alternet--2020-11-13--Arizona Blues: The land of Barry Goldwater and John McCain may never be the same

Early Friday morning , November 13 , NBC News called Arizona for President-elect Joe Biden — which gives the former vice president at least 290 electoral votes in the 2020 presidential election .
Fox News , much to the consternation of President Donald Trump , and the Associated Press , had already called Arizona for Biden on Election Night , but NBC News and other major media outlets chose to hold off on making a call for Arizona while there were still votes being counted .
In addition to Biden 's win in Arizona , Democrats are celebrating Democrat Mark @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Martha McSally in Arizona 's 2020 U.S. Senate race .
And all of this is happening in a state that , for decades , was a GOP stronghold .
In 2021 , Kelly wo n't be Arizona 's only Democratic U.S. senator : Sen. Kyrsten Sinema , also a Democrat , was elected in the 2018 midterms .
And the fact that Arizona will have two Democratic U.S. senators next year is stunning in light of the fact that Arizona , for decades , was synonymous with the GOP conservatism of Sen. Barry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ McCain .
For Democrats , there is a major caveat to all of those statewide Democratic victories in Arizona : Kelly , Biden and Sinema are all quite centrist .
Sinema has a decidedly centrist voting record , and she has repeatedly described McCain as her hero .
In fact , Sinema has been praised by the late senator 's daughter , conservative activist and `` The View '' co-host Meghan McCain , for meeting Republicans half way — and Sinema 's voting record has often frustrated the liberal/progressive wing of her party @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Arizona is now much more Democratic than it was in the past .
What was once a deep red state is now best described as a Democrat-friendly swing state .
To understand how much of a sea change there has been in Arizona , one needs to examine its history .
In the 1964 presidential election , Sen. Goldwater ( who was first elected to the U.S. Senate in 1952 ) suffered a landslide defeat at the hands of incumbent Democratic President Lyndon B. Johnson — who had become president following the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1963 .
The Johnson campaign successfully painted Goldwater as a warmongering extremist , swift-boating him with the infamous `` daisy ad . ''
Johnson ran a hardball campaign , and it worked .
Goldwater lost badly , with Republicans suffering their worst humiliation in a presidential race since President Franklin D. Roosevelt 's victory of over President Herbert Hoover in 1932 .
But in Arizona , Goldwater was quite popular .
The term `` Goldwater conservative '' was a badge of honor in that state — one that McCain wholeheartedly embraced after Goldwater @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was first elected to the seat that Goldwater had held for many years .
During the 1980s , many Democrats developed a certain respect for Goldwater .
As much of a hardcore conservative as he was , Goldwater expressed nothing but disdain for the Christian Right — who were becoming increasingly prominent in the GOP .
And Goldwater had nothing good to say about evangelical extremists like the Moral Majority 's Rev .
Jerry Falwell , Sr. , the Christian Broadcasting Network 's Pat Robertson and the Rev .
Jimmy Swaggart .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was terrible for the GOP and terrible for the conservative movement .
Politics make strange bedfellows .
Just as many Democrats on Capitol Hill applauded Goldwater for standing up to the Christian Right , they had a generally friendly relationship with Sen. McCain during the 1990s and 2000s even though they often butted heads with him on policy .
McCain got along quite well with Biden during Biden 's many years in the U.S. Senate even though they did n't always see eye to eye , and in a hilarious `` Saturday Night @ @ @ @ @ @ @ race , Jason Sudeikis — in his wacky portrayal of Biden — declared that he considered McCain a raving lunatic as well as one his closest , dearest , most cherished friends .
And unlike Trump , McCain and Biden were n't offended when they were lampooned on `` SNL . ''
McCain had a sense of humor .
But despite the generally cordial relationship between Democrats and McCain during those decades , the Democratic National Committee viewed Arizona and as a deep red state and knew that statewide races were an uphill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Napolitano served as governor of Arizona during the 2000s , but she had a very centrist record — which is one of the reasons why the Obama Administration choose her as secretary of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security .
Napolitano was a Democratic governor in a red state , and she got along well with Sen. McCain .
Arizona is still a long way from being a bastion of liberal/progressive politics when it comes to statewide races .
But there is no question the state has become increasingly friendly to centrist Democrats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2018 and Biden and Kelly in 2020 , Arizona has clearly become as much of a swing state as its neighbor Nevada .

Early Friday morning, November 13, NBC News called Arizona for President-elect Joe Biden — which gives the former vice president at least 290 electoral votes in the 2020 presidential election. Fox News, much to the consternation of President Donald Trump, and the Associated Press, had already called Arizona for Biden on Election Night, but NBC News and other major media outlets chose to hold off on making a call for Arizona while there were still votes being counted. In addition to Biden's win in Arizona, Democrats are celebrating Democrat Mark Kelly's victory over incumbent Republican Sen. Martha McSally in Arizona's 2020 U.S. Senate race. And all of this is happening in a state that, for decades, was a GOP stronghold.
In 2021, Kelly won't be Arizona's only Democratic U.S. senator: Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, also a Democrat, was elected in the 2018 midterms. And the fact that Arizona will have two Democratic U.S. senators next year is stunning in light of the fact that Arizona, for decades, was synonymous with the GOP conservatism of Sen. Barry Goldwater and his successor, Sen. John McCain.
For Democrats, there is a major caveat to all of those statewide Democratic victories in Arizona: Kelly, Biden and Sinema are all quite centrist. Sinema has a decidedly centrist voting record, and she has repeatedly described McCain as her hero. In fact, Sinema has been praised by the late senator's daughter, conservative activist and "The View" co-host Meghan McCain, for meeting Republicans half way — and Sinema's voting record has often frustrated the liberal/progressive wing of her party.
Regardless, there is no doubt that Arizona is now much more Democratic than it was in the past. What was once a deep red state is now best described as a Democrat-friendly swing state.
To understand how much of a sea change there has been in Arizona, one needs to examine its history. In the 1964 presidential election, Sen. Goldwater (who was first elected to the U.S. Senate in 1952) suffered a landslide defeat at the hands of incumbent Democratic President Lyndon B. Johnson — who had become president following the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in 1963. The Johnson campaign successfully painted Goldwater as a warmongering extremist, swift-boating him with the infamous "daisy ad." Johnson ran a hardball campaign, and it worked. Goldwater lost badly, with Republicans suffering their worst humiliation in a presidential race since President Franklin D. Roosevelt's victory of over President Herbert Hoover in 1932.
But in Arizona, Goldwater was quite popular. The term "Goldwater conservative" was a badge of honor in that state — one that McCain wholeheartedly embraced after Goldwater resigned and McCain, in 1986, was first elected to the seat that Goldwater had held for many years.
During the 1980s, many Democrats developed a certain respect for Goldwater. As much of a hardcore conservative as he was, Goldwater expressed nothing but disdain for the Christian Right — who were becoming increasingly prominent in the GOP. And Goldwater had nothing good to say about evangelical extremists like the Moral Majority's Rev. Jerry Falwell, Sr., the Christian Broadcasting Network's Pat Robertson and the Rev. Jimmy Swaggart. As Goldwater saw it, the Christian Right was terrible for the GOP and terrible for the conservative movement.
Politics make strange bedfellows. Just as many Democrats on Capitol Hill applauded Goldwater for standing up to the Christian Right, they had a generally friendly relationship with Sen. McCain during the 1990s and 2000s even though they often butted heads with him on policy. McCain got along quite well with Biden during Biden's many years in the U.S. Senate even though they didn't always see eye to eye, and in a hilarious "Saturday Night Live" skit during the 2008 presidential race, Jason Sudeikis — in his wacky portrayal of Biden — declared that he considered McCain a raving lunatic as well as one his closest, dearest, most cherished friends. And unlike Trump, McCain and Biden weren't offended when they were lampooned on "SNL." McCain had a sense of humor.
But despite the generally cordial relationship between Democrats and McCain during those decades, the Democratic National Committee viewed Arizona and as a deep red state and knew that statewide races were an uphill battle for them there. Democrat Janet Napolitano served as governor of Arizona during the 2000s, but she had a very centrist record — which is one of the reasons why the Obama Administration choose her as secretary of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Napolitano was a Democratic governor in a red state, and she got along well with Sen. McCain.
Arizona is still a long way from being a bastion of liberal/progressive politics when it comes to statewide races. But there is no question the state has become increasingly friendly to centrist Democrats — and following the victories of Sinema in 2018 and Biden and Kelly in 2020, Arizona has clearly become as much of a swing state as its neighbor Nevada.


alternet--2020-11-13--Trump campaign abandoned by law firm defending its Pennsylvania election lawsuit

The law firm representing President Donald Trump 's in Pennsylvania has withdrawn itself from an election lawsuit .
The New @ @ @ @ @ law firm of Porter Wright Morris & Arthur said it was withdrawing from representing the @ @ @ @ @ that it had filed mere days earlier .
`` Plaintiffs and Porter Wright have reached @ @ @ @ @ will be best served if Porter Wright withdraws , '' the firm state in a @ @ @ @ @ Times notes , Porter Wright 's decision to withdraw came after attorneys at the firm @ @ @ @ @ discomfort in representing the Trump campaign 's efforts to delegitimize the results of the 2020 @ @ @ @ @ employees said they were concerned that the firm was being used to undercut the integrity @ @ @ @ @ '' according to the Times ' reporting .
`` One Porter Wright lawyer resigned in @ @ @ @ @ '' It is unclear whether the law firm will continue to represent the Trump campaign @

The law firm representing President Donald Trump's in Pennsylvania has withdrawn itself from an election lawsuit.
The New York Times reports that the law firm of Porter Wright Morris & Arthur said it was withdrawing from representing the Trump campaign in a lawsuit that it had filed mere days earlier.
"Plaintiffs and Porter Wright have reached a mutual agreement that plaintiffs will be best served if Porter Wright withdraws," the firm state in a court filing.
As the Times notes, Porter Wright's decision to withdraw came after attorneys at the firm began leaking word of their discomfort in representing the Trump campaign's efforts to delegitimize the results of the 2020 presidential election.
"Some employees said they were concerned that the firm was being used to undercut the integrity of the electoral process," according to the Times' reporting. "One Porter Wright lawyer resigned in protest over the summer."
It is unclear whether the law firm will continue to represent the Trump campaign.


alternet--2020-11-13--Scotland may look at 'serious and long-standing concerns about Trump's business activities'

What I know about money laundering is drawn almost entirely from Ozark and Office Space , so I wo n't try to add too much to this .
But here 's a little more detail from the Scotsman story McLaughlin linked to : The 2024 election begins now , and our first order of business should be ensuring Trump ca n't vie for another term .
A mob boss can run his crime organization from jail , and Donald Trump managed to `` run '' the country from his toilet — but prison is another story .
And , man @ @ @ @ @ @ @ golf courses , I might have to start believing in God again .
One can dream , right ?
This guy is a natural .
Sometimes I laugh so hard I cry . ''
— Bette Midler on Aldous J. Pennyfarthing , via Twitter .
The first history of the Trump error is complete !
Goodbye , Asshat : 101 Farewell Letters to Donald Trump is hot off the presses !
Along with Dear F*cking Lunatic : 101 Obscenely Rude Letters to Donald Trump , Dear Pr*sident A**clown : 101 More Rude Letters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : 101 More Letters to Donald Trump , you 'll see the Trump years from a hilarious new perspective .
Click those links , yo !

What I know about money laundering is drawn almost entirely from Ozark and Office Space, so I won't try to add too much to this. But here's a little more detail from the Scotsman story McLaughlin linked to:
An UWO is a relatively new - and rarely used - power which has been designed to target suspected corrupt foreign officials who have potentially laundered stolen money through the UK.
The mechanism, introduced in 2018, is an attempt to force the owners of assets to disclose their wealth. If a suspected corrupt foreign official, or their family, cannot show a legitimate source for their riches, then authorities can apply to a court to seize the property.
Mr Trump and the Trump Organisation have always stressed that they did not require any outside financing for their Scottish resorts.
The 2024 election begins now, and our first order of business should be ensuring Trump can't vie for another term. A mob boss can run his crime organization from jail, and Donald Trump managed to "run" the country from his toilet — but prison is another story.
And, man oh man, if Scotland seized his golf courses, I might have to start believing in God again.
One can dream, right?
This guy is a natural. Sometimes I laugh so hard I cry." — Bette Midler on Aldous J. Pennyfarthing, via Twitter.The first history of the Trump error is complete! Goodbye, Asshat: 101 Farewell Letters to Donald Trump is hot off the presses! Along with Dear F*cking Lunatic: 101 Obscenely Rude Letters to Donald Trump,Dear Pr*sident A**clown: 101 More Rude Letters to Donald Trumpand Dear F*cking Moron: 101 More Letters to Donald Trump, you'll see the Trump years from a hilarious new perspective. Click those links, yo!


alternet--2020-11-13--Studies hint that over-the-counter treatments could be effective against COVID-19

When Pfizer reported the first results out of its phase 3 trials of a COVID-19 vaccine last week , the nation—and world—were rightfully excited .
Though the number of people involved was small , and the pool of those reporting was far from as diverse as might be desired , those early results showed an efficacy rate above 90 % .
Pfizer is expected to report additional data later this month , and we should be just weeks away from hearing similar data from Moderna , AstraZenaca , and Johnson & Johnson .
But even as these very deliberate , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are going on , there is other COVID-19 data emerging .
This data comes mostly from questionnaires given to patients who have tested positive for COVID-19 .
It asks about the habits , health , and actions of these patients in the hopes that data might emerge providing clues about the behavior of a disease that ranges from extremely mild to downright deadly .
And , in at least a couple of cases , it seems that data may have pointed to a couple of common treatments as having a potential effect on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ another study shows that asymptomatic carriers of COVID-19 may not be as common as many have believed .
The University of Bristol reports that it has completed an antibody survey of the `` Children of the 90s '' community spanning just under 5,000 participants .
This group represents a number of British families who had—you guessed it—children in the 1990s .
Health researchers have been following both the parents and the children through their lives , so they have a great deal of information on both their health history and personal habits .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ telling .
In the latest survey , 4.3 % of those tested had developed antibodies to COVID-19 .
These people were twice as likely to be from the `` children '' group as the `` parents '' group .
However , even though most of the people who had COVID-19 at some point were under 30—the group generally thought to have the mildest cases of the disease—only about 25 % of all participants reported being asymptomatic .
In past results , mostly taken from smaller groups like infected passengers on the ill-fated Diamond @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all patients were asymptomatic .
That number has frequently been used when working out the potential spread of COVID-19 .
Some researchers and politicians ( especially politicians ) have even projected much higher numbers of asymptomatic carriers to support specific theories or actions .
If only a quarter of COVID-19 patients are asymptomatic , that may mean that the threat represented by asymptomatic carriers is smaller than has been estimated .
It would also mean that calculations setting the number of cases far above the number of positive tests based on the idea @ @ @ @ @ @ @ symptoms could also be way off .
The U.K. is also host to the massive RECOVERY project , a set of interlocking COVID-19 studies that has helped to both show that Trump 's beloved hydroxychloroquine is ineffective , and that the steroid dexamethasone helps patients receiving breathing assistance .
On Tuesday , PharmaTimes reported RECOVERY was about to test the efficacy of something else : aspirin .
The idea that aspirin might be helpful against COVID-19 has been debated since very early in the pandemic .
Last February , researchers in China announced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aspirin as part of COVID-19 treatment with expectations that it could help with the damage COVID-19 can cause to both the blood vessels and the lungs , and early results appeared positive .
Since then , many hospitals around the world have incorporated this most common of drugs into their COVID-19 regime—but it 's far from universal .
In October , a study published in Anesthesia and Analgesia looked at 412 patients .
Of those , 76 % did not get aspirin , and 24 % got low-dose aspirin , the same kind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who received low-dose aspirin were 44 % less likely to end up on a ventilator and 43 % less likely to require admission to the ICU .
The number of patients studied was small , but those results are more than dramatic enough to indicate why RECOVERY is taking another look at a drug that really has been considered a `` miracle '' before .
The very broad effects of aspirin—fever lowering , reducing clumping of platelets , lowering inflammation—may be a good match to the broad spectrum of symptoms caused by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only off-the-shelf product to generate new interest from coronavirus researchers .
As Science News reports , researchers at the Cleveland Clinic found evidence that there 's another widely available product that might be a big positive when it comes to COVID-19 .
In this case , while it 's often seen in the form of a pill , it 's not really a drug ; it 's the sleep-regulating hormone melatonin .
Melatonin is naturally produced in the body each evening , with production rising as light decreases .
When people take synthetic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ range from 1 mg to dosages far above the generally recommended limit of about 5 mg ) it has a pair of sleep-inducing effects .
By doing a deep dive into patient data—including both those who had COVID-19 and those who did not—researchers discovered that those reporting regular use of melatonin had a 30 % lower rate of testing positive for COVID-19 .
That seems like a fairly fantastic result … but it heaps up over a large dataset even when adjusted for other factors .
And here 's something that seems to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the study , melatonin use seemed to cut the odds of being infected by COVID-19 in half .
This type of study is notorious for drawing a statistical connection between unrelated items , and there could easily be coincidental causes behind this data .
Maybe people who take melatonin take better care of their health in general .
Maybe they 're just better rested .
In any case , additional sources are now being examined to see if similar results can be found .
Finally , a drug that 's not over-the-counter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also turn out to be an unexpected COVID-19 fighter .
In a study published today in JAMA , researchers at Washington University in St. Louis found that patients receiving the antidepressant fluvoxamine were much less likely to develop serious COVID-19 symptoms when compared to those receiving a placebo .
How much less likely is hard to say … because it appears to be infinite .
As in none of the fluvoxamine patients displayed worsening conditions during the study .
That 's a fantastic result … but it was also a very small study @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likely to change treatment regimens .
However , if an antidepressant seems like a strange treatment for a virus , note that fluvoxamine is a group known as `` Selective Serotonin Reuptake Inhibitors '' ( SSRIs ) , which have a powerful effect on inflammation .
Aspirin , melatonin , SSRIs … they may not seem like the most obvious tools to use against a virus that has proven to be so deadly .
But they have the advantage of being extremely widely used and well-understood .
Big note : I 'm not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be taken as medical advice .
Do n't begin taking new medications without checking in with your health provider .
Thanks .

When Pfizer reported the first results out of its phase 3 trials of a COVID-19 vaccine last week, the nation—and world—were rightfully excited. Though the number of people involved was small, and the pool of those reporting was far from as diverse as might be desired, those early results showed an efficacy rate above 90%. Pfizer is expected to report additional data later this month, and we should be just weeks away from hearing similar data from Moderna, AstraZenaca, and Johnson & Johnson.
But even as these very deliberate, controlled, and active tests of vaccines are going on, there is other COVID-19 data emerging. This data comes mostly from questionnaires given to patients who have tested positive for COVID-19. It asks about the habits, health, and actions of these patients in the hopes that data might emerge providing clues about the behavior of a disease that ranges from extremely mild to downright deadly. And, in at least a couple of cases, it seems that data may have pointed to a couple of common treatments as having a potential effect on the severity of infection. Meanwhile, another study shows that asymptomatic carriers of COVID-19 may not be as common as many have believed.
The University of Bristol reports that it has completed an antibody survey of the "Children of the 90s" community spanning just under 5,000 participants. This group represents a number of British families who had—you guessed it—children in the 1990s. Health researchers have been following both the parents and the children through their lives, so they have a great deal of information on both their health history and personal habits. So their COVID-19 data could be particularly telling.
In the latest survey, 4.3% of those tested had developed antibodies to COVID-19. These people were twice as likely to be from the "children" group as the "parents" group. However, even though most of the people who had COVID-19 at some point were under 30—the group generally thought to have the mildest cases of the disease—only about 25% of all participants reported being asymptomatic.
In past results, mostly taken from smaller groups like infected passengers on the ill-fated Diamond Princess cruise ship, about half of all patients were asymptomatic. That number has frequently been used when working out the potential spread of COVID-19. Some researchers and politicians (especially politicians) have even projected much higher numbers of asymptomatic carriers to support specific theories or actions. If only a quarter of COVID-19 patients are asymptomatic, that may mean that the threat represented by asymptomatic carriers is smaller than has been estimated. It would also mean that calculations setting the number of cases far above the number of positive tests based on the idea that many of the infected never developed symptoms could also be way off.
The U.K. is also host to the massive RECOVERY project, a set of interlocking COVID-19 studies that has helped to both show that Trump's beloved hydroxychloroquine is ineffective, and that the steroid dexamethasone helps patients receiving breathing assistance. On Tuesday, PharmaTimes reported RECOVERY was about to test the efficacy of something else: aspirin.
The idea that aspirin might be helpful against COVID-19 has been debated since very early in the pandemic. Last February, researchers in China announced that they were beginning trials of using aspirin as part of COVID-19 treatment with expectations that it could help with the damage COVID-19 can cause to both the blood vessels and the lungs, and early results appeared positive. Since then, many hospitals around the world have incorporated this most common of drugs into their COVID-19 regime—but it's far from universal.
In October, a study published inAnesthesia and Analgesia looked at 412 patients. Of those, 76% did not get aspirin, and 24% got low-dose aspirin, the same kind often taken by heart patients. Patients who received low-dose aspirin were 44% less likely to end up on a ventilator and 43% less likely to require admission to the ICU. The number of patients studied was small, but those results are more than dramatic enough to indicate why RECOVERY is taking another look at a drug that really has been considered a "miracle" before. The very broad effects of aspirin—fever lowering, reducing clumping of platelets, lowering inflammation—may be a good match to the broad spectrum of symptoms caused by the coronavirus.
But aspirin isn't the only off-the-shelf product to generate new interest from coronavirus researchers. As Science News reports, researchers at the Cleveland Clinic found evidence that there's another widely available product that might be a big positive when it comes to COVID-19. In this case, while it's often seen in the form of a pill, it's not really a drug; it's the sleep-regulating hormone melatonin.
Melatonin is naturally produced in the body each evening, with production rising as light decreases. When people take synthetic melatonin (in pills that range usually range from 1 mg to dosages far above the generally recommended limit of about 5 mg) it has a pair of sleep-inducing effects.
By doing a deep dive into patient data—including both those who had COVID-19 and those who did not—researchers discovered that those reporting regular use of melatonin had a 30% lower rate of testing positive for COVID-19. That seems like a fairly fantastic result … but it heaps up over a large dataset even when adjusted for other factors. And here's something that seems to really stand out: For Black patients in the study, melatonin use seemed to cut the odds of being infected by COVID-19 in half. This type of study is notorious for drawing a statistical connection between unrelated items, and there could easily be coincidental causes behind this data. Maybe people who take melatonin take better care of their health in general. Maybe they're just better rested. In any case, additional sources are now being examined to see if similar results can be found.
Finally, a drug that's not over-the-counter but definitely seems appropriate for 2020 may also turn out to be an unexpected COVID-19 fighter. In a study published today in JAMA, researchers at Washington University in St. Louis found that patients receiving the antidepressant fluvoxamine were much less likely to develop serious COVID-19 symptoms when compared to those receiving a placebo. How much less likely is hard to say … because it appears to be infinite. As in none of the fluvoxamine patients displayed worsening conditions during the study. That's a fantastic result … but it was also a very small study. So small that it's not likely to change treatment regimens. However, if an antidepressant seems like a strange treatment for a virus, note that fluvoxamine is a group known as "Selective Serotonin Reuptake Inhibitors" (SSRIs), which have a powerful effect on inflammation.
Aspirin, melatonin, SSRIs … they may not seem like the most obvious tools to use against a virus that has proven to be so deadly. But they have the advantage of being extremely widely used and well-understood.
Big note: I'm not a doctor. This article should not be taken as medical advice. Don't begin taking new medications without checking in with your health provider. Thanks.


alternet--2020-11-13--Here's where Trump really lost the election -- and it wasn't just in large cities

Since the day after Election Day , President Donald Trump has falsely accused larger urban cities like Philadelphia and Detroit of stealing the election from him , but details actually suggest otherwise .
On Wednesday , Trump released a lashing campaign email claiming : `` Democrat-run cities , like Detroit and Philadelphia , two of the most politically corrupt places in America , can not be responsible for deciding the outcome of this race . ''
The dangerous claim is one the Republican Party has aimed at Democratic cities , mostly comprised of large Black populations , suggesting an inability @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republicans have failed to acknowledge that fair does not always mean favorable .
Contrary to Trump 's allegations , President-elect Joe Biden 's election results in Detroit , Milwaukee , and Philadelphia were relatively the same as Hillary Clinton 's results in 2016 .
Trump even managed to gain votes in those metropolitan areas compared to his outcome in the previous presidential election .
However , Biden managed to expand his support also capturing voters in America 's suburbs and exurbs—the areas outside of the major cities .
By capturing those voters , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
However , the larger metropolitan cities still did not `` decide '' the outcome of the election although Trump has suggested so , according to USA Today .
In a nutshell , the suburbs and exurbs ultimately contributed to Trump 's defeat—not metropolitan areas , as he has repeatedly suggested .
On Wednesday , Trump attacked Philadelphia city commissioner , Al Schmidt , via Twitter as he accused him of failing to review the so-called `` mountain of corruption & dishonesty . ''
Schmidt quickly fired back at the president as he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most outlandish allegations with no evidence to support any of the claims .
`` I have seen the most fantastical things on social media , making completely ridiculous allegations that have no basis in fact at all , and see them spread , '' Schmidt said .
`` I realize a lot of people are happy about this election and a lot of people are not happy about this election .
One thing I can not comprehend is how hungry people are to consume lies . ''
He added , `` I think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bad actors who are lying to them . ''

Since the day after Election Day, President Donald Trump has falsely accused larger urban cities like Philadelphia and Detroit of stealing the election from him, but details actually suggest otherwise.
On Wednesday, Trump released a lashing campaign email claiming: "Democrat-run cities, like Detroit and Philadelphia, two of the most politically corrupt places in America, cannot be responsible for deciding the outcome of this race."
The dangerous claim is one the Republican Party has aimed at Democratic cities, mostly comprised of large Black populations, suggesting an inability to hold fair elections. However, Republicans have failed to acknowledge that fair does not always mean favorable.
Contrary to Trump's allegations, President-elect Joe Biden's election results in Detroit, Milwaukee, and Philadelphia were relatively the same as Hillary Clinton's results in 2016. Trump even managed to gain votes in those metropolitan areas compared to his outcome in the previous presidential election. However, Biden managed to expand his support also capturing voters in America's suburbs and exurbs—the areas outside of the major cities.
By capturing those voters, Biden did manage to attract more voters. However, the larger metropolitan cities still did not "decide" the outcome of the election although Trump has suggested so, according to USA Today.
In a nutshell, the suburbs and exurbs ultimately contributed to Trump's defeat—not metropolitan areas, as he has repeatedly suggested. On Wednesday, Trump attacked Philadelphia city commissioner, Al Schmidt, via Twitter as he accused him of failing to review the so-called "mountain of corruption & dishonesty."
Schmidt quickly fired back at the president as he admitted he has seen some of the most outlandish allegations with no evidence to support any of the claims.
"I have seen the most fantastical things on social media, making completely ridiculous allegations that have no basis in fact at all, and see them spread," Schmidt said. "I realize a lot of people are happy about this election and a lot of people are not happy about this election. One thing I cannot comprehend is how hungry people are to consume lies."
He added, "I think people should be mindful that there are bad actors who are lying to them."


alternet--2020-11-14--Ice was on the ballot last week--and lost big in the new South

This piece originally ran in The Appeal : Political Report .
Republicans lost sheriff 's elections last week in populous Southern counties that have been close ICE allies .
This is likely to bring an end to prominent ICE contracts in Georgia 's Cobb and Gwinnett counties and in Charleston County , South Carolina .
These results are major wins for immigrants ' rights advocates who have long worked to change policies in these jurisdictions , which are home to more than 2 million residents combined .
`` We celebrate the ouster of the sheriffs who were responsible for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ collusion with ICE , '' Azadeh Shahshahani , legal and advocacy director of Project South , told The Appeal : Political Report .
`` These incredible victories are the culmination of more than a decade of fighting back by immigrants ' rights organizers against the devastating 287 ( g ) program which led to untold numbers of families being torn apart . ''
Charleston , Cobb , and Gwinnett are all members of ICE 's 287 ( g ) program , which deputizes local law enforcement to act like federal immigration agents within @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of people each year on ICE 's radar .
Local officials justify this policy as a way to target people who commit violent crimes , though the vast majority of people affected were booked for lower-level offenses or were never convicted .
As a result , people can be funneled into deportation proceedings and find themselves locked up in detention centers that are known for inhumane conditions .
Project South is among the organizations suing ICE for failing to respond to a whistleblower complaint alleging that women in Georgia 's Irwin Detention Center @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could result in sterilization .
Participation in the 287 ( g ) program is up to the sheriff—much like many other forms of cooperation with ICE—and the Democratic nominees in each of these counties ran on terminating it , a stance they reiterated in interviews with the Political Report in September and October .
The Republican nominees favored the 287 ( g ) program , by contrast .
The three Democrats prevailed .
Cobb County 's longtime sheriff , Neil Warren , lost to challenger Craig Owens .
In Gwinnett County , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ retired , and the resulting open race was won by Kebo Taylor .
And in Charleston County , Sheriff Al Cannon lost to Kristin Graziano , who told the Political Report in October that the 287 ( g ) program is `` contradictory to what we 're trying to accomplish in Charleston , '' namely `` building our communities back up and building trust . ''
Charleston has a separate agreement to help ICE detain people the agency arrests elsewhere , and Graziano indicated to the Political Report she opposed detaining people on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a series of recent wins by candidates who pledged to cut ties with ICE .
In 2018 , North Carolina was the epicenter of that surge , driven by extensive grassroots activism .
Five of its most populous counties elected new sheriffs who ran on no longer assisting ICE , including by terminating 287 ( g ) contracts .
They promptly did so after entering office .
All five of the new North Carolina sheriffs who ran on improving immigrants ' rights are Black , as are Owens and Taylor in Georgia , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Then , in 2019 , Democrats took over Prince William County , Virginia 's second most populous jurisdiction , and used their newfound power to quit the 287 ( g ) program this year .
A broader blue shift also contributed to last week 's results in Charleston , Cobb , and Gwinnett counties .
Joe Biden carried each county by more than any Democratic presidential candidate since at least 1976 .
The two Georgia counties , in particular , are longtime conservative bastions that have seen tremendous change in their population @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than two-thirds of Gwinnett County residents were white in 1996 , when Butch Conway was elected sheriff and made his county a national leader in targeting immigrants .
Now , it 's about a third .
Still , advocates emphasize that it took a lot of work to get these partisan flips to translate into policy commitments by candidates .
Aisha Yaqoob Mahmood , director of the Asian American Advocacy Fund , which has opposed cooperation with ICE in Georgia , told the Political Report in August that , `` four years ago @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( g ) ] program did , '' whereas this year it was a core campaign issue .
`` The last few years of organizing were very important for us to make sure that 287 ( g ) becomes a top issue in this election , and it really has become that way , '' she said .
Other organizations , such as Mijente , Project South , the Georgia Latino Alliance for Human Rights , and SONG Power , fought to curtail ICE 's reach through these sheriff 's races , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a project sponsored by the Georgia NAACP , the group Informed Georgians for Justice sent questionnaires to all Georgia sheriff candidates , inviting them to clarify their views on immigration and other issues .
Georgia organizers had already scored a win in the June Democratic primary .
Sheriff Ira Edwards lost in Athens to challenger John Williams , who took issue with the incumbent'shis record of helping ICE .
Athens is not part of 287 ( g ) , but Edwards had honored ICE detainers , which are requests that he detain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ federal agents time to arrest them .
Williams said he would not honor ICE detainers .
`` It 's almost a level of terrorism when people are living in fear to the point that they will not ask for help , '' he told the Political Report in June , right after his primary win .
Williams also won the general election last week .
Graziano and Owens , the incoming sheriffs in Charleston and Cobb , also said during their campaigns that they would oppose ICE detainers .
But Taylor , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ open to assisting ICE in ways beyond the 287 ( g ) program .
Advocates have said they will push local officials to be bolder to protect immigrants .
Graziano told the Political Report she has learned from organizers in Charleston 's Latinx community , whom she wants `` sitting at the table making the decisions that affect their lives . ''
Elsewhere in the country , two Republican sheriffs who have championed ICE and who joined 287 ( g ) won in counties that narrowly went for Biden in the presidential race @ @ @ @ @ @ @ County ( Fort Worth ) and Bob Gualtieri in Florida 's Pinellas County ( St. Petersburg ) defeated challengers who had pledged to terminate these contracts .
But many candidates who called for winding down local relationships with ICE prevailed .
Charmaine McGuffey won a heated sheriff 's race in Ohio 's Hamilton County ( Cincinnati ) ; earlier this year , she secured a primary win against a Democratic incumbent who had honored ICE detainers , which McGuffey vowed to oppose .
In Massachusetts 's Norfolk County , voters ousted a GOP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And in Florida 's Miami-Dade County , Democrat Daniella Levine Cava flipped the mayor 's seat from the GOP .
Cava ran on curtailing cooperation with ICE , which has been spearheaded by the retiring Republican incumbent Carlos Giménez , and on opposing a new state law that mandates that local law enforcement assist the federal agency .
Change will be most swift in the three 287 ( g ) counties that elected new Democratic sheriffs .
Since Election Day , the incoming Cobb and Gwinnett sheriffs have confirmed to the Atlanta @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the program .
And Graziano told the Political Report in October that she would terminate the 287 ( g ) contract `` immediately '' upon taking office .
She confirmed her plans through a spokesperson this week .
`` It will be a simple process , and I intend on keeping my promise to rescind the contract with ICE , '' she said .

This piece originally ran in The Appeal: Political Report.
Republicans lost sheriff's elections last week in populous Southern counties that have been close ICE allies. This is likely to bring an end to prominent ICE contracts in Georgia's Cobb and Gwinnett counties and in Charleston County, South Carolina.
These results are major wins for immigrants' rights advocates who have long worked to change policies in these jurisdictions, which are home to more than 2 million residents combined.
"We celebrate the ouster of the sheriffs who were responsible for the targeting of community members, working in collusion with ICE," Azadeh Shahshahani, legal and advocacy director of Project South, told The Appeal: Political Report. "These incredible victories are the culmination of more than a decade of fighting back by immigrants' rights organizers against the devastating 287(g) program which led to untold numbers of families being torn apart."
Charleston, Cobb, and Gwinnett are all members of ICE's 287(g) program, which deputizes local law enforcement to act like federal immigration agents within jails. The program has put thousands of people each year on ICE's radar. Local officials justify this policy as a way to target people who commit violent crimes, though the vast majority of people affected were booked for lower-level offenses or were never convicted. As a result, people can be funneled into deportation proceedings and find themselves locked up in detention centers that are known for inhumane conditions. Project South is among the organizations suing ICE for failing to respond to a whistleblower complaint alleging that women in Georgia's Irwin Detention Center were forced to undergo gynecological surgeries that could result in sterilization.
Participation in the 287(g) program is up to the sheriff—much like many other forms of cooperation with ICE—and the Democratic nominees in each of these counties ran on terminating it, a stance they reiterated in interviews with the Political Report in September and October. The Republican nominees favored the 287(g) program, by contrast. The three Democrats prevailed.
Cobb County's longtime sheriff, Neil Warren, lost to challenger Craig Owens. In Gwinnett County, a sheriff with notoriously aggressive policies toward immigrants retired, and the resulting open race was won by Kebo Taylor.
And in Charleston County, Sheriff Al Cannon lost to Kristin Graziano, who told the Political Report in October that the 287(g) program is "contradictory to what we're trying to accomplish in Charleston," namely "building our communities back up and building trust." Charleston has a separate agreement to help ICE detain people the agency arrests elsewhere, and Graziano indicated to the Political Report she opposed detaining people on noncriminal grounds.
These results add to a series of recent wins by candidates who pledged to cut ties with ICE.
In 2018, North Carolina was the epicenter of that surge, driven by extensive grassroots activism. Five of its most populous counties elected new sheriffs who ran on no longer assisting ICE, including by terminating 287(g) contracts. They promptly did so after entering office. All five of the new North Carolina sheriffs who ran on improving immigrants' rights are Black, as are Owens and Taylor in Georgia, even as sheriffs nationally are overwhelmingly white.
Then, in 2019, Democrats took over Prince William County, Virginia's second most populous jurisdiction, and used their newfound power to quit the 287(g) program this year.
A broader blue shift also contributed to last week's results in Charleston, Cobb, and Gwinnett counties. Joe Biden carried each county by more than any Democratic presidential candidate since at least 1976. The two Georgia counties, in particular, are longtime conservative bastions that have seen tremendous change in their population and politics. For instance, more than two-thirds of Gwinnett County residents were white in 1996, when Butch Conway was elected sheriff and made his county a national leader in targeting immigrants. Now, it's about a third.
Still, advocates emphasize that it took a lot of work to get these partisan flips to translate into policy commitments by candidates.
Aisha Yaqoob Mahmood, director of the Asian American Advocacy Fund, which has opposed cooperation with ICE in Georgia, told the Political Report in August that, "four years ago, nobody knew what this [287(g)] program did," whereas this year it was a core campaign issue. "The last few years of organizing were very important for us to make sure that 287(g) becomes a top issue in this election, and it really has become that way," she said.
Other organizations, such as Mijente, Project South, the Georgia Latino Alliance for Human Rights, and SONG Power, fought to curtail ICE's reach through these sheriff's races, and through protests and community events. And in a project sponsored by the Georgia NAACP, the group Informed Georgians for Justice sent questionnaires to all Georgia sheriff candidates, inviting them to clarify their views on immigration and other issues.
Georgia organizers had already scored a win in the June Democratic primary. Sheriff Ira Edwards lost in Athens to challenger John Williams, who took issue with the incumbent'shis record of helping ICE. Athens is not part of 287(g), but Edwards had honored ICE detainers, which are requests that he detain people beyond their scheduled release to give federal agents time to arrest them.
Williams said he would not honor ICE detainers. "It's almost a level of terrorism when people are living in fear to the point that they will not ask for help," he told the Political Report in June, right after his primary win. Williams also won the general election last week.
Graziano and Owens, the incoming sheriffs in Charleston and Cobb, also said during their campaigns that they would oppose ICE detainers. But Taylor, the incoming Gwinnett sheriff, left the door open to assisting ICE in ways beyond the 287(g) program. Advocates have said they will push local officials to be bolder to protect immigrants.
Graziano told the Political Report she has learned from organizers in Charleston's Latinx community, whom she wants "sitting at the table making the decisions that affect their lives."
Elsewhere in the country, two Republican sheriffs who have championed ICE and who joined 287(g) won in counties that narrowly went for Biden in the presidential race. Bill Waybourn in Texas's Tarrant County (Fort Worth) and Bob Gualtieri in Florida's Pinellas County (St. Petersburg) defeated challengers who had pledged to terminate these contracts.
But many candidates who called for winding down local relationships with ICE prevailed. Charmaine McGuffey won a heated sheriff's race in Ohio's Hamilton County (Cincinnati); earlier this year, she secured a primary win against a Democratic incumbent who had honored ICE detainers, which McGuffey vowed to oppose. In Massachusetts's Norfolk County, voters ousted a GOP sheriff who had championed greater ICE cooperation.
And in Florida's Miami-Dade County, Democrat Daniella Levine Cava flipped the mayor's seat from the GOP. Cava ran on curtailing cooperation with ICE, which has been spearheaded by the retiring Republican incumbent Carlos Giménez, and on opposing a new state law that mandates that local law enforcement assist the federal agency.
Change will be most swift in the three 287(g) counties that elected new Democratic sheriffs. Since Election Day, the incoming Cobb and Gwinnett sheriffs have confirmed to the Atlanta Journal Constitution that they plan to exit the program. And Graziano told the Political Report in October that she would terminate the 287(g) contract "immediately" upon taking office.
She confirmed her plans through a spokesperson this week. "It will be a simple process, and I intend on keeping my promise to rescind the contract with ICE," she said.


alternet--2020-11-14--Here's where Donald Trump's recount fundraising could really be going

As it became increasingly unlikely that President Donald Trump would be elected for a second term , his campaign team began sending out flurries of emails urging Trump supporters to donate to the president 's legal fund to stop Democrats from `` stealing the election . ''
The stir of panic sent high-strung Trump supporters into overdrive and now many of them are donating to aid in the president 's legal battle .
Although the Trump campaign has raised a substantial amount of money in the past week , it is being reported that there is a strong possibility the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ purpose his supporters think .
Trump is vowing to contest the results of the election , but the disclaimer added to his presidential campaign emails suggests the president may have other plans for the money he is generating , according to a new report published ABC-13 .
Trump has promised to contest President-elect Joe Biden 's win in court .
But the fine print indicates much of the money donated to support that effort since Election Day has instead paid down campaign debt , replenished the Republican National Committee and , more recently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new political action committee Trump founded , off the ground .
Paul S. Ryan , a veteran campaign finance attorney with the non-profit organization , Common Cause , weighed in on the financial windfall the campaign may receive from the influx of donation .
`` This is a slush fund .
That 's the bottom line , '' Ryan explained .
`` Trump may just continue to string out this meritless litigation in order to fleece his own supporters of their money and use it in the coming years to pad his own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' The report also breaks down of the purpose of Trump 's new `` Save America '' political action committee and how the campaign will be distributing funds from the campaign donations to the new initiative .
It reads : `` A detailed breakdown of how contributions are split up shows that 60 % of any donation now goes to Save America PAC .
The next 40 % goes to an RNC account .
It 's only once a donor reaches the maximum contribution limit for each group - $ 5,000 for Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ RNC - that money will spill into legal accounts for Trump and the RNC , according to campaign finance attorneys who have reviewed the details of the arrangement . ''
Despite Trump 's continued efforts to undermine the outcome of the election , multiple states have already dismissed many of his post-election lawsuits .

As it became increasingly unlikely that President Donald Trump would be elected for a second term, his campaign team began sending out flurries of emails urging Trump supporters to donate to the president's legal fund to stop Democrats from "stealing the election."
The stir of panic sent high-strung Trump supporters into overdrive and now many of them are donating to aid in the president's legal battle. Although the Trump campaign has raised a substantial amount of money in the past week, it is being reported that there is a strong possibility the funds will not be used for the purpose his supporters think. Trump is vowing to contest the results of the election, but the disclaimer added to his presidential campaign emails suggests the president may have other plans for the money he is generating, according to a new report published ABC-13.
Trump has promised to contest President-elect Joe Biden's win in court. But the fine print indicates much of the money donated to support that effort since Election Day has instead paid down campaign debt, replenished the Republican National Committee and, more recently, helped get Save America, a new political action committee Trump founded, off the ground.
Paul S. Ryan, a veteran campaign finance attorney with the non-profit organization, Common Cause, weighed in on the financial windfall the campaign may receive from the influx of donation.
"This is a slush fund. That's the bottom line," Ryan explained. "Trump may just continue to string out this meritless litigation in order to fleece his own supporters of their money and use it in the coming years to pad his own lifestyle while teasing a 2024 candidacy."
The report also breaks down of the purpose of Trump's new "Save America" political action committee and how the campaign will be distributing funds from the campaign donations to the new initiative.
It reads: "A detailed breakdown of how contributions are split up shows that 60% of any donation now goes to Save America PAC. The next 40% goes to an RNC account. It's only once a donor reaches the maximum contribution limit for each group - $5,000 for Trump's PAC and $35,000 for the RNC - that money will spill into legal accounts for Trump and the RNC, according to campaign finance attorneys who have reviewed the details of the arrangement."
Despite Trump's continued efforts to undermine the outcome of the election, multiple states have already dismissed many of his post-election lawsuits.


alternet--2020-11-14--'That's the plan': Pence offers delusional response to MAGA crowd chanting 'four more years'

Vice President Mike Pence signaled on Friday that President Donald Trump has absolutely no plan to concede despite losing the presidential election .
On Friday , Pence delivered a speech at the Conservative think tank known as the Council for National Policy .
During his speech , Trump supporters began chanting `` four more years , '' according to the transcript , but instead of setting the record straight Pence only added to their false hopes .
`` That 's the plan , '' Pence said , adding , `` I promise you : We will keep fighting until every @ @ @ @ @ @ @ illegal vote is thrown out , and we will never stop fighting to make America great again . ''
The vice president also claimed `` we await the results of our election '' despite President-elect Joe Biden already being declared the winner of the election .
As of Saturday , November 14 , the Electoral College results show Biden defeating Trump with 306 electoral votes to the president 's 232 which is a relatively wide margin that basically seals the deal .
Pence 's remarks come as the White House refuses to commit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden 's new administration .
Despite the election results , Trump , his campaign advisors , and White House officials have continued to spread falsehoods to undermine the results of the election as the president has refused to accept defeat .
Although the vast majority of Trump 's lawsuits have been dismissed due to lack of evidence , he continues to give his supporters hope that he will continue to govern for another four years .
In fact , White House trade advisor Peter Navarro , on Friday , also said that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ term . ''

Vice President Mike Pence signaled on Friday that President Donald Trump has absolutely no plan to concede despite losing the presidential election.
On Friday, Pence delivered a speech at the Conservative think tank known as the Council for National Policy. During his speech, Trump supporters began chanting "four more years," according to the transcript, but instead of setting the record straight Pence only added to their false hopes.
"That's the plan," Pence said, adding, "I promise you: We will keep fighting until every legal vote is counted, until every illegal vote is thrown out, and we will never stop fighting to make America great again."
The vice president also claimed "we await the results of our election" despite President-elect Joe Biden already being declared the winner of the election. As of Saturday, November 14, the Electoral College results show Biden defeating Trump with 306 electoral votes to the president's 232 which is a relatively wide margin that basically seals the deal.
Pence's remarks come as the White House refuses to commit to a peaceful transfer of power to Biden's new administration. Despite the election results, Trump, his campaign advisors, and White House officials have continued to spread falsehoods to undermine the results of the election as the president has refused to accept defeat.
Although the vast majority of Trump's lawsuits have been dismissed due to lack of evidence, he continues to give his supporters hope that he will continue to govern for another four years. In fact, White House trade advisor Peter Navarro, on Friday, also said that they are preparing for "a second Trump term."


alternet--2020-11-14--Time to discuss the potentially unpleasant side effects of COVID shots? Scientists say yes.

Drugmaker Pfizer is expected to seek federal permission to release its COVID-19 vaccine by the end of November , a @ @ @ @ @ quelling the pandemic , but also sets up a tight time frame for making sure @ @ @ @ @ mean to actually get the shots.This story also ran on NBC News .
It can @ @ @ @ @ , and likely most others , will require two doses to work , injections that @ @ @ @ @ , company protocols show .
Scientists anticipate the shots will cause enervating flu-like side effects @ @ @ @ @ muscle aches and f ...

Understand the importance of honest news ?
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alternet--2020-11-14--This scientist paved the way for the Pfizer COVID-19 vaccine

PHILADELPHIA — When Drew Weissman first started injecting mice with genetic molecules called messenger RNA , it did not go @ @ @ @ @ overwhelmed with harmful inflammation , and some died.But Weissman solved that problem with a bit @ @ @ @ @ ago , working with then-colleague Katalin Karikó at the University of Pennsylvania .
Now their @ @ @ @ @ two vaccines for COVID-19 , including the one for which dramatic early results were announced @ @ @ @ @ Pfizer Inc. and the German firm BioNTech SE , where Karikó now works , appea @


alternet--2020-11-14--Giuliani is dismantling Donald Trump campaign's legal plans to contest election results

Rudy Giuliani may be President Donald Trump 's personal attorney , but his presidential campaign is reportedly not pleased with his involvement in the post-election legal battle .
For months , the president had been setting the stage to contest the results of the presidential election by claiming that the results would be rigged due to widespread voter fraud .
But now , Giuliani threatens to dismantle it all .
It was announced on Friday that Trump placed Giuliani in charge of the election lawsuits — a new development his campaign team is not thrilled about .
Some of Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a `` counterproductive '' presence in what is already being described as an uphill , and nearly impossible , battle .
A half-dozen other Trump advisers have described Mr. Giuliani 's efforts as counterproductive and said that he was giving the president unwarranted optimism about what could happen .
Those advisers have said that they are concerned Mr. Giuliani is damaging not only Mr. Trump 's remaining legal options , but his legacy and his future opportunities in politics as he considers another campaign in 2024 .
The latest development comes just days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last weekend .
From the moment the Trump campaign learned of the location of Giuliani 's press conference held on last Saturday , they knew it was a disaster in the making .
In fact , the location , alone , signaled alarm bells for campaign advisors .
At the time , it was announced that Giuliani would be holding a press conference at the Four Seasons Total Landscaping in Philadelphia , Penn .
Although campaign advisors scrambled to axe the event , Giuliani forged ahead .
Standing outside of the Four Seasons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and sex shop/adult bookstore , the former New York City mayor spewed countless conspiracy theory with little to no evidence to back his claims .
Ironically , Giuliani was holding the press conference as President-elect Joe Biden was being declared the winner of the election .
A report published by Politico has outlined the consequences that could arise as a result of Giuliani 's actions .
Giuliani 's promotion also threatens to complicate a legal apparatus that has been in the works since June .
The campaign began assembling a team of lawyers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might take place .
The effort has been overseen by Citizens United President David Bossie , who was tapped because of his conservative street cred and connections to pro-Trump activists around the country .
As of Saturday , November 14 , Trump has had nearly a dozen post-election lawsuits dismissed by judges in state courts across the country .

Rudy Giuliani may be President Donald Trump's personal attorney, but his presidential campaign is reportedly not pleased with his involvement in the post-election legal battle. For months, the president had been setting the stage to contest the results of the presidential election by claiming that the results would be rigged due to widespread voter fraud. But now, Giuliani threatens to dismantle it all.
It was announced on Friday that Trump placed Giuliani in charge of the election lawsuits — a new development his campaign team is not thrilled about. Some of Trump's advisors have even described Giuliani as a "counterproductive" presence in what is already being described as an uphill, and nearly impossible, battle.
A half-dozen other Trump advisers have described Mr. Giuliani's efforts as counterproductive and said that he was giving the president unwarranted optimism about what could happen. Those advisers have said that they are concerned Mr. Giuliani is damaging not only Mr. Trump's remaining legal options, but his legacy and his future opportunities in politics as he considers another campaign in 2024.
The latest development comes just days after Giuliani's prelude to disaster on last weekend. From the moment the Trump campaign learned of the location of Giuliani's press conference held on last Saturday, they knew it was a disaster in the making. In fact, the location, alone, signaled alarm bells for campaign advisors.
At the time, it was announced that Giuliani would be holding a press conference at the Four Seasons Total Landscaping in Philadelphia, Penn. Although campaign advisors scrambled to axe the event, Giuliani forged ahead. Standing outside of the Four Seasons location, which adjacent to a crematorium and sex shop/adult bookstore, the former New York City mayor spewed countless conspiracy theory with little to no evidence to back his claims.
Ironically, Giuliani was holding the press conference as President-elect Joe Biden was being declared the winner of the election.
A report published by Politico has outlined the consequences that could arise as a result of Giuliani's actions.
Giuliani's promotion also threatens to complicate a legal apparatus that has been in the works since June. The campaign began assembling a team of lawyers in swing states and counties where recounts might take place. The effort has been overseen by Citizens United President David Bossie, who was tapped because of his conservative street cred and connections to pro-Trump activists around the country.
As of Saturday, November 14, Trump has had nearly a dozen post-election lawsuits dismissed by judges in state courts across the country.


alternet--2020-11-14--This European strongman's use and misuse of religion serves as a warning to Western democracies

Somewhere in his journey to power in Hungary , Prime Minister Viktor Orbán had a radical religious conversion .
An atheist when he started in politics in the late 1980s , Orbán now calls himself a defender of Christianity .
In an August speech commemorating the 1920 Treaty of Trianon – a traumatic event in which Hungary lost much of its territory – Orbán argued that Western Europe had given up on “ a Christian Europe '' and was choosing instead to experiment with “ a godless cosmos , rainbow families , migration and open societies . ''
As experts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we argue that Orbán 's embrace of religion has served to consolidate his power , “ other '' his opponents and shield Hungary from EU criticism of its attacks on the rule of law .
It is also , we believe , a dangerous model for how religion can be used to fuel democratic backsliding .
In 2014 , during an address to the nation , Orbán spoke of building “ an illiberal state , a non-liberal state , '' in Hungary .
While an illiberal state is an ambiguous concept , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protect Hungary 's national interests and preserve its cohesion .
Four years later , his tone had shifted : Hungary was now a “ Christian democracy . ''
Such a shift is emblematic of Orbán 's career , with its many ideological twists and turns .
He has changed his tune on many major issues , from being a firm supporter of European integration to becoming a strong defender of national sovereignty .
He has befriended Russian President Vladimir Putin since his return to power in 2010 , despite his past anti-Russian stance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during the 1990s – a decision that went hand in hand with his courting of religious and conservative voters .
According to European politics scholar Charles Gati , “ no European leader since Napoleon may have changed his spots more . ''
Far from consistently adhering to clear principles , Orbán , according to The Economist , over the years has instead been “ dedicated to the accumulation and maintenance of power . ''
That ruthlessness grew after Orbán was voted out as prime minister in 2002 .
Deeply shocked by this turn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lose power again if he ever returned to office .
During the 2010 election campaign , Orbán declared that “ we need to win only once , but need to win big '' – an apparent warning that he would use any large electoral victory to strengthen his position , so not to have to relinquish power .
Cynically claiming the mantle of Christian Democracy , according to Princeton scholar Jan-Werner Mueller , became a key tool of his strategy in the following decade to consolidate his grip on Hungarian politics .
Like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ secular .
In the 2011 census , 45 % of the population did not list any religious affiliation .
Hungary 's communist regime had certainly scorned and discouraged religion for many decades .
After the 1989 fall of the Iron Curtain dividing Europe between the communist Eastern bloc and free market West , people did not flock to churches .
Nonetheless , when Orbán returned to power in 2010 , he began to rely on religion to mobilize voters .
For instance , he framed his harsh anti-immigration policies as a defense of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reached a crescendo in 2015 , hundreds of thousands of migrants fled the violence .
Although most migrants to Europe were trying only to transit through Hungary , Orbán declared that Syrian migrants were trying to invade the country and change its culture and religion .
Officials of Orbán 's party , Fidesz , have echoed these claims over the years , suggesting Muslim refugees are trying to impose their culture and establish a caliphate on the continent .
For a country with a history of invasion that stretches from the sacking of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 1944 and Soviet occupation , the terminology raised fear and unease .
Orbán has also resurrected older anti-Semitic conspiracy theories about Jews and leftists to consolidate his Christian credentials , such as sponsoring exhibits implicitly associating communists with Jews .
It has also helped to cement an “ us or them '' narrative in which opponents of Orbán are “ othered . ''
To do this , Orbán chose billionaire philanthropist George Soros as his major foil .
Soros , who is Jewish , was born in Hungary .
He went into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country once communists took control .
After the Iron Curtain fell in 1989 , Soros donated millions of dollars to Hungary 's fledgling civil society .
Yet he was easy to demonize for some Hungarians , not only because he was Jewish , but because he had spent most of his adult life outside the country .
In the 2019 European Parliament elections , a government tax-funded campaign attacked Soros and then European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker , accusing them of using migration plans to undermine Hungary 's security .
The year before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Orbán used even more explicit anti-Semitic undertones to attack Soros : “ We are fighting an enemy that is different from us .
Not open , but hiding ; not straightforward , but crafty ; not honest , but base ; not national , but international ; does not believe in working , but speculates with money . ''
[ Deep knowledge , daily .
Sign up for The Conversation 's newsletter . ]
Orbán 's use of Christianity also serves wider foreign policy goals .
The continued erosion of the rule of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the free media and the independence of the judiciary , is a long-standing concern for the European Union .
But Orbán has , up to now , skillfully taken advantage of the EU 's divisions and weaknesses to avoid any major consequences for his country 's democratic backsliding .
He has conveniently used Christianity as a shield to deflect and delegitimize the criticisms from Brussels .
Orbán also invokes Christianity to court allies , close and far .
This has been the case with solidifying the alliance with Hungary 's conservative neighbor Poland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the importance of close friends in the EU .
Not only can they help to counter policies he objects to , but major rule of law sanctions in the EU require unanimity .
Poland and Hungary can thus provide cover for each other .
Finally , Orbán has also made use of Christianity , highlighting Hungary 's policies to help persecuted Christians , to build ties with key players beyond Europe .
It is noteworthy that Orbán was the only EU leader to attend the inauguration of the right-wing Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has gone out of its way to court religious conservatives and conservative nationalists in the United States .
In many respects , Viktor Orbán 's use of religion is no different from Ronald Reagan 's embrace of Christian evangelicals in the late 1970s .
Both leaders relied on religious imagery to build bigger voting coalitions .
Orbán is far from the first leader to use religion to increase his base .
Every Republican candidate for president since has tried to appeal to evangelicals and invoked Christian values .
And even ham-handed attempts such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ done little to undermine such unions .
Such an embrace of religious groups is not in itself a problem .
But calculated uses of religion to attack domestic and foreign opponents , or to weaken democratic checks and balances , is , we believe , a major concern .
Orbán 's Hungary provides a clear warning of how easily Christianity can be distorted and used to erode democracy .
Garret Martin , Senior Professorial Lecturer , Co-Director Transatlantic Policy Center , American University School of International Service and Carolyn Gallaher , Associate Dean @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of International Service This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

Somewhere in his journey to power in Hungary, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán had a radical religious conversion.
An atheist when he started in politics in the late 1980s, Orbán now calls himself a defender of Christianity. In an August speech commemorating the 1920 Treaty of Trianon – a traumatic event in which Hungary lost much of its territory – Orbán argued that Western Europe had given up on “a Christian Europe" and was choosing instead to experiment with “a godless cosmos, rainbow families, migration and open societies."
As experts in European politics and the religious right, we argue that Orbán's embrace of religion has served to consolidate his power, “other" his opponents and shield Hungary from EU criticism of its attacks on the rule of law.
It is also, we believe, a dangerous model for how religion can be used to fuel democratic backsliding.
Consolidating power
In 2014, during an address to the nation, Orbán spoke of building “an illiberal state, a non-liberal state," in Hungary. While an illiberal state is an ambiguous concept, Orbán praised it as better able to protect Hungary's national interests and preserve its cohesion. Four years later, his tone had shifted: Hungary was now a “Christian democracy."
Such a shift is emblematic of Orbán's career, with its many ideological twists and turns. He has changed his tune on many major issues, from being a firm supporter of European integration to becoming a strong defender of national sovereignty. He has befriended Russian President Vladimir Putinsince his return to power in 2010, despite his past anti-Russian stance.
And he renounced his past atheism during the 1990s – a decision that went hand in hand with his courting of religious and conservative voters. According to European politics scholar Charles Gati, “no European leader since Napoleon may have changed his spots more."
Far from consistently adhering to clear principles, Orbán, according to The Economist, over the years has instead been “dedicated to the accumulation and maintenance of power."
That ruthlessness grew after Orbán was voted out as prime minister in 2002. Deeply shocked by this turn of events, he vowed not to lose power again if he ever returned to office.
During the 2010 election campaign, Orbán declared that “we need to win only once, but need to win big" – an apparent warning that he would use any large electoral victory to strengthen his position, so not to have to relinquish power. Cynically claiming the mantle of Christian Democracy, according to Princeton scholar Jan-Werner Mueller, became a key tool of his strategy in the following decade to consolidate his grip on Hungarian politics.
Wedge issues at home
Like much of Europe, Hungary is somewhat secular. In the 2011 census, 45% of the population did not list any religious affiliation. Hungary's communist regime had certainly scorned and discouraged religion for many decades. After the 1989 fall of the Iron Curtain dividing Europe between the communist Eastern bloc and free market West, people did not flock to churches.
Nonetheless, when Orbán returned to power in 2010, he began to rely on religion to mobilize voters. For instance, he framed his harsh anti-immigration policies as a defense of Christianity.
As the Syrian civil war reached a crescendo in 2015, hundreds of thousands of migrants fled the violence. Although most migrants to Europe were trying only to transit through Hungary, Orbán declared that Syrian migrants were trying to invade the country and change its culture and religion. Officials of Orbán's party, Fidesz, have echoed these claims over the years, suggesting Muslim refugees are trying to impose their culture and establish a caliphate on the continent.
For a country with a history of invasion that stretches from the sacking of cities by Mongols through the Nazi invasion in 1944 and Soviet occupation, the terminology raised fear and unease.
Orbán has also resurrected older anti-Semitic conspiracy theories about Jews and leftists to consolidate his Christian credentials, such as sponsoring exhibits implicitly associating communists with Jews. It has also helped to cement an “us or them" narrative in which opponents of Orbán are “othered." To do this, Orbán chose billionaire philanthropist George Soros as his major foil.
Soros, who is Jewish, was born in Hungary. He went into hiding during the Holocaust and fled the country once communists took control. After the Iron Curtain fell in 1989, Soros donated millions of dollars to Hungary's fledgling civil society.
Yet he was easy to demonize for some Hungarians, not only because he was Jewish, but because he had spent most of his adult life outside the country. In the 2019 European Parliament elections, a government tax-funded campaign attacked Soros and then European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker, accusing them of using migration plans to undermine Hungary's security.
The year before, during the 2018 Hungarian elections, Orbán used even more explicit anti-Semitic undertones to attack Soros: “We are fighting an enemy that is different from us. Not open, but hiding; not straightforward, but crafty; not honest, but base; not national, but international; does not believe in working, but speculates with money."
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Deflecting criticisms, seeking allies
Orbán's use of Christianity also serves wider foreign policy goals.
The continued erosion of the rule of law in Hungary, including attacks against the free media and the independence of the judiciary, is a long-standing concern for the European Union.
But Orbán has, up to now, skillfully taken advantage of the EU's divisions and weaknesses to avoid any major consequences for his country's democratic backsliding. He has conveniently used Christianity as a shield to deflect and delegitimize the criticisms from Brussels.
Orbán also invokes Christianity to court allies, close and far. This has been the case with solidifying the alliance with Hungary's conservative neighbor Poland. Orbán, after all, understands the importance of close friends in the EU. Not only can they help to counter policies he objects to, but major rule of law sanctions in the EU require unanimity. Poland and Hungary can thus provide cover for each other.
Finally, Orbán has also made use of Christianity, highlighting Hungary's policies to help persecuted Christians, to build ties with key players beyond Europe. It is noteworthy that Orbán was the only EU leader to attend the inauguration of the right-wing Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil in 2019. And the Hungarian government has gone out of its way to court religious conservatives and conservative nationalists in the United States.
Religious embrace
In many respects, Viktor Orbán's use of religion is no different from Ronald Reagan's embrace of Christian evangelicals in the late 1970s. Both leaders relied on religious imagery to build bigger voting coalitions.
Orbán is far from the first leader to use religion to increase his base.
Bettmann/Getty Images
Every Republican candidate for president since has tried to appeal to evangelicals and invoked Christian values. And even ham-handed attempts such as those by President Donald Trump have done little to undermine such unions.
Such an embrace of religious groups is not in itself a problem. But calculated uses of religion to attack domestic and foreign opponents, or to weaken democratic checks and balances, is, we believe, a major concern. Orbán's Hungary provides a clear warning of how easily Christianity can be distorted and used to erode democracy.
Garret Martin, Senior Professorial Lecturer, Co-Director Transatlantic Policy Center, American University School of International Service and Carolyn Gallaher, Associate Dean for Faculty Affairs, American University School of International Service
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


alternet--2020-11-14--Evangelicals' stronghold on American politics may be over -- thanks to Trump

Donald Trump , by his own words and actions , does not appear to be the most religious person .
He has claimed he does n't seek forgiveness from God , and he once tried to put money in a Communion plate .
Apart from his controversial photo op while holding up a Bible in front of St. John 's Episcopal Church , he does n't seem especially concerned with Christian symbolism .
And yet 76 % of white evangelical voters supported him in the 2020 election .
It 's clear American evangelicals value something other than his religious devotion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 'm especially interested in the ways Christians seek to gain and use political power .
Why did so many Christians vote for Trump ?
And what are they afraid of losing when he leaves ?
Many evangelical Christians are drawn to Trump 's promises to protect religious liberty .
President-elect Biden , meanwhile , has also promised to protect religious liberty .
But it might not be on evangelicals ' terms .
The power of evangelical Christians in the U.S. has never been officially state sanctioned .
The First Amendment to the U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years , American evangelicals have relied on Christianity 's cultural influence to preserve their vision of public life .
And that influence is not to be underestimated .
In his bestselling book , “ Dominion : How the Christian Revolution Remade the World , '' Tom Holland explains , “ To live in a Western country is to live in a society still utterly saturated by Christian concepts and assumptions . ''
This is why so many refer to America as a “ Christian nation '' even though it has never officially recognized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Christian political organizations have been buoyed by Christianity 's cultural capital .
In the late 1970s and 1980s , for example , the Moral Majority formed a broad coalition of Christians to advance conservative social values across the nation .
But that cultural capital has declined as America becomes more diverse .
Today , far fewer Americans identify as Christian than 10 years ago , and only 1 in 4 Americans call themselves evangelical Christian .
American evangelicals , aware that their numbers and influence are in decline , have tried to undercut @ @ @ @ @ @ @ highest priority is electing leaders whose policies will allow evangelicalism to flourish .
Typically , this means that evangelicals prefer to vote for evangelical candidates .
As Christian conservative leader Beverly LaHaye declared , “ Politicians who do not use the Bible to guide their public and private lives do not belong in government . ''
But this is why President Trump has been such an anomaly .
He has demonstrated a lack of familiarity with the Bible and basic Christian teachings .
Yet , his religious supporters do n't seem to mind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 12 % believe he is “ very religious . ''
This suggests that today 's evangelicals are unfazed by Trump 's apparent lack of personal piety .
They believe religious liberty is under threat , and they want a president who promises to protect that liberty .
Evangelical Protestants are more likely than any other large U.S. religious denomination to believe their religious freedom is under attack , according to a recent AP-NORC poll .
Many people are puzzled by evangelicals ' anxiety over religious freedom .
While it 's true that government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ globe , this simply is n't the case in the U.S. As conservative Christian political commentator David French recently argued , “ People of faith in the United States of America enjoy more liberty and more real political power than any faith community in the developed world . ''
He argues that while religious liberty has always been under attack in the U.S. , Christians have no reason to fear that it 's going away anytime soon .
But for many American evangelicals , the threat of attack is enough to create the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And President Trump has been happy to assume that role .
In 2018 , he signed an executive order that established the White House Faith and Opportunity Initiative .
“ This Initiative is working to remove barriers which have unfairly prevented faith based organizations from working with or receiving funding from the federal government , '' he explained .
President-elect Joe Biden has proposed his own plan for safeguarding religious freedom .
It articulates a number of broad protections that most evangelicals would be likely to support , at least in theory .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ LGTBQ equality , he proposes the very thing many American evangelicals fear : In an essay written just before the election , Al Mohler , president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary , warned , “ The primary front of religious liberty controversy is likely to be related to LGBTQ issues , and both Biden and Harris are eager to advance the sexual revolution on every front . ''
Given what the incoming president and vice president have said on the issue , he is probably right .
American evangelicals ' political power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would likely continue with or without Trump in office .
His Supreme Court appointments have made evangelicals happy and will have a lasting impact .
But changing demographics and a growing number of nonreligious voters mean that evangelicals will need to develop a strategy for the long game .
In light of this , it may be wise for them not to direct all of their energy toward electing a protector in chief .
Perhaps instead they might seek to answer a question posed by Christian ethicist Luke Bretherton : “ In loving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ faith with my distinctive commitments while also forming a common life with neighbors who have a different vision of life than I do ? ''
[ Deep knowledge , daily .
Sign up for The Conversation 's newsletter . ]
Unless evangelicals can manage some major political victories in the coming years , they may not have much choice .
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

Donald Trump, by his own words and actions, does not appear to be the most religious person.
He has claimed he doesn't seek forgiveness from God, and he once tried to put money in a Communion plate. Apart from his controversial photo op while holding up a Bible in front of St. John's Episcopal Church, he doesn't seem especially concerned with Christian symbolism.
And yet 76% of white evangelical voters supported him in the 2020 election. It's clear American evangelicals value something other than his religious devotion.
As a Christian ethicist, I'm especially interested in the ways Christians seek to gain and use political power. Why did so many Christians vote for Trump? And what are they afraid of losing when he leaves?
Many evangelical Christians are drawn to Trump's promises to protect religious liberty. President-elect Biden, meanwhile, has also promised to protect religious liberty. But it might not be on evangelicals' terms.
Diminishing power?
The power of evangelical Christians in the U.S. has never been officially state sanctioned. The First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution prohibits it.
For over 200 years, American evangelicals have relied on Christianity's cultural influence to preserve their vision of public life. And that influence is not to be underestimated.
In his bestselling book, “Dominion: How the Christian Revolution Remade the World," Tom Holland explains, “To live in a Western country is to live in a society still utterly saturated by Christian concepts and assumptions."
This is why so many refer to America as a “Christian nation" even though it has never officially recognized Christianity as the state religion.
Conservative Christian political organizations have been buoyed by Christianity's cultural capital. In the late 1970s and 1980s, for example, the Moral Majority formed a broad coalition of Christians to advance conservative social values across the nation.
But that cultural capital has declined as America becomes more diverse. Today, far fewer Americans identify as Christian than 10 years ago, and only 1 in 4 Americans call themselves evangelical Christian.
Why evangelicals love Trump
American evangelicals, aware that their numbers and influence are in decline, have tried to undercut that decline through political means. Their highest priority is electing leaders whose policies will allow evangelicalism to flourish.
Typically, this means that evangelicals prefer to vote for evangelical candidates. As Christian conservative leader Beverly LaHaye declared, “Politicians who do not use the Bible to guide their public and private lives do not belong in government."
But this is why President Trump has been such an anomaly. He has demonstrated a lack of familiarity with the Bible and basic Christian teachings. Yet, his religious supporters don't seem to mind. Even among white evangelicals, only 12% believe he is “very religious."
This suggests that today's evangelicals are unfazed by Trump's apparent lack of personal piety. They believe religious liberty is under threat, and they want a president who promises to protect that liberty.
A protector in chief
Evangelical Protestants are more likely than any other large U.S. religious denomination to believe their religious freedom is under attack, according to a recent AP-NORC poll.
Many people are puzzled by evangelicals' anxiety over religious freedom. While it's true that government restrictions on religion are rising across the globe, this simply isn't the case in the U.S.
As conservative Christian political commentator David French recently argued, “People of faith in the United States of America enjoy more liberty and more real political power than any faith community in the developed world." He argues that while religious liberty has always been under attack in the U.S., Christians have no reason to fear that it's going away anytime soon.
But for many American evangelicals, the threat of attack is enough to create the need for a protector in chief. And President Trump has been happy to assume that role.
In 2018, he signed an executive order that established the White House Faith and Opportunity Initiative. “This Initiative is working to remove barriers which have unfairly prevented faith based organizations from working with or receiving funding from the federal government," he explained.
Biden and religious liberty
President-elect Joe Biden has proposed his own plan for safeguarding religious freedom. It articulates a number of broad protections that most evangelicals would be likely to support, at least in theory.
But in Biden's plan to advance LGTBQ equality, he proposes the very thing many American evangelicals fear:
“Religious freedom is a fundamental American value. But states have inappropriately used broad exemptions to allow businesses, medical providers, social service agencies, state and local government officials, and others to discriminate against LGBTQ+ people … Biden will reverse Trump's policies misusing these broad exemptions and fight so that no one is turned away from a business or refused service by a government official just because of who they are or who they love."
In an essay written just before the election, Al Mohler, president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, warned, “The primary front of religious liberty controversy is likely to be related to LGBTQ issues, and both Biden and Harris are eager to advance the sexual revolution on every front." Given what the incoming president and vice president have said on the issue, he is probably right.
American evangelicals' political power is in decline, and that decline would likely continue with or without Trump in office. His Supreme Court appointments have made evangelicals happy and will have a lasting impact. But changing demographics and a growing number of nonreligious voters mean that evangelicals will need to develop a strategy for the long game. In light of this, it may be wise for them not to direct all of their energy toward electing a protector in chief.
Perhaps instead they might seek to answer a question posed by Christian ethicist Luke Bretherton: “In loving my neighbor, how can I keep faith with my distinctive commitments while also forming a common life with neighbors who have a different vision of life than I do?"
[Deep knowledge, daily.Sign up for The Conversation's newsletter.]
Unless evangelicals can manage some major political victories in the coming years, they may not have much choice.
Aquinas Institute of Theology is a member of the Association of Theological Schools. The ATS is a funding partner of The Conversation US. The ATS is a funding partner of The Conversation US.
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Stewart Clem, Assistant Professor of Moral Theology, Aquinas Institute of Theology
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.