alternet--2020-10-20--How Donald Trump threatens the retirement of every American worker

Tom Michels worked 31 years at LTV 's iron ore mine in northern Minnesota—and had already started making retirement plans—when the company 's bankruptcy wiped out his job and most of his hard-earned pension .
Michels took a series of odd jobs to make ends meet until he became eligible for the Social Security benefits that now enable the 71-year-old to buy food , cover health care costs and even travel a little with his wife , Vicky .
Yet because of Donald Trump , Michels ' retirement hangs by a thread .
If Trump destroys Social Security , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ millions of other Americans will be cast into poverty with little hope of ever bouncing back .
Some will have no choice but to return to the workforce and toil until they die .
Others , too frail to work and lacking other resources to pay mounting bills , would lose everything they spent their lifetimes building .
`` I hate to even think about what 's going to happen if he 's reelected , '' observed Michels , a former member of United Steelworkers ( USW ) Local 4108 whose income , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just several hundred dollars a month .
`` Social Security is not an entitlement .
It 's something we bought and paid for .
Every hour we worked , we were paying for Social Security , '' Michels said , adding Trump has no right to deprive retirees of benefits they earned .
Because of the country 's aging population , in 2021 Social Security will spend more money on benefits for retirees than it takes in through workers ' payroll taxes .
Many beneficiaries already struggle because payment amounts set by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ care costs .
But instead of shoring up this popular and essential program , Trump wants to kill it .
He repeatedly proposed cutting Social Security Disability Insurance and Supplemental Security Income , which provide crucial assistance to Americans no longer able to provide for themselves and their families .
This past winter , just as the COVID-19 pandemic hit , Trump expressed his desire to take up so-called entitlement reform if reelected .
Astute retirees like Michels understand that is code for cutting programs like Social Security and Medicare .
Then , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taxes under the guise of leaving a few more dollars in the paychecks of Americans struggling to weather the COVID-19 recession .
However , payroll taxes fund Social Security , and cutting off that revenue stream would destroy the program within just a few years .
Trump tried to dupe Americans into thinking that abolishing the payroll tax would be good for them .
`` It sounded attractive , the way he put it , '' noted Michels , who is also the president of the Steelworkers Organization of Active Retirees ( SOAR @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reality , it 's not very attractive .
There 'd be nothing left . ''
Trump 's attacks on Social Security come as Americans depend on the program more than ever .
Greedy corporations no longer provide the pension programs that once supported retirees through their golden years .
Even employers that promised pensions , like those employing Michels and fellow SOAR activist Scott Marshall , often abandon their obligations through bankruptcies or other sneaky maneuvers .
Marshall worked for a glass company , a rail car manufacturer , a steelmaker and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` They all shut down before I could qualify for a pension , '' explained Marshall , who lives in Chicago .
`` Social Security is the only retirement income I have . ''
Marshall , a vice president of SOAR , noted that another 1.3 million Americans belong to multiemployer pension plans facing insolvency because of investment losses , industry consolidation and other factors over which workers had no control .
The Democratic-controlled House passed a commonsense bill , the Butch Lewis Act , in 2019 that would make low-interest loans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continue meeting their obligations to members .
But Trump and his Senate Republican cronies refuse to support the measure , even though some of the troubled plans will run out of money in just a few years .
The uncertain future of these plans makes members ' Social Security benefits all the more important .
During his 2016 campaign , Trump promised to protect Social Security .
If that were truly his goal , he would ensure that millionaires and billionaires , like himself , finally begin contributing their fair share to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their wages to Social Security .
But the government only applies the tax to the first $ 137,700 of a person 's income .
That means millionaires and billionaires pay nothing on most of their fortunes and effectively slide by on a tax rate far below the 6.2 percent ordinary citizens pay .
Abolishing the income cap would ensure the long-term viability of Social Security .
And that would only be fair because , as Marshall noted , workers created the wealth that America 's rich enjoy .
They earned dignified retirements in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ordinary Americans , Trump gives handouts to the 1-percenters .
While demanding cuts in the Social Security programs protecting disabled and ill workers , he signed the 2017 tax giveaway for millionaires and corporations .
`` I know people who voted for Trump originally and are now backing off of him for just that reason , '' Marshall said .
`` They totally get what he 's trying to do to Social Security .
They 're not going to put up with that . ''
After losing their livelihoods and pensions , Michels @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in vain for jobs providing wages and working conditions comparable to what the USW ensured they received at LTV .
Only when they became eligible for Social Security did most of his coworkers regain a measure of financial stability .
If Trump strips that away now , Michels said , many LTV retirees would be unable even to afford health care .
`` It would be devastating , '' he said .
Tom Conway is the international president of the United Steelworkers Union ( USW ) This article was produced by the Independent @ @ @

Tom Michels worked 31 years at LTV's iron ore mine in northern Minnesota—and had already started making retirement plans—when the company's bankruptcy wiped out his job and most of his hard-earned pension.
Michels took a series of odd jobs to make ends meet until he became eligible for the Social Security benefits that now enable the 71-year-old to buy food, cover health care costs and even travel a little with his wife, Vicky.
Yet because of Donald Trump, Michels' retirement hangs by a thread. If Trump destroys Social Security, as he threatened to do, Michels and millions of other Americans will be cast into poverty with little hope of ever bouncing back.
Some will have no choice but to return to the workforce and toil until they die. Others, too frail to work and lacking other resources to pay mounting bills, would lose everything they spent their lifetimes building.
"I hate to even think about what's going to happen if he's reelected," observed Michels, a former member of United Steelworkers (USW) Local 4108 whose income, without Social Security, would fall to just several hundred dollars a month.
"Social Security is not an entitlement. It's something we bought and paid for. Every hour we worked, we were paying for Social Security," Michels said, adding Trump has no right to deprive retirees of benefits they earned.
Because of the country's aging population, in 2021 Social Security will spend more money on benefits for retirees than it takes in through workers' payroll taxes. Many beneficiaries already struggle because payment amounts set by the government fail to keep up with health care costs.
But instead of shoring up this popular and essential program, Trump wants to kill it.
He repeatedly proposed cutting Social Security Disability Insurance and Supplemental Security Income, which provide crucial assistance to Americans no longer able to provide for themselves and their families.
This past winter, just as the COVID-19 pandemic hit, Trump expressed his desire to take up so-called entitlement reform if reelected. Astute retirees like Michels understand that is code for cutting programs like Social Security and Medicare.
Then, in August, Trump proposed eliminating payroll taxes under the guise of leaving a few more dollars in the paychecks of Americans struggling to weather the COVID-19 recession.
However, payroll taxes fund Social Security, and cutting off that revenue stream would destroy the program within just a few years. Trump tried to dupe Americans into thinking that abolishing the payroll tax would be good for them.
"It sounded attractive, the way he put it," noted Michels, who is also the president of the Steelworkers Organization of Active Retirees (SOAR) Chapter 33-4. "But in reality, it's not very attractive. There'd be nothing left."
Trump's attacks on Social Security come as Americans depend on the program more than ever.
Greedy corporations no longer provide the pension programs that once supported retirees through their golden years. Even employers that promised pensions, like those employing Michels and fellow SOAR activist Scott Marshall, often abandon their obligations through bankruptcies or other sneaky maneuvers.
Marshall worked for a glass company, a rail car manufacturer, a steelmaker and a paper mill, each offering pension plans.
"They all shut down before I could qualify for a pension," explained Marshall, who lives in Chicago. "Social Security is the only retirement income I have."
Marshall, a vice president of SOAR, noted that another 1.3 million Americans belong to multiemployer pension plans facing insolvency because of investment losses, industry consolidation and other factors over which workers had no control.
The Democratic-controlled House passed a commonsense bill, the Butch Lewis Act, in 2019 that would make low-interest loans to these struggling plans and ensure they continue meeting their obligations to members. But Trump and his Senate Republican cronies refuse to support the measure, even though some of the troubled plans will run out of money in just a few years.
The uncertain future of these plans makes members' Social Security benefits all the more important.
During his 2016 campaign, Trump promised to protect Social Security. If that were truly his goal, he would ensure that millionaires and billionaires, like himself, finally begin contributing their fair share to the program.
Americans pay 6.2 percent of their wages to Social Security. But the government only applies the tax to the first $137,700 of a person's income. That means millionaires and billionaires pay nothing on most of their fortunes and effectively slide by on a tax rate far below the 6.2 percent ordinary citizens pay.
Abolishing the income cap would ensure the long-term viability of Social Security. And that would only be fair because, as Marshall noted, workers created the wealth that America's rich enjoy. They earned dignified retirements in return.
But instead of providing for ordinary Americans, Trump gives handouts to the 1-percenters. While demanding cuts in the Social Security programs protecting disabled and ill workers, he signed the 2017 tax giveaway for millionaires and corporations.
"I know people who voted for Trump originally and are now backing off of him for just that reason," Marshall said. "They totally get what he's trying to do to Social Security. They're not going to put up with that."
After losing their livelihoods and pensions, Michels said, he and his colleagues looked in vain for jobs providing wages and working conditions comparable to what the USW ensured they received at LTV.
Only when they became eligible for Social Security did most of his coworkers regain a measure of financial stability. If Trump strips that away now, Michels said, many LTV retirees would be unable even to afford health care.
"It would be devastating," he said.
Tom Conway is the international president of the United Steelworkers Union (USW) .
This article was produced by the Independent Media Institute.


alternet--2020-10-20--The police system that terrorizes the poor and minorities is rooted in the colonial past

The Minneapolis City Council 's attempt to defund police may have fizzled out for the moment , but the problem of police violence across the United States is unresolved—and much of it stems from the institution 's colonial , counterinsurgency roots .
Here are seven counterinsurgency features of policing and the inequities in the criminal justice system .
In the Canadian province of Ontario , when the Toronto Transit Commission ( TTC ) changed its public transportation fare collection method from tokens to the Presto card , users had a strange experience .
Sure , the fare booth was predictably @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that malfunctions all the time ( despite the steep price the province had paid for it ) .
But instead of having less human interaction , TTC passengers found they had more—with fare inspectors who corral passengers into small spaces at stations to test everyone 's cards .
In counterinsurgency terms , this is called a cordon-and-search operation .
Another counterinsurgency concept , that of `` hearts and minds , '' can be seen in a public information campaign to shame fare evasion through posters blanketing subway walls and the sides of buses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign itself but also by abuses and racial discrimination by the fare inspectors .
Unsurprisingly , spoofs of the TTC 's messaging followed , as they did in New York City in resistance to the Metropolitan Transportation Authority 's fare evasion messaging .
There is nothing special about Toronto , New York City , or other transit systems that increasingly use these warlike techniques to police customers ; what 's happening with the TTC and MTA is a relatively mild example of what happens when counterinsurgency methods are the first resort for any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Police Do n't Live in the Communities They Police .
Colonial forces are imposed from outside ; this prevents too much natural solidarity between the occupier and the occupied .
In the United States , the majority of police do n't live in the communities they serve .
One Newark officer from the Fraternal Order of Police put it succinctly : `` the community hates the police .
And you want to put us right in the middle of that with our families ? ''
The polling is consistent with the idea that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A July 2020 Gallup survey showed that 70 percent of Black Americans support reducing police budgets , while only 41 percent of white Americans do .
Out-and-out defunding is more commonly supported by Black Americans ( according to FiveThirtyEight 's average of two polls , 45 percent of Black Americans polled support defunding , with 28 percent opposed ) and opposed by white Americans ( with 61 percent of white Americans opposed to defunding and only 23 percent in support of defunding ) .
The difference in public opinion reflects one group @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from police violence and surveillance .
As Richard Rothstein showed in his book The Color of Law , the racial segregation of U.S. cities was brought about by methodical legal means , racially explicit zoning , and the destruction of integrated neighborhoods .
This segregation , too , has consequences for the police-counterinsurgency alignment .
In author James Ron 's book Frontiers and Ghettos : State Violence in Serbia and Israel , he compared the methods of state violence used in a `` ghetto , '' where a hostile population is meant to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where law and morality still limit its enforcement due to the nature of oppressor and oppressed living side-by-side ; and on a `` frontier , '' where even more devastating warfare is unleashed since state power is more tenuous on targeted populations who do n't live among their oppressors , but the bounds of law and morality are weaker .
In the United States , this theory also has applied throughout its history : domestic ghettos are policed , and frontiers are the sites of total war both at home and abroad .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the `` frontier , '' the more violence they will commit against the policed .
Police officers are encouraged to take weekend courses in a field called `` killology , '' developed by retired Army Lt .
Colonel Dave Grossman .
There , they learn to see themselves as `` front-line troops '' in a war , presumably on the civilians they are policing .
A critic of killology courses , Seth Stoughton , says they steep police in the worldview that `` the officer is the hero , the warrior , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ situations where others fear to tread and brings order to a chaotic world , and who does so by imposing their will on the civilians they deal with . ''
Another critic , Craig Atkinson , calls the courses `` fear porn . ''
One such training , `` The Bulletproof Warrior , '' was taken by Philando Castile 's killer .
According to defenders of law enforcement , the thinking is : If you do n't want to be policed , do n't commit crimes , right ?
But the law creates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ laws for police to identify those criminals is growing suspiciously .
American University professor Emilio Viano notes , quoting the conservative think tank the American Heritage Foundation , that `` the 'number of criminal offenses in the United States Code increased from 3,000 in the early 1980s to 4,000 by 2000 to over 4,450 by 2008 . '
From 2000 to 2007 Congress added 56.5 new crimes every year . ''
The staggering number of laws is incongruous to American society 's actual concerns , as is evidenced by attorney Harvey Silverglate 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` three felonies a day . ''
In this system , the full weight of the law is available to bring down upon anyone at any time .
And once it is brought down on you , you have no meaningful right to a trial .
5 .
There 's No Right to a Trial in a Counterinsurgency .
In TV cop shows , the police are constrained by clever lawyers and fair-minded judges in the courtroom—but in reality , cases almost never go to trial .
As Professor Viano writes : The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n't go to trial is the outcome of two Supreme Court rulings described by Michelle Alexander in a 2012 op-ed in the New York Times : Regardless of the innocence of the offender or the senseless overzealousness of law writing and enforcement , it is standard operating procedure that the accused do not get their day in court .
Instead , prosecutors threaten the accused with shocking sentences , and have them plead guilty to something less to get them into the life-ruining prison system .
Alexander noted that the criminal justice system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` If everyone charged with crimes suddenly exercised his constitutional rights , there would not be enough judges , lawyers or prison cells to deal with the ensuing tsunami of litigation . ''
The author of The New Jim Crow : Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness also argued in the New York Times op-ed that `` crash [ ing ] the system just by exercising our rights '' could comprise a strategy to combatting the inequities and flaws in the criminal justice system .
Blogger Arthur Silber agreed that this strategy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ noting , `` [ n ] othing short of mass non-cooperation has a chance in hell . ''
But the price of seeking one 's right to trial is prohibitive .
Julian Assange is being publicly tortured right now mainly for doing journalism , but partly also for insisting on his rights to a trial .
And Aaron Swartz was hounded to death , driven to suicide by a prosecutor applying the standard operating procedure by threatening Swartz with a 35-year sentence for trying to make scientific publications available to those outside of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the drug war , the goal of police and prosecutors is also to get the accused to turn on one another : in exchange for more lenient punishments , suspects are made to become informants against others—another key element of counterinsurgency and its slow destruction of solidarity in the criminalized , targeted society .
6 .
U.S. Policing Was Developed in Concert With the U.S .
Empire .
Consider one of the founding fathers of American policing , August Vollmer .
A U.S. Marine who invaded the Philippines in the Spanish-American War in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reform '' Berkeley 's police when he became its first chief in 1909 .
He used the scientific techniques of counterinsurgency developed by the U.S. empire in the Philippines ( a system described in Alfred McCoy 's book Policing America 's Empire : The United States , the Philippines , and the Rise of the Surveillance State ) .
Vollmer brought in centralized police records , patrol cars , and lie detectors .
Vollmer established a criminal justice program at the University of California , Berkeley in 1916 and wrote books including scientific @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and crime .
He joined the American Eugenics Society and wondered how to prevent `` defectives from producing their kind . ''
Smedley Butler provides another example .
The military man famously wrote that he had been `` a gangster for capitalism , '' including that he `` helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in . ''
He had done so by , among other things , establishing Haiti 's first police force when the Marines occupied that country in 1915 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Modernizing Repression : Police Training and Nation-Building in the American Century .
When Butler became police chief in Philadelphia in 1924 , he too upgraded police technology and militarized its tactics , including military checkpoints and Marine-style uniforms .
The mayor fired him after two years , sending him back to the Marines .
In counterinsurgency campaigns , state armies and police work with paramilitaries , who do dirty work with plausible deniability .
As Alan MacLeod reported on September 28 , there were more than 100 vehicle ramming attacks against protesters since @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , many of which `` seem to have the tacit approval of local law enforcement , '' given the lack of consequences .
Portland activist Mac Smiff told the Brief Podcast , `` We call it a shift change .
They 're all the same people… there 's the cops , there 's the sheriffs , there 's the marshals , there 's the DHS [ Department of Homeland Security ] , there 's the Proud Boys , there 's the Patriot Prayer , it just goes on and on .
They just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impunity : the criminal activities of paramilitaries or proxy forces go unpunished , while the full power of the state is brought down upon the intended victims of counterinsurgency .
The default counterinsurgency mode is a consequence of being ruled by an elite that sees the whole population as the enemy .
The model for policing is n't going to be changed even if Trump is replaced by `` shoot them in the leg '' Biden .
The occupied always challenge the legitimacy of their occupiers : the debate about abolition is not @ @ @

The Minneapolis City Council's attempt to defund police may have fizzled out for the moment, but the problem of police violence across the United States is unresolved—and much of it stems from the institution's colonial, counterinsurgency roots.
Here are seven counterinsurgency features of policing and the inequities in the criminal justice system.
1. Counterinsurgency Tactics Are Everywhere.
In the Canadian province of Ontario, when the Toronto Transit Commission (TTC) changed its public transportation fare collection method from tokens to the Presto card, users had a strange experience. Sure, the fare booth was predictably replaced by an inhuman and unforgiving terminal that malfunctions all the time (despite the steep price the province had paid for it). But instead of having less human interaction, TTC passengers found they had more—with fare inspectors who corral passengers into small spaces at stations to test everyone's cards. In counterinsurgency terms, this is called a cordon-and-search operation.
Another counterinsurgency concept, that of "hearts and minds," can be seen in a public information campaign to shame fare evasion through posters blanketing subway walls and the sides of buses. Riders were infuriated—not just by the campaign itself but also by abuses and racial discrimination by the fare inspectors. Unsurprisingly, spoofs of the TTC's messaging followed, as they did in New York City in resistance to the Metropolitan Transportation Authority's fare evasion messaging.
There is nothing special about Toronto, New York City, or other transit systems that increasingly use these warlike techniques to police customers; what's happening with the TTC and MTA is a relatively mild example of what happens when counterinsurgency methods are the first resort for any urban problem that arises.
2. Police Don't Live in the Communities They Police.
Colonial forces are imposed from outside; this prevents too much natural solidarity between the occupier and the occupied. In the United States, the majority of police don't live in the communities they serve. One Newark officer from the Fraternal Order of Police put it succinctly: "the community hates the police. And you want to put us right in the middle of that with our families?"
The polling is consistent with the idea that one group of people is policing another. A July 2020 Gallup survey showed that 70 percent of Black Americans support reducing police budgets, while only 41 percent of white Americans do. Out-and-out defunding is more commonly supported by Black Americans (according to FiveThirtyEight's average of two polls, 45 percent of Black Americans polled support defunding, with 28 percent opposed) and opposed by white Americans (with 61 percent of white Americans opposed to defunding and only 23 percent in support of defunding). The difference in public opinion reflects one group benefiting from police security and another suffering from police violence and surveillance.
As Richard Rothstein showed in his book The Color of Law, the racial segregation of U.S. cities was brought about by methodical legal means, racially explicit zoning, and the destruction of integrated neighborhoods. This segregation, too, has consequences for the police-counterinsurgency alignment.
In author James Ron's book Frontiers and Ghettos: State Violence in Serbia and Israel, he compared the methods of state violence used in a "ghetto," where a hostile population is meant to be contained by powerful state control but where law and morality still limit its enforcement due to the nature of oppressor and oppressed living side-by-side; and on a "frontier," where even more devastating warfare is unleashed since state power is more tenuous on targeted populations who don't live among their oppressors, but the bounds of law and morality are weaker.
In the United States, this theory also has applied throughout its history: domestic ghettos are policed, and frontiers are the sites of total war both at home and abroad. But the more police think of cities as the "frontier," the more violence they will commit against the policed.
3. Police Get Specialized Counterinsurgency Training.
Police officers are encouraged to take weekend courses in a field called "killology," developed by retired Army Lt. Colonel Dave Grossman. There, they learn to see themselves as "front-line troops" in a war, presumably on the civilians they are policing.
A critic of killology courses, Seth Stoughton, says they steep police in the worldview that "the officer is the hero, the warrior, the noble figure who steps into dark situations where others fear to tread and brings order to a chaotic world, and who does so by imposing their will on the civilians they deal with." Another critic, Craig Atkinson, calls the courses "fear porn." One such training, "The Bulletproof Warrior," was taken by Philando Castile's killer.
4. In a Counterinsurgency, Everyone's a Criminal.
According to defenders of law enforcement, the thinking is: If you don't want to be policed, don't commit crimes, right? But the law creates the criminal.
And the number of laws for police to identify those criminals is growing suspiciously. American University professor Emilio Viano notes, quoting the conservative think tank the American Heritage Foundation, that "the 'number of criminal offenses in the United States Code increased from 3,000 in the early 1980s to 4,000 by 2000 to over 4,450 by 2008.' From 2000 to 2007 Congress added 56.5 new crimes every year." The staggering number of laws is incongruous to American society's actual concerns, as is evidenced by attorney Harvey Silverglate's book arguing that the average American commits "three felonies a day."
In this system, the full weight of the law is available to bring down upon anyone at any time.
And once it is brought down on you, you have no meaningful right to a trial.
5. There's No Right to a Trial in a Counterinsurgency.
In TV cop shows, the police are constrained by clever lawyers and fair-minded judges in the courtroom—but in reality, cases almost never go to trial. As Professor Viano writes:
"In fiscal year 2010, the prevalent mode of conviction in U.S. District Courts of all crimes was by plea of guilty (96.8% of all cases). The percentage ranges from a relative low of 68.2% for murder to a high of 100% for cases of burglary, breaking and entering. With the exception of sex abuse (87.5%), arson (86.7%), civil rights (83.6%) and murder (68.2%), for all other crimes the rate of convictions by plea of guilty is well over 90%. In the… [2012] U.S. Supreme Court decision, Missouri v. Frye, Justice Kennedy, writing the majority opinion, pointed out the statistics that 97% of federal convictions and 94% of state convictions are the result of guilty pleas."
The fact that 90 percent of cases don't go to trial is the outcome of two Supreme Court rulings described by Michelle Alexander in a 2012 op-ed in the New York Times:
"The Supreme Court ruled in 1978 that threatening someone with life imprisonment for a minor crime in an effort to induce him to forfeit a jury trial did not violate his Sixth Amendment right to trial. Thirteen years later, in Harmelin v. Michigan, the court ruled that life imprisonment for a first-time drug offense did not violate the Eighth Amendment's ban on cruel and unusual punishment."
Regardless of the innocence of the offender or the senseless overzealousness of law writing and enforcement, it is standard operating procedure that the accused do not get their day in court. Instead, prosecutors threaten the accused with shocking sentences, and have them plead guilty to something less to get them into the life-ruining prison system.
Alexander noted that the criminal justice system is unequipped for any other way: "If everyone charged with crimes suddenly exercised his constitutional rights, there would not be enough judges, lawyers or prison cells to deal with the ensuing tsunami of litigation." The author of The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness also argued in the New York Times op-ed that "crash[ing] the system just by exercising our rights" could comprise a strategy to combatting the inequities and flaws in the criminal justice system. Blogger Arthur Silber agreed that this strategy could work if done en masse, noting, "[n]othing short of mass non-cooperation has a chance in hell."
But the price of seeking one's right to trial is prohibitive. Julian Assange is being publicly tortured right now mainly for doing journalism, but partly also for insisting on his rights to a trial. And Aaron Swartz was hounded to death, driven to suicide by a prosecutor applying the standard operating procedure by threatening Swartz with a 35-year sentence for trying to make scientific publications available to those outside of university paywalls.
In cases relating to the drug war, the goal of police and prosecutors is also to get the accused to turn on one another: in exchange for more lenient punishments, suspects are made to become informants against others—another key element of counterinsurgency and its slow destruction of solidarity in the criminalized, targeted society.
6. U.S. Policing Was Developed in Concert With the U.S. Empire.
Consider one of the founding fathers of American policing, August Vollmer. A U.S. Marine who invaded the Philippines in the Spanish-American War in 1898, he set out to "reform" Berkeley's police when he became its first chief in 1909. He used the scientific techniques of counterinsurgency developed by the U.S. empire in the Philippines (a system described in Alfred McCoy's book Policing America's Empire: The United States, the Philippines, and the Rise of the Surveillance State). Vollmer brought in centralized police records, patrol cars, and lie detectors. Vollmer established a criminal justice program at the University of California, Berkeley in 1916 and wrote books including scientific racist theories of "racial degeneration" and crime. He joined the American Eugenics Society and wondered how to prevent "defectives from producing their kind."
Smedley Butler provides another example. The military man famously wrote that he had been "a gangster for capitalism," including that he "helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in." He had done so by, among other things, establishing Haiti's first police force when the Marines occupied that country in 1915, as Jeremy Kuzmarov describes in his book Modernizing Repression: Police Training and Nation-Building in the American Century. When Butler became police chief in Philadelphia in 1924, he too upgraded police technology and militarized its tactics, including military checkpoints and Marine-style uniforms. The mayor fired him after two years, sending him back to the Marines.
7. Counterinsurgencies Use Auxiliaries.
In counterinsurgency campaigns, state armies and police work with paramilitaries, who do dirty work with plausible deniability.
As Alan MacLeod reported on September 28, there were more than 100 vehicle ramming attacks against protesters since the George Floyd protests started in May, many of which "seem to have the tacit approval of local law enforcement," given the lack of consequences.
Portland activist Mac Smiff told the Brief Podcast, "We call it a shift change. They're all the same people… there's the cops, there's the sheriffs, there's the marshals, there's the DHS [Department of Homeland Security], there's the Proud Boys, there's the Patriot Prayer, it just goes on and on. They just take turns."
It is called impunity: the criminal activities of paramilitaries or proxy forces go unpunished, while the full power of the state is brought down upon the intended victims of counterinsurgency.
The default counterinsurgency mode is a consequence of being ruled by an elite that sees the whole population as the enemy. The model for policing isn't going to be changed even if Trump is replaced by "shoot them in the leg" Biden. The occupied always challenge the legitimacy of their occupiers: the debate about abolition is not going anywhere.


alternet--2020-10-20--Trump's '60 Minutes' interview is looking like a disaster before it even airs

Both President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden , along with their running mates , are slated to appear on Sunday in the upcoming episode of the CBS news and interview show `` 60 Minutes . ''
But reporting from CNN and Trump 's own comments made it clear on Tuesday that his interview with the network did not go to his liking .
`` I am pleased to inform you that , for the sake of accuracy in reporting , I am considering posting my interview with Lesley Stahl of 60 Minutes , PRIOR TO AIRTIME !
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ can get a glimpse of what a FAKE and BIASED interview is all about , '' Trump said in a tweet on Tuesday evening .
`` Everyone should compare this terrible Electoral Intrusion with the recent interviews of Sleepy Joe Biden ! ''
Trump also released a brief clip of `` 60 Minutes '' host Lesley stahl , trying to shame her for not wearing a mask : Presumably , Stahl was n't wearing a mask during her onscreen interview , and had yet to put one on in the clip Trump posted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shame her , given his repeated statements casting doubt on and diminishing the importance of mask use during the pandemic .
It may indicate that mask-wearing was a subject of a dispute between them during the interview .
Trump 's claim about `` Electoral Intrusion '' reflects a bizarre trend in conservative rhetoric .
Foreign election interference was discussed extensively following the 2016 campaign because of Russia 's efforts to meddle in the democratic process .
But trying to turn that idea around and accuse critics of Trump and the GOP of domestic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Americans and American media are expected to be a part of the electoral process .
CNN reporter Kaitlan Collins published a report Tuesday that also pointed to a disastrous interview .
Collins said that while CBS was at the White House to conduct the interview , Trump `` abruptly '' ended the discussion after 45 minutes .
He reportedly said they had enough material to use for the show .
He then declined to reappear on the show along with Vice President Mike Pence for another segment , as had been planned .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ not happy with the questions and fact-checking he was faced with , perhaps because they were critical of his handling of the pandemic .
But we 'll have a better idea of what happened at least by Sunday — maybe even sooner , if the White House decides to release its own footage .

Both President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden, along with their running mates, are slated to appear on Sunday in the upcoming episode of the CBS news and interview show "60 Minutes." But reporting from CNN and Trump's own comments made it clear on Tuesday that his interview with the network did not go to his liking.
"I am pleased to inform you that, for the sake of accuracy in reporting, I am considering posting my interview with Lesley Stahl of 60 Minutes, PRIOR TO AIRTIME! This will be done so that everybody can get a glimpse of what a FAKE and BIASED interview is all about," Trump said in a tweet on Tuesday evening. "Everyone should compare this terrible Electoral Intrusion with the recent interviews of Sleepy Joe Biden!"
Trump also released a brief clip of "60 Minutes" host Lesley stahl, trying to shame her for not wearing a mask:
Presumably, Stahl wasn't wearing a mask during her onscreen interview, and had yet to put one on in the clip Trump posted. It was an odd attempt to shame her, given his repeated statements casting doubt on and diminishing the importance of mask use during the pandemic. It may indicate that mask-wearing was a subject of a dispute between them during the interview.
Trump's claim about "Electoral Intrusion" reflects a bizarre trend in conservative rhetoric. Foreign election interference was discussed extensively following the 2016 campaign because of Russia's efforts to meddle in the democratic process. But trying to turn that idea around and accuse critics of Trump and the GOP of domestic election interference makes no sense, because Americans and American media are expected to be a part of the electoral process.
CNN reporter Kaitlan Collins published a report Tuesday that also pointed to a disastrous interview.
Collins said that while CBS was at the White House to conduct the interview, Trump "abruptly" ended the discussion after 45 minutes. He reportedly said they had enough material to use for the show. He then declined to reappear on the show along with Vice President Mike Pence for another segment, as had been planned.
Trump's tweets suggest that he was not happy with the questions and fact-checking he was faced with, perhaps because they were critical of his handling of the pandemic. But we'll have a better idea of what happened at least by Sunday — maybe even sooner, if the White House decides to release its own footage.


alternet--2020-10-20--How Biden flubbed a key town hall foreign policy question

Toward the end of Joe Biden 's October 15 town hall session , a Trump supporter asked Biden the only foreign policy question of the night .
`` So peace is breaking out all over the world , '' the questioner claimed .
`` Our troops are coming home .
Serbia is talking to Kosovo .
And the Arabs and Israelis are talking peace , which I believe is a modern-day miracle , what 's going on .
Does President Trump 's foreign policy deserve some credit ? ''
This question encapsulated all the smoke and mirrors that Trump has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his broken promises to end America 's wars , bring our troops home and build a more peaceful world .
This was a fantastic opportunity for Biden to clarify the reality of Trump 's abysmal record and explain what he would do instead .
But he did n't .
Instead he endorsed some of the most deceptive elements of Trump 's propaganda , dropped some clangers of his own and , in a classic Freudian slip , laid bare his own enduring commitment to American imperialism .
In response to the questioner 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ UAE and Bahrain as a `` modern-day miracle , '' Biden simply rolled over and said , `` I complement the president on the deal with Israel . ''
What he should have said was something like this : '' The UAE and Bahrain are ruled by dictators with absolute , despotic power who represent neither their own people nor the Arab world , let alone the people of Palestine—who gained nothing from these deals .
Since these countries were not at war with Israel to begin with , these accords have nothing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more about flooding the Middle East with even more U.S. weapons and forming new military alliances against Iran .
Yes , we need peace deals between Israel and its Arab neighbors , but they must be deals that truly bring peace , end Israel 's illegal military occupations and advance the equal rights of Palestinians and Israelis . ''
Biden did n't respond to the mention of the White House meeting between Serbia and Kosovo , but he could have explained that it had to be postponed when President Hashim Thaci of Kosovo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ international court at The Hague .
Thaci is charged with organizing the killing of hundreds of Serbian prisoners of war to sell their internal organs on the international transplant market under cover of NATO bombing in 1999 .
When the indictment was unveiled in June 2020 , Thaci was literally in his plane on the way to meet Serbian leaders at the White House , and had to make a U-turn over the Atlantic to return to Kosovo .
Twenty-one years after NATO dropped 23,000 bombs on Serbia and illegally annexed Kosovo , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the world have recognized Kosovo 's independence from Serbia .
Biden could have pointed to this as a case study in why the U.S. must stop waging regime change wars , organizing coups in other countries , and installing CIA-backed gangsters and war criminals like Thaci to rule them .
As for the critically important statement by the town hall questioner that `` Our troops are coming home , '' Biden claimed that there are more troops in Afghanistan now than when he and Obama left office .
That appears to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there in December 2016 and 8,600 U.S. troops as of September 22nd , despite the lack of confirmation from the Pentagon on further reductions that Trump had promised .
However , Biden could have simply compared the number of troops brought home by Obama and Trump , which would have been an impressive comparison .
Obama reduced U.S. troop levels abroad from 483,670 in December 2008 , just before he took office , to 275,850 by December 2016 .
If the latest figures from the Trump administration are correct , there are still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ So Obama reduced the U.S. 's overseas military presence by 43 % , while Trump has reduced it by no more than another 14 % .
With Trump claiming he is `` bringing our troops home '' in every stump speech , why on Earth is Biden not trumpeting the fact that he and Obama brought home five times more troops than Trump has ?
Why is Biden running from that record ?
Is he planning to reverse that trend if elected ?
Millions of American voters would like to know .
A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his habitual readiness to take the low road , smearing China 's President Xi Jinping , criticizing Trump for even trying to make peace with North Korea , and repeating an unsubstantiated story about Russia paying `` bounties '' to the Taliban for killing U.S. troops .
A better response from Biden would have been to fault Trump for not following through on the peace initiative with North Korea and for stirring up new Cold Wars with Russia and China , when the American people want their leaders to focus on existing threats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the climate crisis.But perhaps the most revealing moment of the evening was Biden 's Freudian slip about the imperial character of America 's relations with its allies and the rest of the world : '' You know , we 've always ruled - ( corrects himself ) we 've been most effective as a world leader , in my humble opinion - not just by the exercise of our power - we 're the most powerful nation in the world - but the power of our example .
That 's what 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ follow us , on almost anything . ''
The U.S. did indeed rule an empire in the twentieth century , albeit a neocolonial empire in an anti-colonial and post-colonial world that had to be sustained by a whole web of myths and lies .
But now we are standing at a crossroads in American and world history .
America 's history of war , militarism and international coercion has reached its final stage in the terminal decline of an increasingly corrupt and decadent American empire .
Yet most of our leaders are still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at any cost : endless wars , climate catastrophe , mass extinctions , and the terrifying risk of a final , apocalyptic mass-casualty war—most likely a nuclear war .
But there is another path leading away from this crossroads , one that Joe Biden should embrace , which involves redirecting our country 's resources and energies away from unsustainable imperial power through a peaceful transition to a sustainable , prosperous post-imperial future .
It would have been inspiring to hear Biden say that his goals would be to put an end to U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reduce the threat of nuclear war and join the UN Treaty on the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons ; to free up hundreds of billions of dollars per year for domestic needs by right-sizing the Pentagon budget ; and to put peaceful diplomacy front and center .
That would have been a paradigm-changing answer that would have motivated millions of Americans across the political spectrum—from leftists to anti-imperialist Republicans and libertarians—who long to live in a peaceful , just and sustainable world .
Medea Benjamin , co-founder of Global Exchange and CODEPINK : Women @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the new book , Inside Iran : The Real History and Politics of the Islamic Republic of Iran .
Her previous books include : Kingdom of the Unjust : Behind the U.S.-Saudi Connection ; Drone Warfare : Killing by Remote Control ; Do n't Be Afraid Gringo : A Honduran Woman Speaks from the Heart , and ( with Jodie Evans ) Stop the Next War Now ( Inner Ocean Action Guide ) .
Follow her on Twitter : @ medeabenjamin Nicolas J.S .
Davies is the author of Blood On Our Hands @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iraq .
He also wrote the chapters on `` Obama at War '' in Grading the 44th President : a Report Card on Barack Obama 's First Term as a Progressive Leader .

Toward the end of Joe Biden's October 15 town hall session, a Trump supporter asked Biden the only foreign policy question of the night. "So peace is breaking out all over the world," the questioner claimed. "Our troops are coming home. Serbia is talking to Kosovo. And the Arabs and Israelis are talking peace, which I believe is a modern-day miracle, what's going on. Does President Trump's foreign policy deserve some credit?"
This question encapsulated all the smoke and mirrors that Trump has used to confuse the public and obscure his broken promises to end America's wars, bring our troops home and build a more peaceful world. This was a fantastic opportunity for Biden to clarify the reality of Trump's abysmal record and explain what he would do instead. But he didn't. Instead he endorsed some of the most deceptive elements of Trump's propaganda, dropped some clangers of his own and, in a classic Freudian slip, laid bare his own enduring commitment to American imperialism.
In response to the questioner's designation of Israel's deal with the UAE and Bahrain as a "modern-day miracle," Biden simply rolled over and said, "I complement the president on the deal with Israel." What he should have said was something like this:
"The UAE and Bahrain are ruled by dictators with absolute, despotic power who represent neither their own people nor the Arab world, let alone the people of Palestine—who gained nothing from these deals. Since these countries were not at war with Israel to begin with, these accords have nothing to do with peace. They are more about flooding the Middle East with even more U.S. weapons and forming new military alliances against Iran. Yes, we need peace deals between Israel and its Arab neighbors, but they must be deals that truly bring peace, end Israel's illegal military occupations and advance the equal rights of Palestinians and Israelis."
Biden didn't respond to the mention of the White House meeting between Serbia and Kosovo, but he could have explained that it had to be postponed when President Hashim Thaci of Kosovo was indicted for war crimes by an international court at The Hague. Thaci is charged with organizing the killing of hundreds of Serbian prisoners of war to sell their internal organs on the international transplant market under cover of NATO bombing in 1999. When the indictment was unveiled in June 2020, Thaci was literally in his plane on the way to meet Serbian leaders at the White House, and had to make a U-turn over the Atlantic to return to Kosovo.
Twenty-one years after NATO dropped 23,000 bombs on Serbia and illegally annexed Kosovo, neither Serbia nor nearly half the countries in the world have recognized Kosovo's independence from Serbia. Biden could have pointed to this as a case study in why the U.S. must stop waging regime change wars, organizing coups in other countries, and installing CIA-backed gangsters and war criminals like Thaci to rule them.
As for the critically important statement by the town hall questioner that "Our troops are coming home," Biden claimed that there are more troops in Afghanistan now than when he and Obama left office. That appears to be incorrect, since there were 11,000 troops there in December 2016 and 8,600 U.S. troops as of September 22nd, despite the lack of confirmation from the Pentagon on further reductions that Trump had promised.
However, Biden could have simply compared the number of troops brought home by Obama and Trump, which would have been an impressive comparison. Obama reduced U.S. troop levels abroad from 483,670 in December 2008, just before he took office, to 275,850 by December 2016. If the latest figures from the Trump administration are correct, there are still over 238,000 U.S. military personnel overseas.
So Obama reduced the U.S.'s overseas military presence by 43%, while Trump has reduced it by no more than another 14%. With Trump claiming he is "bringing our troops home" in every stump speech, why on Earth is Biden not trumpeting the fact that he and Obama brought home five times more troops than Trump has? Why is Biden running from that record? Is he planning to reverse that trend if elected? Millions of American voters would like to know.
A disappointing aspect of Biden's response was his habitual readiness to take the low road, smearing China's President Xi Jinping, criticizing Trump for even trying to make peace with North Korea, and repeating an unsubstantiated story about Russia paying "bounties" to the Taliban for killing U.S. troops. A better response from Biden would have been to fault Trump for not following through on the peace initiative with North Korea and for stirring up new Cold Wars with Russia and China, when the American people want their leaders to focus on existing threats like the pandemic, our devastated economy and the climate crisis.But perhaps the most revealing moment of the evening was Biden's Freudian slip about the imperial character of America's relations with its allies and the rest of the world:
"You know, we've always ruled - (corrects himself) we've been most effective as a world leader, in my humble opinion - not just by the exercise of our power - we're the most powerful nation in the world - but the power of our example. That's what's led the rest of the world to follow us, on almost anything."
The U.S. did indeed rule an empire in the twentieth century, albeit a neocolonial empire in an anti-colonial and post-colonial world that had to be sustained by a whole web of myths and lies. But now we are standing at a crossroads in American and world history. America's history of war, militarism and international coercion has reached its final stage in the terminal decline of an increasingly corrupt and decadent American empire. Yet most of our leaders are still hell-bent on preserving America's imperial power at any cost: endless wars, climate catastrophe, mass extinctions, and the terrifying risk of a final, apocalyptic mass-casualty war—most likely a nuclear war.
But there is another path leading away from this crossroads, one that Joe Biden should embrace, which involves redirecting our country's resources and energies away from unsustainable imperial power through a peaceful transition to a sustainable, prosperous post-imperial future.
It would have been inspiring to hear Biden say that his goals would be to put an end to U.S. efforts at regime change; to significantly reduce the threat of nuclear war and join the UN Treaty on the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons; to free up hundreds of billions of dollars per year for domestic needs by right-sizing the Pentagon budget; and to put peaceful diplomacy front and center.
That would have been a paradigm-changing answer that would have motivated millions of Americans across the political spectrum—from leftists to anti-imperialist Republicans and libertarians—who long to live in a peaceful, just and sustainable world.
Medea Benjamin, co-founder of Global Exchange and CODEPINK: Women for Peace, is the author of the new book, Inside Iran: The Real History and Politics of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Her previous books include: Kingdom of the Unjust: Behind the U.S.-Saudi Connection; Drone Warfare: Killing by Remote Control; Don't Be Afraid Gringo: A Honduran Woman Speaks from the Heart, and (with Jodie Evans) Stop the Next War Now (Inner Ocean Action Guide). Follow her on Twitter: @medeabenjamin
Nicolas J.S. Davies is the author of Blood On Our Hands: the American Invasion and Destruction of Iraq. He also wrote the chapters on "Obama at War" in Grading the 44th President: a Report Card on Barack Obama's First Term as a Progressive Leader.


alternet--2020-10-20--These Trump voters explain why they finally turned on him — and will now vote for Biden

With the presidential election only two weeks away , the media will be paying close attention to what swing voters have to say .
Daniel Marans , a HuffPost reporter , spoke to two swing voters in Luzerne County , Pennsylvania who favored President Donald Trump in 2016 but are voting for former Vice President Joe Biden this year — and Marans asked them why they are rejecting the president now .
Michael Scott , a chef , and food service worker Lee Kuczynski went from voting for President Barack Obama to supporting Trump four years ago .
When Marans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Biden , Kuczynski replied that Trump 's handling of the coronavirus pandemic `` turned me off . ''
Kuczynski , pointing to the protective face mask she was wearing , noted that wearing a mask is one of the most important things Americans can do during the pandemic — and Trump , she lamented , `` is not for it . ''
Another factor , Kuczynski told Marans , was `` the way [ Trump ] talks about our military . ''
And Scott agreed with her reasons for supporting Biden .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Biden `` as a person , '' she responded , `` Compassionate .
Very compassionate .
I think he 's a people person .
I think he 's here for us . ''
Marans also asked Kuczynski what she `` saw in Trump the first time , '' and the Pennsylvania voter explained , `` I felt that he was something new .
He was a businessman .
And if a businessman can run a business , why ca n't he run our government ? ''
But now , Kuczynski believes that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a big mistake . ''
Kuczynski also cited Biden 's support for universal health care and protecting coverage for pre-existing conditions as one of her reasons for supporting Biden .
The voter told Marans , `` I 'm a diabetic .
I have high blood pressure .
And now , I 'm dealing with the coronavirus .
And I pay for my health care through where I work , and it 's not cheap .
It 's very expensive . ''

With the presidential election only two weeks away, the media will be paying close attention to what swing voters have to say. Daniel Marans, a HuffPost reporter, spoke to two swing voters in Luzerne County, Pennsylvania who favored President Donald Trump in 2016 but are voting for former Vice President Joe Biden this year — and Marans asked them why they are rejecting the president now.
Michael Scott, a chef, and food service worker Lee Kuczynski went from voting for President Barack Obama to supporting Trump four years ago. When Marans asked them why they "switched" to Biden, Kuczynski replied that Trump's handling of the coronavirus pandemic "turned me off." Kuczynski, pointing to the protective face mask she was wearing, noted that wearing a mask is one of the most important things Americans can do during the pandemic — and Trump, she lamented, "is not for it."
Another factor, Kuczynski told Marans, was "the way [Trump] talks about our military." And Scott agreed with her reasons for supporting Biden.
When Marans asked Kuczynski what she thought of Biden "as a person," she responded, "Compassionate. Very compassionate. I think he's a people person. I think he's here for us."
Marans also asked Kuczynski what she "saw in Trump the first time," and the Pennsylvania voter explained, "I felt that he was something new. He was a businessman. And if a businessman can run a business, why can't he run our government?"
But now, Kuczynski believes that voting for Trump in 2016 "was a big mistake."
Kuczynski also cited Biden's support for universal health care and protecting coverage for pre-existing conditions as one of her reasons for supporting Biden. The voter told Marans, "I'm a diabetic. I have high blood pressure. And now, I'm dealing with the coronavirus. And I pay for my health care through where I work, and it's not cheap. It's very expensive."
Watch the clip below:


alternet--2020-10-20--Trump's election plot is backfiring — but he still has one more shot to pull it off

Donald Trump 's war on mail-in voting seems , like many of his schemes to steal the election , to be backfiring .
As much as he may publicly deny it , Trump knows he 's unpopular and can not win a free and fair election .
So he has determined that the best way to hang onto power is to keep as many Americans from voting as possible .
Since nearly the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic , Trump has been waging war against mail-in ballots , which many millions of Americans are using this year in order to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump has repeatedly and falsely declared , with the help of Attorney General Bill Barr and White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany , that such ballots are dangerous and fraudulent .
He has threatened to use mail-in ballots as an excuse to reject the results of any election he loses .
His postmaster general , Louis DeJoy , has been shamelessly taking measures to slow down delivery of the mail .
And the Republicans , under Trump 's leadership , have done everything in their power on the state level to keep as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and counted .
And yet , likely because of the very public nature of Trump 's war on voting , the whole scheme seems to be backfiring .
Since he is n't even hiding what he 's doing , it 's been easy for Democrats to communicate the importance of voting early , to protect votes from Trump 's machinations , without facing a wall of skepticism from the usual suspects in the media .
The result is a wave of early voting unlike we 've ever seen in the United States .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ than 31 million Americans have cast their ballots , which amounts to at least 20 % of the expected vote total for this election .
And that 's with two weeks to go .
Americans , or at least those Americans likely to vote for Democrats , clearly understand that Trump is trying to deny them their right to vote — and they 're doing what they can to stop him .
Supporters of democracy secured another win late Monday , when the Supreme Court threw out a Republican challenge to Pennsylvania 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be received up to three days after Election Day .
That temporary measure was put in to deal with the pandemic and the expected surge of people voting by mail for the first time .
Pennsylvania is a swing state that was crucial to Trump 's Electoral College victory in 2016 , so he 's especially keen on suppressing Democratic votes in that state .
This is the second fight Republicans have lost in their efforts to prevent people from voting by mail in Pennsylvania .
The Trump campaign also sued to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that allow voters to skip the Postal Service — and the slowed-down mail — by handing ballots directly over to election officials .
That lawsuit was thrown out earlier this month and voters in the state have started casting ballots at the boxes .
Unfortunately , there 's a fly in the ointment , the nature of which was neatly laid out by Ian Millhiser at Vox : Four of the five Republican justices on the Supreme Court , in the face of all law and precedent , were ready to entertain Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election deadline .
This is terrible , because , as Millhiser points out , election law is determined by the states and `` in questions of state law , the state Supreme Court is supposed to be the final word on such disputes . ''
`` Indeed , if state supreme courts can not interpret their state 's own election law , it 's unclear how that law is supposed to function , '' he adds .
In other words , rejecting the Pennsylvania Supreme Court 's ruling to uphold the law should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That four Republican justices feel otherwise suggests , unfortunately but unsurprisingly , that there 's no legal argument Trump could make that is so preposterous that these four justices would reject it , so long as it serves the end goal of securing Republican power , including a second term for Donald Trump .
Trump has made it clear that he 's looking to the Supreme Court to save him from facing the judgment of voters .
That four right-wing justices are willing to go along with this , no matter how much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the law , is terrifying .
That 's especially true in the face of the Republican rush to seat Amy Coney Barrett on the court before the election , since she 's almost certain to be a fifth vote for the principle that Republicans deserve to hold power , law and democracy be damned .
This is why it 's not hyperbolic to see the Barrett as the last leg being kicked out from under our fragile democracy , which can only be restored by expanding the Supreme Court , if and when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It 's hard to imagine democracy surviving if a Supreme Court with six conservative justices gets the ultimate say over elections , and if their guiding principle is that any Democratic victory is illegitimate , regardless of the low-quality , bad-faith arguments presented .
The goal of Republicans , under Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , is to make the U.S. a one-party state and shut out any voters who resist that .
They are shockingly close to achieving that goal .
It 's easy to give into despair , but let @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lost .
For one thing , even this corrupt slate of current justices probably would n't go so far as to completely vacate the results of an election , simply because Trump wants them to .
They 'll want to be a bit more subtle about it , using measures like trying to stop vote-counting as early as possible .
But if Joe Biden wins the November election in a blowout , as now seems possible , that strategy will become impossible .
The fact that so many people are voting early is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be well underway before the Barrett court can rush in to stop it .
In addition , while Barrett 's confirmation is looking likely , Democrats have n't given up completely on trying to slow it down or even stop it before the election .
Late on Monday , Democrats tried to force a vote to adjourn Senate business until after the election , which would keep Barrett off the court .
That move failed , but Senate Democrats have indicated they 'll keep trying to use procedural moves to slow Barrett @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which is only two weeks away .
There 's no reason to be Pollyanna-ish here .
Things are bad .
Republicans are doing everything in their power to end democracy and render the right to vote meaningless , and using the courts as their main weapon on that front .
But so far they have n't succeeded , in no small part because the American people are still resisting , the courts have n't completely sold out to anti-democracy ideologues , and Trump himself is as bad at staging a coup as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Moreover , time is running out on the plot to keep people from voting and more votes are being banked every day .
There 's still a chance to pull our democracy back from the abyss , but it 's going to require ordinary people doing everything they can to save it .

Donald Trump's war on mail-in voting seems, like many of his schemes to steal the election, to be backfiring.
As much as he may publicly deny it, Trump knows he's unpopular and cannot win a free and fair election. So he has determined that the best way to hang onto power is to keep as many Americans from voting as possible. Since nearly the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic, Trump has been waging war against mail-in ballots, which many millions of Americans are using this year in order to avoid crowded and unsafe polling places.
Trump has repeatedly and falsely declared, with the help of Attorney General Bill Barr and White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany, that such ballots are dangerous and fraudulent. He has threatened to use mail-in ballots as an excuse to reject the results of any election he loses. His postmaster general, Louis DeJoy, has been shamelessly taking measures to slow down delivery of the mail. And the Republicans, under Trump's leadership, have done everything in their power on the state level to keep as many ballots as possible from being cast and counted.
And yet, likely because of the very public nature of Trump's war on voting, the whole scheme seems to be backfiring. Since he isn't even hiding what he's doing, it's been easy for Democrats to communicate the importance of voting early, to protect votes from Trump's machinations, without facing a wall of skepticism from the usual suspects in the media.
The result is a wave of early voting unlike we've ever seen in the United States. As of Tuesday morning, over more than 31 million Americans have cast their ballots, which amounts to at least 20% of the expected vote total for this election. And that's with two weeks to go. Americans, or at least those Americans likely to vote for Democrats, clearly understand that Trump is trying to deny them their right to vote — and they're doing what they can to stop him.
Supporters of democracy secured another win late Monday, when the Supreme Court threw out a Republican challenge to Pennsylvania's decision to extend the deadline for ballots to be received up to three days after Election Day. That temporary measure was put in to deal with the pandemic and the expected surge of people voting by mail for the first time. Pennsylvania is a swing state that was crucial to Trump's Electoral College victory in 2016, so he's especially keen on suppressing Democratic votes in that state.
This is the second fight Republicans have lost in their efforts to prevent people from voting by mail in Pennsylvania. The Trump campaign also sued to keep the state from establishing drop boxes that allow voters to skip the Postal Service — and the slowed-down mail — by handing ballots directly over to election officials. That lawsuit was thrown out earlier this month and voters in the state have started casting ballots at the boxes.
Unfortunately, there's a fly in the ointment, the nature of which was neatly laid out by Ian Millhiser at Vox: Four of the five Republican justices on the Supreme Court, in the face of all law and precedent, were ready to entertain Trump's obviously illegitimate challenge to the Pennsylvania election deadline.
This is terrible, because, as Millhiser points out, election law is determined by the states and "in questions of state law, the state Supreme Court is supposed to be the final word on such disputes."
"Indeed, if state supreme courts cannot interpret their state's own election law, it's unclear how that law is supposed to function," he adds.
In other words, rejecting the Pennsylvania Supreme Court's ruling to uphold the law shouldn't even have been an option. That four Republican justices feel otherwise suggests, unfortunately but unsurprisingly, that there's no legal argument Trump could make that is so preposterous that these four justices would reject it, so long as it serves the end goal of securing Republican power, including a second term for Donald Trump.
Trump has made it clear that he's looking to the Supreme Court to save him from facing the judgment of voters. That four right-wing justices are willing to go along with this, no matter how much doing so violates the plain wording of the law, is terrifying. That's especially true in the face of the Republican rush to seat Amy Coney Barrett on the court before the election, since she's almost certain to be a fifth vote for the principle that Republicans deserve to hold power, law and democracy be damned.
This is why it's not hyperbolic to see the Barrett as the last leg being kicked out from under our fragile democracy, which can only be restored by expanding the Supreme Court, if and when Democrats regain the power to do so. It's hard to imagine democracy surviving if a Supreme Court with six conservative justices gets the ultimate say over elections, and if their guiding principle is that any Democratic victory is illegitimate, regardless of the low-quality, bad-faith arguments presented. The goal of Republicans, under Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, is to make the U.S. a one-party state and shut out any voters who resist that. They are shockingly close to achieving that goal.
It's easy to give into despair, but let's be clear: All is not lost. For one thing, even this corrupt slate of current justices probably wouldn't go so far as to completely vacate the results of an election, simply because Trump wants them to. They'll want to be a bit more subtle about it, using measures like trying to stop vote-counting as early as possible. But if Joe Biden wins the November election in a blowout, as now seems possible, that strategy will become impossible. The fact that so many people are voting early is a good sign — it means vote-counting will be well underway before the Barrett court can rush in to stop it.
In addition, while Barrett's confirmation is looking likely, Democrats haven't given up completely on trying to slow it down or even stop it before the election. Late on Monday, Democrats tried to force a vote to adjourn Senate business until after the election, which would keep Barrett off the court. That move failed, but Senate Democrats have indicated they'll keep trying to use procedural moves to slow Barrett's confirmation down until after the election, which is only two weeks away.
There's no reason to be Pollyanna-ish here. Things are bad. Republicans are doing everything in their power to end democracy and render the right to vote meaningless, and using the courts as their main weapon on that front.
But so far they haven't succeeded, in no small part because the American people are still resisting, the courts haven't completely sold out to anti-democracy ideologues, and Trump himself is as bad at staging a coup as he was at running his business. Moreover, time is running out on the plot to keep people from voting and more votes are being banked every day. There's still a chance to pull our democracy back from the abyss, but it's going to require ordinary people doing everything they can to save it.


alternet--2020-10-20--Florida Gov. DeSantis is pushing a last desperate gambit to remove felons from the voter rolls

In Florida , the administration of far-right Republican Gov .
Ron DeSantis is drawing criticism from members of the American Civil Liberties Union and other organizations for urging local election officials to remove convicted felons from the voter rolls if they have any unpaid fees or fines .
Anton Marino , deputy legal director of the Florida ACLU , told the Washington Post that the move `` looks like an additional effort by the state to intimidate otherwise eligible voters . ''
Last week , Maria Matthews , director of the Florida Division of Elections , encouraged local election officials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they had a felony conviction and still owed any fees or fines that they had n't paid .
And a separate memo from Florida Secretary of State Laurel M. Lee 's general counsel urged election staff or law enforcement officers to guard all drop boxes for mail-in voting ballots .
Lee , in an official statement , said her office has a duty to identify people who are ineligible to vote and stressed , `` The law with respect to legal financial obligations is now clear . ''
Patricia Brigham , president of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told the Post , `` They 're attempting to sow confusion… .
The State of Florida does n't have a spotless record when it comes to making sure voters have easy access to the polls . ''
In 2018 , Florida voters passed a constitutional amendment that automatically restored the voting rights of convicted felons after their incarceration .
But Republicans in the Florida state legislature later passed a law saying that voting rights for Floridians with felony convictions could not be restored until they had paid all fees or fines that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have attacked as voter suppression and compared to a poll tax .
Florida , which has 29 electoral votes , is among the swing states that reporters will be paying especially close attention to between now and November 3 .
Polls released this month have been showing the presidential race to be very close in the Sunshine State , where former Vice President Joe Biden has had mostly narrow single-digit leads over President Donald Trump .
According to recent polls , Trump is trailing Biden by only 1 % ( University of North @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pete Polls and Reuters/Ipsos ) or 3 % ( Emerson College ) .

In Florida, the administration of far-right Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis is drawing criticism from members of the American Civil Liberties Union and other organizations for urging local election officials to remove convicted felons from the voter rolls if they have any unpaid fees or fines.
Anton Marino, deputy legal director of the Florida ACLU, told the Washington Post that the move "looks like an additional effort by the state to intimidate otherwise eligible voters."
Last week, Maria Matthews, director of the Florida Division of Elections, encouraged local election officials to remove anyone from the rolls if they had a felony conviction and still owed any fees or fines that they hadn't paid. And a separate memo from Florida Secretary of State Laurel M. Lee's general counsel urged election staff or law enforcement officers to guard all drop boxes for mail-in voting ballots. Lee, in an official statement, said her office has a duty to identify people who are ineligible to vote and stressed, "The law with respect to legal financial obligations is now clear."
Patricia Brigham, president of the Florida League of Women Voters, told the Post, "They're attempting to sow confusion…. The State of Florida doesn't have a spotless record when it comes to making sure voters have easy access to the polls."
In 2018, Florida voters passed a constitutional amendment that automatically restored the voting rights of convicted felons after their incarceration. But Republicans in the Florida state legislature later passed a law saying that voting rights for Floridians with felony convictions could not be restored until they had paid all fees or fines that they owed — a move that Florida Democrats have attacked as voter suppression and compared to a poll tax.
Florida, which has 29 electoral votes, is among the swing states that reporters will be paying especially close attention to between now and November 3. Polls released this month have been showing the presidential race to be very close in the Sunshine State, where former Vice President Joe Biden has had mostly narrow single-digit leads over President Donald Trump. According to recent polls, Trump is trailing Biden by only 1% (University of North Florida), 2% (St. Pete Polls and Reuters/Ipsos) or 3% (Emerson College).


alternet--2020-10-20--Trump loves to fight — but his favorite targets are surprisingly revealing

Grievance has been a prime ingredient of President Donald Trump 's recent MAGA rallies , which have found him bitterly railing against everyone from the mainstream media to Never Trump conservatives to Rep. Ilhan Omar of Minnesota .
But who does Trump hate the most ?
Never Trumper Tim Miller , who served as communications director for former Florida Gov .
Jeb Bush , breaks it down in an October 18 article for the conservative website The Bulwark .
Miller points out that Trump 's defenders often say they love the fact that he is a `` fighter . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Trump is n't fighting the major crises of 2020 — for example , the coronavirus pandemic — but rather , obsesses over his political enemies on both the left and the right .
And Miller gets into specifics with a `` Trump 's Hall of Hate Pyramid . ''
At the top of the pyramid , one finds `` critical TV show hosts '' and `` other journalists '' — and for the second level of the pyramid , Miller lists `` Hispanic immigrants '' and `` Never Trump Republicans '' as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' `` The Squad '' and `` civil rights heroes . ''
Miller also lists Michigan Gov .
Gretchen Whitmer , who Trump railed against during a recent rally in her state .
Although Whitmer was recently the target of a terrorist plot — white nationalists and far-right militia members are facing criminal charges for allegedly plotting to kidnap and possibly murder her — that did not stop Trump supporters from chanting , `` Lock her up , lock her up '' at the rally .
For the third level of the `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Miller lists Trump targets ranging from `` Black athletes who kneel '' to Rep. Adam Schiff to comedian Kathy Griffin .
And the pyramid 's fourth level includes `` big tech companies '' and `` Saturday Night Live '' as well as `` Sleepy Joe Biden . ''
The lowest level of the pyramid ranges from `` white nationalists '' to Syrian President Bashar al Assad — in other words , problems that are n't high priorities for Trump .
`` Given that Trump is n't taking on these more complicated fights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ least be aggressive about fighting the Democrats , '' Miller writes .
`` But even on that score , the answer is mixed .
Yes , he 's willing to take shots at Chuck and Nancy , at Gretchen Whitmer , and at Ilhan Omar… .
But when it comes to the Democrats he actually needs to defeat if he cares about winning a second term and having a governing majority — well , you do n't see him using his patented fighting skills against them much . ''

Grievance has been a prime ingredient of President Donald Trump's recent MAGA rallies, which have found him bitterly railing against everyone from the mainstream media to Never Trump conservatives to Rep. Ilhan Omar of Minnesota. But who does Trump hate the most? Never Trumper Tim Miller, who served as communications director for former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush, breaks it down in an October 18 article for the conservative website The Bulwark.
Miller points out that Trump's defenders often say they love the fact that he is a "fighter." However, the Never Trump conservative stresses that Trump isn't fighting the major crises of 2020 — for example, the coronavirus pandemic — but rather, obsesses over his political enemies on both the left and the right. And Miller gets into specifics with a "Trump's Hall of Hate Pyramid."
At the top of the pyramid, one finds "critical TV show hosts" and "other journalists" — and for the second level of the pyramid, Miller lists "Hispanic immigrants" and "Never Trump Republicans" as well as "The Deep State," "The Squad" and "civil rights heroes." Miller also lists Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, who Trump railed against during a recent rally in her state. Although Whitmer was recently the target of a terrorist plot — white nationalists and far-right militia members are facing criminal charges for allegedly plotting to kidnap and possibly murder her — that did not stop Trump supporters from chanting, "Lock her up, lock her up" at the rally.
For the third level of the "Trump's Hall of Hate Pyramid," Miller lists Trump targets ranging from "Black athletes who kneel" to Rep. Adam Schiff to comedian Kathy Griffin. And the pyramid's fourth level includes "big tech companies" and "Saturday Night Live" as well as "Sleepy Joe Biden."
The lowest level of the pyramid ranges from "white nationalists" to Syrian President Bashar al Assad — in other words, problems that aren't high priorities for Trump.
"Given that Trump isn't taking on these more complicated fights, you would think he'd at least be aggressive about fighting the Democrats," Miller writes. "But even on that score, the answer is mixed. Yes, he's willing to take shots at Chuck and Nancy, at Gretchen Whitmer, and at Ilhan Omar…. But when it comes to the Democrats he actually needs to defeat if he cares about winning a second term and having a governing majority — well, you don't see him using his patented fighting skills against them much."


alternet--2020-10-20--America needs a 'coalition of the decent' out in the streets

On September 21 , Refuse Fascism marked the grim milestone of 200,000 COVID deaths with marches against Death , Lies , and Fascism .
At the Chicago rally , Joshua Shanes , a professor of Jewish Studies , made a moving speech drawing parallels between early Nazi Germany and Trump 's America .
He quoted from the historian William Sheridan Allen 's The Nazi Seizure of Power , a microstudy of the town of Northeim : `` What was needed in Northeim to stop the Nazis was a political coalition of decent people , regardless of party , to recognize @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was an indecent thing .
That such a coalition never developed was the main reason the Nazis got into power . ''
Shanes concluded his speech by saying the right time to act is always `` right now . ''
Only a few days passed between the shock of Trump 's authoritarianism being on display at the first presidential debate and his Covid-19 diagnosis .
Only a few days passed between people confronting what Trump represents when he told the Proud Boys and all of his white supremacist thugs to `` Stand back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ once again that he 's not that dangerous , not that determined to hold on to power , not that much of a cruel sociopath that a direct experience with this pandemic would n't soften him a little .
Of course Trump came out of the hospital and revealed himself once again to be who he 's always been , an unrelenting fascist , leading a party and movement of people filled with hatred and hunger for violence , tearing up all the rules and declaring themselves to be the law , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what Trump started – entrenching the unchallenged dominance of a white , male , Christian supremacist America .
We are still in the midst of a rolling coup , with active sabotage of people 's right and ability to vote as Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell rams through Amy Coney Barrett 's Supreme Court nomination to settle a contested election in his party 's favor amid calls to violence should Trump lose .
This is on top of more than three years of the Trump regime declaring and carrying out their battles on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and brown people , women , LGBTQ people , the poor , the press , the Democrats – and against science and truth itself .
Now we are at a point where the main mechanism people rely on to remove this regime from power—the franchise -- is being incinerated .
Yet where is the outrage ?
Where is the passionate intensity to stop this nightmare ?
Where is the political coalition of the decent people , the large majority of the people in this country who refuse to accept these insults and injustices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is represented by the Democratic Party , but is it ?
Biden told us at the debate that should Trump `` win '' the election , he will accept the results and so must we .
As if all of their warnings about the danger Trump poses to democracy are not really true .
Believe them enough to vote hard , but do n't believe them enough to actually wage a massive struggle on a historic scale – the kind that was needed in 1930s Germany and needed even more now with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the balance .
We know that the decent people are out there , in the millions .
We hear the voices of people from many walks of life speaking out .
And in June and July , we rose up to protest police murder and systemic white supremacy .
But against this regime , the decent people have not cohered into a force that has shown the world we are the majority .
Our majority has accepted the unacceptable , including a still skyrocketing death toll from COVID , and has barely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and anger .
Where is the coalition of the decent people ?
If it 's not in the public squares and not in the streets -- non-violently standing up to a regime that has told you they will not abide by an election they lose -- then we are going down the same path as the good Germans .
History has never turned in favor of the people without people coming together and using their power of non-violent protest .
Refusing to protest now , refusing to call every decent person into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a regime that destroyed countless lives and will destroy the world if we let them is already conceding to fascism .
Imagine non-violent protests that continue day after day , from now through the elections , united by one single demand : Trump and Pence Out Now .
Imagine the millions who do not support Trump coming into the streets and public squares to stand together , masks on , to declare without equivocation that they will not be complicit on a road to fascist consolidation and will not stop protesting until the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Just as we saw from the mass protests in June and July , the regime and their base become overwhelmed by our numbers and determination .
That kind of mass mobilization could lead timid Democrats and other powerful political actors who have thus far gone along with the regime to see that something must be done to stem the tide of protest and be compelled to meet our demand .
It is this basic process that has driven out hated leaders all over the world in the recent past – in Egypt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rico , Lebanon – and can and must be done here .
Through this process , we build up our numbers , unity , and resolve so that if the regime is not driven out by Election Day , we have a mighty force of people committed to continuing non-violent protests – a mass movement that will not allow whatever the regime tries to do to nullify , sabotage or steal the election .
We have a mighty force of people who refuse to be taken down a road to conciliation , whether @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to grow and demand removal until they 're driven out .
Refuse Fascism has begun this process , launching non-violent protests day after day to demand # TrumpPenceOutNow .
We call on all with a heart for humanity to join us or start their own Out Now protests .
It is long past time for everyone , everywhere , to form coalitions of the decent people and take to the streets to say enough is enough .
A struggle for the future is underway .
The right time to act is right now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the editorial board of refusefascism.org .
Follow her on Twitter @ coco_das .

On September 21, Refuse Fascism marked the grim milestone of 200,000 COVID deaths with marches against Death, Lies, and Fascism. At the Chicago rally, Joshua Shanes, a professor of Jewish Studies, made a moving speech drawing parallels between early Nazi Germany and Trump's America.
He quoted from the historian William Sheridan Allen's The Nazi Seizure of Power, a microstudy of the town of Northeim: "What was needed in Northeim to stop the Nazis was a political coalition of decent people, regardless of party, to recognize that - whatever it promised - Nazism was an indecent thing. That such a coalition never developed was the main reason the Nazis got into power." Shanes concluded his speech by saying the right time to act is always "right now."
Only a few days passed between the shock of Trump's authoritarianism being on display at the first presidential debate and his Covid-19 diagnosis. Only a few days passed between people confronting what Trump represents when he told the Proud Boys and all of his white supremacist thugs to "Stand back and stand by," and hoping once again that he's not that dangerous, not that determined to hold on to power, not that much of a cruel sociopath that a direct experience with this pandemic wouldn't soften him a little.
Of course Trump came out of the hospital and revealed himself once again to be who he's always been, an unrelenting fascist, leading a party and movement of people filled with hatred and hunger for violence, tearing up all the rules and declaring themselves to be the law, and willing to use any means to finish what Trump started – entrenching the unchallenged dominance of a white, male, Christian supremacist America. We are still in the midst of a rolling coup, with active sabotage of people's right and ability to vote as Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell rams through Amy Coney Barrett's Supreme Court nomination to settle a contested election in his party's favor amid calls to violence should Trump lose.
This is on top of more than three years of the Trump regime declaring and carrying out their battles on many fronts – against immigrants, Black and brown people, women, LGBTQ people, the poor, the press, the Democrats – and against science and truth itself. Now we are at a point where the main mechanism people rely on to remove this regime from power—the franchise--is being incinerated.
Yet where is the outrage? Where is the passionate intensity to stop this nightmare? Where is the political coalition of the decent people, the large majority of the people in this country who refuse to accept these insults and injustices?
Some will argue that this coalition is represented by the Democratic Party, but is it? Biden told us at the debate that should Trump "win" the election, he will accept the results and so must we. As if all of their warnings about the danger Trump poses to democracy are not really true. Believe them enough to vote hard, but don't believe them enough to actually wage a massive struggle on a historic scale – the kind that was needed in 1930s Germany and needed even more now with the future of humanity and the planet hanging in the balance.
We know that the decent people are out there, in the millions. We hear the voices of people from many walks of life speaking out. And in June and July, we rose up to protest police murder and systemic white supremacy. But against this regime, the decent people have not cohered into a force that has shown the world we are the majority. Our majority has accepted the unacceptable, including a still skyrocketing death toll from COVID, and has barely lifted a finger to show our disgust and anger.
Where is the coalition of the decent people? If it's not in the public squares and not in the streets--non-violently standing up to a regime that has told you they will not abide by an election they lose--then we are going down the same path as the good Germans. History has never turned in favor of the people without people coming together and using their power of non-violent protest. Refusing to protest now, refusing to call every decent person into the streets now to demand the removal of a regime that destroyed countless lives and will destroy the world if we let them is already conceding to fascism.
Imagine non-violent protests that continue day after day, from now through the elections, united by one single demand: Trump and Pence Out Now. Imagine the millions who do not support Trump coming into the streets and public squares to stand together, masks on, to declare without equivocation that they will not be complicit on a road to fascist consolidation and will not stop protesting until the Trump Pence regime is removed from power. Just as we saw from the mass protests in June and July, the regime and their base become overwhelmed by our numbers and determination.
That kind of mass mobilization could lead timid Democrats and other powerful political actors who have thus far gone along with the regime to see that something must be done to stem the tide of protest and be compelled to meet our demand. It is this basic process that has driven out hated leaders all over the world in the recent past – in Egypt, South Korea, Armenia, Puerto Rico, Lebanon – and can and must be done here.
Through this process, we build up our numbers, unity, and resolve so that if the regime is not driven out by Election Day, we have a mighty force of people committed to continuing non-violent protests – a mass movement that will not allow whatever the regime tries to do to nullify, sabotage or steal the election. We have a mighty force of people who refuse to be taken down a road to conciliation, whether Trump wins or loses, and continues to grow and demand removal until they're driven out.
Refuse Fascism has begun this process, launching non-violent protests day after day to demand #TrumpPenceOutNow. We call on all with a heart for humanity to join us or start their own Out Now protests. It is long past time for everyone, everywhere, to form coalitions of the decent people and take to the streets to say enough is enough. A struggle for the future is underway. The right time to act is right now.
Coco Das is a member of the editorial board of refusefascism.org. Follow her on Twitter @coco_das.