2020 has been a financial nightmare , but for Griffin — who last year bought the most expensive home in the country , a Manhattan penthouse — it has been a bonanza .
The acceleration in stock transactions has made Citadel Securities one of the financial world 's of 2020 : The firm doubled its profits in the first half of the year as compared to 2019 , increasing Griffin 's personal net worth by about a third , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` Sen. Loeffler 's close familial ties to market makers and the NYSE may make it less likely that she 'd consider policy reforms which might benefit the public and hurt Griffin 's business , '' Edwards said .
`` For example , a transaction-based tax would likely significantly shrink overall trading volume .
That is n't something I 'd expect her , Griffin or the NYSE to support . ''
While Griffin 's $ 3 million might seem like pocket change for someone with his immense wealth , it is not paltry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political campaigns .
Loeffler 's campaign , for instance , raised $ 28 million in total , and only $ 3.8 million of that amount came from individual contributions .
Another $ 23 million came from the candidate herself .
The Loeffler campaign did not reply to Salon 's request for comment .
Citadel Securities eventually provided a comment from Griffin 's spokesperson , printed above in full .

On Oct. 9, billionaire Ken Griffin, the head of a multinational financial services company , gave $2 million to a super PAC called Georgia United Victory (GUV), which had originally been launched by allies of Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp but at the time exclusively supported Sen. Kelly Loeffler's election campaign.
Griffin ranks among the richest people in America, and during the 2020 election cycle he spent at least $57 million to support conservative candidates, most of that on Republicans in tight U.S. Senate campaigns. He donated significant sums to support Sen. Susan Collins of Maine, Sen. Cory Gardner of Colorado, Sen. Martha McSally of Arizona and Michigan GOP candidate John James, among others. But his $2 million to GUV on Oct. 9 was one of his 10 largest contributions ever, and he had already given the Loeffler-centric PAC $1 million about five weeks earlier.
Most major Republican donors at that time were avoiding Loeffler's race, a nonpartisan "jungle primary" in which she faced not just Democrats like the Rev. Raphael Warnock — her current opponent in the Jan. 5 Georgia runoff election — but also Rep. Doug Collins, a conservative Republican closely allied with President Trump.
Furthermore, there was no indication that Loeffler needed the money. She is the richest member of Congress, with an estimated net worth of $800 million. After Kemp appointed her to the Senate last January to fill the seat left vacant by the retirement of Republican Sen. Johnny Isakson, she had promised to spend as much as $20 million funding her own campaign. She consistently told voters that her independent wealth conferred an advantage: She would not be bought by corporate interests.
Griffin's donation to GUV on Oct. 9 also came one day after the Wall Street Journal reported that one of his companies, Citadel Securities — a separate entity from the Citadel hedge fund, which Griffin also runs — had reached an initial agreement to buy one of its competitors, a company called IMC, for a price "in the tens of millions of dollars."
Citadel Securities is one of the world's leading " market makers " — meaning a company that quotes both a buy and a sell price for a trade, hoping to make a profit on the spread — and the proposed acquisition would make Citadel Securities the largest designated market maker, or DMM, on the New York Stock Exchange, with domain over trades for more than half of all securities listed on the exchange.
But before that could happen, management at the world's most famous stock exchange — a central institution in American capitalism since its founding in 1792 — had to approve the deal. That followed in due course, and according to a Citadel Securities press release , the acquisition of IMC was finalized on Nov. 18.
As it happens, Kelly Loeffler's husband, Jeffrey Sprecher, is chairman of the New York Stock Exchange — as well as founder and CEO of Intercontinental Exchange (ICE), the company that has owned the exchange since acquiring it in a $10.9 billion deal in 2013. Loeffler herself sits on a Senate committee that oversees Wall Street and the financial markets.
To be clear, there is no evidence of any illegality surrounding Griffin's contributions to the Loeffler super PAC. As for the Citadel Securities/IMC deal, a spokesperson for ICE, Sprecher's company, told Salon by email that NYSE approval "was a straightforward, staff-driven process that had zero involvement from Jeff."
After considerable discussion off the record, Zia Ahmed, a spokesperson for Griffin, issued a statement placing Griffin's donations to Loeffler in the larger context of his political giving in 2020:
Ken supported several diverse and talented Republican candidates in highly-contested races for Senate this year, including Sens. Collins, [Joni] Ernst and McSally, as well as John James. Sen. Loeffler is a successful businesswoman and an exceptionally strong member of the Senate, and Ken supported both Sen. Loeffler and Sen. [David] Perdue in the general and runoff elections.
Still, the circumstances and timing of the Loeffler donations remain distinctive, and serve to illustrate the haze of money, power and influence that surround the newly-minted Georgia senator, who walked away from an immensely lucrative career as a top executive within her husband's firm when she entered politics a little less than a year ago. Given Loeffler's connections, as well as the government oversight she now exercises over those connections, almost every contact she has with her husband's industry reverberates with potential conflicts of interest.
At the time of Griffin's donations, this had been made clear in months of reporting about Loeffler's wealth and corporate ties, as well as the widespread scrutiny she drew, along with several other senators, for a number of well-timed stock trades ahead of the coronavirus pandemic.
A Justice Department investigation later cleared Loeffler of criminal wrongdoing, but she and her husband liquidated all individual stocks — except for their shares of Sprecher's firm, Intercontinental Exchange, the parent company of NYSE.
On Nov. 18, the same day that Citadel Securities formally announced its purchase of IMC, with the runoff campaign between Loeffler and Warnock underway, Griffin gave $5,600 to the Senate Georgia Battleground Fund, a PAC established to support both Loeffler and Perdue (who also faces a Jan. 5 runoff). That curious amount may reflect a misunderstanding: A PAC can accept much larger sums, but in this instance Griffin gave the maximum any individual could have donated directly to the two runoff candidates.
The NYSE says that DMM firms like Citadel Securities are "the cornerstone of the NYSE market model." DMMs analyze market data to match buyers with sellers, executing trades both manually and electronically in real time, sometimes in flashes of a second. Their matchmaking also helps limit volatility, such as during this year, which has proved a boom time for Citadel. In return, DMMs collect small fees on massive numbers of transactions, scrape potentially useful data and, to some degree, shape markets.
Citadel Securities, however, also excels in high-frequency trading, where nanoseconds can make a difference. The combination presents the firm with a virtually inimitable advantage that has vaulted it to the top of its industry.
Ben Edwards, a securities law expert and professor at University of Las Vegas Nevada School of Law, told Salon that Citadel's purchase of IMC would give it a greater presence into the market, especially with the recent rise of app-based trading, an emergent focus for Citadel.
"As Citadel grows in size, its view of the market also expands — likely allowing Citadel to become even more efficient in market making and high-speed trading," Edwards said. "As retail trading expands with apps like Robinhood, market makers should profit significantly by executing uninformed trades."
Citadel Securities' buyout of IMC was a consequential transaction, according to the Wall Street Journal. It reduced the number of DMM firms on the world's most famous stock exchange from four to three, and gave Citadel oversight of daily transactions for more than 60% of NYSE listings, "potentially raising concerns that the DMM business is becoming overly concentrated," the Journal reported.
That consolidation was unlikely to impact the real-time experience of regular investors, Edwards told Salon, but the NYSE might see it as beneficial synchronicity.
"The NYSE may actually welcome Citadel's acquisition of a market maker because it aligns their interests to a greater degree," he said. "Although Citadel and NYSE may not always agree, Citadel's purchase of a NYSE market maker likely means that Citadel isn't going to undermine the NYSE or try to shift order flow away from the NYSE. If they did, it would result in less business for their market-making subsidiary."
Last year Citadel joined a number of other major firms — such as Merrill Lynch, JPMorgan, Fidelity Investments and Bank of America — in opening its own exchange, MEMX, that would compete with the NYSE directly.
"We will not fight it," Sprecher said on a call with investors after the MEMX announcement, a notably different approach than his purported detachment from Citadel Securities' bid for IMC. "We think it has spillover benefits for the New York Stock Exchange."
Sprecher and Griffin were the top two donors to Georgia United Victory, the pro-Loeffler PAC. The third-biggest donor gave $500,000. Again, Griffin was one of the biggest individual donors of the 2020 election cycle, ranking sixth out of all Americans, according to data compiled by OpenSecrets . Sprecher, too, has spent tens of millions of dollars, much of it on his wife's campaign.
But it's also true that before the Nov. 3 general election, GUV apparently received contributions from only a few donors. In the four months between the PAC's July launch and Election Day, Griffin and Sprecher were among only 26 contributors. Griffin's $3 million was exceeded only by Sprecher's $10.5 million, with all other GUV donors chipping in a combined total of about $3 million.
Otherwise, as mentioned above, major Republican donors mostly stayed away from Loeffler during the "jungle primary." That wasn't true of Griffin: Two of his 10 largest donations went to Loeffler, with the rest going to national Republican-oriented committees and to a PAC supporting John James, the Republican candidate taking on Democratic Sen. Gary Peters in Michigan.
In the period before the Nov. 3 election, GUV entirely deployed its resources in going after Rep. Doug Collins, Loeffler's principal Republican opponent, and did not spend a dime attacking Warnock or any other Democrat. From Election Day onward, GUV raised only about $2 million — and that came from 850 individual contributions, which together account for less than Griffin's two contributions before the election.
Collins attacked Loeffler's wealth and her stock trading scandal throughout the fall campaign. "Raising money — especially from small donors — is a great barometer of support and it is clear that Doug has a dedicated grassroots army marching with him," Collins campaign spokesperson Dan McLagan told ABC News in July. "Kelly Loeffler is mainly supported by Kelly Loeffler, her super wealthy stock-exchange-owning husband and a bunch of lobbyists. She leads a very small and lonely parade."
Collins, however, had also vigorously supported President Trump's 2017 tax bill, which disproportionately benefited corporate and financial interests and multinational firms. Between 2014 and 2016, Collins voted against multiple efforts to close offshore tax loopholes like the ones Loeffler and Sprecher have so successfully marketed through Intercontinental Exchange.
In other words, there are no obvious political or ideological reasons why Ken Griffin would value Kelly Loeffler so much higher than Doug Collins, or why he was evidently so much more invested in her success than were other GOP mega-donors. As noted above, however, Loeffler sits on the Senate committee that conducts oversight of stock trading.
"It's safe to assume that the donations are being made because Citadel stands to benefit by keeping her in office," Edwards told Salon. "It may be as simple as desiring to keep Republican control over the Senate. If Sen. Sherrod Brown [a liberal Ohio Democrat] gained control of the Senate Banking Committee, it could create political risk and increased oversight for the industry. Griffin may also believe that she's more likely to understand and support their industry than most because of her prior work and husband."
Loeffler estimated wealth of $800 million makes her by far the richest member of the Senate, but that's only 4% of Griffin's Bloomberg-estimated net worth of $20 billion, which makes him one of the 50 richest people in the U.S.
For millions of Americans, 2020 has been a financial nightmare, but for Griffin — who last year bought the most expensive home in the country , a Manhattan penthouse — it has been a bonanza. The acceleration in stock transactions has made Citadel Securities one of the financial world's biggest winners of 2020: The firm doubled its profits in the first half of the year as compared to 2019, increasing Griffin's personal net worth by about a third, or $5 billion, according to Bloomberg .
"Sen. Loeffler's close familial ties to market makers and the NYSE may make it less likely that she'd consider policy reforms which might benefit the public and hurt Griffin's business," Edwards said. "For example, a transaction-based tax would likely significantly shrink overall trading volume. That isn't something I'd expect her, Griffin or the NYSE to support."
While Griffin's $3 million might seem like pocket change for someone with his immense wealth, it is not paltry to most Americans, or to most political campaigns. Loeffler's campaign, for instance, raised $28 million in total, and only $3.8 million of that amount came from individual contributions. Another $23 million came from the candidate herself.
The Loeffler campaign did not reply to Salon's request for comment. Citadel Securities eventually provided a comment from Griffin's spokesperson, printed above in full.


alternet--2020-12-17--Medical experts fact-check Trump official who pushed herd immunity by saying 'we want them infected'

A Trump appointee inside the Dept .
of Health and Human Services was actively pushing the fallacious policy known as `` herd immunity , '' and specifically said `` we want them infected '' with the coronavirus .
That appointee , science adviser Paul Alexander , was a top aide to Michael Caputo .
Caputo , who is not a medical expert but a political strategist and lobbyist , served as President Donald Trump 's eyes and ears inside HHS until his sudden medical leave of absence after a major scandal .
`` There is no other way , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and it only comes about allowing the non-high risk groups expose themselves to the virus .
PERIOD , '' the July 4 email from Alexander to Caputo and six other HHS officials reads , as Politico reports .
`` Infants , kids , teens , young people , young adults , middle aged with no conditions etc .
have zero to little risk….so we use them to develop herd…we want them infected… Just a few weeks later Alexander again pushed the dangerous herd immunity policy , which coincidentally is the same one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would begin to promote when he joined the White House August 1 .
`` [ I ] t may be that it will be best if we open up and flood the zone and let the kids and young folk get infected '' in order to get `` natural immunity…natural exposure , '' Alexander wrote on July 24 to Food and Drug Administration Commissioner Stephen Hahn , Caputo and eight other senior officials .
The fact that a federal government official was promoting a deadly policy of infecting Americans with a deadly virus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people in the U.S. has drawn massive outrage , especially among medical experts .
Epidemiologist and Health Economist Eric Feigl-Ding did not mince words : Dr. Angela Rasmussen , a virologist , also did not hold back .
`` Paul Alexander is an inept disgrace and he should never work in public health EVER again , '' she tweeted .
`` His ignorance of fundamental principles of virology and pathogenesis would be laughable if it was n't used to make such appalling policy recommendations .
`` More :

A Trump appointee inside the Dept. of Health and Human Services was actively pushing the fallacious policy known as "herd immunity," and specifically said "we want them infected" with the coronavirus.
That appointee, science adviser Paul Alexander, was a top aide to Michael Caputo. Caputo, who is not a medical expert but a political strategist and lobbyist, served as President Donald Trump's eyes and ears inside HHS until his sudden medical leave of absence after a major scandal.
"There is no other way, we need to establish herd [immunity], and it only comes about allowing the non-high risk groups expose themselves to the virus. PERIOD," the July 4 email from Alexander to Caputo and six other HHS officials reads, as Politico reports.
"Infants, kids, teens, young people, young adults, middle aged with no conditions etc. have zero to little risk….so we use them to develop herd…we want them infected…
Just a few weeks later Alexander again pushed the dangerous herd immunity policy, which coincidentally is the same one disgraced now-former Trump coronavirus advisor Scott Atlas would begin to promote when he joined the White House August 1.
"[I]t may be that it will be best if we open up and flood the zone and let the kids and young folk get infected" in order to get "natural immunity…natural exposure," Alexander wrote on July 24 to Food and Drug Administration Commissioner Stephen Hahn, Caputo and eight other senior officials.
The fact that a federal government official was promoting a deadly policy of infecting Americans with a deadly virus that has already killed more than 310,000 people in the U.S. has drawn massive outrage, especially among medical experts.
Here's a sampling.
Epidemiologist and Health Economist Eric Feigl-Ding did not mince words:
Researcher, ebola and coronavirus expert, Dena Grayson, MD, PhD:
Dr. Angela Rasmussen, a virologist, also did not hold back."Paul Alexander is an inept disgrace and he should never work in public health EVER again," she tweeted . "His ignorance of fundamental principles of virology and pathogenesis would be laughable if it wasn't used to make such appalling policy recommendations."More:


alternet--2020-12-17--Outrage as Republicans try to block unemployment recipients from stimulus check: 'Gratuitously cruel

Outrage as Republicans try to block unemployment recipients from stimulus check: 'Gratuitously cruel'

Republican negotiators in Congress are reportedly trying to prevent Americans currently receiving federal unemployment insurance from also getting a direct payment under a soon-to-be-finalized relief package , apparently outraged by the notion that millions of people struggling to afford healthcare , food , and rent could obtain aid on top of their inadequate weekly jobless benefits .
As congressional leaders on Wednesday made significant progress toward a deal that would include one-time direct payments of around $ 600 per person , Senate Majority Whip John Thune ( R-S.D . )
told reporters that `` there could be language in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who receive both enhanced unemployment benefits and stimulus checks would be getting a 'double benefit , ' '' The Hill reported .
The proposed restriction immediately provoked backlash , and Democratic negotiators are reportedly confident they will be able to keep the language out of the final $ 900 billion package .
`` Imagine thinking someone who 's trying to pay the rent and buy food with $ 100 , $ 200 , or $ 300 per week is going to live high on the hog because they get an extra one-time $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a spokesperson for Senate Finance Committee Democrats .
Economist Robert Reich added that , `` funny enough , [ Republicans ] never take issue with doubling down on corporate bailouts and tax cuts for the wealthy , '' a point echoed by others .
The Republican effort to prevent desperate Americans from receiving a so-called `` double benefit '' came after the GOP already reportedly succeeded in paring back the duration of unemployment benefits in exchange for the inclusion of direct payments .
Citing unnamed people familiar with the negotiations , the Washington @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have told other lawmakers that they are planning on reducing the length of unemployment benefits by one month from the bipartisan plan , '' which proposed a four-month extension of emergency unemployment programs set to expire on December 26 .
`` That could mean that the extended benefits would expire at the end of March , '' the Post noted .
`` Such a timeline could force the incoming Biden administration to move more quickly in its effort to pass a massive stimulus bill early next year . ''
The relief agreement is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ boost to unemployment benefits—just half of the supplement that congressional Republicans allowed to expire at the end of July .
Sen. Ron Wyden ( D-Ore. ) , the top Democrat on the Senate Finance Committee , was among those who condemned the rollback , saying in a statement , `` There 's no reason whatsoever to pay for relief checks by cutting the incomes of jobless workers . ''
`` We obviously would n't set an arbitrary date to cut off access to the vaccine while Covid is still raging , '' said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ McConnell get to sabotage the economic recovery by cutting support for working people and setting arbitrary expirations ? ''
As congressional leaders from both parties voiced confidence that they are on the brink of an agreement after months of stagnation , progressives in the House and Senate welcomed the inclusion of direct payments—which they demanded as a necessary component of any deal—but criticized the emerging package as inadequate to address the public health and economic crises ravaging the nation and pushing millions into poverty .
In a speech on the Senate floor Wednesday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ —who has called for direct payments of $ 1,200 per adult and $ 500 per child—said that `` there is simply not enough money in the proposal to deal with the unprecedented crises that we now face . ''
`` It is no secret to anybody that right now at this moment in America , we face the worst set of crises that this country has seen in perhaps 100 years , '' said the Vermont senator .
`` This bill has a lot in it that is good , but given the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it simply does not go anywhere [ near ] far enough ... We 're gon na fight for more . ''

Republican negotiators in Congress are reportedly trying to prevent Americans currently receiving federal unemployment insurance from also getting a direct payment under a soon-to-be-finalized relief package, apparently outraged by the notion that millions of people struggling to afford healthcare, food, and rent could obtain aid on top of their inadequate weekly jobless benefits.
As congressional leaders on Wednesday made significant progress toward a deal that would include one-time direct payments of around $600 per person, Senate Majority Whip John Thune (R-S.D.) told reporters that "there could be language in the deal aimed at addressing concerns that people who receive both enhanced unemployment benefits and stimulus checks would be getting a 'double benefit,'" The Hill reported.
The proposed restriction immediately provoked backlash, and Democratic negotiators are reportedly confident they will be able to keep the language out of the final $900 billion package.
"Imagine thinking someone who's trying to pay the rent and buy food with $100, $200, or $300 per week is going to live high on the hog because they get an extra one-time $600," said Ashley Schapitl, a spokesperson for Senate Finance Committee Democrats.
Economist Robert Reich added that, "funny enough, [Republicans] never take issue with doubling down on corporate bailouts and tax cuts for the wealthy," a point echoed by others.
The Republican effort to prevent desperate Americans from receiving a so-called "double benefit" came after the GOP already reportedly succeeded in paring back the duration of unemployment benefits in exchange for the inclusion of direct payments.
Citing unnamed people familiar with the negotiations, the Washington Postreported Wednesday that "congressional leaders have told other lawmakers that they are planning on reducing the length of unemployment benefits by one month from the bipartisan plan," which proposed a four-month extension of emergency unemployment programs set to expire on December 26.
"That could mean that the extended benefits would expire at the end of March," the Post noted. "Such a timeline could force the incoming Biden administration to move more quickly in its effort to pass a massive stimulus bill early next year."
The relief agreement is expected to include a $300-per-week federal boost to unemployment benefits—just half of the supplement that congressional Republicans allowed to expire at the end of July.
Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), the top Democrat on the Senate Finance Committee, was among those who condemned the rollback, saying in a statement, "There's no reason whatsoever to pay for relief checks by cutting the incomes of jobless workers."
"We obviously wouldn't set an arbitrary date to cut off access to the vaccine while Covid is still raging," said Wyden, "so why does Mitch McConnell get to sabotage the economic recovery by cutting support for working people and setting arbitrary expirations?"
As congressional leaders from both parties voiced confidence that they are on the brink of an agreement after months of stagnation, progressives in the House and Senate welcomed the inclusion of direct payments—which they demanded as a necessary component of any deal—but criticized the emerging package as inadequate to address the public health and economic crises ravaging the nation and pushing millions into poverty.
In a speech on the Senate floor Wednesday, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.)—who has called for direct payments of $1,200 per adult and $500 per child—said that "there is simply not enough money in the proposal to deal with the unprecedented crises that we now face."
"It is no secret to anybody that right now at this moment in America, we face the worst set of crises that this country has seen in perhaps 100 years," said the Vermont senator. "This bill has a lot in it that is good, but given the enormity of the crises that we face, it simply does not go anywhere [near] far enough... We're gonna fight for more."


alternet--2020-12-17--GOP rep. tests positive for COVID hours after delivering pro-Trump speech to Congress

U.S. Rep. Joe Wilson , a Republican of South Carolina , has tested positive for coronavirus , just hours after he addressed Congress on Wednesday in a speech praising President Donald Trump for the COVID-19 vaccine .
`` Earlier this evening I learned that I have tested positive for COVID-19 , '' Wilson said in a statement , as The Daily Beast reports .
`` Thankfully I feel fine and do not have any symptoms . ''
He says he is quarantining .
Congressman Wilson is best known for his September , 2009 outburst during a joint session of Congress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the Affordable Care Act in an effort to get it passed , Wilson shouted `` You lie ! ''
Some members of Congress gasped .
It was a breach of congressional decorum and an act of such disrespect that Wilson received a rare reprimand .
Some had called for his censure or even ouster .
It is not known if Wilson , who is now 73 , was wearing a facemask during his speech Wednesday .
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has tightened rules on them .
Here is Wilson 's outburst 11 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ handled it , and note the look on now-President-elect Joe Biden 's face .
He later says he apologized to President Obama , but excused his own outburst by claiming `` my whole life has been built around civility . ''

U.S. Rep. Joe Wilson, a Republican of South Carolina, has tested positive for coronavirus, just hours after he addressed Congress on Wednesday in a speech praising President Donald Trump for the COVID-19 vaccine.
"Earlier this evening I learned that I have tested positive for COVID-19," Wilson said in a statement, as The Daily Beast reports. "Thankfully I feel fine and do not have any symptoms." He says he is quarantining.
Congressman Wilson is best known for his September, 2009 outburst during a joint session of Congress. As President Barack Obama was speaking about the Affordable Care Act in an effort to get it passed, Wilson shouted "You lie!"
Some members of Congress gasped. It was a breach of congressional decorum and an act of such disrespect that Wilson received a rare reprimand. Some had called for his censure or even ouster.
It is not known if Wilson, who is now 73, was wearing a facemask during his speech Wednesday. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has tightened rules on them.
Here is Wilson's outburst 11 years ago. Notice how President Obama handled it, and note the look on now-President-elect Joe Biden's face.
GOP Rep. to Obama: 'You Lie!' youtu.be
He later says he apologized to President Obama, but excused his own outburst by claiming "my whole life has been built around civility."


alternet--2020-12-17--Trump in denial: Report says he told aides he wouldn't leave the White House on Inauguration Day

An extensive CNN report Wednesday revealed that President Donald Trump has thought about staging a sit-in and refusing to leave @ @ @ @ @ Joe Biden 's inauguration .
In most presidencies , the handoff is part of a @ @ @ @ @ the outgoing president attends the day 's festivities while a SWAT-team-like moving crew helps White @ @ @ @ @ the first families and brings in the incoming president 's things , so it feels @ @ @ @ @ who continues to maintain he won the 2020 election , has told aides that he @ @ @ @ @ House on January 20.\ '' In his moments of deepest denial , '' CNN reported @ @ @ @ @ some advisers that he will refuse to leave the White House on Inauguration Day , @ @ @ @ @ from that ledge . ''
While Trump may pretend he 's going to stay in @ @ @ @ @ would n't go well for him .
As of noon on Inauguration Day , Secret @ @ @ @ @ president out .

An extensive CNN report Wednesday revealed that President Donald Trump has thought about staging a sit-in and refusing to leave the White House during President-elect Joe Biden's inauguration.
In most presidencies, the handoff is part of a peaceful transfer of power where the outgoing president attends the day's festivities while a SWAT-team-like moving crew helps White House staff pack everything of the first families and brings in the incoming president's things, so it feels like home.
Trump, who continues to maintain he won the 2020 election, has told aides that he will not leave the White House on January 20.\
"In his moments of deepest denial," CNN reported, "Trump has told some advisers that he will refuse to leave the White House on Inauguration Day, only to be walked down from that ledge."
While Trump may pretend he's going to stay in the White House, that wouldn't go well for him. As of noon on Inauguration Day, Secret Service would probably shoo the president out.


alternet--2020-12-17--The coronavirus is mutating — here's what that means

A new strain of the coronavirus may be responsible for the faster spread of the virus in London and south-east England , it has been announced .
Unconfirmed reports suggest that coronavirus variant is called N501Y .
This particular strain has been increasing in frequency since August .
The idea of a mutating virus , breaking out into new strains , is enough to scare most people .
But are these fears justified , and where do they come from ?
Surely Hollywood must bear some responsibility for our misconceptions about mutation .
After all , the concept has inspired @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Die , Monster , Die !
in 1965 through to big-budget franchises , such as X-Men .
Both tell tales of changes to DNA resulting in superhuman abilities .
Movie special-effect makers like to show these DNA changes in the most dramatic fashion possible – often accompanied by glowing colours and explosions – but real-life genetic mutations are a far more sedate affair .
So you should n't be too concerned when you hear that the coronavirus is mutating .
It is a normal part of evolution .
To understand mutations , though @ @ @ @ @ @ @ detour into the world of proteins .
Reading the side of my “ Taste of the East '' microwave lunch ( sadly eaten at home with lockdown-fatigued children rather than on the beach in the picture on the packet ) there is a single value for “ protein '' .
But the word can be misleading .
The thing on my driveway is both a car and simultaneously a type of car different from others .
The same word means both the individual and the group it belongs to .
The same applies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fifth of your body is made up of proteins .
Proteins are the molecules in your body ( or lunch ) that are made of strings of amino acids .
Protein is an umbrella term that captures everything from the protein molecules that act as enzymes in your stomach , to the structural proteins that form your skin and hair .
There are just 20 types of amino acid with which to build all the proteins on Earth .
Within these 20 , many are very similar and can be grouped into families @ @ @ @ @ @ @ positively charged ones , negatively charged ones , large ones , small ones and some with more subtle differences .
By combining these 20 amino acids in different orders and different quantities , nature creates a dazzling array of very different proteins with specific jobs within an organism .
Just as 20 types of Lego brick can be used to create a huge number of different models , the 20 types of amino acids are used to make your estimated 6 million different types of protein .
DNA , or in the case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the set of genetic instructions that tell an organism which bricks are needed and in what order to create the proteins it needs to survive .
Mutations affect these instructions , meaning the number or type of amino acids that make up a particular protein get changed .
This , in turn , has the potential to change the properties of the protein .
However , this is the Hollywood spoiler : most mutations lead to no beneficial change in the protein properties at all .
In fact , mutations that change the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to weaken the virus than strengthen it .
Only mutations that confer an advantage ( or make no difference ) persist in the DNA .
To talk of the virus having “ aims '' and “ intents '' with mutations is to talk from a human perspective .
In a similar way , there is a debate about whether the “ ultimate virus '' would be one that survived within you undetected for your entire life , or one that hops quickly and easily between new hosts .
Both would require extensive mutations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ random to be planned .
Proteins are folded into extremely complex 3D shapes , depending on the interactions between amino acids in the same string .
Changing an amino acid that is key to holding the shape together , such as swapping a positively charged one for a negatively charged one , will change that shape .
Those billions of years of molecular sculpting that allow proteins to be just the right shape to cooperate are not compatible with sudden mutations and radically different shapes .
No additional abilities , no superpowers – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as it should .
And if that protein is key to the virus infecting you ?
Good news !
That particular virus particle ca n't harm you and that mutated virus version dies out .
So how does any organism , human or virus , keep going if most mutations are bad for it ?
A common approach is to go back and fix the mutation .
When administering its system of turning the DNA code into strings of amino acids to make a protein , evolution has built in some steps to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spent billions of years refining your blueprint then you want some protection for all of that previous hard work .
Therefore , both humans and the coronaviruses have correction mechanisms for their DNA/RNA templates .
This evolutionary proofreading is there to correct the “ errors '' that would change proteins and inhibit the virus .
The proofreading also reduces the speed at which advantageous mutations are acquired .
Not all amino acids are important to the shape , and changing them does n't alter the protein .
The mutations most commonly found in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it through and become established are in the group of “ no significant change to the protein '' : swapping one large amino acid for another large amino acid .
The biological equivalent of putting different tyres on your car .
While these amino acids are different , the spike protein seems largely unchanged in how it works .
No better or worse at getting inside cells .
Viruses work through generations far faster than large organisms such as ourselves , and groups of small changes can cluster more quickly into significant differences @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the newly identified variant in the south-east of England , we have no evidence yet that this mutation makes the virus more harmful or transmissible .
Matt Webster , Head of the School of Allied Health , Anglia Ruskin University This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

by Matt Webster, Anglia Ruskin University
A new strain of the coronavirus may be responsible for the faster spread of the virus in London and south-east England, it has been announced. Unconfirmed reports suggest that coronavirus variant is called N501Y. This particular strain has been increasing in frequency since August.
The idea of a mutating virus, breaking out into new strains, is enough to scare most people. But are these fears justified, and where do they come from?
Surely Hollywood must bear some responsibility for our misconceptions about mutation. After all, the concept has inspired movie makers for decades, starting with Die, Monster, Die! in 1965 through to big-budget franchises, such as X-Men. Both tell tales of changes to DNA resulting in superhuman abilities.
Movie special-effect makers like to show these DNA changes in the most dramatic fashion possible – often accompanied by glowing colours and explosions – but real-life genetic mutations are a far more sedate affair. So you shouldn't be too concerned when you hear that the coronavirus is mutating. It is a normal part of evolution.
To understand mutations, though, we first need to take a detour into the world of proteins. Reading the side of my “Taste of the East" microwave lunch (sadly eaten at home with lockdown-fatigued children rather than on the beach in the picture on the packet) there is a single value for “protein". But the word can be misleading. The thing on my driveway is both a car and simultaneously a type of car different from others. The same word means both the individual and the group it belongs to. The same applies to the term protein.
About a fifth of your body is made up of proteins. Proteins are the molecules in your body (or lunch) that are made of strings of amino acids. Protein is an umbrella term that captures everything from the protein molecules that act as enzymes in your stomach, to the structural proteins that form your skin and hair.
There are just 20 types of amino acid with which to build all the proteins on Earth. Within these 20, many are very similar and can be grouped into families based on their properties. There are positively charged ones, negatively charged ones, large ones, small ones and some with more subtle differences.
By combining these 20 amino acids in different orders and different quantities, nature creates a dazzling array of very different proteins with specific jobs within an organism. Just as 20 types of Lego brick can be used to create a huge number of different models, the 20 types of amino acids are used to make your estimated 6 million different types of protein.
Mutating coronavirus
DNA, or in the case of the coronavirus, RNA, is the set of genetic instructions that tell an organism which bricks are needed and in what order to create the proteins it needs to survive.
Mutations affect these instructions, meaning the number or type of amino acids that make up a particular protein get changed. This, in turn, has the potential to change the properties of the protein. However, this is the Hollywood spoiler: most mutations lead to no beneficial change in the protein properties at all. In fact, mutations that change the properties of a protein are more likely to weaken the virus than strengthen it.
Only mutations that confer an advantage (or make no difference) persist in the DNA. To talk of the virus having “aims" and “intents" with mutations is to talk from a human perspective. In a similar way, there is a debate about whether the “ultimate virus" would be one that survived within you undetected for your entire life, or one that hops quickly and easily between new hosts. Both would require extensive mutations, the results of which are too random to be planned.
Proteins are folded into extremely complex 3D shapes, depending on the interactions between amino acids in the same string. Changing an amino acid that is key to holding the shape together, such as swapping a positively charged one for a negatively charged one, will change that shape.
Those billions of years of molecular sculpting that allow proteins to be just the right shape to cooperate are not compatible with sudden mutations and radically different shapes. No additional abilities, no superpowers – typically the protein just no longer fits as it should. And if that protein is key to the virus infecting you? Good news! That particular virus particle can't harm you and that mutated virus version dies out.
So how does any organism, human or virus, keep going if most mutations are bad for it? A common approach is to go back and fix the mutation.
When administering its system of turning the DNA code into strings of amino acids to make a protein, evolution has built in some steps to check for changes. If you have spent billions of years refining your blueprint then you want some protection for all of that previous hard work. Therefore, both humans and the coronaviruses have correction mechanisms for their DNA/RNA templates.
This evolutionary proofreading is there to correct the “errors" that would change proteins and inhibit the virus. The proofreading also reduces the speed at which advantageous mutations are acquired.
Not all amino acids are important to the shape, and changing them doesn't alter the protein. The mutations most commonly found in the coronavirus spike protein that have made it through and become established are in the group of “no significant change to the protein": swapping one large amino acid for another large amino acid. The biological equivalent of putting different tyres on your car. While these amino acids are different, the spike protein seems largely unchanged in how it works. No better or worse at getting inside cells.
Viruses work through generations far faster than large organisms such as ourselves, and groups of small changes can cluster more quickly into significant differences. However, in the case of the newly identified variant in the south-east of England, we have no evidence yet that this mutation makes the virus more harmful or transmissible.
Matt Webster, Head of the School of Allied Health, Anglia Ruskin University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


alternet--2020-12-17--Here's how the Bible contradicts itself over key details about Jesus' birth

Every Christmas , a relatively small town in the Palestinian West Bank comes center stage : Bethlehem .
Jesus , according to some biblical sources , was born in this town some two millennia ago .
Yet the New Testament Gospels do not agree about the details of Jesus ' birth in Bethlehem .
Some do not mention Bethlehem or Jesus ' birth at all .
The Gospels ' different views might be hard to reconcile .
But as a scholar of the New Testament , what I argue is that the Gospels offer an important insight into the Greco-Roman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Today , genealogies may bring more awareness of one 's family medical history or help uncover lost family members .
In the Greco-Roman era , birth stories and genealogical claims were used to establish rights to rule and link individuals with purported ancestral grandeur .
According to the Gospel of Matthew , the first Gospel in the canon of the New Testament , Joseph and Mary were in Bethlehem when Jesus was born .
The story begins with wise men who come to the city of Jerusalem after seeing a star that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a new king .
It goes on to describe their meeting with the local Jewish king named Herod , of whom they inquire about the location of Jesus ' birth .
The Gospel says that the star of Bethlehem subsequently leads them to a house – not a manger – where Jesus has been born to Joseph and Mary .
Overjoyed , they worship Jesus and present gifts of gold , frankincense and myrrh .
These were valuable gifts , especially frankincense and myrrh , which were costly fragrances that had medicinal use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ visit , Joseph has a dream where he is warned of Herod 's attempt to kill baby Jesus .
When the wise men went to Herod with the news that a child had been born to be the king of the Jews , he made a plan to kill all young children to remove the threat to his throne .
It then mentions how Joseph , Mary and infant Jesus leave for Egypt to escape King Herod 's attempt to assassinate all young children .
Matthew also says that after Herod dies from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jesus do not return to Bethlehem .
Instead , they travel north to Nazareth in Galilee , which is modern-day Nazareth in Israel .
The Gospel of Luke , an account of Jesus ' life which was written during the same period as the Gospel of Matthew , has a different version of Jesus ' birth .
The Gospel of Luke starts with Joseph and a pregnant Mary in Galilee .
They journey to Bethlehem in response to a census that the Roman emperor Caesar Augustus required for all the Jewish people .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ David , Bethlehem was the hometown where he was required to register .
The Gospel of Luke includes no flight to Egypt , no paranoid King Herod , no murder of children and no wise men visiting baby Jesus .
Jesus is born in a manger because all the travelers overcrowded the guest rooms .
After the birth , Joseph and Mary are visited not by wise men but shepherds , who were also overjoyed at Jesus ' birth .
Luke says these shepherds were notified about Jesus ' location in Bethlehem by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Luke 's story , nor do the shepherds bring gifts to baby Jesus .
Luke also mentions that Joseph , Mary and Jesus leave Bethlehem eight days after his birth and travel to Jerusalem and then to Nazareth .
The differences between Matthew and Luke are nearly impossible to reconcile , although they do share some similarities .
John Meier , a scholar on the historical Jesus , explains that Jesus ' “ birth at Bethlehem is to be taken not as a historical fact '' but as a “ theological affirmation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ historical narrative . ''
In other words , the belief that Jesus was a descendant of King David led to the development of a story about Jesus ' birth in Bethlehem .
Raymond Brown , another scholar on the Gospels , also states that “ the two narratives are not only different – they are contrary to each other in a number of details . ''
What makes it more difficult is that neither the other Gospels , that of Mark and John , mentions Jesus ' birth or his connection to Bethlehem @ @ @ @ @ @ @ earliest account of Jesus ' life , written around A.D. 60 .
The opening chapter of Mark says that Jesus is from “ Nazareth of Galilee . ''
This is repeated throughout the Gospel on several occasions , and Bethlehem is never mentioned .
A blind beggar in the Gospel of Mark describes Jesus as both from Nazareth and the son of David , the second king of Israel and Judah during 1010-970 B.C .
But King David was not born in Nazareth , nor associated with that city .
He was from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jesus with the city Bethlehem .
The Gospel of John , written approximately 15 to 20 years after that of Mark , also does not associate Jesus with Bethlehem .
Galilee is Jesus ' hometown .
Jesus finds his first disciples , does several miracles and has brothers in Galilee .
This is not to say that John was unaware of Bethlehem 's significance .
John mentions a debate where some Jewish people referred to the prophecy which claimed that the messiah would be a descendant of David and come from Bethlehem .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ is never associated with Bethlehem , but with Galilee , and more specifically , Nazareth .
The Gospels of Mark and John reveal that they either had trouble linking Bethlehem with Jesus , did not know his birthplace , or were not concerned with this city .
These were not the only ones .
Apostle Paul , who wrote the earliest documents of the New Testament , considered Jesus a descendant of David but does not associate him with Bethlehem .
The Book of Revelation also affirms that Jesus was a descendant of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ During the period of Jesus ' life , there were multiple perspectives on the Messiah .
In one stream of Jewish thought , the Messiah was expected to be an everlasting ruler from the lineage of David .
Other Jewish texts , such as the book 4 Ezra , written in the same century as the Gospels , and the Jewish sectarian Qumran literature , which is written two centuries earlier , also echo this belief .
But within the Hebrew Bible , a prophetic book called Micah , thought to be written @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the messiah would come from David 's hometown , Bethlehem .
This text is repeated in Matthew 's version .
Luke mentions that Jesus is not only genealogically connected to King David , but also born in Bethlehem , “ the city of David . ''
Genealogical claims were made for important ancient founders and political leaders .
For example , Ion , the founder of the Greek colonies in Asia , was considered to be a descendant of Apollo .
Alexander the Great , whose empire reached from Macedonia to India , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hercules .
Caesar Augustus , who was the first Roman emperor , was proclaimed as a descendant of Apollo .
And a Jewish writer named Philo who lived in the first century wrote that Abraham and the Jewish priest and prophets were born of God .
Regardless of whether these claims were accepted at the time to be true , they shaped a person 's ethnic identity , political status and claims to honor .
As the Greek historian Polybius explains , the renown deeds of ancestors are “ part of the heritage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's inclusion of the city of Bethlehem contributed to the claim that Jesus was the Messiah from a Davidic lineage .
They made sure that readers were aware of Jesus ' genealogical connection to King David with the mention of this city .
Birth stories in Bethlehem solidified the claim that Jesus was a rightful descendant of King David .
So today , when the importance of Bethlehem is heard in Christmas carols or displayed in Nativity scenes , the name of the town connects Jesus to an ancestral lineage and the prophetic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ David .
Rodolfo Galvan Estrada III , Adjunct Assistant Professor of the New Testament , Fuller Theological Seminary This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

by Rodolfo Galvan Estrada III, Fuller Theological Seminary
Every Christmas, a relatively small town in the Palestinian West Bank comes center stage: Bethlehem. Jesus, according to some biblical sources, was born in this town some two millennia ago.
Yet the New Testament Gospels do not agree about the details of Jesus' birth in Bethlehem. Some do not mention Bethlehem or Jesus' birth at all.
The Gospels' different views might be hard to reconcile. But as a scholar of the New Testament, what I argue is that the Gospels offer an important insight into the Greco-Roman views of ethnic identity, including genealogies.
Today, genealogies may bring more awareness of one's family medical history or help uncover lost family members. In the Greco-Roman era, birth stories and genealogical claims were used to establish rights to rule and link individuals with purported ancestral grandeur.
Gospel of Matthew
According to the Gospel of Matthew, the first Gospel in the canon of the New Testament, Joseph and Mary were in Bethlehem when Jesus was born. The story begins with wise men who come to the city of Jerusalem after seeing a star that they interpreted as signaling the birth of a new king.
It goes on to describe their meeting with the local Jewish king named Herod, of whom they inquire about the location of Jesus' birth. The Gospel says that the star of Bethlehem subsequently leads them to a house – not a manger – where Jesus has been born to Joseph and Mary. Overjoyed, they worship Jesus and present gifts of gold, frankincense and myrrh. These were valuable gifts, especially frankincense and myrrh, which were costly fragrances that had medicinal use.
The Gospel explains that after their visit, Joseph has a dream where he is warned of Herod's attempt to kill baby Jesus. When the wise men went to Herod with the news that a child had been born to be the king of the Jews, he made a plan to kill all young children to remove the threat to his throne. It then mentions how Joseph, Mary and infant Jesus leave for Egypt to escape King Herod's attempt to assassinate all young children.
Matthew also says that after Herod dies from an illness, Joseph, Mary and Jesus do not return to Bethlehem. Instead, they travel north to Nazareth in Galilee, which is modern-day Nazareth in Israel.
Gospel of Luke
The Gospel of Luke, an account of Jesus' life which was written during the same period as the Gospel of Matthew, has a different version of Jesus' birth. The Gospel of Luke starts with Joseph and a pregnant Mary in Galilee. They journey to Bethlehem in response to a census that the Roman emperor Caesar Augustus required for all the Jewish people. Since Joseph was a descendant of King David, Bethlehem was the hometown where he was required to register.
The Gospel of Luke includes no flight to Egypt, no paranoid King Herod, no murder of children and no wise men visiting baby Jesus. Jesus is born in a manger because all the travelers overcrowded the guest rooms. After the birth, Joseph and Mary are visited not by wise men but shepherds, who were also overjoyed at Jesus' birth.
Luke says these shepherds were notified about Jesus' location in Bethlehem by angels. There is no guiding star in Luke's story, nor do the shepherds bring gifts to baby Jesus. Luke also mentions that Joseph, Mary and Jesus leave Bethlehem eight days after his birth and travel to Jerusalem and then to Nazareth.
The differences between Matthew and Luke are nearly impossible to reconcile, although they do share some similarities. John Meier, a scholar on the historical Jesus, explains that Jesus' “birth at Bethlehem is to be taken not as a historical fact" but as a “theological affirmation put into the form of an apparently historical narrative." In other words, the belief that Jesus was a descendant of King David led to the development of a story about Jesus' birth in Bethlehem.
Raymond Brown, another scholar on the Gospels, also states that “the two narratives are not only different – they are contrary to each other in a number of details."
Mark's and John's Gospels
What makes it more difficult is that neither the other Gospels, that of Mark and John, mentions Jesus' birth or his connection to Bethlehem.
The Gospel of Mark is the earliest account of Jesus' life, written around A.D. 60. The opening chapter of Mark says that Jesus is from “Nazareth of Galilee." This is repeated throughout the Gospel on several occasions, and Bethlehem is never mentioned.
A blind beggar in the Gospel of Mark describes Jesus as both from Nazareth and the son of David, the second king of Israel and Judah during 1010-970 B.C. But King David was not born in Nazareth, nor associated with that city. He was from Bethlehem. Yet Mark doesn't identify Jesus with the city Bethlehem.
The Gospel of John, written approximately 15 to 20 years after that of Mark, also does not associate Jesus with Bethlehem. Galilee is Jesus' hometown. Jesus finds his first disciples, does several miracles and has brothers in Galilee.
This is not to say that John was unaware of Bethlehem's significance. John mentions a debate where some Jewish people referred to the prophecy which claimed that the messiah would be a descendant of David and come from Bethlehem. But Jesus according to John's Gospel is never associated with Bethlehem, but with Galilee, and more specifically, Nazareth.
The Gospels of Mark and John reveal that they either had trouble linking Bethlehem with Jesus, did not know his birthplace, or were not concerned with this city.
These were not the only ones. Apostle Paul, who wrote the earliest documents of the New Testament, considered Jesus a descendant of David but does not associate him with Bethlehem. The Book of Revelation also affirms that Jesus was a descendant of David but does not mention Bethlehem.
An ethnic identity
During the period of Jesus' life, there were multiple perspectives on the Messiah. In one stream of Jewish thought, the Messiah was expected to be an everlasting ruler from the lineage of David. Other Jewish texts, such as the book 4 Ezra, written in the same century as the Gospels, and the Jewish sectarian Qumran literature, which is written two centuries earlier, also echo this belief.
But within the Hebrew Bible, a prophetic book called Micah, thought to be written around B.C. 722, prophesies that the messiah would come from David's hometown, Bethlehem. This text is repeated in Matthew's version. Luke mentions that Jesus is not only genealogically connected to King David, but also born in Bethlehem, “the city of David."
Genealogical claims were made for important ancient founders and political leaders. For example, Ion, the founder of the Greek colonies in Asia, was considered to be a descendant of Apollo. Alexander the Great, whose empire reached from Macedonia to India, was claimed to be a son of Hercules. Caesar Augustus, who was the first Roman emperor, was proclaimed as a descendant of Apollo. And a Jewish writer named Philo who lived in the first century wrote that Abraham and the Jewish priest and prophets were born of God.
Regardless of whether these claims were accepted at the time to be true, they shaped a person's ethnic identity, political status and claims to honor. As the Greek historian Polybius explains, the renown deeds of ancestors are “part of the heritage of posterity."
Matthew and Luke's inclusion of the city of Bethlehem contributed to the claim that Jesus was the Messiah from a Davidic lineage. They made sure that readers were aware of Jesus' genealogical connection to King David with the mention of this city. Birth stories in Bethlehem solidified the claim that Jesus was a rightful descendant of King David.
So today, when the importance of Bethlehem is heard in Christmas carols or displayed in Nativity scenes, the name of the town connects Jesus to an ancestral lineage and the prophetic hope for a new leader like King David.
Fuller Theological Seminary is a member of the Association of Theological Schools. The ATS is a funding partner of The Conversation US. The ATS is a funding partner of The Conversation US.
Rodolfo Galvan Estrada III, Adjunct Assistant Professor of the New Testament, Fuller Theological Seminary
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


alternet--2020-12-17--Americans aren’t getting enough to eat during the coronavirus pandemic

The number of Americans who ca n't get enough food is rising from already troubling levels during the COVID-19 pandemic .
About 1 in 10 Americans said in November 2020 that their household sometimes or often did not have enough to eat in the previous week , the U.S. Census Bureau found .
Food insecurity – what happens when someone does n't have enough money for food – is just as bad in Los Angeles County , home to one-quarter of California residents .
These roughly 10 million people live primarily in urban areas like the cities of Los Angeles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Los Angeles crisis surged the most in April , when 26 % of all households – and 39 % of low-income households – experienced food insecurity that month .
By October , the situation had improved somewhat , with 11 % of the county 's households and 17 % of low-income households remaining food-insecure .
The majority of these people are women , Latino , low-income and parents .
Even the lower rate in October was more than triple the norm before the pandemic : Some 5 % of low-income households were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any given month of 2018 , the most recent comparable data available .
Food insecurity has long been a challenge for Angelenos , especially people with low incomes , people of color and those living in neighborhoods that do n't have enough affordable healthy food .
So when the coronavirus pandemic began , I teamed up with other experts formed by USC Dornsife 's Public Exchange to track how this emergency would affect food security in this region .
Our team includes scholars of public health , psychology , health policy , geography @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week with the local government representatives leading efforts to address this issue and coordinated with several nonprofits that connect people with food and financial assistance .
Since April , we have surveyed 1,800 adults , who are representative of households in the county , to track their experiences .
We also partnered with Yelp , the local search and review site , which shared information about restaurants and grocery stores across the county , including which ones have closed or stayed open or added delivery services .
This data helps us understand how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get food in their own neighborhoods .
The causes of food insecurity Food insecurity is most often brought on by poverty , job loss or a health crisis .
It 's no surprise that it would spike during a pandemic that 's caused so much unemployment and illness .
We 've found that the biggest risk factors for food insecurity during the COVID-19 pandemic were having a low household income , being unemployed and being a young adult .
People between the ages of 18 and 30 were most at risk , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ least .
We also determined that being a single parent increased the risk of experiencing food insecurity .
On top of economic challenges , the pandemic is disrupting farming and the production and distribution of food .
Grocery prices have gone up at least 3.4 % since the start of 2020 , far exceeding the 2 % annual average growth of grocery prices over the past two decades .
At times , restaurants , supermarkets and smaller food stores have curtailed their hours .
Our community partners are concerned that it will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ keep their doors open .
Not having enough to eat is a major public health concern , not only because it causes hunger and distress , but also because it 's linked to poor nutrition and unstable diet patterns .
For example , a family without enough money for food at the end of the month , when bills are due , may eat very little .
That family might , when they have money , then stock up on cheaper foods that have lots of calories and will last a long time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ include many expensive fruits and vegetables .
This pattern helps explain why food insecurity increases risks for diet-related diseases , like diabetes and heart disease .
The coronavirus pandemic has made it clearer than ever that the people in your life and where you live affect your health .
Stay-at-home orders are designed to limit the contact we have with family , friends and other acquaintances .
These restrictions also make it harder for people to help and support one another during a crisis .
We found that people with fewer relatives and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ insecurity at the start of the pandemic .
And we 're hearing that accessing food has been even harder than usual for people who rely on public transportation , with them having the extra risk of being exposed to the coronavirus .
The pandemic has also made it hard to connect with organizations that provide support .
With the closure of many school buildings and community centers in Los Angeles County , local government staff and organizations have been working hard so that low-income kids and other residents can still get free or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of this , the pandemic is causing huge challenges for emergency food donation programs .
The Los Angeles Regional Food Bank has more than doubled the amount of food it gives away during the pandemic .
Food pantries ca n't always get enough food or volunteers to serve all of the people who show up .
On a recent call with a food pantry , I heard about how they went from serving 300 families a week before the pandemic to 4,000 a week now – and how hard it 's been to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who lines up .
These emergency food programs just were n't designed to cope with a crisis at such a big scale , or one that lasts for so long .
To better understand the landscape of food assistance in Los Angeles , we are getting comprehensive information about these programs through Aunt Bertha , a nationwide social care search-and-referral platform where people can search for many types of food assistance , from government programs like the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program , or SNAP , to local food pantries and community gardens .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ 're seeing evidence that food aid and government benefits may make a big difference .
For example , the number of Los Angeles households getting SNAP benefits rose by 20 % , from 686,378 in March to 822,356 in July .
Some of the people we 're tracking managed to become food-secure after getting government food and financial help .
More Angelenos have also been getting other forms of governmental financial assistance , such as unemployment benefits , and obtaining aid from food pantries and the like .
Nationally , there has also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community and government assistance programs and signs that government aid is helping families become food-secure .
[ Deep knowledge , daily .
Sign up for The Conversation 's newsletter . ]
However , many people still do not have enough food , including some who obtain food and financial help .
Our findings also point to other opportunities that governments and community organizations have to help people get the food they need .
For example , they can help small grocers in neighborhoods that do n't have many food stores stay open and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ without cars .
We hope our study will help Los Angeles and other cities find opportunities to help everyone get enough to eat during the pandemic .
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

by Kayla de la Haye, University of Southern California
The number of Americans who can't get enough food is rising from already troubling levels during the COVID-19 pandemic. About 1 in 10 Americans said in November 2020 that their household sometimes or often did not have enough to eat in the previous week, the U.S. Census Bureau found.
Food insecurity – what happens when someone doesn't have enough money for food – is just as bad in Los Angeles County, home to one-quarter of California residents. These roughly 10 million people live primarily in urban areas like the cities of Los Angeles, Malibu, Hollywood and Compton.
The Los Angeles crisis surged the most in April, when 26% of all households – and 39% of low-income households – experienced food insecurity that month. By October, the situation had improved somewhat, with 11% of the county's households and 17% of low-income households remaining food-insecure. The majority of these people are women, Latino, low-income and parents.
Even the lower rate in October was more than triple the norm before the pandemic: Some 5% of low-income households were likely to have experienced food insecurity in any given month of 2018, the most recent comparable data available.
Tracking food insecurity in Los Angeles County
Food insecurity has long been a challenge for Angelenos, especially people with low incomes, people of color and those living in neighborhoods that don't have enough affordable healthy food.
So when the coronavirus pandemic began, I teamed up with other experts formed by USC Dornsife's Public Exchange to track how this emergency would affect food security in this region. Our team includes scholars of public health, psychology, health policy, geography and data science. We met every week with the local government representatives leading efforts to address this issue and coordinated with several nonprofits that connect people with food and financial assistance.
Since April, we have surveyed 1,800 adults, who are representative of households in the county, to track their experiences.
We also partnered with Yelp, the local search and review site, which shared information about restaurants and grocery stores across the county, including which ones have closed or stayed open or added delivery services. This data helps us understand how easy or hard it is for people to get food in their own neighborhoods.
The causes of food insecurity
Food insecurity is most often brought on by poverty, job loss or a health crisis. It's no surprise that it would spike during a pandemic that's caused so much unemployment and illness.
We've found that the biggest risk factors for food insecurity during the COVID-19 pandemic were having a low household income, being unemployed and being a young adult. People between the ages of 18 and 30 were most at risk, while those 65 or older were the least.
We also determined that being a single parent increased the risk of experiencing food insecurity.
On top of economic challenges, the pandemic is disrupting farming and the production and distribution of food. Grocery prices have gone up at least 3.4% since the start of 2020, far exceeding the 2% annual average growth of grocery prices over the past two decades.
At times, restaurants, supermarkets and smaller food stores have curtailed their hours. Our community partners are concerned that it will be hard for independent restaurants and groceries to keep their doors open.
Health consequences
Not having enough to eat is a major public health concern, not only because it causes hunger and distress, but also because it's linked to poor nutrition and unstable diet patterns.
For example, a family without enough money for food at the end of the month, when bills are due, may eat very little. That family might, when they have money, then stock up on cheaper foods that have lots of calories and will last a long time. Those shopping trips are unlikely to include many expensive fruits and vegetables.
This pattern helps explain why food insecurity increases risks for diet-related diseases, like diabetes and heart disease.
Weaker ties make it worse
The coronavirus pandemic has made it clearer than ever that the people in your life and where you live affect your health.
Stay-at-home orders are designed to limit the contact we have with family, friends and other acquaintances. These restrictions also make it harder for people to help and support one another during a crisis.
We found that people with fewer relatives and friends were more likely to experience food insecurity at the start of the pandemic.
And we're hearing that accessing food has been even harder than usual for people who rely on public transportation, with them having the extra risk of being exposed to the coronavirus.
The pandemic has also made it hard to connect with organizations that provide support. With the closure of many school buildings and community centers in Los Angeles County, local government staff and organizations have been working hard so that low-income kids and other residents can still get free or low-cost meals.
On top of all of this, the pandemic is causing huge challenges for emergency food donation programs. The Los Angeles Regional Food Bank has more than doubled the amount of food it gives away during the pandemic. Food pantries can't always get enough food or volunteers to serve all of the people who show up.
On a recent call with a food pantry, I heard about how they went from serving 300 families a week before the pandemic to 4,000 a week now – and how hard it's been to get enough food to distribute to everyone who lines up.
These emergency food programs just weren't designed to cope with a crisis at such a big scale, or one that lasts for so long.
To better understand the landscape of food assistance in Los Angeles, we are getting comprehensive information about these programs through Aunt Bertha, a nationwide social care search-and-referral platform where people can search for many types of food assistance, from government programs like the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP, to local food pantries and community gardens.
More Angelenos are getting SNAP benefits
We're seeing evidence that food aid and government benefits may make a big difference. For example, the number of Los Angeles households getting SNAP benefits rose by 20%, from 686,378 in March to 822,356 in July. Some of the people we're tracking managed to become food-secure after getting government food and financial help.
More Angelenos have also been getting other forms of governmental financial assistance, such as unemployment benefits, and obtaining aid from food pantries and the like.
Nationally, there has also been an uptick in the use of community and government assistance programs and signs that government aid is helping families become food-secure.
[Deep knowledge, daily.Sign up for The Conversation's newsletter.]
However, many people still do not have enough food, including some who obtain food and financial help.
Our findings also point to other opportunities that governments and community organizations have to help people get the food they need. For example, they can help small grocers in neighborhoods that don't have many food stores stay open and provide subsidized food delivery to low-income people without cars.
We hope our study will help Los Angeles and other cities find opportunities to help everyone get enough to eat during the pandemic.
Kayla de la Haye, Assistant Professor of Preventive Medicine, University of Southern California
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


alternet--2020-12-17--'A political toy': Texas critical care doctor says nurses won't get COVID vaccine for 'politically m

'A political toy': Texas critical care doctor says nurses won't get COVID vaccine for 'politically motivated' reasons

A doctor in Houston , Texas has revealed that `` more than half of the nurses in his unit '' are not willing to take the coronavirus vaccine due to politically motivated reasons , despite the state 's healthcare systems being inundated with increasing positive coronavirus cases and hospitalizations .
During an interview with NPR on Wednesday , Dr. Joseph Varon , critical care unit chief at the United Memorial Medical Center , was notified that the healthcare staff in his hospital would be among the first vaccine recipients .
`` I had a friendly argument with more than 50 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ telling me that they would not get the vaccine , '' Varon said .
While some of Varon 's staff members were elated to hear the news , others were n't exactly thrilled about the new vaccine .
Now , Varon is concerned for those who have opted not to receive the vaccine as they care for the hospital 's most critical COVID cases .
He also noted most of the opposing nurses have reservations based on political beliefs .
`` At the end of the day , like I have said before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' Varon said , adding , `` Most of the reasons why most of my people do n't want to get the vaccine are politically motivated . ''
Many Americans are apprehensive about the effectiveness of Pfizer 's COVID-19 vaccine , which — the LA Times reports — is `` 95 % effective in preventing COVID-19 . ''
As of Thursday , Dec. 17 , the United States has reported more than 17.3 million coronavirus cases across the country .
Public health experts estimate that approximately 70 to 75 percent of Americans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the country to return to normalcy .

A doctor in Houston, Texas has revealed that "more than half of the nurses in his unit" are not willing to take the coronavirus vaccine due to politically motivated reasons, despite the state's healthcare systems being inundated with increasing positive coronavirus cases and hospitalizations.
During an interview with NPR on Wednesday, Dr. Joseph Varon, critical care unit chief at the United Memorial Medical Center, was notified that the healthcare staff in his hospital would be among the first vaccine recipients. "I had a friendly argument with more than 50 percent of my nurses in my unit telling me that they would not get the vaccine," Varon said.
While some of Varon's staff members were elated to hear the news, others weren't exactly thrilled about the new vaccine. Now, Varon is concerned for those who have opted not to receive the vaccine as they care for the hospital's most critical COVID cases. He also noted most of the opposing nurses have reservations based on political beliefs.
"At the end of the day, like I have said before, coronavirus has become a political toy," Varon said, adding, "Most of the reasons why most of my people don't want to get the vaccine are politically motivated."
Many Americans are apprehensive about the effectiveness of Pfizer's COVID-19 vaccine, which — the LA Times reports — is "95% effective in preventing COVID-19."
As of Thursday, Dec. 17, the United States has reported more than 17.3 million coronavirus cases across the country. Public health experts estimate that approximately 70 to 75 percent of Americans will need to be vaccinated in order for the country to return to normalcy.