alternet--2020-10-23--GOP's Wisconsin Foxconn has exploded — with zero manufacturing jobs and a $400 million deficit

From the beginning , the Republican-promoted , Trump-boasting , former Gov .
Scott Walker-lying Foxconn deal with Wisconsin sounded like a mega-scam .
It was clear to anyone with a reading level above elementary school that the `` incentives '' used to bring the Taiwanese electronics giant into the Badger State were so much more lucrative than anything Foxconn could provide in economic stimulus .
The math did n't add up .
In fact , some estimates put the timeframe it would take Wisconsin to get out of the red on the deal at … 25 years .
Then , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weeks and months and years , it became clear that Foxconn was n't going to do any of the things it said it might do , because frankly , it did n't have to do them to get that sweet Wisconsin taxpayer money .
Invisible hand of the market and all that .
This left lots of vacant space where Trump and then Gov.-Scott Walker took gold-shoveled photos at .
Most of 2019 was spent with Wisconsin officials , having been left holding the bag of bunk that newly un-elected Scott Walker created @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Something that Foxconn officials , having experienced the pathetic dealmaking of the previous Republican administration , seem most interested in delaying .
Possibly in the hope of finding another set of GOP marks with which to renegotiate .
Then on Oct. 12 , The Verge reported that the Wisconsin Economic Development Corporation ( WEDC ) denied Foxconn 's application for tax subsidies .
The argument is that Foxconn has n't even built anything that was originally agreed upon .
What is most important to note here is that even in a deal that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , they still wanted to cut corners because the previous Republican administration was so bereft of sense that it put little regulations in place for the deal and seemed to be such cowardly pushovers to big money .
Why negotiate with Democratic representatives and agents who actually want something resembling a fair deal when you can wait and hope that a new set of Republican con men hacks show up after Election Day ?
The other issue that Foxconn faced was that just because Walker was willing to take constituents ' money and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with it , that did n't mean the deal was commercially viable for Foxconn .
It turns out it was n't .
Since Democratic Gov .
Tony Evers took office , Foxconn has flirted with renegotiating the contract since they seem to have zero interest in even coming close to the bogus promises of the original one made with Walker and friends .
According to The Verge , a settlement agreement seemed to have been reached this past July between the WEDC and Foxconn , but that deal expired without another deal in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from Foxconn would have been the `` first installment of the nearly $ 3 billion in refundable tax credits that made up the bulk of former Gov .
Scott Walker 's record-breaking subsidy package . ''
But do n't you worry—Donald Trump is on the job .
Bad news : Donald Trump is a pathological liar .
It turns out that not unlike the rest of the Foxconn deal , this was all for show .
Sort of like the $ 100 million gift to the University of Wisconsin at Madison promised by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about $ 700,000 from Foxconn .
In an investigation conducted by The Verge , Foxconn attempted to boost hiring numbers right out of the gate , giving jobs out with no descriptions , just trying to hit the numbers that would allow them to make profits off of tax subsidies alone .
These `` jobs '' would be and were very quickly dropped .
Their business deal , so pathetically constructed by Walker and promoted by Trump and other Republicans , meant that it was better business for them to make some fake @ @ @ @ @ @ @ building out a business that might actually manufacture anything .
According to the investigation , while this deal is likely kaput , it has cost Wisconsin taxpayers at least $ 400 million in land and infrastructure .
People were pushed out of their homes .
Foxconn , who promised it would build a 20 million-square-foot LCD complex , has built an empty building 1/20th the size that it now says will be for `` storage . ''
Walker and friends promised 5,200 jobs by the end of 2020 .
There will be less @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year .
The Foxconn story has been one of scam idea after scam idea .
Business plans continuously changing in order to keep up the illusion that work was being done to create something that would warrant Foxconn 's hiring of 580 workers for long enough to get some tax money .
Like Donald Trump and the Republican Party , it was all an inflated lie that crashed before they could grab the last bit of money left on the table .

From the beginning, the Republican-promoted, Trump-boasting, former Gov. Scott Walker-lying Foxconn deal with Wisconsin sounded like a mega-scam. It was clear to anyone with a reading level above elementary school that the "incentives" used to bring the Taiwanese electronics giant into the Badger State were so much more lucrative than anything Foxconn could provide in economic stimulus. The math didn't add up. In fact, some estimates put the timeframe it would take Wisconsin to get out of the red on the deal at … 25 years.
Then, over the course of the next few weeks and months and years, it became clear that Foxconn wasn't going to do any of the things it said it might do, because frankly, it didn't have to do them to get that sweet Wisconsin taxpayer money. Invisible hand of the market and all that. This left lots of vacant space where Trump and then Gov.-Scott Walker took gold-shoveled photos at. Most of 2019 was spent with Wisconsin officials, having been left holding the bag of bunk that newly un-elected Scott Walker created, trying to renegotiate with Foxconn. Something that Foxconn officials, having experienced the pathetic dealmaking of the previous Republican administration, seem most interested in delaying. Possibly in the hope of finding another set of GOP marks with which to renegotiate.
Then on Oct. 12, The Verge reported that the Wisconsin Economic Development Corporation (WEDC) denied Foxconn's application for tax subsidies. The argument is that Foxconn hasn't even built anything that was originally agreed upon.
WEDC also noted that even if whatever Foxconn is currently doing had been eligible under the contract, it had failed to employ the minimum number of people needed to get subsidies. Foxconn needed to employ at least 520 people at the end of 2019 to receive subsidies and claimed to have hired 550, but WEDC estimated that only 281 would qualify under the terms of the contract.
What is most important to note here is that even in a deal that Foxconn was getting away with murder on, they still wanted to cut corners because the previous Republican administration was so bereft of sense that it put little regulations in place for the deal and seemed to be such cowardly pushovers to big money. Why negotiate with Democratic representatives and agents who actually want something resembling a fair deal when you can wait and hope that a new set of Republican con men hacks show up after Election Day?
The other issue that Foxconn faced was that just because Walker was willing to take constituents' money and line Foxconn CEO Terry Gou's pockets with it, that didn't mean the deal was commercially viable for Foxconn. It turns out it wasn't.
Since Democratic Gov. Tony Evers took office, Foxconn has flirted with renegotiating the contract since they seem to have zero interest in even coming close to the bogus promises of the original one made with Walker and friends. According to The Verge, a settlement agreement seemed to have been reached this past July between the WEDC and Foxconn, but that deal expired without another deal in place. The tax subsidies being withheld from Foxconn would have been the "first installment of the nearly $3 billion in refundable tax credits that made up the bulk of former Gov. Scott Walker's record-breaking subsidy package."
But don't you worry—Donald Trump is on the job.
Bad news: Donald Trump is a pathological liar. It turns out that not unlike the rest of the Foxconn deal, this was all for show. Sort of like the $100 million gift to the University of Wisconsin at Madison promised by Gou. Turns out the school received about $700,000 from Foxconn.
In an investigation conducted by The Verge, Foxconn attempted to boost hiring numbers right out of the gate, giving jobs out with no descriptions, just trying to hit the numbers that would allow them to make profits off of tax subsidies alone. These "jobs" would be and were very quickly dropped. Their business deal, so pathetically constructed by Walker and promoted by Trump and other Republicans, meant that it was better business for them to make some fake jobs up and not even really consider building out a business that might actually manufacture anything.
"Imagine being in a job where you don't really know if it's real or not. Or you know it's not real, but you don't know it's not real. It's a constant thing you're doing in your head day after day," said one employee, who returned to the rented building Trump had spoken at, where workers had been assembling TVs, only to find the line shut down and the lights dimmed a couple of weeks after the photo op was over. "I think all of us were on the verge of a major breakdown."
According to the investigation, while this deal is likely kaput, it has cost Wisconsin taxpayers at least $400 million in land and infrastructure. People were pushed out of their homes. Foxconn, who promised it would build a 20 million-square-foot LCD complex, has built an empty building 1/20th the size that it now says will be for "storage." Walker and friends promised 5,200 jobs by the end of 2020. There will be less than 281 by the end of this year.
The Foxconn story has been one of scam idea after scam idea. Business plans continuously changing in order to keep up the illusion that work was being done to create something that would warrant Foxconn's hiring of 580 workers for long enough to get some tax money. Like Donald Trump and the Republican Party, it was all an inflated lie that crashed before they could grab the last bit of money left on the table.


alternet--2020-10-24--Why I'm becoming an abortion provider now

With the vacancy on the Supreme Court , Roe v. Wade currently faces the biggest threat in our lifetime .
Although Roe was insufficient in securing access to abortion for many people in the US , its repeal would catapult us into an era where one of the safest and most common medical procedures known becomes illegal in many states .
For decades , abortion has occupied a politicized space in American medicine , leading to this impending crisis of millions of people losing access to this health service .
No matter what happens with Roe , I choose to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , including abortion , and call on my fellow health care providers to join me in this moral work .
My experiences working in an abortion clinic in medical school have shown me that providing abortion is n't just a health service .
It 's a moral imperative , and an essential piece of the spectrum of reproductive health care .
I had the incredible privilege of personally experiencing this : the midwife who caught me when I was born trained me the first time I directly participated in abortion care .
She @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she understood birth work and abortion care as two critical services in reproductive health , and she taught me that as well .
Working in this clinic reaffirmed my faith in medicine as a healing practice .
Our patients routinely overcame remarkable obstacles to reach us .
Some traveled many hours from another state to get the medical care they needed .
Others used emergency funds to pay out of pocket when insurance issues arose .
Despite the obstacles patients faced , the clinic staff and nursing providers constantly remarked on how they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their experience .
In the face of harassment , financial difficulty , and sometimes threats to their lives or their loved ones , abortion providers continue to provide an essential health service .
One quarter of cisgender women will get an abortion in their lifetime in the United States , but just under 25 percent of obstetricians provide abortion care .
This grave discrepancy exists partly because it is so difficult to obtain training in abortion care .
Despite the American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology recommending that all residencies include abortion training @ @ @ @ @ @ @ percent of OB-GYN residencies did so .
Five percent , in fact , reported that training was entirely unavailable .
Whether a residency program chooses include abortion training can depend on the individual institution , or on state restrictions preventing provision .
For example , in a state like West Virginia , with only one abortion clinic but 36 ObGyn residents , ensuring adequate hands-on training can be challenging .
Laws that make abortion harder to access or harder for clinics to operate , like six-week bans and admitting privileges laws , also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enough clinical care situations for adequate training .
This discrepancy also exists due to an individual providers ' personal objections to providing this essential health care .
For a health service that is recognized as part of the standard of care and is so common , it 's a significant breach of the medical oath .
Statistically , that 's like a general surgeon refusing to perform an appendectomy , one of the most common surgical procedures ; or a primary care physician not learning how to treat diabetes , one of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ States .
This simply would not be tolerated by any other leadership in medicine .
Yet abortion remains unavailable to many patients because the medical establishment has not taken responsibility for a politicization of one of the most common reproductive health services .
All of us in medicine have a responsibility to fight for this human right and engage in public political discourse surrounding abortion .
My commitment to providing abortion care is grounded in the belief that everyone should make their own reproductive choices with dignity , freedom , and power .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ gift and privilege , one that I will cherish as long as I am able to practice medicine .
Chris Ahlbach is a Medical Student Research Fellow at Advancing New Standards in Reproductive HealtH ( ANSIRH ) .

With the vacancy on the Supreme Court, Roe v. Wade currentlyfaces the biggest threat in our lifetime. Although Roe was insufficient in securing access to abortion for many people in the US, its repeal would catapult us into an era where one of the safest and most common medical procedures known becomes illegal in many states. For decades, abortion has occupied a politicized space in American medicine, leading to this impending crisis of millions of people losing access to this health service. No matter what happens with Roe, I choose to advocate to expand access to health care, including abortion, and call on my fellow health care providers to join me in this moral work.
My experiences working in an abortion clinic in medical school have shown me that providing abortion isn't just a health service. It's a moral imperative, and an essential piece of the spectrum of reproductive health care. I had the incredible privilege of personally experiencing this: the midwife who caught me when I was born trained me the first time I directly participated in abortion care. She became trained as an abortion provider because she understood birth work and abortion care as two critical services in reproductive health, and she taught me that as well.
Working in this clinic reaffirmed my faith in medicine as a healing practice. Our patients routinely overcame remarkable obstacles to reach us. Some traveled many hours from another state to get the medical care they needed. Others used emergency funds to pay out of pocket when insurance issues arose. Despite the obstacles patients faced, the clinic staff and nursing providers constantly remarked on how they were treated with compassion and dignity during their experience. In the face of harassment, financial difficulty, and sometimes threats to their lives or their loved ones, abortion providers continue to provide an essential health service.
One quarter of cisgender women will get an abortion in their lifetime in the United States, but just under 25 percent of obstetricians provide abortion care. This grave discrepancy exists partly because it is so difficult to obtain training in abortion care. Despite the American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology recommending that all residencies include abortion training, one study found that only 64 percent of OB-GYN residencies did so. Five percent, in fact, reported that training was entirely unavailable. Whether a residency program chooses include abortion training can depend on the individual institution, or on state restrictions preventing provision. For example, in a state like West Virginia, with only one abortion clinic but 36 ObGyn residents, ensuring adequate hands-on training can be challenging. Laws that make abortion harder to access or harder for clinics to operate, like six-week bans and admitting privileges laws, also make it harder for there to be enough clinical care situations for adequate training.
This discrepancy also exists due to an individual providers' personal objections to providing this essential health care. For a health service that is recognized as part of the standard of care and is so common, it's a significant breach of the medical oath. Statistically, that's like a general surgeon refusing to perform an appendectomy, one of the most common surgical procedures; or a primary care physician not learning how to treat diabetes, one of the most common medical conditions in the United States. This simply would not be tolerated by any other leadership in medicine. Yet abortion remains unavailable to many patients because the medical establishment has not taken responsibility for a politicization of one of the most common reproductive health services.
All of us in medicine have a responsibility to fight for this human right and engage in public political discourse surrounding abortion. My commitment to providing abortion care is grounded in the belief that everyone should make their own reproductive choices with dignity, freedom, and power. Being an abortion provider is a tremendous gift and privilege, one that I will cherish as long as I am able to practice medicine.
Chris Ahlbach is a Medical Student Research Fellow at Advancing New Standards in Reproductive HealtH (ANSIRH).


alternet--2020-10-24--This top Pentagon official is on the street after two secret -- and illegal -- investigations

Warren S. Whitlock , the federal civilian officer assigned to get the U.S. Army moving on racial diversity issues , was fired after two secret , unauthorized investigations .
The firing was justified by the Army because of one erroneous keystroke on his Army computer .
Whitlock never got a chance to defend himself before he was fired in January 2019 .
In part that was because a Trump appointee covered up the improper nature of one of the investigations by requesting retroactive approval .
No one told Whitlock he was the subject of so-called 15-6 investigations , named for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and civilians dread the 15-6 as a career killer .
Only when he was about to be fired did Whitlock learn of the secret investigations and months of secret machinations against him .
Whitlock , with degrees from Princeton and Columbia , had a successful career as a diversity officer in the federal Transportation Department .
He took on challenging assignments others believed were impossible and produced success .
He was asked to become one of the Army 's highest-ranking Black civilians during the waning days of the Obama administration to shake up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ equal opportunity and diversity office .
He tackled problems that had languished since George Herbert Walker Bush was commander in chief nearly 30 years ago .
This is the second of two articles about the firing of Pentagon official Warren S. Whitlock .
In Part One , we showed how racists in the Trump administration targeted the career public servant and dismissed him without a pension or health care .
But then the racist Trump administration came in .
Twice , Whitlock was the subject of secret investigations as both his boss and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The first investigation was over arrangements for the annual Black Engineer of the Year Award .
Whitlock 's civilian boss , Diane Randon , questioned his choice of a highly qualified and retiring Army lieutenant colonel for the award .
Randon also singled out Whitlock in quietly directing her subordinates to keep tabs on comings and goings .
A secret report by a two-star general severely criticized Whitlock .
But it also showed that one award 's package was submitted late because Seema Salter , a subordinate who despised Whitlock and behind his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' had delayed getting her own award paperwork to Whitlock .
There is no record of an investigation into why the subordinate delayed her actions and whether she did so to undermine her boss , whom she later bragged , testimony showed , she had gotten removed .
Another subordinate absolved Whitlock .
Margo Barfield , Whitlock 's assistant , told him and Randon in a meeting in late 2017 that she was to blame for the problems in planning and arranging the Black Engineer of the Year award at the beginning of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` completely '' responsible , Whitlock testified at his 2019 racial discrimination hearing .
That contradicted Randon , who held only Whitlock at fault and used that assertion to arrange the unauthorized investigation .
Randon told the Army inspector general that she was disappointed in Whitlock 's leadership because he did n't offer to take responsibility for what she called Barfield 's error .
Gratuitously , Randon added in the interview that she was `` wanting Mr. Whitlock to just throw himself on a grenade ... '' After Whitlock was fired his lawyer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conduct was reprehensible .
He told DCReport that the secret monitoring of Whitlock 's time and attendance ordered by Randon was `` racist . ''
Randon 's duties included evaluating Whitlock 's performance .
But Randon failed to do the mandatory mid-year evaluation in 2017 which , assuming she found his performance wanting , would have officially set in motion training and counseling that could have preserved Whitlock 's job .
Instead , her first evaluation , filed Nov. 28 , 2017 , gave him a 1 , the lowest possible rating on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Senior Executive Service civil servants .
`` I was floored .
No one gets a 1 , '' Whitlock said .
Pentagon officials said they could not find another example of a Senior Executive Service member given that bottom score .
Before Randon 's evaluation , Whitlock had been consistently graded a 4 , including his first evaluation at the Pentagon in late 2016 when Barack Obama was still president .
In December 2017 , while Whitlock fulminated over his lousy job rating , still unaware he was the focus of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the Randon investigating officer `` exceeded the scope of the investigation by investigating Mr. Whitlock without notifying '' the Army inspector general .
`` It was ascertained that the AR 15-6 investigation ... was never approved by the appointing authority , '' the lawyers wrote .
Their findings became moot because of a curious action by Raymond T. Horoho , whom Donald Trump had named acting assistant secretary of the Army for Manpower and Personnel , the Army 's top civilian for personnel .
In September 2017 , Horoho wrote a memo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , providing cover for Randon .
Horoho requested `` approval to designate Ms. Diane Randon as the approval officer for the subject investigation as an exception to Army Regulation '' requiring advance approval by her superiors .
Horoho noted that she had `` appointed '' the investigation months earlier on March 15 , 2017 .
In effect , Horoho wanted approval to back-date the unauthorized first investigation and a second unauthorized probe , the kind of rules abuse that has been common in the Trump administration .
The request mattered if Randon was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ So what discipline was meted out to Randon for arranging an unauthorized investigation ?
The white woman 's behavior was thoroughly reviewed and addressed with a `` teach and train memorandum '' sent to Randon .
Meanwhile , Whitlock had no idea he had been investigated , no idea what General Leslie Purser had concluded in her investigative report and thus had no opportunity to challenge the negative findings of his performance .
`` I was a dead man walking and I was the only person who did not know it , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ January 2018 Whitlock filed a racial discrimination complaint against Randon , still unaware of the 15-6 investigation and report , but upset over what he regarded as her foul treatment of him .
There was one more crisis developing that would seal Whitlock 's fate .
This involved the subordinate who had delayed the award paperwork , Seema Salter , and her good friend , another old-timer in the Army equal opportunity office , Spurgeon Moore .
Moore 's wife Patricia entered hospice care .
Moore applied for the government 's Voluntary Leave @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If granted , it would allow him almost unlimited paid leave to spend with his wife in her final days .
The leave time costs taxpayers nothing because federal employees donate their own leave hours .
Moore 's wife died the next day .
That ended his eligibility for the voluntary leave program .
However , her death made him eligible for another benefit , the Army Bereavement Leave .
Despite this , four days after Patricia Moore 's death his request for the donated leave-time program was approved .
The approval @ @ @ @ @ @ @ colleague Salter , even though she lacked authority to approve the request .
It should have been signed by Whitlock , as Moore 's superior , under Army regulations .
Whitlock knew nothing of the improper approval .
`` Spurgeon should have dropped '' voluntary leave application , Whitlock said , `` and applied for the military 's bereavement leave . ''
Bereavement leave would have entitled Moore to about a month off , plus extra days for memorial services and administrative details .
Whitlock said Moore basically disappeared .
`` I did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or December , though I would hear he came in several times when I was n't there , '' Whitlock said .
He added he sent numerous emails and left voicemails .
`` It looked like he was ducking my calls . ''
Despite repeated attempts , Moore could not be reached for comment .
Moore let Randon and Salter know he planned to delay his return until after his wife 's burial at Arlington Cemetery .
Because of a burial backlog that was not expected until early March , more than four @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Whitlock noted that this was far in excess of what he was entitled to under bereavement leave .
Around Valentine 's Day , after discussing the situation with both an Army personnel office and with Trump appointee Horoho , Whitlock sent Moore a formal `` return to duty '' notice .
Randon quickly tried to get that notice rescinded , she later confirmed under oath .
She also barraged Whitlock with emails and phone calls asking what he was doing and to withdraw the return to duty notice , according to testimony during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ testified Moore advised her that he was not emotionally stable enough to return to work .
She added that Horoho , who had approved the return to work notice , also was worried about Moore .
What Horoho , who was later relieved of his job for unrelated reasons , actually thought is unknown because he was never called to testify .
Meanwhile , at the Army personnel office , the staff that regularly handled requests for voluntary leave became aware an employee in the Army Diversity and Leadership Office was still on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wife 's hospice care event though she had died more than two months earlier .
Vieanna Huertas , chief of the Civilian Human Resources Agency division , testified she was surprised to discover that Salter had signed Moore 's special leave request for two reasons .
The first was that Salter lacked authority to approve the request .
The second was that Salter signed after the date of death .
Huertas was blunt about Salter 's actions .
The approval was `` illegal , '' a `` falsification '' of official records .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ended… he should have been taken off of the program . ''
Meanwhile , Salter 's annual performance rating was upgraded to the highest possible level even though she had improperly signed off on Moore 's extended leave .
Whitlock signed the document , telling DCReport he did so at Randon 's insistence .
A month earlier , on Jan. 5 , 2018 , Whitlock had filed his racial discrimination complaint .
Federal law was supposed to shield him from retaliation while his case was pending .
Nonetheless , in March 2018 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over Moore 's leave and return to duty notice , Whitlock was suddenly reassigned by Trump 's then deputy secretary of the Army , Ryan McCarthy , to a job at Fort McNair in Washington , across the Potomac River from the Pentagon .
Whitlock and David Shapiro , his lawyer , said it was punitive and retaliatory since he had no significant or relevant duties at the Center for Military History .
Horoho 's office , after work on a Friday , directed Whitlock to meet Horoho at the Pentagon on Monday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Whitlock his transfer notice , which was dated the previous Friday .
Whitlock immediately left for Fort McNair .
He arrived just as a call from Horoho 's office advised Fort McNair officials of Whitlock 's transfer .
Barred from His Old Office When Whitlock went to his Pentagon office to retrieve personal effects , including medical records and legal documents , he was stopped .
`` I was called into and excoriated by another Trump appointee who said I was never to come back into the Pentagon . ''
Six months after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Whitlock received a formal notice of proposed termination .
The stated reasons were `` lack of candor '' and `` conduct unbecoming an Army senior executive . ''
Whitlock was still unaware of the general 's report .
In December , he received the formal proposal of removal .
Under its terms , Whitlock would n't just lose his Army job ; he was to be removed from the federal Senior Executive Service just a few years short of eligibility for a pension .
While Whitlock was twiddling his thumbs at Fort McNair @ @ @ @ @ @ @ old job promoting diversity .
It was Spurgeon Moore who became , in an acting capacity , `` Assistant Deputy Secretary of the Army for Diversity '' —Whitlock 's old job .
Evidently taking advantage of a special leave time program for which Moore was ineligible was of no consequence compared with Whitlock 's one mistaken keystroke .
On January 9 , 2019 , Whitlock was terminated .
The Trump administration simply ignored the law that 's supposed to protect people who file a credible claim of racial discrimination .
Whitlock said he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to tell his aged mother .
She was also a Columbia University graduate who retired after a distinguished career at the Central Intelligence Agency .
Whitlock did n't contact former Obama appointees at the Pentagon for advice , either .
`` I decided I was going to fight this .
I had been a hard worker , I accomplished difficult things , I was honest .
I did n't even get the basic official counseling sessions or reprimands or anything that would give me a chance to resign first . ''
Weeks later @ @ @ @ @ @ @ annual Black Engineer of the Year Award conference was held in Washington .
Among those attending was a much higher level official than Whitlock—Clarence Johnson , director of the Defense Department Diversity Center .
Johnson testified at Whitlock 's hearings that Salter went around introducing Spurgeon Moore as her new boss .
Johnson said Salter bragged about her success in getting a boss she liked to replace Whitlock .
`` I got the other motherfucker back . ''
Salter testified later that she did n't say that at that event .
In June @ @ @ @ @ @ @ finally heard testimony .
Whitlock 's lawyer , David Shapiro had warned him that board judges almost never deny the government 's position .
The system , set up originally to shield whistleblowers , has morphed over time into a legal sword that effectively thwarts federal workers who challenge their bosses .
Sure enough , the administrative judge ruled for the Army .
She said that she did n't find Whitlock 's defense that he accidentally emailed Salter 's draft evaluation `` credible . ''
She said nothing about the severe penalty of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his right to appeal the administrative law judge 's decision and go to trial in federal district court .
In early 2020 , the Army tried to have Whitlock 's case moved from the mostly Black and heavily Democratic District of Columbia to Northern Virginia , where juries have been shown again and again to be very government-friendly .
Indeed , it is the government 's preferred jurisdiction in terrorism cases because its pool of potential jurors lean strongly in favor of whatever position the government asserts .
In court papers , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is proper because when Whitlock was fired he worked at the Pentagon , which is in Virginia .
That 's not true .
Documents in evidence show clearly that Whitlock was at Fort McNair in the District of Columbia .
Shapiro is opposing any transfer out of the district .
While his case drags on , Whitlock has managed to maintain a sense of humor .
In August , Whitlock received an email from the company sponsoring the 35th annual Black Engineer of the Year Awards to be held in February 2021 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ submit nominations .

Warren S. Whitlock, the federal civilian officer assigned to get the U.S. Army moving on racial diversity issues, was fired after two secret, unauthorized investigations.
The firing was justified by the Army because of one erroneous keystroke on his Army computer.
Whitlock never got a chance to defend himself before he was fired in January 2019. In part that was because a Trump appointee covered up the improper nature of one of the investigations by requesting retroactive approval. No one told Whitlock he was the subject of so-called 15-6 investigations, named for an Army regulation number. Army officers and civilians dread the 15-6 as a career killer. Only when he was about to be fired did Whitlock learn of the secret investigations and months of secret machinations against him.
Whitlock, with degrees from Princeton and Columbia, had a successful career as a diversity officer in the federal Transportation Department. He took on challenging assignments others believed were impossible and produced success. He was asked to become one of the Army's highest-ranking Black civilians during the waning days of the Obama administration to shake up what the Obama people considered an underperforming equal opportunity and diversity office. He tackled problems that had languished since George Herbert Walker Bush was commander in chief nearly 30 years ago.
This is the second of two articles about the firing of Pentagon official Warren S. Whitlock. In Part One, we showed how racists in the Trump administration targeted the career public servant and dismissed him without a pension or health care.
But then the racist Trump administration came in. Twice, Whitlock was the subject of secret investigations as both his boss and a subordinate worked to oust him.
The first investigation was over arrangements for the annual Black Engineer of the Year Award. Whitlock's civilian boss, Diane Randon, questioned his choice of a highly qualified and retiring Army lieutenant colonel for the award. Randon also singled out Whitlock in quietly directing her subordinates to keep tabs on comings and goings.
Undercut by a Subordinate
A secret report by a two-star general severely criticized Whitlock. But it also showed that one award's package was submitted late because Seema Salter, a subordinate who despised Whitlock and behind his back called him a "motherfucker," had delayed getting her own award paperwork to Whitlock. There is no record of an investigation into why the subordinate delayed her actions and whether she did so to undermine her boss, whom she later bragged, testimony showed, she had gotten removed.
Another subordinate absolved Whitlock. Margo Barfield, Whitlock's assistant, told him and Randon in a meeting in late 2017 that she was to blame for the problems in planning and arranging the Black Engineer of the Year award at the beginning of the year.
Barfield said she was "completely" responsible, Whitlock testified at his 2019 racial discrimination hearing. That contradicted Randon, who held only Whitlock at fault and used that assertion to arrange the unauthorized investigation.
Randon told the Army inspector general that she was disappointed in Whitlock's leadership because he didn't offer to take responsibility for what she called Barfield's error. Gratuitously, Randon added in the interview that she was "wanting Mr. Whitlock to just throw himself on a grenade..."
After Whitlock was fired his lawyer, David Shapiro, said Randon's conduct was reprehensible. He told DCReport that the secret monitoring of Whitlock's time and attendance ordered by Randon was "racist."
Boss Fails to Review Performance
Randon's duties included evaluating Whitlock's performance. But Randon failed to do the mandatory mid-year evaluation in 2017 which, assuming she found his performance wanting, would have officially set in motion training and counseling that could have preserved Whitlock's job. Instead, her first evaluation, filed Nov. 28, 2017, gave him a 1, the lowest possible rating on a scale of 1 to 5 used for Senior Executive Service civil servants.
"I was floored. No one gets a 1," Whitlock said. Pentagon officials said they could not find another example of a Senior Executive Service member given that bottom score.
Before Randon's evaluation, Whitlock had been consistently graded a 4, including his first evaluation at the Pentagon in late 2016 when Barack Obama was still president.
In December 2017, while Whitlock fulminated over his lousy job rating, still unaware he was the focus of the two secret investigations, Army lawyers determined that the Randon investigating officer "exceeded the scope of the investigation by investigating Mr. Whitlock without notifying" the Army inspector general.
Trump Appointee Covers Up
"It was ascertained that the AR 15-6 investigation... was never approved by the appointing authority," the lawyers wrote. Their findings became moot because of a curious action by Raymond T. Horoho, whom Donald Trump had named acting assistant secretary of the Army for Manpower and Personnel, the Army's top civilian for personnel.
In September 2017, Horoho wrote a memo to the judge advocate general's office, providing cover for Randon.
Horoho requested "approval to designate Ms. Diane Randon as the approval officer for the subject investigation as an exception to Army Regulation" requiring advance approval by her superiors. Horoho noted that she had "appointed" the investigation months earlier on March 15, 2017. In effect, Horoho wanted approval to back-date the unauthorized first investigation and a second unauthorized probe, the kind of rules abuse that has been common in the Trump administration.
The request mattered if Randon was to be let off the hook. So what discipline was meted out to Randon for arranging an unauthorized investigation? The white woman's behavior was thoroughly reviewed and addressed with a "teach and train memorandum" sent to Randon.
Meanwhile, Whitlock had no idea he had been investigated, no idea what General Leslie Purser had concluded in her investigative report and thus had no opportunity to challenge the negative findings of his performance. "I was a dead man walking and I was the only person who did not know it," he said three years later.
In January 2018 Whitlock filed a racial discrimination complaint against Randon, still unaware of the 15-6 investigation and report, but upset over what he regarded as her foul treatment of him.
Unequal Treatment
There was one more crisis developing that would seal Whitlock's fate. This involved the subordinate who had delayed the award paperwork, Seema Salter, and her good friend, another old-timer in the Army equal opportunity office, Spurgeon Moore.
Moore's wife Patricia entered hospice care. Moore applied for the government's Voluntary Leave Transfer Program on Oct. 30, 2018. If granted, it would allow him almost unlimited paid leave to spend with his wife in her final days. The leave time costs taxpayers nothing because federal employees donate their own leave hours.
Moore's wife died the next day. That ended his eligibility for the voluntary leave program. However, her death made him eligible for another benefit, the Army Bereavement Leave.
Despite this, four days after Patricia Moore's death his request for the donated leave-time program was approved. The approval was signed by his longtime friend and colleague Salter, even though she lacked authority to approve the request. It should have been signed by Whitlock, as Moore's superior, under Army regulations. Whitlock knew nothing of the improper approval.
"Spurgeon should have dropped" voluntary leave application, Whitlock said, "and applied for the military's bereavement leave."
Ordered Back to Work
Bereavement leave would have entitled Moore to about a month off, plus extra days for memorial services and administrative details. Whitlock said Moore basically disappeared."I didn't see him in the office November or December, though I would hear he came in several times when I wasn't there," Whitlock said. He added he sent numerous emails and left voicemails. "It looked like he was ducking my calls."
Despite repeated attempts, Moore could not be reached for comment.
Moore let Randon and Salter know he planned to delay his return until after his wife's burial at Arlington Cemetery. Because of a burial backlog that was not expected until early March, more than four months after his wife's death. Whitlock noted that this was far in excess of what he was entitled to under bereavement leave.
Around Valentine's Day, after discussing the situation with both an Army personnel office and with Trump appointee Horoho, Whitlock sent Moore a formal "return to duty" notice.
Randon Undercuts Whitlock
Randon quickly tried to get that notice rescinded, she later confirmed under oath. She also barraged Whitlock with emails and phone calls asking what he was doing and to withdraw the return to duty notice, according to testimony during the merit systems board hearing.
Randon testified Moore advised her that he was not emotionally stable enough to return to work. She added that Horoho, who had approved the return to work notice, also was worried about Moore. What Horoho, who was later relieved of his job for unrelated reasons, actually thought is unknown because he was never called to testify.
Meanwhile, at the Army personnel office, the staff that regularly handled requests for voluntary leave became aware an employee in the Army Diversity and Leadership Office was still on extended voluntary leave to help with his wife's hospice care event though she had died more than two months earlier.
Salter's 'Illegal' Signing
Vieanna Huertas, chief of the Civilian Human Resources Agency division, testified she was surprised to discover that Salter had signed Moore's special leave request for two reasons. The first was that Salter lacked authority to approve the request. The second was that Salter signed after the date of death.
Huertas was blunt about Salter's actions. The approval was "illegal," a "falsification" of official records. When Moore's family "emergency had ended… he should have been taken off of the program."
Meanwhile, Salter's annual performance rating was upgraded to the highest possible level even though she had improperly signed off on Moore's extended leave. Whitlock signed the document, telling DCReport he did so at Randon's insistence.
Discrimination Claim
A month earlier, on Jan. 5, 2018, Whitlock had filed his racial discrimination complaint. Federal law was supposed to shield him from retaliation while his case was pending.
Nonetheless, in March 2018, a month after he tangled with Randon over Moore's leave and return to duty notice, Whitlock was suddenly reassigned by Trump's then deputy secretary of the Army, Ryan McCarthy, to a job at Fort McNair in Washington, across the Potomac River from the Pentagon. Whitlock and David Shapiro, his lawyer, said it was punitive and retaliatory since he had no significant or relevant duties at the Center for Military History.
Horoho's office, after work on a Friday, directed Whitlock to meet Horoho at the Pentagon on Monday morning at 8:30. Horoho personally handed Whitlock his transfer notice, which was dated the previous Friday. Whitlock immediately left for Fort McNair. He arrived just as a call from Horoho's office advised Fort McNair officials of Whitlock's transfer.
Barred from His Old Office
When Whitlock went to his Pentagon office to retrieve personal effects, including medical records and legal documents, he was stopped. "I was called into and excoriated by another Trump appointee who said I was never to come back into the Pentagon."
Six months after his transfer, in September 2018, Whitlock received a formal notice of proposed termination. The stated reasons were "lack of candor" and "conduct unbecoming an Army senior executive." Whitlock was still unaware of the general's report.
In December, he received the formal proposal of removal. Under its terms, Whitlock wouldn't just lose his Army job; he was to be removed from the federal Senior Executive Service just a few years short of eligibility for a pension.
While Whitlock was twiddling his thumbs at Fort McNair, the Army appointed someone to his old job promoting diversity. It was Spurgeon Moore who became, in an acting capacity, "Assistant Deputy Secretary of the Army for Diversity" —Whitlock's old job. Evidently taking advantage of a special leave time program for which Moore was ineligible was of no consequence compared with Whitlock's one mistaken keystroke.
Fired
On January 9, 2019, Whitlock was terminated. The Trump administration simply ignored the law that's supposed to protect people who file a credible claim of racial discrimination.
Whitlock said he was devastated. He was too embarrassed to tell his aged mother. She was also a Columbia University graduate who retired after a distinguished career at the Central Intelligence Agency.
Whitlock didn't contact former Obama appointees at the Pentagon for advice, either. "I decided I was going to fight this. I had been a hard worker, I accomplished difficult things, I was honest. I didn't even get the basic official counseling sessions or reprimands or anything that would give me a chance to resign first."
Weeks later, in February 2019, the next annual Black Engineer of the Year Award conference was held in Washington. Among those attending was a much higher level official than Whitlock—Clarence Johnson, director of the Defense Department Diversity Center.
Johnson testified at Whitlock's hearings that Salter went around introducing Spurgeon Moore as her new boss. Johnson said Salter bragged about her success in getting a boss she liked to replace Whitlock. "I got the other motherfucker back."
Salter testified later that she didn't say that at that event.
In June 2019 the Merit Systems Protection Board judge finally heard testimony. Whitlock's lawyer, David Shapiro had warned him that board judges almost never deny the government's position. The system, set up originally to shield whistleblowers, has morphed over time into a legal sword that effectively thwarts federal workers who challenge their bosses.
Sure enough, the administrative judge ruled for the Army. She said that she didn't find Whitlock's defense that he accidentally emailed Salter's draft evaluation "credible." She said nothing about the severe penalty of discharge over a keystroke.
Appeal to District Court
Whitlock exercised his right to appeal the administrative law judge's decision and go to trial in federal district court.
In early 2020, the Army tried to have Whitlock's case moved from the mostly Black and heavily Democratic District of Columbia to Northern Virginia, where juries have been shown again and again to be very government-friendly. Indeed, it is the government's preferred jurisdiction in terrorism cases because its pool of potential jurors lean strongly in favor of whatever position the government asserts.
In court papers, the Army argued that transferring the Whitlock case is proper because when Whitlock was fired he worked at the Pentagon, which is in Virginia.
That's not true. Documents in evidence show clearly that Whitlock was at Fort McNair in the District of Columbia. Shapiro is opposing any transfer out of the district.
While his case drags on, Whitlock has managed to maintain a sense of humor.
In August, Whitlock received an email from the company sponsoring the 35th annual Black Engineer of the Year Awards to be held in February 2021. It was a reminder that he should submit nominations.
Whitlock laughed.


alternet--2020-10-24--Investigation reveals just how dangerous Trump's rallies are for public health

An investigation into the latest accelerated spread of coronavirus in multiple states appears to be linked to President Donald Trump 's string of campaign rallies over the last several weeks .
As coronavirus plagues states all across America , Trump continues to blatantly disregard how dangerous his campaign rallies are for his campaign staff , White House advisors and aides , and everyone who attends his political events .
Now , USA Today has explained the extent of the spreads in several counties following the president 's rallies .
According to the analysis released by USA Today , case rates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Minnesota ; Lackawanna , Pennsylvania ; Marathon , Wisconsin ; Dauphin , Pennsylvania ; and Beltrami , Minnesota—increased at a faster pace after Trump 's rallies .
Collectively , these counties reported 1,500 additional new cases in the two weeks after Trump 's campaign rallies .
The previous number of 8,069 jumped to 9,647 cases .
As President Donald Trump jetted across the country holding campaign rallies during the past two months , he did n't just defy state orders and federal health guidelines .
He left a trail of coronavirus outbreaks in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ full contact tracing will make it a bit more difficult to definitively determine whether or not Trump 's rallies were the sole cause of the coronavirus ' accelerated spread in multiple states , the upticks in the counties highlighted clearly indicate that the president 's events likely influenced the spread .
Public health officials have also managed to link some cases and hospitalizations in Wisconsin to the president 's recent rallies .
Public health officials additionally have linked 16 cases , including two hospitalizations , with the rally in Beltrami County , Minnesota @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Marathon County , Wisconsin .
Outside of the counties identified by USA TODAY with a greater case increase after rallies , officials identified four cases linked to Trump rallies .
The USA Today report comes as the United States battles its highest number of coronavirus cases in a single day , now surpassing the massive surge over the summer .
According to the Wall Street Journal , the United States topped 80,000 cases in a single day on

An investigation into the latest accelerated spread of coronavirus in multiple states appears to be linked to President Donald Trump's string of campaign rallies over the last several weeks.
As coronavirus plagues states all across America, Trump continues to blatantly disregard how dangerous his campaign rallies are for his campaign staff, White House advisors and aides, and everyone who attends his political events. Now, USA Today has explained the extent of the spreads in several counties following the president's rallies.
According to the analysis released by USA Today, case rates in at least five counties—Blue Earth, Minnesota; Lackawanna, Pennsylvania; Marathon, Wisconsin; Dauphin, Pennsylvania; and Beltrami, Minnesota—increased at a faster pace after Trump's rallies. Collectively, these counties reported 1,500 additional new cases in the two weeks after Trump's campaign rallies. The previous number of 8,069 jumped to 9,647 cases.
As President Donald Trump jetted across the country holding campaign rallies during the past two months, he didn't just defy state orders and federal health guidelines. He left a trail of coronavirus outbreaks in his wake.
While the absence of full contact tracing will make it a bit more difficult to definitively determine whether or not Trump's rallies were the sole cause of the coronavirus' accelerated spread in multiple states, the upticks in the counties highlighted clearly indicate that the president's events likely influenced the spread.
Public health officials have also managed to link some cases and hospitalizations in Wisconsin to the president's recent rallies.
Public health officials additionally have linked 16 cases, including two hospitalizations, with the rally in Beltrami County, Minnesota, and one case with the rally in Marathon County, Wisconsin. Outside of the counties identified by USA TODAY with a greater case increase after rallies, officials identified four cases linked to Trump rallies.
The USA Today report comes as the United States battles its highest number of coronavirus cases in a single day, now surpassing the massive surge over the summer. According to the Wall Street Journal, the United States topped 80,000 cases in a single day on


alternet--2020-10-24--Legal experts slam Jared and Ivanka's 'abusively frivolous' lawsuit over Lincoln Project billboards

Legal experts are pushing back against President Donald Trump 's daughter , Ivanka Trump and her husband , White House Senior Advisor Jared Kushner 's latest threat to file a lawsuit against the Lincoln Project over the political action committee 's billboards criticizing the White House 's handling of the coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) pandemic .
In a letter released on Friday , Trump family attorney Marc Kasowitz released a statement condemning the former Republicans ' billboards located in New York City 's Times Square .
`` We represent Mr. Jared Kushner and Ms. Ivanka Trump , '' Kasowitz wrote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ false , malicious and defamatory ads that the Lincoln Project is displaying on billboards in Times Square . ''
Kasowitz went on to describe the billboards and his interpretation of the ads saying : `` Those ads show Ms. Trump smiling and gesturing toward a death count of Americans and New Yorkers , and attribute to Mr. Kushner the statement that ' [ New Yorkers ] are going to suffer and that 's their problem ' ( alteration in original ) , with body bags underneath . ''
However , multiple legal experts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as they criticized the couple 's stance .
In fact , First Amendment attorney Ken White also described their actions as `` absolutely frivolous . ''
`` This is an abusively frivolous defamation claim , '' White tweeted .
`` In a normal era , shamefully stupid , but standard for Trumps and the amoral hucksters they hire as lawyers . ''
Robert Mueller 's former top lieutenant Andrew Weissmann also chimed in via Twitter with words of criticism toward Kushner and Ivanka Trump .
Weissmann tweeted , `` The apple does not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
Despite the couple 's threat , the Lincoln Project released a response via Twitter as they dismissed the threatening letter .
The group tweeted , `` Jared and Ivanka have always been entitled , out-of-touch bullies who have never given the slightest indication they have any regard for the American people .
We plan on showing them the same level of respect . ''
The anti-Trump group made it clear the billboards will remain in place .
`` The billboards will stay up , '' the group said in a tweeted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that in Times Square , the crossroads of the world , people are continuously reminded of the cruelty , audacity and staggering lack of empathy the Trumps and the Kushners have displayed towards the American people . ''

Legal experts are pushing back against President Donald Trump's daughter, Ivanka Trump and her husband, White House Senior Advisor Jared Kushner's latest threat to file a lawsuit against the Lincoln Project over the political action committee's billboards criticizing the White House's handling of the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic.
In a letter released on Friday, Trump family attorney Marc Kasowitz released a statement condemning the former Republicans' billboards located in New York City's Times Square.
"We represent Mr. Jared Kushner and Ms. Ivanka Trump," Kasowitz wrote. "I am writing concerning the false, malicious and defamatory ads that the Lincoln Project is displaying on billboards in Times Square."
Kasowitz went on to describe the billboards and his interpretation of the ads saying: "Those ads show Ms. Trump smiling and gesturing toward a death count of Americans and New Yorkers, and attribute to Mr. Kushner the statement that '[New Yorkers] are going to suffer and that's their problem' (alteration in original), with body bags underneath."
However, multiple legal experts have taken to Twitter with their responses as they criticized the couple's stance. In fact, First Amendment attorney Ken White also described their actions as "absolutely frivolous."
"This is an abusively frivolous defamation claim," White tweeted. "In a normal era, shamefully stupid, but standard for Trumps and the amoral hucksters they hire as lawyers."
Robert Mueller's former top lieutenant Andrew Weissmann also chimed in via Twitter with words of criticism toward Kushner and Ivanka Trump. Weissmann tweeted, "The apple does not fall far from the Donald Trump tree."
Despite the couple's threat, the Lincoln Project released a response via Twitter as they dismissed the threatening letter. The group tweeted, "Jared and Ivanka have always been entitled, out-of-touch bullies who have never given the slightest indication they have any regard for the American people. We plan on showing them the same level of respect."
The anti-Trump group made it clear the billboards will remain in place. "The billboards will stay up," the group said in a tweeted statement. "We consider it important that in Times Square, the crossroads of the world, people are continuously reminded of the cruelty, audacity and staggering lack of empathy the Trumps and the Kushners have displayed towards the American people."


alternet--2020-10-24--Expert: 2020's biggest threat to American democracy isn't Trump -- not directly

The United States of America is widely known as `` The Free World , '' but sadly , voter suppression is still a major topic of contention and a contributing factor to the polarization of the country .
According to the LA Times , voter suppression is at an all-time high and President Donald Trump 's war on mail-in voting has only triggered more acts of voter suppression .
From voters in Memphis , Tenn. being turned away from a poll location for wearing `` Black Lives Matter '' t-shirts to excessively long voting lines in Georgia as a result @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being shut down , voter suppression has played a dominant role in this election .
In fact , some Democratic voters have been faced with more aggressive acts of voter suppression as a result of voter intimidation .
Richard L. Hasen , a University of California ( Irvine ) law professor and authority on voting , weighed in on the resurfacing of major voter suppression in the United States .
`` We have an incredibly polarized country and we have a political party whose leader thinks it 's to the party 's advantage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ register to vote and to vote , '' Hasen told the LA Times .
`` So that is where we are . ''
Hasen went on to discuss the Republican Party and the difference between President Donald Trump and previous Republican presidential candidates like Sen. Mitt Romney ( R-Utah ) and the late Sen. John McCain ( R-Ariz. ) .
Trump has focused on implementing ways to suppress votes , typically among Black and Latino voters .
The law professor also expressed concerns about the rise of a `` voter suppression wing '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suppressing opposing votes as a means of winning the election as opposed to pushing for inclusion of voters .
`` There are two strands in the Republican Party , '' said Hasen .
`` There is one that has tried to be more inclusive , as a means to win elections and there is a voter-suppression wing .
With Trump in office , it 's clear the voter-suppression wing is dominant right now . ''
Heightened concerns about voter suppression and intimidation continue to impact states all across America as Election Day approaches @

The United States of America is widely known as "The Free World," but sadly, voter suppression is still a major topic of contention and a contributing factor to the polarization of the country.
According to the LA Times, voter suppression is at an all-time high and President Donald Trump's war on mail-in voting has only triggered more acts of voter suppression. From voters in Memphis, Tenn. being turned away from a poll location for wearing "Black Lives Matter" t-shirts to excessively long voting lines in Georgia as a result of nearly 10% of poll locations being shut down, voter suppression has played a dominant role in this election.
In fact, some Democratic voters have been faced with more aggressive acts of voter suppression as a result of voter intimidation. Richard L. Hasen, a University of California (Irvine) law professor and authority on voting, weighed in on the resurfacing of major voter suppression in the United States.
"We have an incredibly polarized country and we have a political party whose leader thinks it's to the party's advantage to make it harder for people to register to vote and to vote," Hasen told the LA Times. "So that is where we are."
Hasen went on to discuss the Republican Party and the difference between President Donald Trump and previous Republican presidential candidates like Sen. Mitt Romney (R-Utah) and the late Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.). Trump has focused on implementing ways to suppress votes, typically among Black and Latino voters.
The law professor also expressed concerns about the rise of a "voter suppression wing" as he highlighted Trump's focus on suppressing opposing votes as a means of winning the election as opposed to pushing for inclusion of voters.
"There are two strands in the Republican Party," said Hasen. "There is one that has tried to be more inclusive, as a means to win elections and there is a voter-suppression wing. With Trump in office, it's clear the voter-suppression wing is dominant right now."
Heightened concerns about voter suppression and intimidation continue to impact states all across America as Election Day approaches.


alternet--2020-10-24--Faith and spirituality run deep in Black Lives Matter

Black Lives Matters ( BLM ) has been portrayed by its detractors as many things : Marxist , radical , anti-American .
Added to this growing list of charges is that it is either irreligious or doing religion wrong .
In late July , for instance , conservative commentator Andrew Sullivan tweeted that BLM was “ incompatible '' with Christianity .
He is n't alone in that belief .
Despite receiving the backing of diverse faith leaders and groups , BLM has been attacked by sections of the religious right .
One evangelical institution felt compelled to issue a statement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Godless agenda . ''
Other evangelicals have gone further , accusing BLM founders of being “ witches '' and “ operating in the demonic realm . ''
Joining conservative Christians are some self-proclaimed liberals and atheists who have also denounced BLM as a social movement that functions like a “ cult '' or “ pseudo '' religion .
As scholars of religion , we believe such views fail to acknowledge – let alone engage with – the rich spiritual and religious pluralism of Black Lives Matter .
For the past few years , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ movement and affiliated organizations express faith and spirituality .
Since 2015 we have interviewed BLM leaders and organizers as well as Buddhist leaders inspired by the movement .
What we found was that BLM was not only a movement seeking radical political reform , but a spiritual movement seeking to heal and empower while inspiring other religious allies seeking inclusivity .
On July 13 , 2013 – the day of the acquittal of George Zimmerman , who had killed an unarmed black teenage named Trayvon Martin – soon-to-be BLM co-founder Alicia Garza , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ People '' on Facebook .
She declared : “ We do n't deserve to be killed with impunity .
We need to love ourselves and fight for a world where black lives matter .
Black people , I love you .
I love us .
We matter .
Our lives matter . ''
Since its inception , BLM organizers have expressed their founding spirit of love through an emphasis on spiritual healing , principles , and practices in their racial justice work .
BLM leaders , such as co-founder Patrisse Cullors , are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cullors grew up as a Jehovah 's Witness , and later became ordained in Ifà , a west African Yoruba religion .
Drawing on Native American , Buddhist and mindfulness traditions , her syncretic spiritual practice is fundamental to her work .
As Cullors explained to us , “ The fight to save your life is a spiritual fight . ''
Theologian Tricia Hersey , known as the “ Nap Bishop , '' a nod to her Divinity degree and her work advocating for rest as a form of resistance , founded the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2016 .
In an interview with Cullors , Hersey said she considers human bodies as “ sites of liberation '' that connect Black Americans to the “ creator , ancestors , and universe . ''
She describes rest as a spiritual practice for community healing and resistance and naps as “ healing portals . ''
Hersey connects this belief to her upbringing in the Black Pentecostal Church of God in Christ , where , she explained , “ I was able to see the body being a vehicle for spirit . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , such as “ healing justice '' – which uses a range of holistic approaches to address trauma and oppression by centering emotional and spiritual well-being – and “ transformative justice '' which assists with creating processes to repair harm without violence .
Black Lives Matter protesters pray near the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. Transformative justice , central to the beliefs of many in the BLM movement , is a philosophic approach to peacemaking .
With roots in the Quaker tradition , it approaches harms committed as an opportunity for education .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ problem to be solved through mutual understanding , as often seen in work to decriminalize sex work and drug addiction .
BLM affiliated organizer Cara Page , who coined the term “ healing justice , '' did so in response to watching decades of activists commit themselves completely to social justice causes to the detriment of their physical and mental health .
She advocates that “ movements themselves have to be healing , or there 's no point to them . ''
BLM-affiliated organizations utilize spiritual tools such as meditation , reiki , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and prayer , along with other African and Indigenous spiritualities to connect and care for those directly impacted by state violence and white supremacy .
For instance , Dignity and Power Now or DPN , an organization founded by Cullors in Los Angeles in 2012 , hosts almost weekly wellness clinics on Sundays , often referred to as “ church '' by attendees .
On July 26 , 2020 , they held a virtual event called Calm-Unity , to remind people that “ without healing there is no justice . ''
Classes included @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chinese medicine , and altar making .
In interviews , movement leaders described honoring their body , mind and soul as an act of resilience .
They see themselves as inheritors of the spiritual duty to fight for racial justice , following in the footsteps of freedom fighters like abolitionist Harriet Tubman .
BLM leaders often invoke the names of abolitionist ancestors in a ceremony used at the beginning of protests .
In fact , protests often contain many spiritual purification , protection and healing practices including the burning of sage , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of sacred sites and altars at locations of mourning .
'More religion , not less' BLM 's rich spiritual expressions have also inspired and transformed many American faith leaders .
Black evangelical leader Barbara Salter McNeil credits BLM activists in Ferguson as changing the Christian church by showing racism must be tackled structurally and not just as individual sin .
U.S. Buddhist leaders presented a statement on racial justice to the White House in which they shared they were “ inspired by the courage and leadership '' of Black Lives Matter .
Jewish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , have incorporated BLM principles to make their communities more inclusive and justice oriented .
As University of Arizona scholar Erika Gault observes , “ The Black church is not the only religious well from which Black movements have historically drawn , '' and with Black Lives Matter , “ We are actually seeing more religion , not less . ''
Attempts to erase the rich religious landscape of Black Lives Matter by both conservative and liberal voices continues a long history of denouncing Black spirituality as inauthentic and threatening .
[ Deep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Conversation 's newsletter . ]
The history of white supremacy , often enacted within institutional Christianity , has often vilified and criminalized Indigenous and African beliefs , promoted the idea that Black people are divinely destined to servitude , and subjected communities to forced conversions .
As Cullors said to us in response to current attacks against BLM as demonic , “ For centuries , the way we are allowed to commune with the divine has been policed ; in the movement for Black lives , we believe that all connections to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Hebah H. Farrag , Assistant Director of Research , Center for Religion and Civic Culture , USC Dornsife College of Letters , Arts and Sciences and Ann Gleig , Associate Professor of Religion , University of Central Florida This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

Black Lives Matters (BLM) has been portrayed by its detractors as many things: Marxist, radical, anti-American. Added to this growing list of charges is that it is either irreligious or doing religion wrong.
In late July, for instance, conservative commentator Andrew Sullivan tweeted that BLM was “incompatible" with Christianity.
He isn't alone in that belief. Despite receiving the backing of diverse faith leaders and groups, BLM has been attacked by sections of the religious right. One evangelical institution felt compelled to issue a statement warning Christians about the movement's “Godless agenda." Other evangelicals have gone further, accusing BLM founders of being “witches" and “operating in the demonic realm."
Joining conservative Christians are some self-proclaimed liberals and atheists who have also denounced BLM as a social movement that functions like a “cult" or “pseudo" religion.
As scholars of religion, we believe such views fail to acknowledge – let alone engage with – the rich spiritual and religious pluralism of Black Lives Matter. For the past few years, we have been observing the way the movement and affiliated organizations express faith and spirituality.
Since 2015 we have interviewed BLM leaders and organizers as well as Buddhist leaders inspired by the movement. What we found was that BLM was not only a movement seeking radical political reform, but a spiritual movement seeking to heal and empower while inspiring other religious allies seeking inclusivity.
A love letter
Black Lives Matter was born from a love letter.
On July 13, 2013 – the day of the acquittal of George Zimmerman, who had killed an unarmed black teenage named Trayvon Martin – soon-to-be BLM co-founder Alicia Garza, posted “A Love Letter to Black People" on Facebook. She declared:
“We don't deserve to be killed with impunity. We need to love ourselves and fight for a world where black lives matter. Black people, I love you. I love us. We matter. Our lives matter."
Since its inception, BLM organizers have expressed their founding spirit of love through an emphasis on spiritual healing, principles, and practices in their racial justice work.
BLM leaders, such as co-founder Patrisse Cullors, are deeply committed to incorporating spiritual leadership. Cullors grew up as a Jehovah's Witness, and later became ordained in Ifà, a west African Yoruba religion. Drawing on Native American, Buddhist and mindfulness traditions, her syncretic spiritual practice is fundamental to her work. As Cullors explained to us, “The fight to save your life is a spiritual fight."
Theologian Tricia Hersey, known as the “Nap Bishop," a nod to her Divinity degree and her work advocating for rest as a form of resistance, founded the BLM affiliated organization, The Nap Ministry in 2016.
In an interview with Cullors, Hersey said she considers human bodies as “sites of liberation" that connect Black Americans to the “creator, ancestors, and universe." She describes rest as a spiritual practice for community healing and resistance and naps as “healing portals." Hersey connects this belief to her upbringing in the Black Pentecostal Church of God in Christ, where, she explained, “I was able to see the body being a vehicle for spirit."
The movement is committed to spiritual principles, such as “healing justice" – which uses a range of holistic approaches to address trauma and oppression by centering emotional and spiritual well-being – and “transformative justice" which assists with creating processes to repair harm without violence.
Black Lives Matter protesters pray near the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C.
Drew Angerer/Getty Images
Transformative justice, central to the beliefs of many in the BLM movement, is a philosophic approach to peacemaking. With roots in the Quaker tradition, it approaches harms committed as an opportunity for education. Crime is taken to be a community problem to be solved through mutual understanding, as often seen in work to decriminalize sex work and drug addiction.
BLM affiliated organizer Cara Page, who coined the term “healing justice," did so in response to watching decades of activists commit themselves completely to social justice causes to the detriment of their physical and mental health. She advocates that “movements themselves have to be healing, or there's no point to them."
'Without healing, no justice'
BLM-affiliated organizations utilize spiritual tools such as meditation, reiki, acupuncture, plant medicine, chanting, and prayer, along with other African and Indigenous spiritualities to connect and care for those directly impacted by state violence and white supremacy.
For instance, Dignity and Power Now or DPN, an organization founded by Cullors in Los Angeles in 2012, hosts almost weekly wellness clinics on Sundays, often referred to as “church" by attendees.
On July 26, 2020, they held a virtual event called Calm-Unity, to remind people that “without healing there is no justice." Classes included yoga, meditation, African dance, Chinese medicine, and altar making.
In interviews, movement leaders described honoring their body, mind and soul as an act of resilience. They see themselves as inheritors of the spiritual duty to fight for racial justice, following in the footsteps of freedom fighters like abolitionist Harriet Tubman.
BLM leaders often invoke the names of abolitionist ancestors in a ceremony used at the beginning of protests. In fact, protests often contain many spiritual purification, protection and healing practices including the burning of sage, the practice of wearing white and the creation of sacred sites and altars at locations of mourning.
'More religion, not less'
BLM's rich spiritual expressions have also inspired and transformed many American faith leaders. Black evangelical leader Barbara Salter McNeil credits BLM activists in Ferguson as changing the Christian church by showing racism must be tackled structurally and not just as individual sin.
U.S. Buddhist leaders presented a statement on racial justice to the White House in which they shared they were “inspired by the courage and leadership" of Black Lives Matter. Jewish, Muslim and many other religious organizations, have incorporated BLM principles to make their communities more inclusive and justice oriented.
As University of Arizona scholar Erika Gault observes, “The Black church is not the only religious well from which Black movements have historically drawn," and with Black Lives Matter, “We are actually seeing more religion, not less."
Religious pluralism
Attempts to erase the rich religious landscape of Black Lives Matter by both conservative and liberal voices continues a long history of denouncing Black spirituality as inauthentic and threatening.
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The history of white supremacy, often enacted within institutional Christianity, has often vilified and criminalized Indigenous and African beliefs, promoted the idea that Black people are divinely destined to servitude, and subjected communities to forced conversions.
As Cullors said to us in response to current attacks against BLM as demonic, “For centuries, the way we are allowed to commune with the divine has been policed; in the movement for Black lives, we believe that all connections to the creator are sacred and essential."
Hebah H. Farrag, Assistant Director of Research, Center for Religion and Civic Culture, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences and Ann Gleig, Associate Professor of Religion, University of Central Florida
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


alternet--2020-10-24--Voting while God is watching – does having churches as polling stations sway the ballot?

Houses of worship may be busier than usual come Election Day as Americans head to the polls rather than the pews .
A 2010 census of religious congregations identified nearly 350,000 churches , mosques , temples and other religious establishments attended by more than 150 million Americans , primarily for spiritual needs and social relationships .
But during elections , such places double as centers of civic life – serving as community polling places .
In some electoral districts , houses of worship make up a significant number of all voting places , raising important issues about whether voting in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cast their ballots .
Voting in religious spaces is nothing new .
Americans have long been casting their ballots in the same place where they or their neighbors worship .
In early America , the town meeting house often served both religious and secular functions – with the same space housing prayer meetings , schooling and town business .
Although the separation of church and state has largely moved the practice of religious and secular life into separate spheres , churches have continued to house voting booths .
As urban population densities have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1910 to 2010 – election boards have been asked to identify polling sites that are large and empty enough to accommodate voters .
They also need to be accessible and rent-free .
Since government buildings can rarely accommodate these needs – indeed , less than 1 % of polling sites in 2018 were specifically election offices – religious leaders have often offered their buildings as polling sites as a public service .
Although no national data on religious spaces as polling places exists , this arrangement appears to be very common .
For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the 2020 general election in Minneapolis are houses of worship .
In St. Louis , 27 % of precincts vote in religious spaces and , in one ward , all eight of the polling places are churches .
As a scholar who studies how social situations can influence attitudes , I believe where someone votes can subtly but significantly affect how they vote .
Social scientists have long understood that physical and social context shapes the way people think , feel and behave .
Without even realizing it , most of us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ talking about the possibility of visiting a library than when discussing plans to dine at an exclusive restaurant .
Each physical setting offers cues that , at least temporarily , prompt people to think and behave in ways consistent with stereotypes about that space .
Scholars call this a “ priming effect . ''
Sometimes this happens consciously as people realize that they are influenced by the situation .
For example , you might feel serious and reverent while visiting a war memorial .
Much of the time , however , people are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of everyday spaces .
These unconscious influences can be powerful .
For example , people in a business-themed room with briefcases and boardroom tables tended to act more competitive and self-interested in decisions than those making the same decisions in a classroom , researchers found .
Similarly , on average , people who could see a sports drink rather than a bottle of water ran longer on a treadmill .
And those hearing French music over supermarket loudspeakers were more likely to buy French wine than when German music was playing .
[ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for The Conversation 's newsletter and get expert takes on today 's news , every day . ]
These effects extend to the polling booth .
In Arizona 's 2000 general election , citizens voting in schools were more likely to support a state sales tax increase to fund education than citizens with similar social and political characteristics who cast ballots elsewhere .
In a related laboratory study , voters shown images of a school encouraged support for education-oriented taxation , whereas images of a church reduced support for stem-cell research .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ approximately 100 participants from more than 20 different countries to answer questions about their political attitudes and feelings toward various minority groups while standing in front of a cathedral or City Hall in Maastricht , the Netherlands .
Regardless of their own religious identity or beliefs , respondents who could see the church supported more conservative approaches to issues such as immigration , taxes , drug policies , warfare and abortion than those who could see City Hall .
They were also more prejudiced toward minorities such as gay men and immigrants – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recent analysis of 2016 election data from Virginia reveals similar tendencies .
Controlling for population , county-level religiosity and other factors , citizens casting their ballots in churches were significantly more likely to vote for Republican candidates than their nearly identical neighbors who were voting in secular venues .
This effect was strongest for counties with the highest proportion of religious people .
That is , when Christians vote in churches , they seem to be even more likely to vote for conservative candidates than when they vote outside of churches .
Further @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may invite more bias into the polling booth .
When a single mosque was included as a polling site among more than 50 churches in Palm Beach County , Florida , in 2016 , the county 's election board received complaints and threats of violence until they removed the mosque as a polling site .
Meanwhile , Christian churches are common polling sites even in communities that are not themselves predominantly Christian .
As a result , some citizens who may feel stigmatized and threatened by religious institutions are expected to visit them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have complained that voting in churches violates their rights , courts have consistently ruled that the availability of alternatives such as absentee voting means that having places of religion serve as polling stations does not represent a violation of the First Amendment of the Constitution , which guarantees the freedom of religion .
In other words , where you are can influence who you are , even when you do n't notice it .
Although the influences of physical spaces are small and people are more likely to be influenced by these kinds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already have strong opinions on a topic , elections can be decided by fractions of a percent – especially in consequential local races where people may enter the polling booth undecided , and thus be more susceptible to the influences of the space they 're in .
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

Houses of worship may be busier than usual come Election Day as Americans head to the polls rather than the pews.
A 2010 census of religious congregations identified nearly 350,000 churches, mosques, temples and other religious establishments attended by more than 150 million Americans, primarily for spiritual needs and social relationships.
But during elections, such places double as centers of civic life – serving as community polling places. In some electoral districts, houses of worship make up a significant number of all voting places, raising important issues about whether voting in a place of worship influences how people cast their ballots.
Church and state
Voting in religious spaces is nothing new.
Americans have long been casting their ballots in the same place where they or their neighbors worship. In early America, the town meeting house often served both religious and secular functions – with the same space housing prayer meetings, schooling and town business.
Although the separation of church and state has largely moved the practice of religious and secular life into separate spheres, churches have continued to house voting booths.
As urban population densities have grown – more than 500% from 1910 to 2010 – election boards have been asked to identify polling sites that are large and empty enough to accommodate voters. They also need to be accessible and rent-free. Since government buildings can rarely accommodate these needs – indeed, less than 1% of polling sites in 2018 were specifically election offices – religious leaders have often offered their buildings as polling sites as a public service.
Although no national data on religious spaces as polling places exists, this arrangement appears to be very common.
For example, 22% of polling sites for the 2020 general election in Minneapolis are houses of worship. In St. Louis, 27% of precincts vote in religious spaces and, in one ward, all eight of the polling places are churches.
Priming voters
As a scholar who studies how social situations can influence attitudes, I believe where someone votes can subtly but significantly affect how they vote.
Social scientists have long understood that physical and social context shapes the way people think, feel and behave. Without even realizing it, most of us are likely to speak more quietly when talking about the possibility of visiting a library than when discussing plans to dine at an exclusive restaurant.
Each physical setting offers cues that, at least temporarily, prompt people to think and behave in ways consistent with stereotypes about that space. Scholars call this a “priming effect."
Sometimes this happens consciously as people realize that they are influenced by the situation. For example, you might feel serious and reverent while visiting a war memorial. Much of the time, however, people aren't aware of the subtle priming influences of everyday spaces.
These unconscious influences can be powerful.
For example, people in a business-themed room with briefcases and boardroom tables tended to act more competitive and self-interested in decisions than those making the same decisions in a classroom, researchers found.
Similarly, on average, people who could see a sports drink rather than a bottle of water ran longer on a treadmill. And those hearing French music over supermarket loudspeakers were more likely to buy French wine than when German music was playing.
[Expertise in your inbox. Sign up for The Conversation's newsletter and get expert takes on today's news, every day.]
Ballot bias
These effects extend to the polling booth.
In Arizona's 2000 general election, citizens voting in schools were more likely to support a state sales tax increase to fund education than citizens with similar social and political characteristics who cast ballots elsewhere.
In a related laboratory study, voters shown images of a school encouraged support for education-oriented taxation, whereas images of a church reduced support for stem-cell research.
In 2012, my colleagues and I asked approximately 100 participants from more than 20 different countries to answer questions about their political attitudes and feelings toward various minority groups while standing in front of a cathedral or City Hall in Maastricht, the Netherlands.
Regardless of their own religious identity or beliefs, respondents who could see the church supported more conservative approaches to issues such as immigration, taxes, drug policies, warfare and abortion than those who could see City Hall. They were also more prejudiced toward minorities such as gay men and immigrants – especially those of Arab descent.
Our recent analysis of 2016 election data from Virginia reveals similar tendencies. Controlling for population, county-level religiosity and other factors, citizens casting their ballots in churches were significantly more likely to vote for Republican candidates than their nearly identical neighbors who were voting in secular venues.
This effect was strongest for counties with the highest proportion of religious people. That is, when Christians vote in churches, they seem to be even more likely to vote for conservative candidates than when they vote outside of churches.
Further, which houses of worship are selected may invite more bias into the polling booth. When a single mosque was included as a polling site among more than 50 churches in Palm Beach County, Florida, in 2016, the county's election board received complaints and threats of violence until they removed the mosque as a polling site.
Meanwhile, Christian churches are common polling sites even in communities that are not themselves predominantly Christian.
As a result, some citizens who may feel stigmatized and threatened by religious institutions are expected to visit them to vote.
Small influence but tight margins
Although some non-Christian citizens have complained that voting in churches violates their rights, courts have consistently ruled that the availability of alternatives such as absentee voting means that having places of religion serve as polling stations does not represent a violation of the First Amendment of the Constitution, which guarantees the freedom of religion.
In other words, where you are can influence who you are, even when you don't notice it. Although the influences of physical spaces are small and people are more likely to be influenced by these kinds of peripheral cues when they don't already have strong opinions on a topic, elections can be decided by fractions of a percent – especially in consequential local races where people may enter the polling booth undecided, and thus be more susceptible to the influences of the space they're in.
Jordan LaBouff, Associate Professor of Psychology, University of Maine
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.