alternet--2020-12-14--Why we’re so bad at counting the calories we eat, drink or burn

People often eat more than usual around the holidays – and this year more than most as the pandemic prompts many to stress eat .
A common way to avoid putting on extra weight is by choosing healthier options with fewer calories per serving .
One problem with this strategy is that people tend to eat more of something if they think it 's healthier .
For example , a guest at a holiday feast may fill her plate with Brussels sprouts instead of carb-heavy foods , like mashed potatoes , that people associate with more weight gain .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ good at counting or comparing calories across dishes and quantities – a topic we explored in a series of studies that will be published in the Journal of Consumer Research .
We learned it 's a lot harder to do than you might think .
Health experts generally recommend two ways of evaluating the caloric content of foods : try to come up with exact numerical counts in food portions or simply think in qualitative terms about high- and low-calorie foods – brie cheese and mashed potatoes = high , peas and Brussels @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the latter method contend it will lead to similar conclusions but will be easier for most people to do regularly .
But our research suggests these two methods result in very different calorie estimates – with a significant impact on dieting .
In our first study , we recruited several hundred undergraduate students and showed them two pictures : an image of a plate of 20 grams of chocolate-covered almonds and one with 33 grams of plain roasted almonds – without disclosing the actual weights .
We then randomly asked half of them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had on a scale from “ very few '' to “ a lot '' and the others to provide their best precise numerical estimate .
Participants were then shown the images again and asked to pick the lower-calorie option of the two – which we then let them eat .
Which plate has more calories ?
We found that participants who used the scale thought the larger portion of almonds had fewer calories than the chocolate-covered ones .
And when choosing a low-calorie snack , most students chose the regular almonds .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students who made numerical guesses correctly chose the chocolate-covered almonds as the less caloric option .
On average , they estimated the chocolate-covered almonds had about 111 calories , versus 117 for the regular ones .
But even this group greatly underestimated just how many calories the larger portion of regular almonds had : 200 , double the number of calories in the chocolate-covered ones .
We believe the reason those who rated their estimates on a scale got it so wrong is because they were thinking qualitatively rather than quantitatively .
A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ a lot '' sounds similar to “ very healthy '' to “ very unhealthy . ''
Participants got so focused on the notion that the roasted almonds are healthier that they forget that the amount they consume is also an important factor in estimating calories .
The mental effort of trying to come up with an actual figure forces one to consider both health and quantity .
We then repeated variations of the first study , including one in which we had participants estimate the number of calories burned in various low- @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
We also considered different foods .
For that study , we asked 277 people who had eaten at Subway and McDonald 's in the previous year to estimate calories in a 12-inch turkey sub sandwich and a cheeseburger .
People asked to make scaled , qualitative estimates for both thought the turkey sub had fewer calories , while those who made numeric estimates correctly guessed that the sub actually had more calories – in fact , 510 versus just 300 for the burger .
To see if we can find a way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ qualitative estimates , we set up the earlier almond study but first asked some participants to look at 12 pictures of different-sized snack plates and judge the portion size on a sliding scale from very small to very large .
Participants then estimated calorie amounts for the small plate of chocolate-covered almonds and the large plate of regular almonds .
Drawing their attention to portion size helped all participants become more accurate in their estimates , which was especially useful for people making qualitative estimates .
[ Insight , in your inbox each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Conversation 's email newsletter . ]
So , while people are not all that good at counting calories , whether consumed in food or burned from exercise , there are ways to get better at it .
Just bear this in mind at the next feast , when you 're tempted to cover your plate with Brussels sprouts .
Kaitlin Woolley , Assistant Professor of Marketing , Cornell University and Peggy Liu , Assistant Professor of Business Administration and Ben L. Fryrear Faculty Fellow , University of Pittsburgh This article is republished @ @ @ @ @ @ @ license .
Read the original article .

People often eat more than usual around the holidays – and this year more than most as the pandemic prompts many to stress eat.
A common way to avoid putting on extra weight is by choosing healthier options with fewer calories per serving. One problem with this strategy is that people tend to eat more of something if they think it's healthier. For example, a guest at a holiday feast may fill her plate with Brussels sprouts instead of carb-heavy foods, like mashed potatoes, that people associate with more weight gain.
But that works only if you're reasonably good at counting or comparing calories across dishes and quantities – a topic we explored in a series of studies that will be published in the Journal of Consumer Research. We learned it's a lot harder to do than you might think.
Counting calories
Health experts generally recommend two ways of evaluating the caloric content of foods: try to come up with exact numerical counts in food portions or simply think in qualitative terms about high- and low-calorie foods – brie cheese and mashed potatoes = high, peas and Brussels sprouts = low.
Those who favor the latter method contend it will lead to similar conclusions but will be easier for most people to do regularly. But our research suggests these two methods result in very different calorie estimates – with a significant impact on dieting.
In our first study, we recruited several hundred undergraduate students and showed them two pictures: an image of a plate of 20 grams of chocolate-covered almonds and one with 33 grams of plain roasted almonds – without disclosing the actual weights.
We then randomly asked half of them to guess how many calories each plate had on a scale from “very few" to “a lot" and the others to provide their best precise numerical estimate. Participants were then shown the images again and asked to pick the lower-calorie option of the two – which we then let them eat.
Which plate has more calories?
Kaitlin Woolley, CC BY-SA
We found that participants who used the scale thought the larger portion of almonds had fewer calories than the chocolate-covered ones. And when choosing a low-calorie snack, most students chose the regular almonds. On the other hand, most of the students who made numerical guesses correctly chose the chocolate-covered almonds as the less caloric option. On average, they estimated the chocolate-covered almonds had about 111 calories, versus 117 for the regular ones.
But even this group greatly underestimated just how many calories the larger portion of regular almonds had: 200, double the number of calories in the chocolate-covered ones.
We believe the reason those who rated their estimates on a scale got it so wrong is because they were thinking qualitatively rather than quantitatively. A scale from “very few" to “a lot" sounds similar to “very healthy" to “very unhealthy." Participants got so focused on the notion that the roasted almonds are healthier that they forget that the amount they consume is also an important factor in estimating calories. The mental effort of trying to come up with an actual figure forces one to consider both health and quantity.
Turkeys and burgers
We then repeated variations of the first study, including one in which we had participants estimate the number of calories burned in various low- and high-intensity workouts, with similar results. We also considered different foods.
For that study, we asked 277 people who had eaten at Subway and McDonald's in the previous year to estimate calories in a 12-inch turkey sub sandwich and a cheeseburger. People asked to make scaled, qualitative estimates for both thought the turkey sub had fewer calories, while those who made numeric estimates correctly guessed that the sub actually had more calories – in fact, 510 versus just 300 for the burger.
To see if we can find a way to correct for this consistent error involving qualitative estimates, we set up the earlier almond study but first asked some participants to look at 12 pictures of different-sized snack plates and judge the portion size on a sliding scale from very small to very large.
Participants then estimated calorie amounts for the small plate of chocolate-covered almonds and the large plate of regular almonds. Drawing their attention to portion size helped all participants become more accurate in their estimates, which was especially useful for people making qualitative estimates.
[Insight, in your inbox each day.You can get it with The Conversation's email newsletter.]
So, while people are not all that good at counting calories, whether consumed in food or burned from exercise, there are ways to get better at it. Just bear this in mind at the next feast, when you're tempted to cover your plate with Brussels sprouts.
Kaitlin Woolley, Assistant Professor of Marketing, Cornell University and Peggy Liu, Assistant Professor of Business Administration and Ben L. Fryrear Faculty Fellow, University of Pittsburgh
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


alternet--2020-12-14--Proud Boys wreak havoc on DC as Mike Flynn, Sebastian Gorka and others rally Donald Trump loyalists

Fueled by the words of retired Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn , conspiracy-monger Alex Jones and other luminaries of Trump-sphere , thousands of Trump loyalists poured into Washington , DC on Saturday , pledging defiance to an orderly transfer of presidential power and looking for opportunities to clash with antifascists .
Police blocked off the streets several blocks back from the National Mall and Freedom Plaza — the two focal points of the Trump rallies — causing traffic to snarl and impeding ambulances from passing through .
Flynn , who served as Trump 's first national security advisor and who received @ @ @ @ @ @ @ guilty to the crime of lying to the FBI , was one of several speakers who described the effort to overturn Joe Biden 's election as a `` spiritual battle '' at the event dubbed `` Stop the Steal '' and `` Jericho March . ''
As President Trump buzzed over the National Mall in Marine One , Flynn lambasted the news media , echoing his former boss ' scorn .
`` Every time they throw an arrow at him , it is an arrow directed at us , and we can not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` We can not allow that in this country .
We the people have to continue to fight back . ''
Another speaker , conservative radio host Eric Mataxas , also engaged in media demonization .
Spotting another helicopter prior to Marine One , he said , `` That 's the media ?
We need to shoot that down .
Anybody got a bazooka ? ''
Weaving together the martial religious language of the Old Testament with Trumpist conspiracy-speak , Flynn concluded : `` I 'm gon na use a metaphor , because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Deep State .
There is evil and there is corruption , and there 's light and truth .
We 're going to get to the light and we 're going to get to the truth .
And us inside of this barricade , we 're gon na knock those walls down . ''
Earlier this month , Flynn retweeted a press release calling on Trump to declare martial law and temporarily suspend the Constitution and civilian control of the elections , and have the military oversee a new election .
Flynn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ WeThePeople .
And in an essay published on Thursday , Flynn characterized the incoming Biden administration as `` tyrants '' whose plan is `` to eliminate dissent , subdue any criticism , and outlaw those who do not submit unconditionally to the dictatorship of the New World Order . ''
Aside from a few tweets expressing gratitude to his supporters , Trump 's Twitter feed on Saturday featured a stew of resentment at various actors that have refused to cooperate with his scheme to overturn the election : The Supreme Court ( for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the Texas attorney general ) , the Republican governors in Georgia and Arizona ( for affirming their states ' electoral votes for Biden ) , and Attorney General Bill Barr ( for not speaking publicly about a purported investigation into Hunter Biden ) .
Sebastian Gorka , a podcast host and former White House strategist under Trump , swatted aside his former boss ' continued failures to get traction in the courts to overturn the election during a speech at a separate March for Trump rally organized by Women for Trump organizer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very clear , '' Gorka said .
`` The first thing I said last night when I heard the decision : 'Stop .
Take a deep breath .
Count to ten .
Read the Bible and pray .
Because we are on the side of truth . '
'' Back at the National Mall , Alex Jones of InfoWars , pledged unyielding resistance to a Biden administration .
`` We will never back down to the Satanic pedophile globalist New World Order and their walking-dead reanimated corpse Joe Biden , '' he said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him… .
So , I do n't know who 's going to the White House in 38 days , but I sure know this : Joe Biden is a globalist will be removed one way or another .
Trump supporters carrying American flags roamed in small bands between the National Mall and Freedom Plaza throughout the day .
Supporters held a giant American flag on Pennsylvania Avenue outside Trump International Hotel , and enthusiastically posed for selfies with a Trump impersonator .
Dozens of Proud Boys in tactical gear massed outside Hotel Harrington @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In the early afternoon , Proud Boys knocked a man to the ground and began punching and kicking him on the National Mall near the Washington Monument , according to video showed on Twitter .
Witnesses described an altercation involving Proud Boys in front of the Army Navy Club on 17th Street .
Police completely blocked off Black Lives Matter Plaza to keep the Proud Boys and antifascists separated .
Video shared on Twitter shows the police using a chemical spray on Proud Boys seeking to antagonize antifascists .

Fueled by the words of retired Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn, conspiracy-monger Alex Jones and other luminaries of Trump-sphere, thousands of Trump loyalists poured into Washington, DC on Saturday, pledging defiance to an orderly transfer of presidential power and looking for opportunities to clash with antifascists.
Police blocked off the streets several blocks back from the National Mall and Freedom Plaza — the two focal points of the Trump rallies — causing traffic to snarl and impeding ambulances from passing through.
Flynn, who served as Trump's first national security advisor and who received a pardon from the president after pleading guilty to the crime of lying to the FBI, was one of several speakers who described the effort to overturn Joe Biden's election as a "spiritual battle" at the event dubbed "Stop the Steal" and "Jericho March."
As President Trump buzzed over the National Mall in Marine One, Flynn lambasted the news media, echoing his former boss' scorn.
"Every time they throw an arrow at him, it is an arrow directed at us, and we cannot allow that," Flynn said. "We cannot allow that in this country. We the people have to continue to fight back."
Another speaker, conservative radio host Eric Mataxas, also engaged in media demonization. Spotting another helicopter prior to Marine One, he said, "That's the media?
We need to shoot that down. Anybody got a bazooka?"
Weaving together the martial religious language of the Old Testament with Trumpist conspiracy-speak, Flynn concluded: "I'm gonna use a metaphor, because Jericho — we're inside the walls of the Deep State. There is evil and there is corruption, and there's light and truth. We're going to get to the light and we're going to get to the truth. And us inside of this barricade, we're gonna knock those walls down."
Earlier this month, Flynn retweeted a press release calling on Trump to declare martial law and temporarily suspend the Constitution and civilian control of the elections, and have the military oversee a new election. Flynn signaled his approval with the hashtag #WeThePeople. And in an essay published on Thursday, Flynn characterized the incoming Biden administration as "tyrants" whose plan is "to eliminate dissent, subdue any criticism, and outlaw those who do not submit unconditionally to the dictatorship of the New World Order."
Aside from a few tweets expressing gratitude to his supporters, Trump's Twitter feed on Saturday featured a stew of resentment at various actors that have refused to cooperate with his scheme to overturn the election: The Supreme Court (for declining yesterday to consider a challenge filed by the Texas attorney general), the Republican governors in Georgia and Arizona (for affirming their states' electoral votes for Biden), and Attorney General Bill Barr (for not speaking publicly about a purported investigation into Hunter Biden).
Sebastian Gorka, a podcast host and former White House strategist under Trump, swatted aside his former boss' continued failures to get traction in the courts to overturn the election during a speech at a separate March for Trump rally organized by Women for Trump organizer Amy Kremer.
"Let's be very clear," Gorka said. "The first thing I said last night when I heard the decision: 'Stop. Take a deep breath. Count to ten. Read the Bible and pray. Because we are on the side of truth.'"
Back at the National Mall, Alex Jones of InfoWars, pledged unyielding resistance to a Biden administration.
"We will never back down to the Satanic pedophile globalist New World Order and their walking-dead reanimated corpse Joe Biden," he said. "And we will never recognize him…. So, I don't know who's going to the White House in 38 days, but I sure know this: Joe Biden is a globalist will be removed one way or another.
Trump supporters carrying American flags roamed in small bands between the National Mall and Freedom Plaza throughout the day. Supporters held a giant American flag on Pennsylvania Avenue outside Trump International Hotel, and enthusiastically posed for selfies with a Trump impersonator. Dozens of Proud Boys in tactical gear massed outside Hotel Harrington in the morning and roved through downtown.
In the early afternoon, Proud Boys knocked a man to the ground and began punching and kicking him on the National Mall near the Washington Monument, according to video showed on Twitter. Witnesses described an altercation involving Proud Boys in front of the Army Navy Club on 17th Street. Police completely blocked off Black Lives Matter Plaza to keep the Proud Boys and antifascists separated. Video shared on Twitter shows the police using a chemical spray on Proud Boys seeking to antagonize antifascists.
This story is developing.


alternet--2020-12-14--Trump plan to revive the gallows, electric chair, gas chamber and firing squad recalls a troubled hi

Trump plan to revive the gallows, electric chair, gas chamber and firing squad recalls a troubled history

The way the federal government can kill death row prisoners will soon be expanded to ghoulish methods that include hanging , the electric chair , gas chamber and the firing squad .
Set to take effect on Christmas Eve , the new regulations authorizing an alternative to lethal injections – the method currently used in federal executions – were announced by the Justice Department on Nov. 27 .
The federal move follows the example of several states , including Oklahoma and Tennessee , that have revived alternative methods in the face of challenges to their lethal injection protocols and problems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the process .
It is not clear whether the administration actually intends to employ the newly announced methods .
It may only want to have them in reserve if any of the individuals scheduled for execution before January 's inauguration – five , according to the Department of Justice – should succeed in challenging the current execution protocol .
What is clear is that these new regulations send a message about the lengths the administration will go to kill as many death row inmates as possible before Joe Biden takes office and , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ penalty .
If the president and Department of Justice succeed in their plan , the period from July 14 , 2020 , the date of the first of Trump 's federal executions , through January 20 , 2021 will be the deadliest in the history of federal capital punishment in nearly a century .
As someone who has studied execution methods in the U.S. , I see in the new regulations echoes of a troubled history of less-than-perfect execution methods .
To grasp their full significance , it is necessary to look at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chair , the gas chamber and firing squads .
Each of them has been touted as humane only to be sidelined because its use was found to be gruesome and offensive .
Given that history , there are questions over whether the administration 's plans serve any purpose other than continuing a death penalty system deemed to be a cruel outlier among modern societies .
The noose and the chair Hanging was the execution method of choice throughout most of American history , and it was used in America 's last public execution @ @ @ @ @ @ @ put to death in Owensboro , Kentucky .
When done correctly , the noose killed by severing the spinal column , causing near instantaneous death .
But , all too often , hanging resulted in a slow death by strangulation and sometimes even a beheading .
Given this gruesome record and hanging 's association with the lynching of mainly Black men , by the end of the 19th century the search for other execution methods began in earnest .
The first of those alternatives was the electric chair .
At the time it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a truly modern instrument of death , a technological marvel in the business of state killing .
Hailed by penal reformers as a humane alternative to hanging , the electric chair was first authorized in 1888 by New York state following the report of a commission that concluded , “ The most potent agent known for the destruction of human life is electricity…The velocity of the electric current is so great that the brain is paralyzed ; it is indeed dead before the nerves can communicate a sense of shock . ''
Yet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's potency was a problem .
Its first use in the 1890 execution of convicted murderer William Kemmler was horribly botched .
Reports of the execution say that “ After 2 minutes the execution chamber filled with the smell of burning flesh . ''
Newspapers called the execution a “ historic bungle '' and “ disgusting , sickening and inhuman . ''
In spite of the Kemmler debacle , the electric chair quickly became popular , being seen as more efficient and less brutal than hanging .
From the start of the 20th @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of death sentences carried out by this method far outstripped those of any other method .
But electrocutions continued to go wrong , and eventually several dramatic botched executions in Florida helped turn the tide .
Included were two executions , one in 1990 , the other in 1997 , in which the condemned inmates caught fire .
By the start of the 21st century , states all over the country were abandoning the electric chair .
As Justice Carol W. Hunstein of the Supreme Court of Georgia explained , “ Death by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pain and its certainty of cooked brains and blistered bodies , '' was no longer compatible with contemporary standards of decency .
One alternative to electrocution was the gas chamber , but it too has its own history of problems .
First adopted in Nevada in 1922 , executions using lethal gas were to take place while the condemned slept .
Death row inmates were supposed to be housed in airtight , leak-proof prison cells , separate from other prisoners .
On the day of the execution , valves would be opened that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ killing the prisoner painlessly .
This plan was soon abandoned because officials decided it would be impractical to implement it , and states constructed special gas chambers fitted with pipes , exhaust fans and glass windows on the front and back walls for witness viewing .
But deaths by lethal gas were never pretty or easy to watch .
Inmates regularly fought against breathing the gas as it entered the chamber .
They convulsed , jerked , coughed , twisted and turned blue for several minutes before they died .
Far from solving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , lethal gas introduced its own set of horrors to the institution of capital punishment .
In fact , by the end of the 20th century , 5 % of executions by lethal gas had been botched .
As a result , states used gas as the sole method of execution only from 1924 to 1977 , and it was last used in 1999 .
By then , the gas chamber had become a relic of the past because of its inability to deliver on its promise to be “ swift and painless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use of gas to kill millions during the Holocaust .
Finally , the firing squad .
Of all of America 's methods of execution , it has been least often used .
From 1900 to 2010 , only 35 of America 's 8,776 executions were carried out using this method , and since 1976 just three people have faced a firing squad , with the last one carried out in Utah in 2010 .
The execution chamber at Utah State Prison used in the U.S. 's last firing squad execution .
Critics point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ images of raw , frontier justice in a society awash in gun violence , this method mimicked something that the law wished to discourage .
Nonetheless , Utah revived the firing squad in 2015 due to challenges to the state 's lethal injection protocol .
[ Deep knowledge , daily .
Sign up for The Conversation 's newsletter . ]
While it has some contemporary proponents who claim it is the least cruel of all execution methods , the history of the firing squad is marked by gruesome mistakes when marksmen missed their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Eliseo Mares , for example , four executioners all shot into the wrong side of his chest , and he died slowly from blood loss .
While Trump 's Department of Justice is now holding out the prospect of using these previously discredited methods of execution , it can not erase the cruelty that marks their history .
That history stands as a reminder of America 's failed quest to find a method of execution that is safe , reliable and humane .
Austin Sarat , Associate Provost and Associate Dean of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Political Science , Amherst College This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

The way the federal government can kill death row prisoners will soon be expanded to ghoulish methods that include hanging, the electric chair, gas chamber and the firing squad.
Set to take effect on Christmas Eve, the new regulations authorizing an alternative to lethal injections – the method currently used in federal executions – were announced by the Justice Department on Nov. 27.
The federal move follows the example of several states, including Oklahoma and Tennessee, that have revived alternative methods in the face of challenges to their lethal injection protocols and problems in the supply of drugs needed in the process.
It is not clear whether the administration actually intends to employ the newly announced methods. It may only want to have them in reserve if any of the individuals scheduled for execution before January's inauguration – five, according to the Department of Justice – should succeed in challenging the current execution protocol.
What is clear is that these new regulations send a message about the lengths the administration will go to kill as many death row inmates as possible before Joe Biden takes office and, as expected, halts the federal death penalty.
If the president and Department of Justice succeed in their plan, the period from July 14, 2020, the date of the first of Trump's federal executions, through January 20, 2021 will be the deadliest in the history of federal capital punishment in nearly a century.
As someone who has studied execution methods in the U.S., I see in the new regulations echoes of a troubled history of less-than-perfect execution methods.
To grasp their full significance, it is necessary to look at the record of hanging, the electric chair, the gas chamber and firing squads. Each of them has been touted as humane only to be sidelined because its use was found to be gruesome and offensive. Given that history, there are questions over whether the administration's plans serve any purpose other than continuing a death penalty system deemed to be a cruel outlier among modern societies.
The noose and the chair
Let's start with hanging.
Hanging was the execution method of choice throughout most of American history, and it was used in America's last public execution in 1936, when Rainey Bethea was put to death in Owensboro, Kentucky. When done correctly, the noose killed by severing the spinal column, causing near instantaneous death.
Crowds watch as attendants adjust a black hood over Rainey Bethea.
AP File Photo
But, all too often, hanging resulted in a slow death by strangulation and sometimes even a beheading. Given this gruesome record and hanging's association with the lynching of mainly Black men, by the end of the 19th century the search for other execution methods began in earnest.
The first of those alternatives was the electric chair. At the time it was adopted, it was regarded as a truly modern instrument of death, a technological marvel in the business of state killing. Hailed by penal reformers as a humane alternative to hanging, the electric chair was first authorized in 1888 by New York state following the report of a commission that concluded, “The most potent agent known for the destruction of human life is electricity…The velocity of the electric current is so great that the brain is paralyzed; it is indeed dead before the nerves can communicate a sense of shock."
Yet, right from the start, electrocution's potency was a problem. Its first use in the 1890 execution of convicted murderer William Kemmler was horribly botched. Reports of the execution say that “After 2 minutes the execution chamber filled with the smell of burning flesh." Newspapers called the execution a “historic bungle" and “disgusting, sickening and inhuman."
In spite of the Kemmler debacle, the electric chair quickly became popular, being seen as more efficient and less brutal than hanging. From the start of the 20th century until the 1980s, the number of death sentences carried out by this method far outstripped those of any other method.
But electrocutions continued to go wrong, and eventually several dramatic botched executions in Florida helped turn the tide. Included were two executions, one in 1990, the other in 1997, in which the condemned inmates caught fire.
The gas chamber
By the start of the 21st century, states all over the country were abandoning the electric chair. As Justice Carol W. Hunstein of the Supreme Court of Georgia explained, “Death by electrocution, with its specter of excruciating pain and its certainty of cooked brains and blistered bodies," was no longer compatible with contemporary standards of decency.
A gas chamber at San Quentin prison from 1959.
AP Photo/Clarence Hamm
One alternative to electrocution was the gas chamber, but it too has its own history of problems. First adopted in Nevada in 1922, executions using lethal gas were to take place while the condemned slept. Death row inmates were supposed to be housed in airtight, leak-proof prison cells, separate from other prisoners. On the day of the execution, valves would be opened that would fill the chamber with gas, killing the prisoner painlessly.
This plan was soon abandoned because officials decided it would be impractical to implement it, and states constructed special gas chambers fitted with pipes, exhaust fans and glass windows on the front and back walls for witness viewing. But deaths by lethal gas were never pretty or easy to watch.
Inmates regularly fought against breathing the gas as it entered the chamber. They convulsed, jerked, coughed, twisted and turned blue for several minutes before they died.
Far from solving the problems associated with hangings or electrocutions, lethal gas introduced its own set of horrors to the institution of capital punishment. In fact, by the end of the 20th century, 5% of executions by lethal gas had been botched.
As a result, states used gas as the sole method of execution only from 1924 to 1977, and it was last used in 1999. By then, the gas chamber had become a relic of the past because of its inability to deliver on its promise to be “swift and painless" and its association with the Nazi use of gas to kill millions during the Holocaust.
The firing sqaud
Finally, the firing squad. Of all of America's methods of execution, it has been least often used. From 1900 to 2010, only 35 of America's 8,776 executions were carried out using this method, and since 1976 just three people have faced a firing squad, with the last one carried out in Utah in 2010.
The execution chamber at Utah State Prison used in the U.S.'s last firing squad execution.
AP Photo/Trent Nelson, Pool, File
Critics point out that because death by guns evokes images of raw, frontier justice in a society awash in gun violence, this method mimicked something that the law wished to discourage. Nonetheless, Utah revived the firing squad in 2015 due to challenges to the state's lethal injection protocol.
[Deep knowledge, daily.Sign up for The Conversation's newsletter.]
While it has some contemporary proponents who claim it is the least cruel of all execution methods, the history of the firing squad is marked by gruesome mistakes when marksmen missed their target. In the 1951 execution of Eliseo Mares, for example, four executioners all shot into the wrong side of his chest, and he died slowly from blood loss.
A cruel history, revived
While Trump's Department of Justice is now holding out the prospect of using these previously discredited methods of execution, it cannot erase the cruelty that marks their history. That history stands as a reminder of America's failed quest to find a method of execution that is safe, reliable and humane.
Austin Sarat, Associate Provost and Associate Dean of the Faculty and Cromwell Professor of Jurisprudence and Political Science, Amherst College
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


alternet--2020-12-14--Why the Virgin of Guadalupe is more than a religious icon to Catholics in Mexico

Each year , as many as 10 million people travel to the shrine of Our Lady of Guadalupe in Mexico City , in what is believed to be the largest Catholic pilgrimage in the Americas .
Due to COVID-19 concerns , the pilgrimage , which is due to take place on Dec. 12 , will instead be held online this year .
Normally , multiple pilgrimages take place around this time of the year throughout the country that end at the basilica – a church building specially recognized by the Catholic pope – of Our Lady of Guadalupe , an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In fact , images and statues of her are everywhere in Mexico .
She is on altars in people 's homes , altars on street corners , posters in mechanic shops and restaurants .
Even in the U.S. , many Catholic churches with parishioners who have ties to Mexico include a small chapel to her .
The first time I went to Mexico City in 2011 as a Ph.D. student , I visited the shrine to the Virgin .
Later , I wrote about her importance in novels , short stories and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This pilgrimage is only one part of Mexican people 's connection to the Virgin of Guadalupe .
During the pilgrimage in Mexico , people visit the shrine on a hill near where Virgin Mary is said to have appeared to an Aztec man named Juan Diego who had converted to Christianity in 1531 .
The legend goes that when Juan Diego told the bishop about it , he demanded proof .
Juan Diego then went back to the shrine and the Virgin told him about a place he could pick some roses .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , with his cloak full of roses .
But when the bishop looked at the roses , it is said that an image of the Virgin appeared .
In the belief that this was a miraculous occurrence , a shrine to the Virgin was built in Tepeyac in the northern part of Mexico City .
Today , this shrine is part of a large complex which includes several church buildings , a larger-than-life group of statues that portray the Virgin 's apparition to Juan Diego and a large space for outdoor Mass , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years , the shrine has undergone changes .
A new basilica constructed in 1974 is now used for most services , although the older church constructed in 1709 still stands .
The most important object in the shrine is the miraculous image of the Virgin that appeared on Juan Diego 's cloak , which is displayed in front of a moving sidewalk in the new construction .
The story about how the Virgin appeared in Mexico has resemblance to reports of her apparitions in Spain .
In the 14th century , the Virgin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a peasant near the river of Guadalupe in western Spain .
The Virgin is believed to have told him to dig up an image of her that had allegedly been buried for several centuries .
Some of those involved in the Spanish conquest , such as Christopher Columbus and Hernán Cortés , reportedly prayed at her shrine in Spain before setting off for the Americas .
When Spaniards colonized the Americas , which included the Aztec empire in central Mexico , in the early 16th century , they brought the image and story @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
What is noteworthy is that she is said to have appeared to Juan Diego in the same place where the Nahuatl-speaking Aztecs had worshiped the goddess Tonantzin .
The Spanish colonial administration , together with church officials , encouraged people to replace worshiping Tonantzin in Tepeyac with worshiping the Virgin of Guadalupe in Tepeyac .
In this way , they could appear to replace Indigenous beliefs with Catholic ones .
While a church was built on the site in 1556 , the Virgin of Guadalupe did not attract a large following until @ @ @ @ @ @ @ collected sworn statements regarding miracles she is said to have performed .
Her feast day was moved at the time from September to December .
Larger pilgrimages to Tepeyac began in the late 17th century , one of many such pilgrimages in the larger Catholic tradition of thanking a saint or apparition of the Virgin for answering their prayers .
The image of the Virgin of Guadalupe has been used in various ways to create a sense of community .
Over the centuries , her image has been used in various ways to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advance specific political goals .
For example , during Mexico 's 19th-century independence movement , Catholic priest Miguel Hidalgo used her image on his banners .
In this way , he successfully united many Mexicans in their fight against Spain .
Mexicans commemorate this in their Independence Day celebrations each September .
About 40 years later , Catholic Church leaders would use her image to attract Mexican people to their cause , as they fought against the 1857 liberal reforms that encouraged increasing separation of church and state .
[ You 're smart @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are The Conversation 's authors and editors .
You can read us daily by subscribing to our newsletter . ]
Similarly , in the early 20th century , Mexico 's government enacted such strict secularism laws that Catholic bishops suspended Mass for three years .
Catholic leaders again used images of the Virgin of Guadalupe on their banners to encourage the soldiers fighting against the anti-Catholic laws .
Today , her image is as varied as the Mexican experience .
One of these is the light-skinned child-like “ Virgencita plis '' on everything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It was designed in 2003 by a gift and toy company , Distroller corporation .
In this image , the Virgin does not look Mexican and plays to very traditional and often outdated ideas of femininity : innocent , nonthreatening , almost like children .
The statue of the Virgin at the basilica of Our Lady of Guadalupe is dark-skinned , physically imposing and has Mexican features .
For each , she has her own meaning and a way of worship .
And even if many people are not able to travel to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ways to honor the Lady of Guadalupe this year .
Rebecca Janzen , Assistant Professor of Spanish and Comparative Literature , University of South Carolina This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

Each year, as many as 10 million people travel to the shrine of Our Lady of Guadalupe in Mexico City, in what is believed to be the largest Catholic pilgrimage in the Americas. Due to COVID-19 concerns, the pilgrimage, which is due to take place on Dec. 12, will instead be held online this year.
Normally, multiple pilgrimages take place around this time of the year throughout the country that end at the basilica – a church building specially recognized by the Catholic pope – of Our Lady of Guadalupe, an apparition of the Virgin Mary in Mexico.
In fact, images and statues of her are everywhere in Mexico. She is on altars in people's homes, altars on street corners, posters in mechanic shops and restaurants. Even in the U.S., many Catholic churches with parishioners who have ties to Mexico include a small chapel to her.
The first time I went to Mexico City in 2011 as a Ph.D. student, I visited the shrine to the Virgin. Later, I wroteabout her importance in novels, short stories and movies – beyond a religious icon.
This pilgrimage is only one part of Mexican people's connection to the Virgin of Guadalupe.
Apparition of the Virgin
During the pilgrimage in Mexico, people visit the shrine on a hill near where Virgin Mary is said to have appeared to an Aztec man named Juan Diego who had converted to Christianity in 1531.
The legend goes that when Juan Diego told the bishop about it, he demanded proof. Juan Diego then went back to the shrine and the Virgin told him about a place he could pick some roses.
Juan Diego went back to the bishop, with his cloak full of roses. But when the bishop looked at the roses, it is said that an image of the Virgin appeared. In the belief that this was a miraculous occurrence, a shrine to the Virgin was built in Tepeyac in the northern part of Mexico City.
Today, this shrine is part of a large complex which includes several church buildings, a larger-than-life group of statues that portray the Virgin's apparition to Juan Diego and a large space for outdoor Mass, a Catholic worship service.
Over the years, the shrine has undergone changes. A new basilica constructed in 1974 is now used for most services, although the older church constructed in 1709 still stands.
The most important object in the shrine is the miraculous image of the Virgin that appeared on Juan Diego's cloak, which is displayed in front of a moving sidewalk in the new construction.
Combining faith
The story about how the Virgin appeared in Mexico has resemblance to reports of her apparitions in Spain. In the 14th century, the Virgin Mary was said to have appeared to a peasant near the river of Guadalupe in western Spain. The Virgin is believed to have told him to dig up an image of her that had allegedly been buried for several centuries.
Some of those involved in the Spanish conquest, such as Christopher Columbus and Hernán Cortés, reportedly prayed at her shrine in Spain before setting off for the Americas.
When Spaniards colonized the Americas, which included the Aztec empire in central Mexico, in the early 16th century, they brought the image and story of Our Lady of Guadalupe with them.
What is noteworthy is that she is said to have appeared to Juan Diego in the same place where the Nahuatl-speaking Aztecs had worshiped the goddess Tonantzin.
The Spanish colonial administration, together with church officials, encouraged people to replace worshiping Tonantzin in Tepeyac with worshiping the Virgin of Guadalupe in Tepeyac. In this way, they could appear to replace Indigenous beliefs with Catholic ones.
While a church was built on the site in 1556, the Virgin of Guadalupe did not attract a large following until the mid-17th century, when church leaders collected sworn statements regarding miracles she is said to have performed. Her feast day was moved at the time from September to December.
Larger pilgrimages to Tepeyac began in the late 17th century, one of many such pilgrimages in the larger Catholic tradition of thanking a saint or apparition of the Virgin for answering their prayers.
Symbolic use
The image of the Virgin of Guadalupe has been used in various ways to create a sense of community.
Ricardo Castelan Cruz / Eyepix Group/Barcroft Media via Getty Images
Over the centuries, her image has been used in various ways to create a sense of community or to advance specific political goals. For example, during Mexico's 19th-century independence movement, Catholic priest Miguel Hidalgo used her image on his banners. In this way, he successfully united many Mexicans in their fight against Spain. Mexicans commemorate this in their Independence Day celebrations each September.
About 40 years later, Catholic Church leaders would use her image to attract Mexican people to their cause, as they fought against the 1857 liberal reforms that encouraged increasing separation of church and state.
[You're smart and curious about the world. So are The Conversation's authors and editors.You can read us daily by subscribing to our newsletter.]
Similarly, in the early 20th century, Mexico's government enacted such strict secularism laws that Catholic bishops suspended Mass for three years. Catholic leaders again used images of the Virgin of Guadalupe on their banners to encourage the soldiers fighting against the anti-Catholic laws.
Today, her image is as varied as the Mexican experience. One of these is the light-skinned child-like “Virgencita plis" on everything from small statues to face masks. It was designed in 2003 by a gift and toy company, Distroller corporation. In this image, the Virgin does not look Mexican and plays to very traditional and often outdated ideas of femininity: innocent, nonthreatening, almost like children. The statue of the Virgin at the basilica of Our Lady of Guadalupe is dark-skinned, physically imposing and has Mexican features.
For each, she has her own meaning and a way of worship. And even if many people are not able to travel to her sanctuary, they will find other ways to honor the Lady of Guadalupe this year.
Rebecca Janzen, Assistant Professor of Spanish and Comparative Literature, University of South Carolina
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


alternet--2020-12-14--Why do so few clergy serve in Congress?

Why do so few clergy serve in Congress?

While campaigning for Republican U.S. Sen. Kelly Loeffler , U.S. Rep. Doug Collins – a former pastor – attacked her opponent , Democrat Reverend Raphael Warnock , the senior pastor at Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta , for his views on abortion rights .
“ There is no such thing as a pro-choice pastor , '' Collins said of Warnock .
“ What you have is a lie from the bed of hell . ''
Their differing views on abortion reflect a range of views on controversial political issues among American clergy .
Yet what made the sparring so notable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politicians are even in a position to confront one another .
If Warnock were to win , he would join Republican Sen. James Lankford as one of two ordained ministers in the Senate chamber .
Only about 2 % of members of the U.S. House of Representatives are ordained ministers .
Their numbers are scarce despite the fact that members of the clergy often possess speaking skills , have an impulse to serve and boast strong ties to their communities – all qualities that are useful in politics .
Furthermore , Americans are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Western world .
So why do so few clergy serve in Congress ?
And what kind of effect might this have on the priorities and policies that emerge from Washington , D.C. ?
In the “ Congress and the Presidency '' course that I teach , I discuss the prior professional careers of members of Congress and the way those backgrounds can influence lawmaking .
Almost half of U.S. senators worked as attorneys prior to their political careers , and 160 current members of the U.S. House of Representatives have law degrees .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ most common former profession of Democrats in Congress , while business is the most common former profession of Republicans .
Lawyers in Congress can write legislation using language that can guide administrative agencies and judges , with an eye toward shielding laws from potential legal challenges .
The downside of this practice is that legislative text can be weighed down in legal jargon that only other lawyers can understand .
Meanwhile , the growing ranks of Republican members of Congress with business backgrounds reflect the party 's ideological opposition to government regulation of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recent presidents reflect their orientation : The last three Republican presidents – Donald Trump , George W. Bush and George H.W .
Bush – all worked in business prior to entering politics .
Once Joe Biden becomes president in January , he 'll join Democratic predecessors Barack Obama and Bill Clinton as having graduated from law school .
From the outside looking in Members of the clergy , however , are far down the list of congressional occupations – behind agriculture , engineering , journalism , labor , medicine , real estate and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president , James Garfield , has ties to a previous life at the pulpit – and even those are tenuous .
While he 's sometimes described as an ordained minister with the Disciples of Christ – and he did preach to congregations as a young man – there do n't appear to be any clear ordination records .
His primary professions before entering politics were as a Civil War general , teacher and attorney .
It 's possible that the lack of clergy members in Congress may bring less attention to spiritual issues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less important , while crafting public policies that help the less fortunate get short shrift .
At the same time , the clergy has long played an active role in American politics outside of elective office , usually working to influence policy and politicians .
Prominent evangelical preachers Jerry Falwell Jr. , Franklin Graham , James Dobson and Kenneth Copeland all spoke out in favor of Donald Trump 's reelection this year .
Evangelist Franklin Graham has been a vocal supporter of President Trump .
Reverend Jesse Jackson and Rev .
Al Sharpton @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for president , while Rev .
William Barber has garnered attention in recent years for leading “ Moral Mondays '' protests to advocate for civil rights and progressive causes in Raleigh , North Carolina .
In the past , there have been legal and doctrinal restrictions on clergy members serving in government .
Up until the 1970s , several states had constitutional restrictions against clergy members serving in the state legislatures , which often serve as a stepping stone for candidates to run for national office .
But in an 8-0 decision , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that such state restrictions violated the free exercise clause of the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution .
The decision allowed Rev .
Paul McDaniel , a Baptist minister , to run to be a delegate to a Tennessee state constitutional convention .
Church policy can also discourage clergy running for office .
Two Catholic priests who had served in the House of Representatives ended their candidacies in 1980 when Pope John Paul II declared that he would begin strictly enforcing a canon law that priests should not serve in public office .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who had served five terms as a U.S. representative from Massachusetts .
Drinan was known nationally as a prominent opponent of the Vietnam War , and he had introduced the first impeachment resolution against President Richard Nixon .
Drinan 's support of abortion rights was especially controversial among Catholic church leaders .
After Pope John Paul II demanded all priests withdraw from electoral politics , Rep. Robert Drinan decided not to seek reelection .
Separation of church and state a core value Another reason for low numbers of clergy in national elected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's longstanding tradition of separating religion from government .
In 1802 , President Thomas Jefferson famously wrote that the language of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution indicated “ a wall of separation between Church & State . ''
Religion and government are more closely intertwined in many other Western countries .
For example , in the United Kingdom , 26 bishops who are leaders in the Church of England are members of the House of Lords .
While most Americans remain religious , the fundamental belief that religion and politics should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the United States .
A 2019 Pew Research Forum survey found that 63 % of Americans thought that houses of worship should stay out of politics , while 76 % of Americans agreed that houses of worship should not openly support political candidates .
Finally , clergy may be at a financial disadvantage when seeking a national political office .
The majority of current members of Congress are millionaires .
With the possible exception of some megachurch leaders , most members of the clergy do not enter their profession for financial reasons , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the means to self-finance their campaigns .
Yet if Rev .
Warnock were to win his election in January , it may signal a new trend .
The U.S. House of Representatives currently has more ordained ministers than at any other time since occupational statistics began to be compiled in Congress in the 1950s .
And if Rev .
Warnock becomes a senator , it would be the first time in at least 55 years that the U.S. Senate has had two ordained ministers serving at the same time .
In the midst @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , political polarization and climate change , perhaps more voters are looking for spiritual and moral leadership in Washington , D.C .
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

While campaigning for Republican U.S. Sen. Kelly Loeffler, U.S. Rep. Doug Collins – a former pastor – attacked her opponent, Democrat Reverend Raphael Warnock, the senior pastor at Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta, for his views on abortion rights.
“There is no such thing as a pro-choice pastor," Collins said of Warnock. “What you have is a lie from the bed of hell."
Their differing views on abortion reflect a range of views on controversial political issues among American clergy. Yet what made the sparring so notable is the infrequency with which two pastor politicians are even in a position to confront one another.
If Warnock were to win, he would join Republican Sen. James Lankford as one of two ordained ministers in the Senate chamber. Only about 2% of members of the U.S. House of Representatives are ordained ministers.
Their numbers are scarce despite the fact that members of the clergy often possess speaking skills, have an impulse to serve and boast strong ties to their communities – all qualities that are useful in politics. Furthermore, Americans are among the most religious people in the Western world.
So why do so few clergy serve in Congress? And what kind of effect might this have on the priorities and policies that emerge from Washington, D.C.?
Lawyers, business people lead the pack
In the “Congress and the Presidency" course that I teach, I discuss the prior professional careers of members of Congress and the way those backgrounds can influence lawmaking.
Almost half of U.S. senators worked as attorneys prior to their political careers, and 160 current members of the U.S. House of Representatives have law degrees. Other than politics, law is the most common former profession of Democrats in Congress, while business is the most common former profession of Republicans.
Lawyers in Congress can write legislation using language that can guide administrative agencies and judges, with an eye toward shielding laws from potential legal challenges. The downside of this practice is that legislative text can be weighed down in legal jargon that only other lawyers can understand.
Meanwhile, the growing ranks of Republican members of Congress with business backgrounds reflect the party's ideological opposition to government regulation of the private sector.
Each party's recent presidents reflect their orientation: The last three Republican presidents – Donald Trump, George W. Bush and George H.W. Bush – all worked in business prior to entering politics. Once Joe Biden becomes president in January, he'll join Democratic predecessors Barack Obama and Bill Clinton as having graduated from law school.
From the outside looking in
Members of the clergy, however, are far down the list of congressional occupations – behind agriculture, engineering, journalism, labor, medicine, real estate and the military.
Only one former U.S. president, James Garfield, has ties to a previous life at the pulpit – and even those are tenuous. While he's sometimes described as an ordained minister with the Disciples of Christ – and he did preach to congregations as a young man – there don't appear to be any clear ordination records. His primary professions before entering politics were as a Civil War general, teacher and attorney.
It's possible that the lack of clergy members in Congress may bring less attention to spiritual issues in Washington. Morality may be deemed less important, while crafting public policies that help the less fortunate get short shrift.
At the same time, the clergy has long played an active role in American politics outside of elective office, usually working to influence policy and politicians.
Prominent evangelical preachers Jerry Falwell Jr., Franklin Graham, James Dobson and Kenneth Copeland all spoke out in favor of Donald Trump's reelection this year.
Evangelist Franklin Graham has been a vocal supporter of President Trump.
Nicholas Kamm/AFP via Getty Images
Reverend Jesse Jackson and Rev. Al Sharpton have each run for the Democratic nomination for president, while Rev. William Barber has garnered attention in recent years for leading “Moral Mondays" protests to advocate for civil rights and progressive causes in Raleigh, North Carolina.
Legal and papal pushback
In the past, there have been legal and doctrinal restrictions on clergy members serving in government.
Up until the 1970s, several states had constitutional restrictions against clergy members serving in the state legislatures, which often serve as a stepping stone for candidates to run for national office.
But in an 8-0 decision, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 1978 that such state restrictions violated the free exercise clause of the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. The decision allowed Rev. Paul McDaniel, a Baptist minister, to run to be a delegate to a Tennessee state constitutional convention.
Church policy can also discourage clergy running for office. Two Catholic priests who had served in the House of Representatives ended their candidacies in 1980 when Pope John Paul II declared that he would begin strictly enforcing a canon law that priests should not serve in public office.
One of them was Father Robert Drinan, who had served five terms as a U.S. representative from Massachusetts. Drinan was known nationally as a prominent opponent of the Vietnam War, and he had introduced the first impeachment resolution against President Richard Nixon. Drinan's support of abortion rights was especially controversial among Catholic church leaders.
After Pope John Paul II demanded all priests withdraw from electoral politics, Rep. Robert Drinan decided not to seek reelection.
Bettmann via Getty Images
Separation of church and state a core value
Another reason for low numbers of clergy in national elected office may be tied to the country's longstanding tradition of separating religion from government. In 1802, President Thomas Jefferson famously wrote that the language of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution indicated “a wall of separation between Church & State."
Religion and government are more closely intertwined in many other Western countries. For example, in the United Kingdom, 26 bishops who are leaders in the Church of England are members of the House of Lords.
While most Americans remain religious, the fundamental belief that religion and politics should operate in separate spheres remains strong in the United States. A 2019 Pew Research Forum survey found that 63% of Americans thought that houses of worship should stay out of politics, while 76% of Americans agreed that houses of worship should not openly support political candidates.
Finally, clergy may be at a financial disadvantage when seeking a national political office. The majority of current members of Congress are millionaires.
With the possible exception of some megachurch leaders, most members of the clergy do not enter their profession for financial reasons, and you won't see many with the means to self-finance their campaigns.
Yet if Rev. Warnock were to win his election in January, it may signal a new trend. The U.S. House of Representatives currently has more ordained ministers than at any other time since occupational statistics began to be compiled in Congress in the 1950s. And if Rev. Warnock becomes a senator, it would be the first time in at least 55 years that the U.S. Senate has had two ordained ministers serving at the same time.
In the midst of a recession, a global pandemic, political polarization and climate change, perhaps more voters are looking for spiritual and moral leadership in Washington, D.C.
Robert Speel, Associate Professor of Political Science, Erie Campus, Penn State
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


alternet--2020-12-15--Here's how Democrats can overcome their key weaknesses with voters

Democrats—and many others—are justifiably exultant because their presidential candidate obtained the largest popular vote total ever and toppled an incumbent .
However , the 2020 election results also revealed that the Democratic Party 's victory was quite fragile and might not be sustainable in the future .
The most glaring problem is that the Democratic Party has failed to address adequately the economic condition of millions of workers .
This article will examine the roots of that weakness and what progressives can do to pressure both President-elect Joe Biden and the Democratic Party to adopt policies that directly address the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ program would enable the Democratic Party to build a sustainable majority by serving the interests of the many millions of workers and small businesses that inhabit Main Street as opposed to the thousands of corporate executives and billionaire donors that inhabit Wall Street .
The 2020 Election Revealed Significant Democratic Party Weaknesses .
The most terrifying result was that 74.2 million people were receptive to and voted for a party and a presidential candidate with strong authoritarian tendencies , an increase of 11.2 million over President Donald Trump 's showing in 2016 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ exit polls revealed a significant portion of his vote was anti-Trump as opposed to pro-Biden .
The importance of the anti-Trump vote also is supported by the fact that Biden had no coattails—Democrats lost ground in the House and many state legislatures .
Second , Biden and the Democratic congressional candidates failed to overwhelm Republicans in swing states and districts during a perfect storm of crises : pandemic , economic , climate , and racial and gender inequities .
A party that can not parlay this historically unique set of crises into solid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trouble .
Racial and cultural issues help explain the weak showing by Democrats in the swing states .
However , this article will focus on another problem that also helps explain what happened : Democrats failed to address adequately the everyday economic concerns of millions of people and basically ceded these issues to Republicans .
Indeed , half the voters felt that Trump would handle the economy better than Biden .
The economy remains by far , the number one issue among all Americans—even outstripping the pandemic .
The Democratic Party will not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the future until it actually advocates and delivers policies that improve the economic circumstances of working people .
The Lack of Trust on Economic Issues Is Based on 45 years of Corporatist Domination of the Democratic Party .
Corporatists have dominated the Democrat Party since President Jimmy Carter .
Big Business was a critical source of funding for Carter , Bill Clinton , and Barack Obama .
Upon election , each of these presidents appointed corporate-allied officials to key positions and enacted pro-corporate policies .
The financial sector illustrates this dynamic .
President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the deregulation of the financial sector .
President Clinton not only raked in record contributions from the financial sector , but also appointed Wall Street-allied individuals to key positions in the administration .
Clinton became the biggest financial sector deregulator of all , enabling an orgy of financial speculation and instability not seen since the 1920s .
And while Wall Street chafed at the mild reforms of Dodd-Frank , the financial sector welcomed the Obama administration 's delivery of multi-trillion-dollar bailouts , the refusal to indict any Wall Street officials for fraud , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ individuals to key administrative positions .
Meanwhile , each of these Democratic presidents failed to prioritize and pass significant labor reforms which would have benefited millions of workers .
To make matters even worse , Clinton literally pushed through the devastating NAFTA and China trade deals that led to the elimination or displacement of 4.4 million jobs while Obama advocated even bigger free trade deals .
Such corporatist policies have been devastating for millions of workers and small businesses but very beneficial to big business and the billionaire donor elite .
Consequently , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in terms of income , wealth , gender , and race .
The economic situation of most working families is appalling .
For example , almost 80 % of Americans live paycheck to paycheck , 70 % will have difficulty raising a few hundred dollars for an emergency , and the average American now dies with $ 62,000 of debt .
The median net worth ( assets minus liabilities ) of American families is just $ 52,700 while the minimum net worth of the top 1 % is $ 10.4 million .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blew apart its façade as a representative of working-class interests ; instead , it became a more compassionate champion of corporations and the wealthy .
The sense of outrage felt by workers against the Democratic Party for trade deals and a worsening economic situation was palpable and helped to undermine the party 's hold over working-class voters , especially in swing states .
Unfortunately , the general skepticism about Democrats and the economy was not helped by Biden 's ties to Wall Street and support for policies aiding corporations to the detriment of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trade deals .
Democrats Must Advocate Economic Policies that will Primarily Benefit Working People .
Democrats must directly address their weakness on working class economic issues if they want to develop sustainable majorities in future elections .
During the campaign , Biden promised to create millions of green jobs , increase wages , and improve working conditions for all working people—as well as address equity issues .
The policies contained in the Biden platform would benefit all portions of the working class—regardless of racial , ethnic , religious , and sexual identity divisions—and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have sown hate and fragmentation .
This was the most progressive , worker-centered platform for a Democratic presidential candidate over the last 45 years .
Unfortunately , Biden and the Democrats did not focus on these issues for much of the campaign ; instead , they chose to attack Trump and focused on the pandemic .
In this way , the Democrats ceded basic economic issues to the Republicans and allowed them to falsely pit pandemic concerns against economic concerns .
Yet , the Democrats should not abandon this progressive platform .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will not necessarily get another chance .
There will be many roadblocks to such a change in policy priorities—the narrow Democratic advantage in the House and a tied or Republican majority in the Senate .
But progressives should push Biden to be a bold , strong , and public proponent of pro-worker policies—and at least to follow through on his campaign promises .
• Good Jobs/Full Employment .
Biden 's platform included massive investments in green infrastructure and Covid-19 relief that would create millions of decent paying jobs .
Such job-related programs would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ full employment .
Conversely , the Biden administration must be prevented from entering devastating , job-killing trade deals that actually reward corporations for offshoring jobs and harming the environment .
Democrats should loudly proclaim that there should be a job for everyone who is able to work—and excoriate those who oppose such a principle .
• Fair Wages/Workers Rights .
The broadest and most effective way to increase wages is a tight labor market .
According to an Economic Policy Institute analysis , wages for the bottom 90 % of workers grew the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1995-2000 and 2013-2019 .
These 11 years accounted for almost all the wage growth of the bottom 90 % from 1979-2019 .
This is why full employment policies are the broadest way to increase incomes for the mass of working people .
Democrats should also champion bills to raise the national minimum wage to $ 15 an hour and expand the rights of workers to organize and collectively bargain .
Democrats should loudly proclaim that all workers receive a fair day 's wage for a fair day 's work and have the right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a principle .
• Healthy and Safe Working Conditions .
The Biden administration must overturn all Trump 's deregulatory attacks on protections for workers , consumers , and a clean and healthy environment , and introduce legislation to expand the reach and enforcement of such basic protections .
Again , Democrats should loudly proclaim that all Americans have a basic right to a clean and healthy environment at work , at home , and in their communities—and excoriate those who oppose such a principle .
These policies would have a material and measurable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And would go a long way to counter the perception of Democrats as mouthing support for workers while aiding big business and the billionaire donor elite .
How to Deal with Republican Intransigence—Mobilize Against a Do-Nothing Senate and For Worker Centered Policies .
Of course , such a program will be bitterly opposed by Republicans , corporations , and the billionaire donor elite .
However , Biden is not powerless .
During the 1948 presidential election , President Harry Truman was way behind in the polls .
He chose to go on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do-nothing , good for nothing '' Republican-dominated 80th Congress .
Truman also publicly advocated for civil rights legislation , the repeal of the anti-union Taft-Hartley Act , and farm aid programs .
Through his attacks on the Republicans and support for progressive policies , Truman helped to revive the New Deal coalition of southern blacks , labor unionists , and farmers .
He ended up winning in a stunning upset .
A similar mobilization campaign that supports pro-worker policies and opposes Republican intransigence during the next two years of Biden 's administration and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the Democratic Party 's future hopes .
Consequences for Democrats If they Do Not Focus on Working Class Economic Issues .
The most likely scenario for the Biden administration is that it will follow a moderately liberal corporatist strategy while attempting to make some inroads on economic and social equity issues .
Biden has already indicated that key administration positions will be filled by people with whom he is comfortable—a diverse set of mostly moderate to somewhat liberal corporatists who will be competent but not rock the boat of corporate power .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ alienate progressives—not because of the power of progressive politicians but because of the power of progressive movements .
Therefore , he will seek a united front by focusing on issues and areas of concern for both corporatists and progressives .
Such efforts will include addressing the pandemic through medical and economic policies ; limiting corporate excesses through regulations and administrative actions to undo the damage done by Trump ; strengthening Obamacare ; and advocating some progressive policies such as criminal justice reform and reversing Trump 's corporate tax cut .
The corporate media @ @ @ @ @ @ @ considering a Republican or tied Senate , a slim Democratic house majority , and an overall conservative judiciary .
Of course , these policies are far better than anything offered by Trump .
However , such a program will neither fundamentally challenge corporate power nor significantly improve the economic well-being of millions of workers .
The Democrats will once again prove that they can not positively change the economic conditions that matter most to working people .
Just as the failures of Carter set the stage for Reagan ; Clinton set the stage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stage for Trump—a failed Biden term could set the stage for someone far worse than Trump .
Throughout his long political career , Biden tended to emphasize incremental policy changes and personal political relationships rather than structural change and mass mobilization .
But at this point in history such an approach could lead to disaster .
Muddling through is not a real option .
What Progressives Can Do—Mobilize .
Progressives can not just sit by and expect Biden or the Democratic Party to do the right thing .
We should learn the lessons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the labor movement pushed Franklin Roosevelt to become FDR and enact the New Deal ; mass mobilization especially by the civil rights movement pushed President Lyndon Johnson to become LBJ and enact the Great Society .
An insightful analysis by my CWA colleague Bob Master examines the importance of mass mobilization in turning these presidents into transformational figures .
One successful example of mass mobilization and activism is provided by the interaction between FDR and legendary labor and civil rights leader , A. Philip Randolph as related in a RepresentConsumers.org article .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than 250,000 defense jobs were closed to Blacks regardless of qualifications .
They were also denied placement even in unskilled jobs .
Only 240 of 107,000 workers in the aircraft industry were Black .
A U.S. employment service survey revealed that more than half of the defense companies stated they would not hire Blacks .
In response , A. Philip Randolph and other leaders met with FDR who said he sympathized but refused to take any action .
Randolph then called for a march that would bring 100,000 Blacks to Washington , D.C. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Armed Services and defense industry .
`` The Roosevelts feared the march would result in a race war in the nation 's capital that would prove an embarrassment to a country that held itself up as a model of democracy . ''
Roosevelt finally relented , issuing Executive Order 8802 barring discrimination in the defense industries .
Randolph and his colleagues then canceled the march .
The lesson is clear : `` the labor and civil rights leaders accomplished their goals not through benign persuasion but by an unyielding threat '' of mass @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that even mass mobilization could make a significant impact on a Biden administration given the opposition of the corporate elite that has dominated both parties .
Maybe the Democratic Party is so tied into corporate power that it is not capable of reclaiming the progressive domestic policy legacy of FDR or LBJ .
However , there is no other alternative vehicle for progressive policy at this point in time .
The failure to address our various crises now could lead to global devastation .
There is really no choice .
Continued mass education @ @ @ @ @ @ @ movement and , in this way , possibly save the Democratic Party by forcing it to meet the needs of working families .
Sara Nelson , the head of the Association of Flight Attendants-CWA , made a statement about the labor movement that applies to the progressive movement in general : `` Our task , is to build a labor movement that sees itself truly as a labor movement—not just a collection of separate unions .
For years we outsourced our power while the bosses were outsourcing our jobs .
We spent too @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the boss or build favor with politicians and too little time organizing members to fight for what we deserve .
People think power is a limited resource but using power builds power . ''
Kenneth R. Peres retired as chief economist of the Communications Workers of America .
Formerly , he served as economist for the Northern Cheyenne Tribe , the Montana House Select Committee on Economic Development , and the Montana Alliance for Progressive Policy .
Ken has held teaching positions at the University of Montana , St. John 's University , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ City University of New York .
He obtained a PhD in economics from the New School in New York City .

Democrats—and many others—are justifiably exultant because their presidential candidate obtained the largest popular vote total ever and toppled an incumbent. However, the 2020 election results also revealed that the Democratic Party's victory was quite fragile and might not be sustainable in the future. The most glaring problem is that the Democratic Party has failed to address adequately the economic condition of millions of workers. This article will examine the roots of that weakness and what progressives can do to pressure both President-elect Joe Biden and the Democratic Party to adopt policies that directly address the needs of working people. Such a program would enable the Democratic Party to build a sustainable majority by serving the interests of the many millions of workers and small businesses that inhabit Main Street as opposed to the thousands of corporate executives and billionaire donors that inhabit Wall Street.
The 2020 Election Revealed Significant Democratic Party Weaknesses. The most terrifying result was that 74.2 million people were receptive to and voted for a party and a presidential candidate with strong authoritarian tendencies, an increase of 11.2 million over President Donald Trump's showing in 2016. While Biden won 81.3 million votes, exit polls revealed a significant portion of his vote was anti-Trump as opposed to pro-Biden. The importance of the anti-Trump vote also is supported by the fact that Biden had no coattails—Democrats lost ground in the House and many state legislatures. Second, Biden and the Democratic congressional candidates failed to overwhelm Republicans in swing states and districts during a perfect storm of crises: pandemic, economic, climate, and racial and gender inequities. A party that cannot parlay this historically unique set of crises into solid swing state majorities is a party in trouble. Racial and cultural issues help explain the weak showing by Democrats in the swing states. However, this article will focus on another problem that also helps explain what happened: Democrats failed to address adequately the everyday economic concerns of millions of people and basically ceded these issues to Republicans. Indeed, half the voters felt that Trump would handle the economy better than Biden. The economy remains by far, the number one issue among all Americans—even outstripping the pandemic. The Democratic Party will not be able to obtain sustainable majorities in the future until it actually advocates and delivers policies that improve the economic circumstances of working people.
The Lack of Trust on Economic Issues Is Based on 45 years of Corporatist Domination of the Democratic Party. Corporatists have dominated the Democrat Party since President Jimmy Carter. Big Business was a critical source of funding for Carter, Bill Clinton, and Barack Obama. Upon election, each of these presidents appointed corporate-allied officials to key positions and enacted pro-corporate policies. The financial sector illustrates this dynamic. President Carter (not Ronald Reagan) initiated the deregulation of the financial sector. President Clinton not only raked in record contributions from the financial sector, but also appointed Wall Street-allied individuals to key positions in the administration. Clinton became the biggest financial sector deregulator of all, enabling an orgy of financial speculation and instability not seen since the 1920s. And while Wall Street chafed at the mild reforms of Dodd-Frank, the financial sector welcomed the Obama administration's delivery of multi-trillion-dollar bailouts, the refusal to indict any Wall Street officials for fraud, and his appointment of Wall Street connected individuals to key administrative positions.
Meanwhile, each of these Democratic presidents failed to prioritize and pass significant labor reforms which would have benefited millions of workers. To make matters even worse, Clinton literally pushed through the devastating NAFTA and China trade deals that led to the elimination or displacement of 4.4 million jobs while Obama advocated even bigger free trade deals.
Such corporatist policies have been devastating for millions of workers and small businesses but very beneficial to big business and the billionaire donor elite. Consequently, economic inequality has reached historically high levels in terms of income, wealth, gender, and race. The economic situation of most working families is appalling. For example, almost 80% of Americans live paycheck to paycheck, 70% will have difficulty raising a few hundred dollars for an emergency, and the average American now dies with $62,000 of debt. The median net worth (assets minus liabilities) of American families is just $52,700 while the minimum net worth of the top 1% is $10.4 million.
The Democratic Party's adoption of corporatist policies blew apart its façade as a representative of working-class interests; instead, it became a more compassionate champion of corporations and the wealthy. The sense of outrage felt by workers against the Democratic Party for trade deals and a worsening economic situation was palpable and helped to undermine the party's hold over working-class voters, especially in swing states. Unfortunately, the general skepticism about Democrats and the economy was not helped by Biden's ties to Wall Street and support for policies aiding corporations to the detriment of workers including the bankruptcy bill and free trade deals.
Democrats Must Advocate Economic Policies that will Primarily Benefit Working People. Democrats must directly address their weakness on working class economic issues if they want to develop sustainable majorities in future elections. During the campaign, Biden promised to create millions of green jobs, increase wages, and improve working conditions for all working people—as well as address equity issues. The policies contained in the Biden platform would benefit all portions of the working class—regardless of racial, ethnic, religious, and sexual identity divisions—and create some movement toward unity where Republicans have sown hate and fragmentation. This was the most progressive, worker-centered platform for a Democratic presidential candidate over the last 45 years. Unfortunately, Biden and the Democrats did not focus on these issues for much of the campaign; instead, they chose to attack Trump and focused on the pandemic. In this way, the Democrats ceded basic economic issues to the Republicans and allowed them to falsely pit pandemic concerns against economic concerns.
Yet, the Democrats should not abandon this progressive platform. The current crisis is profound, and Democrats will not necessarily get another chance. There will be many roadblocks to such a change in policy priorities—the narrow Democratic advantage in the House and a tied or Republican majority in the Senate. But progressives should push Biden to be a bold, strong, and public proponent of pro-worker policies—and at least to follow through on his campaign promises.
Good Jobs/Full Employment. Biden's platform included massive investments in green infrastructure and Covid-19 relief that would create millions of decent paying jobs. Such job-related programs would set the country on a path to full employment. Conversely, the Biden administration must be prevented from entering devastating, job-killing trade deals that actually reward corporations for offshoring jobs and harming the environment. Democrats should loudly proclaim that there should be a job for everyone who is able to work—and excoriate those who oppose such a principle.
Fair Wages/Workers Rights. The broadest and most effective way to increase wages is a tight labor market. According to an Economic Policy Institute analysis, wages for the bottom 90% of workers grew the most during the low unemployment years of 1995-2000 and 2013-2019. These 11 years accounted for almost all the wage growth of the bottom 90% from 1979-2019. This is why full employment policies are the broadest way to increase incomes for the mass of working people. Democrats should also champion bills to raise the national minimum wage to $15 an hour and expand the rights of workers to organize and collectively bargain. Democrats should loudly proclaim that all workers receive a fair day's wage for a fair day's work and have the right to organize—and excoriate those who oppose such a principle.
Healthy and Safe Working Conditions. The Biden administration must overturn all Trump's deregulatory attacks on protections for workers, consumers, and a clean and healthy environment, and introduce legislation to expand the reach and enforcement of such basic protections. Again, Democrats should loudly proclaim that all Americans have a basic right to a clean and healthy environment at work, at home, and in their communities—and excoriate those who oppose such a principle.
These policies would have a material and measurable impact on millions of working families. And would go a long way to counter the perception of Democrats as mouthing support for workers while aiding big business and the billionaire donor elite.
How to Deal with Republican Intransigence—Mobilize Against a Do-Nothing Senate and For Worker Centered Policies. Of course, such a program will be bitterly opposed by Republicans, corporations, and the billionaire donor elite. However, Biden is not powerless. During the 1948 presidential election, President Harry Truman was way behind in the polls. He chose to go on the offensive. He campaigned against the "do-nothing, good for nothing" Republican-dominated 80th Congress. Truman also publicly advocated for civil rights legislation, the repeal of the anti-union Taft-Hartley Act, and farm aid programs. Through his attacks on the Republicans and support for progressive policies, Truman helped to revive the New Deal coalition of southern blacks, labor unionists, and farmers. He ended up winning in a stunning upset. A similar mobilization campaign that supports pro-worker policies and opposes Republican intransigence during the next two years of Biden's administration and for the 2022 elections would be critical for the Democratic Party's future hopes.
Consequences for Democrats If they Do Not Focus on Working Class Economic Issues. The most likely scenario for the Biden administration is that it will follow a moderately liberal corporatist strategy while attempting to make some inroads on economic and social equity issues. Biden has already indicated that key administration positions will be filled by people with whom he is comfortable—a diverse set of mostly moderate to somewhat liberal corporatists who will be competent but not rock the boat of corporate power. However, he cannot afford to alienate progressives—not because of the power of progressive politicians but because of the power of progressive movements.
Therefore, he will seek a united front by focusing on issues and areas of concern for both corporatists and progressives. Such efforts will include addressing the pandemic through medical and economic policies; limiting corporate excesses through regulations and administrative actions to undo the damage done by Trump; strengthening Obamacare; and advocating some progressive policies such as criminal justice reform and reversing Trump's corporate tax cut. The corporate media will applaud this direction as being pragmatic—especially considering a Republican or tied Senate, a slim Democratic house majority, and an overall conservative judiciary. Of course, these policies are far better than anything offered by Trump. However, such a program will neither fundamentally challenge corporate power nor significantly improve the economic well-being of millions of workers. The Democrats will once again prove that they cannot positively change the economic conditions that matter most to working people. Just as the failures of Carter set the stage for Reagan; Clinton set the stage for Bush; and Obama set the stage for Trump—a failed Biden term could set the stage for someone far worse than Trump. Throughout his long political career, Biden tended to emphasize incremental policy changes and personal political relationships rather than structural change and mass mobilization. But at this point in history such an approach could lead to disaster. Muddling through is not a real option.
What Progressives Can Do—Mobilize. Progressives cannot just sit by and expect Biden or the Democratic Party to do the right thing. We should learn the lessons of past progressive movements—mass mobilization especially by the labor movement pushed Franklin Roosevelt to become FDR and enact the New Deal; mass mobilization especially by the civil rights movement pushed President Lyndon Johnson to become LBJ and enact the Great Society. An insightful analysis by my CWA colleague Bob Master examines the importance of mass mobilization in turning these presidents into transformational figures.
One successful example of mass mobilization and activism is provided by the interaction between FDR and legendary labor and civil rights leader, A. Philip Randolph as related in a RepresentConsumers.org article. In the early stages of WWII, more than 250,000 defense jobs were closed to Blacks regardless of qualifications. They were also denied placement even in unskilled jobs. Only 240 of 107,000 workers in the aircraft industry were Black. A U.S. employment service survey revealed that more than half of the defense companies stated they would not hire Blacks. In response, A. Philip Randolph and other leaders met with FDR who said he sympathized but refused to take any action. Randolph then called for a march that would bring 100,000 Blacks to Washington, D.C. demanding an end to discrimination in the Armed Services and defense industry. "The Roosevelts feared the march would result in a race war in the nation's capital that would prove an embarrassment to a country that held itself up as a model of democracy." Roosevelt finally relented, issuing Executive Order 8802 barring discrimination in the defense industries. Randolph and his colleagues then canceled the march. The lesson is clear: "the labor and civil rights leaders accomplished their goals not through benign persuasion but by an unyielding threat" of mass mobilization and activism.
It is unclear that even mass mobilization could make a significant impact on a Biden administration given the opposition of the corporate elite that has dominated both parties. Maybe the Democratic Party is so tied into corporate power that it is not capable of reclaiming the progressive domestic policy legacy of FDR or LBJ. However, there is no other alternative vehicle for progressive policy at this point in time. The failure to address our various crises now could lead to global devastation. There is really no choice. Continued mass education and mobilization can only strengthen the progressive movement and, in this way, possibly save the Democratic Party by forcing it to meet the needs of working families.
Sara Nelson, the head of the Association of Flight Attendants-CWA, made a statement about the labor movement that applies to the progressive movement in general: "Our task, is to build a labor movement that sees itself truly as a labor movement—not just a collection of separate unions. For years we outsourced our power while the bosses were outsourcing our jobs. We spent too much time trying to cut deals with the boss or build favor with politicians and too little time organizing members to fight for what we deserve. People think power is a limited resource but using power builds power."
Kenneth R. Peres retired as chief economist of the Communications Workers of America. Formerly, he served as economist for the Northern Cheyenne Tribe, the Montana House Select Committee on Economic Development, and the Montana Alliance for Progressive Policy. Ken has held teaching positions at the University of Montana, St. John's University, Chief Dull Knife College, and the City University of New York. He obtained a PhD in economics from the New School in New York City.