alternet--2020-11-07--First World War poet Wilfred Owen, treated for shell shock, carried readers into the horror of war

Remembrance Day commemorates the end of the First World War on Nov. 11 , 1918 , and the poppy is the abiding symbol of Remembrance Day in Great Britain and the Commonwealth countries , including Canad The poppy has been associated with war remembrance in a variety of ways .
But as many who attended elementary school in Canada may remember , the poppy 's iconic popularity is often attributed to the poem by Canadian physician and poet , John McCrae , “ In Flanders Fields . ''
I would like to submit for consideration a different poem as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to guide our reflections this Remembrance Day : Wilfred Owen 's “ Dulce et Decorum Est . ''
“ In Flanders Fields '' begins with a haunting evocation of poppies growing between marked graves of the war dead in Belgium , a description delivered by those very dead .
In Canada and beyond , the poem has become a mainstream literary representation of all the wars and casualties remembered on Remembrance Day .
I have always found McCrae 's poem unsuitable to commemorate the war or Remembrance Day .
Its appeal may be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ makeshift graves of the dead and its earnest attempt to create an empathetic connection with the reader : What follows from this poignant memory of being alive , however , is a command to “ Take up our quarrel with the foe , '' and a warning that these dead will not sleep until we , the readers , avenge their death on the battlefield .
The directive to continue the war until the foe is vanquished is antithetical to the spirit of Remembrance Day as I conceive of it .
It 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the First World War , including that penned by Wilfrid Owen .
Wilfred Owen edited six issues of the Craiglockhart War Hospital magazine , 'The Hydra , ' while being treated for shell shock , including the July 21 , 1917 , issue .
Owen 's “ Dulce et Decorum Est '' has an unambiguous anti-war message , and it works skillfully to immerse the reader in a subsuming , visceral representation of the lived experience of the frontline soldier .
Unlike McCrae , Owen never identifies the “ foe '' as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but rather directs his ire at those at the home front who perpetuate , or simply believe in , the propaganda glorifying the war .
The same can be said for Owen 's compatriot writer and friend , Siegfried Sassoon .
Read more : Owen , Sassoon and Graves : how a golf club in Scotland became the crucible for the greatest war poetry Both Sassoon and Owen — who met in 1916 while they were both recovering from shell shock at the Craiglockhart Medical Hospital in Edinburgh — felt that young men @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of hero worship by their country .
The title “ Dulce et Decorum Est , '' is from Horace 's epigrammatic line “ Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori '' ( it is sweet and proper to die for one 's country ) , which is still inscribed on many war memorials .
At the end , the poem excoriates this motto as “ the old Lie . ''
Owen 's poem is an angry rebuke to jingoistic poets of his time , such as Jessie Pope , whose wartime poems aimed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lift up “ war girls . ''
In 28 lines , Owen strives to convey , as accurately and brutally as possible , the daily horror experienced by front-line soldiers .
At once , his poem is conventional — adhering to iambic pentameter and a strict rhyme scheme — and highly innovative .
His language is designed to provoke emotion in the reader , as we see from the opening four lines : The similes comparing the soldiers to “ beggars '' and “ hags '' are striking , but so too is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ describe the soldiers .
The words “ sludge '' and “ trudge '' stand out in this stanza for being distinctly vulgar in their context , while exemplifying the onomatopoeic language that Owen uses to help us experience the soldiers ' fatigue .
The elongated vowel sound — “ uh '' — perfectly mimics the weary drag of the soldiers ' feet as they “ trudge '' through the muck .
The lethargic pace of the first lines swiftly accelerates when the soldiers are subjected to a gas attack : The reader must @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experience a quickening heart rate alongside the soldiers .
( Canada .
Department of National Defence .
Library and Archives Canada , PA-001042/Flickr ) , CC BY The rest of the poem is focused on the lone man who did n't secure his helmet in time , and who the narrator is forced to watch entering his death throes : These lines are thick with active verbs ; the suffix `` ing '' dominates the description of the gas attack , and the lines that follow conclude the poem : No peace for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the poem the “ we '' shifts to “ you , '' when Owen attacks the notion of glorifying war without any direct experience .
The “ you '' may be both a direct reference to Pope and the kind of audience she sought to capture : Owen originally dedicated the poem in his original manuscript “ To Jessie Pope , etc.
, '' and then in another version “ To a Certain Poetess . ''
The biggest shock produced by “ Dulce et Decorum Est , '' though , is when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the poem 's end — or , still dying .
Owen does not allow this man to slip off into the ruminative afterlife experienced by McCrae 's war dead .
He keeps his victim suspended in the act of dying as a way of preserving the poem 's fraught message .
There is no peace for this man , until “ you , '' the reader , reject the “ old Lie '' and fight to end the war .
Owen was killed in action a week before the war 's end @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Owen 's “ Dulce et Decorum Est '' is a meticulously crafted poem of shock and haunting .
It might do us good to feel such haunting , such shock , every Nov. 11 .
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

Remembrance Day commemorates the end of the First World War on Nov. 11, 1918, and the poppy is the abiding symbol of Remembrance Day in Great Britain and the Commonwealth countries, including Canad
The poppy has been associated with war remembrance in a variety of ways. But as many who attended elementary school in Canada may remember, the poppy's iconic popularity is often attributed to the poem by Canadian physician and poet, John McCrae, “In Flanders Fields."
I would like to submit for consideration a different poem as a more suitable and ultimately more resonant poem to guide our reflections this Remembrance Day: Wilfred Owen's “Dulce et Decorum Est."
'In Flanders Fields'
“In Flanders Fields" begins with a haunting evocation of poppies growing between marked graves of the war dead in Belgium, a description delivered by those very dead. In Canada and beyond, the poem has become a mainstream literary representation of all the wars and casualties remembered on Remembrance Day.
I have always found McCrae's poem unsuitable to commemorate the war or Remembrance Day. Its appeal may be attributed to its melancholy focus on the makeshift graves of the dead and its earnest attempt to create an empathetic connection with the reader:
“ … Short days ago
We lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow,
Loved, and were loved, and now we lie,
In Flanders Fields."
What follows from this poignant memory of being alive, however, is a command to “Take up our quarrel with the foe," and a warning that these dead will not sleep until we, the readers, avenge their death on the battlefield.
The directive to continue the war until the foe is vanquished is antithetical to the spirit of Remembrance Day as I conceive of it. It's similarly antithetical to the finest British poetry of the First World War, including that penned by Wilfrid Owen.
Wilfred Owen edited six issues of the Craiglockhart War Hospital magazine, 'The Hydra,' while being treated for shell shock, including the July 21, 1917, issue.
(The First World War Poetry Digital Archive, English Faculty Library, University of Oxford)
Poetry & shell-shock
Owen's “Dulce et Decorum Est" has an unambiguous anti-war message, and it works skillfully to immerse the reader in a subsuming, visceral representation of the lived experience of the frontline soldier.
Unlike McCrae, Owen never identifies the “foe" as the German soldiers in their trenches, but rather directs his ire at those at the home front who perpetuate, or simply believe in, the propaganda glorifying the war. The same can be said for Owen's compatriot writer and friend, Siegfried Sassoon.
Read more: Owen, Sassoon and Graves: how a golf club in Scotland became the crucible for the greatest war poetry
Both Sassoon and Owen — who met in 1916 while they were both recovering from shell shock at the Craiglockhart Medical Hospital in Edinburgh — felt that young men like themselves had been betrayed as objects of hero worship by their country.
The title “Dulce et Decorum Est," is from Horace's epigrammatic line “Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori" (it is sweet and proper to die for one's country), which is still inscribed on many war memorials. At the end, the poem excoriates this motto as “the old Lie."
Angry rebuke
Jessie Pope's War Poems, published 1915 by Grant Richards.
(British Library)
Owen's poem is an angry rebuke to jingoistic poets of his time, such as Jessie Pope, whose wartime poems aimed to rally and entice new recruits and lift up “war girls."
In 28 lines, Owen strives to convey, as accurately and brutally as possible, the daily horror experienced by front-line soldiers. At once, his poem is conventional — adhering to iambic pentameter and a strict rhyme scheme — and highly innovative. His language is designed to provoke emotion in the reader, as we see from the opening four lines:
“Bent double, like old beggars under sacks,
Knock-kneed, coughing like hags, we cursed through sludge,
Till on the haunting flares we turned our backs,
And towards our distant rest began to trudge."
The similes comparing the soldiers to “beggars" and “hags" are striking, but so too is the use of the first-person plural to describe the soldiers.
The words “sludge" and “trudge" stand out in this stanza for being distinctly vulgar in their context, while exemplifying the onomatopoeic language that Owen uses to help us experience the soldiers' fatigue. The elongated vowel sound — “uh" — perfectly mimics the weary drag of the soldiers' feet as they “trudge" through the muck.
The lethargic pace of the first lines swiftly accelerates when the soldiers are subjected to a gas attack:
“Gas! GAS! Quick, boys! — An ecstasy of fumbling
Fitting the clumsy helmets just in time."
The reader must accelerate their reading pace and perhaps even experience a quickening heart rate alongside the soldiers.
Bringing in the wounded, Vimy Ridge, April 1917.
(Canada. Department of National Defence. Library and Archives Canada, PA-001042/Flickr), CC BY
'I saw him drowning'
The rest of the poem is focused on the lone man who didn't secure his helmet in time, and who the narrator is forced to watch entering his death throes:
“But someone still was yelling out and stumbling
And flound'ring like a man in fire or lime.—
Dim through the misty panes and thick green light,
As under a green sea, I saw him drowning."
In all my dreams before my helpless sight,
He plunges at me, guttering, choking, drowning.“
These lines are thick with active verbs; the suffix "ing" dominates the description of the gas attack, and the lines that follow conclude the poem:
“If in some smothering dreams, you too could pace
Behind the wagon that we flung him in,
And watch the white eyes writhing in his face …
My friend, you would not tell with such high zest
To children ardent for some desperate glory …"
No peace for the dying
In these final twelve lines of the poem the “we" shifts to “you," when Owen attacks the notion of glorifying war without any direct experience. The “you" may be both a direct reference to Pope and the kind of audience she sought to capture: Owen originally dedicated the poem in his original manuscript “To Jessie Pope, etc.," and then in another version “To a Certain Poetess."
The biggest shock produced by “Dulce et Decorum Est," though, is when we realize the victim is still alive at the poem's end — or, still dying.
Owen does not allow this man to slip off into the ruminative afterlife experienced by McCrae's war dead. He keeps his victim suspended in the act of dying as a way of preserving the poem's fraught message. There is no peace for this man, until “you," the reader, reject the “old Lie" and fight to end the war.
Owen was killed in action a week before the war's end, on Nov. 4, 1918.
Owen's “Dulce et Decorum Est" is a meticulously crafted poem of shock and haunting. It might do us good to feel such haunting, such shock, every Nov. 11.
Mark Libin, Associate Professor, Department of English, Theatre, Film & Media, University of Manitoba
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


alternet--2020-11-07--Trump says he'll have to be dragged from the WH 'kicking and screaming'

If Trump 's going to be dragged out kicking and screaming , who do we send in to do the honors ?
In all cases assume several large law enforcement / Secret Service agents are there to convey the `` do n't even think about it , Teenythumbs '' message .
This is the `` twist the knife '' option .
There 's probably no face Trump would less like to see under those circumstances .
If gravitas were gravity , President Carter would have an event horizon .
It 'd be like the end of the Dark Crystal , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Mystic Carter .
Except Jimmy would survive — not sure about Donald .
More respect than Trump deserves , certainly , but it would convey to the nation that Trump was behaving badly .
Again , probably more respect than Trump deserves , but it 'd be a message .
The other two branches of government come in to tell the ex-President it 's time to go .
`` Will you shut up and get out of my bedroom ? ''
Preferably a black woman , but just some ordinary cop doing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just send whoever was on duty for this one , though .
Unlikely they 'll have an indictment ready to drop Jan. 20th .
But a guy can dream , right ?
Someone who lost several family members to COVID-19 Secret Service , be on your toes .
But a slapped face you can let go , right ?
The two people he might listen to — if we want to preserve his dignity , for the sake of the office .
No , not to kill him .
Just to convey the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of his shit .

Editors' Note: The headline in the Vanity Fair article referenced below has been changed to reflect that Trump never said "kicking and screaming." We have also changed our headline to reflect a more accurate situation. AlterNet regrets the error.
Trump has signaled to allies that the Secret Service will have to drag him from the White House kicking and screaming https://t.co/hGxPyyAHNs
— VANITY FAIR (@VanityFair) November 6, 2020
OK, then!
If Trump's going to be dragged out kicking and screaming, who do we send in to do the honors? In all cases assume several large law enforcement / Secret Service agents are there to convey the "don't even think about it, Teenythumbs" message.
Barack Obama
This is the "twist the knife" option. There's probably no face Trump would less like to see under those circumstances.
Jimmy Carter
If gravitas were gravity, President Carter would have an event horizon. It'd be like the end of the Dark Crystal, as Skeksis Trump meets his antithesis in the Mystic Carter. Except Jimmy would survive — not sure about Donald.
All 4 living ex Presidents
More respect than Trump deserves, certainly, but it would convey to the nation that Trump was behaving badly.
Chief Justice Roberts
Again, probably more respect than Trump deserves, but it'd be a message.
Roberts and Nancy Pelosi
The other two branches of government come in to tell the ex-President it's time to go.
Joseph R. Biden
"Will you shut up and get out of my bedroom?"
Some random DC police officer
Preferably a black woman, but just some ordinary cop doing their job. Unlikely that they'd just send whoever was on duty for this one, though.
FBI agents. With some warrants.
Unlikely they'll have an indictment ready to drop Jan. 20th. But a guy can dream, right?
Someone who lost several family members to COVID-19
Secret Service, be on your toes. But a slapped face you can let go, right?
Sean Hannity and Tucker Carlson
The two people he might listen to — if we want to preserve his dignity, for the sake of the office.
Seal Team Six
No, not to kill him. Just to convey the message that the Pentagon is also tired of his shit.


alternet--2020-11-07--Con man to the end: Most of Trump’s 'official election defense fund' to be used for his debts

Early Friday evening , professor of law and political science at UC Irvine Rick Hasen tweeted out that `` If you give money to Trump 's recount/postelection litigation efforts , half of that money will go towards retiring his campaign debt instead , per the fine print . ''
The tweet was accompanied by a screenshot of the purported fine print on one of the Trump campaign 's fundraising emails , that said `` 50 % of each contribution , up to a maximum of $ 2,800 ( $ 5,000 ) , to be designated toward DJTFP 's 2020 general @ @ @ @ @ @ @ retired . ''
The emails have been sweatily sent out from the sinking garbage can fire called his campaign since Election Day .
The Wall Street Journal reports that this is indeed true .
In fact , the con man-to-the-end and soon-to-be former disgraced and impeached president of the United States ' `` official election defense fund '' might actually be more about retiring his money-laundering campaign 's debt than anything else .
According to the Journal , while some of the `` protect the election '' fundraising emails direct marks to pages @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pointed out above , others send MAGA supporters to pages with different fine print : `` The fine print on those solicitations says 60 % of a contribution helps the campaign retire debt and 40 % goes to the Republican National Committee . ''
In contrast , Biden 's similar asks for money for potential legal battles surrounding this election do not have fine print about `` debt retirement . ''
Instead , that money is mostly earmarked for the DNC , with $ 2,800 going to Biden 's `` recount account '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the DNC .
This makes sense , as usually the RNC and DNC play the main role in financing election-related legal claims and battles .

Early Friday evening, professor of law and political science at UC Irvine Rick Hasen tweeted out that "If you give money to Trump's recount/postelection litigation efforts, half of that money will go towards retiring his campaign debt instead, per the fine print." The tweet was accompanied by a screenshot of the purported fine print on one of the Trump campaign's fundraising emails, that said "50% of each contribution, up to a maximum of $2,800 ($5,000), to be designated toward DJTFP's 2020 general election debt retirement until such debt is retired." The emails have been sweatily sent out from the sinking garbage can fire called his campaign since Election Day.
TheWall Street Journal reports that this is indeed true. In fact, the con man-to-the-end and soon-to-be former disgraced and impeached president of the United States' "official election defense fund" might actually be more about retiring his money-laundering campaign's debt than anything else.
According to the Journal, while some of the "protect the election" fundraising emails direct marks to pages with fine print like the one Hasen pointed out above, others send MAGA supporters to pages with different fine print: "The fine print on those solicitations says 60% of a contribution helps the campaign retire debt and 40% goes to the Republican National Committee."
In contrast, Biden's similar asks for money for potential legal battles surrounding this election do not have fine print about "debt retirement." Instead, that money is mostly earmarked for the DNC, with $2,800 going to Biden's "recount account" only after $142,000 has been allocated to the DNC. This makes sense, as usually the RNC and DNC play the main role in financing election-related legal claims and battles.


alternet--2020-11-07--Donald Trump's chief of staff Mark Meadows tests positive for coronavirus

Donald Trump 's chief of staff Mark Meadows has tested positive for the coronavirus .
Jennifer Jacobs of Bloomberg News reported that `` Meadows informed a close circle of advisers after the election . ''
Meadows becomes yet another member of the Trump administration to come down with the virus .
Bloomberg also reports that Trump 's campaign Director of Battleground Strategy Nick Trainer has also tested positive for the virus .
Meadows has been seen maskless at numerous campaign functions over the past couple of weeks , including on Tuesday night , when Trump went to Michigan for a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might now be the newest superspreader event in an administration responsible for the poor handling of our current public health crisis .
Here is Mark Meadows getting petulant with reporters , who asked he keep his mask on while talking with them in an enclosed space a couple of weeks ago .
It 's important to note that Meadows has been in constant intimate contact with the Trump administration—almost all of who have caught the virus at some point in the last couple of months .
Here 's a reminder of Donald Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Catching this virus is a serious situation , and I 'm not making light of it when I post this fact .
We need a new president and a new set of values in the White House .
A set of values that make human life , writ large , of primary importance .

Donald Trump's chief of staff Mark Meadows has tested positive for the coronavirus. Jennifer Jacobs of Bloomberg News reported that "Meadows informed a close circle of advisers after the election." Meadows becomes yet another member of the Trump administration to come down with the virus. Bloomberg also reports that Trump's campaign Director of Battleground Strategy Nick Trainer has also tested positive for the virus.
Meadows has been seen maskless at numerous campaign functions over the past couple of weeks, including on Tuesday night, when Trump went to Michigan for a rally. It seems that that rally might now be the newest superspreader event in an administration responsible for the poor handling of our current public health crisis.
Here is Mark Meadows getting petulant with reporters, who asked he keep his mask on while talking with them in an enclosed space a couple of weeks ago.
x
Video of Capitol Hill reporters insisting WH Chief of Staff Mark Meadows wear a mask while talking with them and Meadows deciding he won't talk to reporters if he has to wear a mask. pic.twitter.com/kDX10BLDnk
— Yamiche Alcindor (@Yamiche) October 12, 2020
It's important to note that Meadows has been in constant intimate contact with the Trump administration—almost all of who have caught the virus at some point in the last couple of months.
Meadows on Oct. 31, a few days before telling staff he had COVID-19 Meadows on Oct. 31, a few days before telling staff he had COVID-19
Here's a reminder of Donald Trump's handling of the COVID-19 pandemic.
x
Until November 4th., Fake News Media is going full on Covid, Covid, Covid. We are rounding the turn. 99.9%.
— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) October 27, 2020
Catching this virus is a serious situation, and I'm not making light of it when I post this fact.
x
Biden and his staff are getting daily updates on the coronavirus while Trump and his staff are just getting the coronavirus, daily.
— ever had your ass kicked by a librarian (@HalpernAlex) November 7, 2020
We need a new president and a new set of values in the White House. A set of values that make human life, writ large, of primary importance.


alternet--2020-11-07--Lindsey Graham, who begged for cash on Fox News, tells Sean Hannity he will give Trump $500,000

Sen. Lindsey Graham , R-S.C. , who earlier this week won re-election to a fourth term , told Fox News host and Trump `` pillow-talk '' pal Sean Hannity on Thursday that `` nothing is off the table '' when it comes to challenging the results of a democratically-held presidential election .
To boot , Graham pledged half a million dollars to the President Donald Trump 's `` defense legal fund . ''
`` I 'm here tonight to stand with President Trump , '' Graham told Hannity .
`` He stood with me .
He 's the reason we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
.
.
He helped Senate Republicans .
We 're going to pick up House seats because of the campaign that President Trump won . ''
Graham ignored one basic fact : Trump has not won the election .
( He currently trails in must-win states as outstanding ballots continue to be tabulated .
He also is more than 4 million ballots down in the popular vote . )
`` I 'm going to donate $ 500,000 tonight to President Trump 's defense legal fund , '' Graham then revealed .
`` I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he told Hannity .
`` You 've raised a ton of money for me .
Your audience was incredibly helpful to Lindsey Graham dot com .
Give to Donald J. Trump dot com so we will have the resources to fight .
The allegations of wrongdoing are earth-shattering .
It makes the Carter warrant , Page application , Carter warrant , uh — Carter Page warrant application look on the up and up . ''
Over the final weeks of his Senate campaign , Graham , at times out-raised two-to-one by Democratic rival @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign donations on Fox News shows , including Hannity 's primetime program .
He also appeared to violate Senate ethics rules and federal law when he solicited contributions in the Senate building after a round of confirmation hearings for Supreme Court Justice Amy Coney Barrett .
`` I do n't know how much it affected fundraising today , but if you want to help me close the gap , '' he told reporters outside the hearing room .
`` Lindsey Graham dot com — a little bit goes a long way . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the most hotly contested and high-profile election of his political career , announced his Hannity appearance after the president 's eldest adult son , Donald Trump Jr. , called out the Palmetto State Republican for not defending his father on Twitter .
`` No one is surprised , '' Don Jr. wrote .
The president has repeatedly lied that he has already won the election , claiming that victory was stolen from him because officials continued to count lawfully count votes after he baselessly declared himself the winner early Wednesday morning .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I easily win .
If you count the illegal votes , they can try to steal the election from us , '' Trump told reporters during a Thursday press conference at the White House .
There is no evidence of illegal voting , and judges have summarily dismissed some of the Trump campaign 's lawsuits within hours of filing .
Trump 's baseless claims were met with unusually fierce criticism from fellow Republicans , some of whom warned that his rhetoric was not only `` insane '' but also `` dangerous . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ yes every legal vote ( of course ) .
But , if you have legit concerns about fraud present EVIDENCE and take it to court , '' Rep. Adam Kinzinger , R-Ill. , tweeted on Thursday .
`` STOP Spreading debunked misinformation .
.
.
This is getting insane . ''
During the Hannity interview , Graham , who said that the Trump campaign had plans to brief Republican lawmakers on Saturday , called on his party colleagues to step up .
When Hannity asked whether Graham , in his capacity as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lawmakers should appoint their own electors regardless of the final vote , Graham said `` everything should be on the table . ''
He also claimed , without evidence , that Philadelphia elections operations were `` crooked as a snake '' and that there were `` a lot of dead people voting '' in Nevada .
`` Philadelphia elections are crooked as a snake , '' he said .
`` Why are they shutting people out ?
Because they do n't want people to see what they 're doing .
But you 're @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voting .
You 're talking about — in Nevada — people voting who are not legal residents . ''
Graham praised the system in Arizona , where Trump still trails in the count , and complimented Gov .
Doug Ducey , a Republican , for his honesty .
`` I trust Arizona , '' Graham said .
`` I do n't trust Philadelphia .
I do n't trust what 's going on in Nevada .
So everything should be on the table . ''
`` Let 's stand with President Trump .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` And this reminds me of the Carter Page warrant application , where they 're just trying to get an outcome — damn the law , damn the process . ''
As Hannity lauded Graham 's $ 500,000 pledge , the senator began to plug the president 's campaign website : `` Donald J Trump dot com .
Five bucks from a million people goes a long way . ''

Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., who earlier this week won re-election to a fourth term, told Fox News host and Trump "pillow-talk" pal Sean Hannity on Thursday that "nothing is off the table" when it comes to challenging the results of a democratically-held presidential election. To boot, Graham pledged half a million dollars to the President Donald Trump's "defense legal fund."
"I'm here tonight to stand with President Trump," Graham told Hannity. "He stood with me. He's the reason we're going to have a Senate majority . . . He helped Senate Republicans. We're going to pick up House seats because of the campaign that President Trump won."
Graham ignored one basic fact: Trump has not won the election. (He currently trails in must-win states as outstanding ballots continue to be tabulated. He also is more than 4 million ballots down in the popular vote.)
"I'm going to donate $500,000 tonight to President Trump's defense legal fund," Graham then revealed.
"I've been on your show," he told Hannity. "You've raised a ton of money for me. Your audience was incredibly helpful to Lindsey Graham dot com. Give to Donald J. Trump dot com so we will have the resources to fight. The allegations of wrongdoing are earth-shattering. It makes the Carter warrant, Page application, Carter warrant, uh — Carter Page warrant application look on the up and up."
Over the final weeks of his Senate campaign, Graham, at times out-raised two-to-one by Democratic rival Jaime Harrison, took to begging for campaign donations on Fox News shows, including Hannity's primetime program. He also appeared to violate Senate ethics rules and federal law when he solicited contributions in the Senate building after a round of confirmation hearings for Supreme Court Justice Amy Coney Barrett.
"I don't know how much it affected fundraising today, but if you want to help me close the gap," he told reporters outside the hearing room. "Lindsey Graham dot com — a little bit goes a long way."
Graham, fresh off a victory in the most hotly contested and high-profile election of his political career, announced his Hannity appearance after the president's eldest adult son, Donald Trump Jr., called out the Palmetto State Republican for not defending his father on Twitter.
"No one is surprised," Don Jr. wrote.
The president has repeatedly lied that he has already won the election, claiming that victory was stolen from him because officials continued to count lawfully count votes after he baselessly declared himself the winner early Wednesday morning.
"If you count the legal votes, I easily win. If you count the illegal votes, they can try to steal the election from us," Trump told reporters during a Thursday press conference at the White House.
There is no evidence of illegal voting, and judges have summarily dismissed some of the Trump campaign's lawsuits within hours of filing.
Trump's baseless claims were met with unusually fierce criticism from fellow Republicans, some of whom warned that his rhetoric was not only "insane" but also "dangerous."
"We want every vote counted, yes every legal vote (of course). But, if you have legit concerns about fraud present EVIDENCE and take it to court," Rep. Adam Kinzinger, R-Ill., tweeted on Thursday. "STOP Spreading debunked misinformation . . . This is getting insane."
During the Hannity interview, Graham, who said that the Trump campaign had plans to brief Republican lawmakers on Saturday, called on his party colleagues to step up.
When Hannity asked whether Graham, in his capacity as a lawyer, thought that Pennsylvania state Republican lawmakers should appoint their own electors regardless of the final vote, Graham said "everything should be on the table." He also claimed, without evidence, that Philadelphia elections operations were "crooked as a snake" and that there were "a lot of dead people voting" in Nevada.
"Philadelphia elections are crooked as a snake," he said. "Why are they shutting people out? Because they don't want people to see what they're doing. But you're talking about a lot of dead people voting. You're talking about — in Nevada — people voting who are not legal residents."
Graham praised the system in Arizona, where Trump still trails in the count, and complimented Gov. Doug Ducey, a Republican, for his honesty.
"I trust Arizona," Graham said. "I don't trust Philadelphia. I don't trust what's going on in Nevada. So everything should be on the table."
"Let's stand with President Trump. He stood with us," Graham added. "And this reminds me of the Carter Page warrant application, where they're just trying to get an outcome — damn the law, damn the process."
As Hannity lauded Graham's $500,000 pledge, the senator began to plug the president's campaign website: "Donald J Trump dot com. Five bucks from a million people goes a long way."


alternet--2020-11-07--Our problems aren't just with Karens -- but with a nation of Meghan McCains

On the day after the election , Meghan McCain was feeling nostalgic .
Accompanying an Instagram graphic that urges , among other observations , `` Vote for whomever , but it will be up to us to rebuild the division this political process has established by being decent , respectful , kind , loving , supportive , and compassionate human beings during these trying times '' were a few of McCain 's personal thoughts .
`` My first Election Day without my dad is my first with my daughter Liberty .
Feeling overwhelmed with nostalgia and warm sentiments about the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she wrote .
Then came this .
`` I love Election Day , always will .
Do n't let the ugly , divisive fleeting politics of today remove what 's beautiful about our democratic process and our incredible country I will forever love so much .
I am so proud to be an American and to have the privilege of living in the greatest country that has ever existed .
No president or time or political party will ever change that .
In the words of my dad – we 're Americans and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ With that warm , Hallmark-ready closer , McCain illustrated the mindset of the white women who voted for Trump in 2016 and in 2020 – some of them doing so again , others for the first time and altogether in greater numbers .
In the coming weeks media analysts are going to engage in some generalized hand-wringing and soul-searching in an effort to figure out why about 70 million voters wanted a second term for Donald Trump , despite his miserable handling of the COVID-19 pandemic , his overt bigotry , misogyny , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ yeah , the fact that he was impeached .
Within that study are subsets of curiosity to dig into , like figuring out the reasons for Trump 's increased support among a small subset of Black and Latino voters .
But to the immediate horror of liberal white women who believed that somehow at least some of their conservative sisters would wash their hands of Trump – after five years of sexist comments , the Stormy Daniels saga , caging migrant children at our southern border , # MeToo and multiple sexual assault @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not .
On the contrary , those white women responded to Trump 's various moves on other women and women 's rights overall with a lusty embrace .
Some 55 % of white women voted for Trump in 2020 , compared to the 52-53 % who threw their support behind him in 2016 , according to a recent New York Times exit poll .
And even with the usual disclaimers , such that the fact that exit polls are far from precise and it is n't clear whether this includes information from voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rise in support for this misogynist is astonishing .
.
.
to everyone who hand knit pink pussy hats for their girlfriends as Christmas presents back in 2017 .
It really is n't to women of color who have been dealing with these types of women forever .
And to clarify , by these types of women I 'm not talking about Karens .
I 'm talking about the Meghan McCains of the world .
The differences are subtle , but they 're there .
McCain , for example , probably would n't @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or a kid selling water or stood on her front lawn waving a gun at protesters marching near her home ; I imagine her as much more of an eye-roller .
But that does n't mean she does n't have feelings about all of those folks – she just saves her thoughts for other forums .
For example , on the same day McCain posted her national kumbaya on Instagram , here 's what she offered on Twitter as a quote reply to Politico correspondent Anna Palmer 's declaration that Tuesday was an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Normalizing socialism , 'mostly peaceful protesting ' , cancel culture , insane tax rates , arrogant identity politics , apologizing for loving America and patriotism , and overall coastal elitism about Christianity and anyone making under 100k a year , '' McCain offered , adding as a smug kicker , `` There I explained it , Democrats . ''
McCain has been on maternity leave from `` The View '' over the last few weeks , denying us a televised window into the psyche of how half the country politely , comfortably @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that tweet tells us a lot about her overall appeal .
For the sake of focus let 's not get into her strange accusations about apologizing for patriotism or Christianity or get into the ways that the term `` coastal elite '' is a dog whistle or parse the coded language conveyed by the reflexive usage of the term socialism .
I assure you that Kamala Harris ' alleged socialism is n't the reason some of these women I 'm talking about refused to vote for Joe Biden , even though they may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need acknowledge that McCain and her mother publicly declared that they did not vote for Trump , choosing instead to throw their support to Biden .
However , just read the text of that tweet cited above and imagine if Trump had n't insulted her father , the late John McCain , or prisoners of war in general or American military servicemen and women killed in battle .
Imagine if Trump has simply stuck to demonizing progressives , feminists , Black Lives Matter protesters , journalists and liberals living in large cities .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ might envision McCain voting for Trump .
Hence her similarity with the expanded plurality if not majority of white women who voted for Trump .
Remember , McCain 's role on `` The View '' is to translate the world from the conservative perspective , to represent the sensible right-wing woman who has n't gone full QAnon and maybe mingles with people of color insofar as they 're in her orbit , who decries racism and yet refuses to make an effort to understand where all the inconvenient divisiveness is coming from .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
Hence , when millions watch her on the `` The View , '' she presents a version of a conservative firebrand that is at best atypical , which is to say a woman who sits down at the table with other women of different ethnicities and political points of view and is n't afraid to spar , but then appears to find common ground with the rest of the group .
This is why McCain can ask all the `` but what if '' questions she wants on `` The View @ @ @ @ @ @ @ listening to or learning from the insights her subjects provide .
As McCain shared in a tweet she has since deleted , she 's interviewed Stacey Abrams multiple times , during which Abrams offered concise answers supported by data .
In one such exchange back in 2019 , Abrams pushed back against McCain 's attempt to dismiss Democratic policy proposals as identity politics by actually defining that term .
Abrams explained that it is an effort to honestly tend to the needs of marginalized people who are asking for help and not getting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ communities that are n't getting adequate investment and , in her example , Black women whose high maternal mortality rates are n't being addressed .
`` Identity is simply saying , ' I see you and I see the obstacles to you getting the things that all of us want : healthcare , economic security , educational opportunity , ' '' Abrams said .
`` What I look for in this Democratic primary are conversations that say , 'We see all of you . '
Because if we want people to turn out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be seen long before that .
You do n't win elections by convincing the same people to do the same thing .
You win elections by getting new people to say , ' I care too . '
'' Democrats were successful in doing that to some degree with Black voters , and in part because of the party 's support of racial justice demonstrations sparked by Floyd 's death , regardless of what McCain 's social media thread posits .
Data from TargetSmart , a Democratic political data and data services @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in several states , particularly among young voters and people of color , as protests took place across the country this summer .
Yet in her paradigm and that of people like her , supporting those protests was an `` abject disaster , '' politically speaking , because it disturbed their world .
McCain and people like her are n't interested in following up with the information she learns in her interviews to glean more facts or draw their own conclusions .
This is not out of laziness – Meghan McCains are n't @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but because it would threaten to shift their convenient view that everything would be fine if everyone would simply go back to being the `` decent , respectful , kind , loving , supportive , and compassionate human beings '' they were before election season kicked off .
This posits that American culture was already all of those things , along with just and equal .
The point of all the unrest and anxiety that 's finally boiled over across the country is that it never was .
There have been times when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her do to maintain the polish on their legitimacy .
But it 's entirely performative and therefore meaningless .
All you have to do is scroll back through these last few months for examples .
Take mid-May , for example , when a segment of `` The View '' was dedicated to examining Barack Obama 's virtual commencement speech , during which Obama took a shot at the current administration 's incompetent response to the pandemic .
Most of the hosts gave it high marks .
McCain blamed Obama for ushering in `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ real , and is raging in this country '' leading to Trump exacerbating it .
A few weeks later after George Floyd 's murder , McCain expressed empathy and copped to the shortcoming of looking at the world from a place of privilege , saying , `` All of us have a responsibility to take a hard look at our responsibility confronting race .
.
.
I hope this is a watershed moment that we can learn and grow from . ''
She may have suggested that Fort Benning be renamed in honor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ American woman killed in combat – `` As long as we start highlighting wonderful icons like that in our military history , I really think it is something people can get on board with , '' she said – but her Nov. 4 tweet blasting Democrats for normalizing `` 'mostly peaceful protesting ' '' and arrogant identity politics does not show much learning and growth .
And yet , the left is failing to win over these women and other Trumpists not because of their passionate enthusiasm for white patriarchy , but because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of identity politics – the type everyone can get behind .
See , the difference between McCain and the average white woman Trump supporter – not the ones who show up at rallies unmasked , co-opting Village People songs and braying racist mispronunciations of Kamala Harris ' name – is that she 's paid to put it all out there .
Out in the wild , many of the women holding those views tend to keep their politics to themselves because discussing such matters in company that may not share their opinions is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lead to irritation and bad feelings .
Not surprisingly , a lot of these folks are n't exposed to many people of color on a regular basis save for the few at work or church or who marry into their families .
They may feel affection for those individuals and still vote for candidates who back policies designed to harm them because those politicians also speak to their personal beliefs and , with Trump , fears .
Since they 'd rather keep their interactions polite , nobody engages them or challenges them to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ white supremacist because I 'd wager it would lead them to expose some unpleasant and impolite qualities about themselves that they ca n't quite defend , like their racism .
To someone who supports racists while insisting she is n't racist , that 's uncomfortable .
The Meghan McCains of the world deeply resent being made to feel uncomfortable .
Maybe it 's time for the people who cater to them to stop feeling bad about that and thoughtfully confront them over their harmful politics and cloaked bigotry , regardless of how impolite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so .
The challenge is to keep the engagement going for longer than an hour or an episode , because four years of treating our democracy like a TV show is what got us into this mess in the first place .

On the day after the election, Meghan McCain was feeling nostalgic. Accompanying an Instagram graphic that urges, among other observations, "Vote for whomever, but it will be up to us to rebuild the division this political process has established by being decent, respectful, kind, loving, supportive, and compassionate human beings during these trying times" were a few of McCain's personal thoughts.
"My first Election Day without my dad is my first with my daughter Liberty. Feeling overwhelmed with nostalgia and warm sentiments about the circle of life. . . " she wrote.
Then came this. "I love Election Day, always will. Don't let the ugly, divisive fleeting politics of today remove what's beautiful about our democratic process and our incredible country I will forever love so much. I am so proud to be an American and to have the privilege of living in the greatest country that has ever existed. No president or time or political party will ever change that. In the words of my dad – we're Americans and we fight, never surrender."
With that warm, Hallmark-ready closer, McCain illustrated the mindset of the white women who voted for Trump in 2016 and in 2020 – some of them doing so again, others for the first time and altogether in greater numbers.
In the coming weeks media analysts are going to engage in some generalized hand-wringing and soul-searching in an effort to figure out why about 70 million voters wanted a second term for Donald Trump, despite his miserable handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, his overt bigotry, misogyny, documented corruption and malfeasance and, oh yeah, the fact that he was impeached.
Within that study are subsets of curiosity to dig into, like figuring out the reasons for Trump's increased support among a small subset of Black and Latino voters. But to the immediate horror of liberal white women who believed that somehow at least some of their conservative sisters would wash their hands of Trump – after five years of sexist comments, the Stormy Daniels saga, caging migrant children at our southern border, #MeToo and multiple sexual assault allegations – it turns out they did not.
On the contrary, those white women responded to Trump's various moves on other women and women's rights overall with a lusty embrace. Some 55% of white women voted for Trump in 2020, compared to the 52-53% who threw their support behind him in 2016, according to a recent New York Times exit poll.
And even with the usual disclaimers, such that the fact that exit polls are far from precise and it isn't clear whether this includes information from voters who submitted via absentee ballot, the rise in support for this misogynist is astonishing . . . to everyone who hand knit pink pussy hats for their girlfriends as Christmas presents back in 2017.
It really isn't to women of color who have been dealing with these types of women forever. And to clarify, by these types of women I'm not talking about Karens. I'm talking about the Meghan McCains of the world. The differences are subtle, but they're there. McCain, for example, probably wouldn't have called the cops on a birdwatcher or a kid selling water or stood on her front lawn waving a gun at protesters marching near her home; I imagine her as much more of an eye-roller.
But that doesn't mean she doesn't have feelings about all of those folks – she just saves her thoughts for other forums. For example, on the same day McCain posted her national kumbaya on Instagram, here's what she offered on Twitter as a quote reply to Politico correspondent Anna Palmer's declaration that Tuesday was an "abject disaster" for Democrats:
"Normalizing socialism, 'mostly peaceful protesting', cancel culture, insane tax rates, arrogant identity politics, apologizing for loving America and patriotism, and overall coastal elitism about Christianity and anyone making under 100k a year," McCain offered, adding as a smug kicker, "There I explained it, Democrats."
McCain has been on maternity leave from "The View" over the last few weeks, denying us a televised window into the psyche of how half the country politely, comfortably and quietly supports authoritarianism. However, that tweet tells us a lot about her overall appeal.
For the sake of focus let's not get into her strange accusations about apologizing for patriotism or Christianity or get into the ways that the term "coastal elite" is a dog whistle or parse the coded language conveyed by the reflexive usage of the term socialism. I assure you that Kamala Harris' alleged socialism isn't the reason some of these women I'm talking about refused to vote for Joe Biden, even though they may allege that it is.
We also need acknowledge that McCain and her mother publicly declared that they did not vote for Trump, choosing instead to throw their support to Biden. However, just read the text of that tweet cited above and imagine if Trump hadn't insulted her father, the late John McCain, or prisoners of war in general or American military servicemen and women killed in battle.
Imagine if Trump has simply stuck to demonizing progressives, feminists, Black Lives Matter protesters, journalists and liberals living in large cities. Maybe, given those circumstances, you might envision McCain voting for Trump. Hence her similarity with the expanded plurality if not majority of white women who voted for Trump.
Remember, McCain's role on "The View" is to translate the world from the conservative perspective, to represent the sensible right-wing woman who hasn't gone full QAnon and maybe mingles with people of color insofar as they're in her orbit, who decries racism and yet refuses to make an effort to understand where all the inconvenient divisiveness is coming from.
You know, beyond "political process."
Hence, when millions watch her on the "The View," she presents a version of a conservative firebrand that is at best atypical, which is to say a woman who sits down at the table with other women of different ethnicities and political points of view and isn't afraid to spar, but then appears to find common ground with the rest of the group.
This is why McCain can ask all the "but what if" questions she wants on "The View" and not demonstrate that she's listening to or learning from the insights her subjects provide. As McCain shared in a tweet she has since deleted, she's interviewed Stacey Abrams multiple times, during which Abrams offered concise answers supported by data.
In one such exchange back in 2019, Abrams pushed back against McCain's attempt to dismiss Democratic policy proposals as identity politics by actually defining that term. Abrams explained that it is an effort to honestly tend to the needs of marginalized people who are asking for help and not getting it. That includes people in rural communities that aren't getting adequate investment and, in her example, Black women whose high maternal mortality rates aren't being addressed.
"Identity is simply saying, 'I see you and I see the obstacles to you getting the things that all of us want: healthcare, economic security, educational opportunity,'" Abrams said. "What I look for in this Democratic primary are conversations that say, 'We see all of you.' Because if we want people to turn out and vote in November, they have to be seen long before that. You don't win elections by convincing the same people to do the same thing. You win elections by getting new people to say, 'I care too.'"
Democrats were successful in doing that to some degree with Black voters, and in part because of the party's support of racial justice demonstrations sparked by Floyd's death, regardless of what McCain's social media thread posits. Data from TargetSmart, a Democratic political data and data services, shows a surge in voter registrations in several states, particularly among young voters and people of color, as protests took place across the country this summer.
Yet in her paradigm and that of people like her, supporting those protests was an "abject disaster," politically speaking, because it disturbed their world.
McCain and people like her aren't interested in following up with the information she learns in her interviews to glean more facts or draw their own conclusions. This is not out of laziness – Meghan McCains aren't lazy, not by a mile – but because it would threaten to shift their convenient view that everything would be fine if everyone would simply go back to being the "decent, respectful, kind, loving, supportive, and compassionate human beings" they were before election season kicked off.
This posits that American culture was already all of those things, along with just and equal. The point of all the unrest and anxiety that's finally boiled over across the country is that it never was.
There have been times when McCain acknowledges this, as women like her do to maintain the polish on their legitimacy. But it's entirely performative and therefore meaningless. All you have to do is scroll back through these last few months for examples.
Take mid-May, for example, when a segment of "The View" was dedicated to examining Barack Obama's virtual commencement speech, during which Obama took a shot at the current administration's incompetent response to the pandemic. Most of the hosts gave it high marks. McCain blamed Obama for ushering in "the culture war that I believe is real, and is raging in this country" leading to Trump exacerbating it.
A few weeks later after George Floyd's murder, McCain expressed empathy and copped to the shortcoming of looking at the world from a place of privilege, saying, "All of us have a responsibility to take a hard look at our responsibility confronting race . . . I hope this is a watershed moment that we can learn and grow from."
She may have suggested that Fort Benning be renamed in honor of Lori Piestewa, the first Native American woman killed in combat – "As long as we start highlighting wonderful icons like that in our military history, I really think it is something people can get on board with," she said – but her Nov. 4 tweet blasting Democrats for normalizing "'mostly peaceful protesting'" and arrogant identity politics does not show much learning and growth.
And yet, the left is failing to win over these women and other Trumpists not because of their passionate enthusiasm for white patriarchy, but because progressives aren't pushing a comfortable sort of identity politics – the type everyone can get behind.
See, the difference between McCain and the average white woman Trump supporter – not the ones who show up at rallies unmasked, co-opting Village People songs and braying racist mispronunciations of Kamala Harris' name – is that she's paid to put it all out there.
Out in the wild, many of the women holding those views tend to keep their politics to themselves because discussing such matters in company that may not share their opinions isn't polite and, indeed, may lead to irritation and bad feelings.
Not surprisingly, a lot of these folks aren't exposed to many people of color on a regular basis save for the few at work or church or who marry into their families. They may feel affection for those individuals and still vote for candidates who back policies designed to harm them because those politicians also speak to their personal beliefs and, with Trump, fears.
Since they'd rather keep their interactions polite, nobody engages them or challenges them to explain why they voted for a fascist white supremacist because I'd wager it would lead them to expose some unpleasant and impolite qualities about themselves that they can't quite defend, like their racism. To someone who supports racists while insisting she isn't racist, that's uncomfortable.
The Meghan McCains of the world deeply resent being made to feel uncomfortable.
Maybe it's time for the people who cater to them to stop feeling bad about that and thoughtfully confront them over their harmful politics and cloaked bigotry, regardless of how impolite they insist we're being in doing so. The challenge is to keep the engagement going for longer than an hour or an episode, because four years of treating our democracy like a TV show is what got us into this mess in the first place.


alternet--2020-11-07--Presidents presiding over recessions usually lose in a landslide. Why didn't Trump?

It is something of an axiom in American presidential election years that if the economy is in poor shape , the incumbent party will lose .
And indeed , as Americans cast their votes earlier this week , the United States was facing a recession largely due to President Donald Trump 's bungling pandemic response — while what little economic recovery had occurred since its dawn primarily benefited the upper class .
As of writing , it seems Biden is favored to win , although the election is not yet called .
Yet the fact that the race is so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virtually tied — belies this old political adage .
So what happened ?
Is the economy no longer the main concern for presidential voters , or was this year a special case ?
Interestingly , exit polls show Trump still received significant support from economy-minded voters , meaning many voters still see him as `` strong '' on the economy despite economic data to the contrary .
Perhaps the pandemic situation is seen as a special case .
Or perhaps Joe Biden was not perceived as strong on the economy — or as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` Trump is an extreme blabbermouth , '' Dr. Richard D. Wolff , the professor emeritus of economics at the University of Massachusetts Amherst , told Salon .
`` He 's offensive .
I get all that .
But out of his mouth comes what significant groups of our society want to hear , so he can achieve the normal Republican goals — which is an alliance between the servants of big business and enough members of the employee class to get them into power — so they can serve big business .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ contrasted this with the Democrats .
`` Big business shells out the bucks and the Republican Party uses it to win the offices that will then give to their constituents — anti-immigration , white supremacists , gun lovers , abortion haters , and everybody else they can collect — give them what they want , and then you have the deal , '' Wolff explained .
`` The Democratic Party is caught in a contradiction that it does n't want to face .
It goes to the same corporations and rich people for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but then you ca n't [ be ] the champion of the employee class because what the employee class wants is a direct threat to big business and the rich , and so you 're stuck . ''
As a result , Wolff believes that Biden took moderate positions on many issues , being caught in this `` contradiction . ''
That , Wolff says , may have cost him voters .
As Wolff noted , one secret to Trump 's success is that he is enlivening various members of his base — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did n't really do .
`` [ Trump ] is giving to the evangelicals more of what they want .
He 's giving to the white supremacists more of what they want , more than all the previous Bush-type Republicans ever were .
.
.
.
he has strengthened and rallied the collection of people Republicans always had — the gun enthusiasts , the opponents of abortion , all of that — only he 's made them more happy and more enthusiastic because he differentiates himself from the other Republicans precisely by being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opined , is `` milquetoast .
.
.
.
Whatever policy gets behind , he does it moderately .
He has always done that sort of thing unless it 's something where this is no opposition , like beating up on the Chinese or the socialists or whatever it is that has no political costs . ''
Wolff is not the only economic expert who has argued that ostensibly liberal parties suffer when they fail to support bold measures to help working-class voters .
In 2018 French political economist Thomas Piketty wrote a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be left-wing do not perform as well when their supposed support for the working class clashes with the perception that they are elitist .
While the Democratic Party in the United States and its closest counterparts in the United Kingdom and France ( the Labour Party and Socialist Party , respectively ) did well in the 1950s and 1960s when `` the vote for left-wing ( socialist-labour-democratic ) parties was associated with lower education and lower income voters , '' over time those parties `` become associated with higher education voters . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ these countries developed a system of `` multiple-elite '' parties where `` high-education elites now vote for the 'left , ' while high-income/high-wealth elites still vote for the 'right ' ( though less and less so ) . ''
This has led to rising income inequality and the inability of democratic institutions to effectively address it .
Just as ominous , it has paved the way for right-wing populists like Trump , Nigel Farage in Britain and Marine Le Pen in France .
`` Without a strong egalitarian-internationalist platform , it is difficult @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from all origins within the same party , '' Piketty observed .
Other economists who spoke to Salon agreed that voters were concerned about the economy , yet somehow did not blame Trump .
`` The pandemic tanked the economy , but many Trump voters did n't seem to blame the president for that , seeing it more as an act of God or China 's fault , '' Dr. Gabriel Mathy , a macroeconomist at American University , wrote to Salon .
`` The economic recovery since 2009 , while slow , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of the hottest economies before the pandemic .
Trump 's tax cuts that benefitted corporation and the very wealthy also boosted the stock market beyond the strong economy , and people 's 401k 's were doing well .
So I do n't think that there 's much Biden could have done : voters reward incumbent Presidents for strong economic performance , and Trump did n't seem to take much blame for the current recession . ''
He added , `` Presidents are also rewarded for stimulus packages , and Trump was president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which was insufficient but still one of the most ambitious stimulus packages in US history . ''
Another economist who spoke to Salon echoed Mathy 's views .
`` Even years from now sweeping claims about what cause this election 's outcome will be largely guesswork , '' Dr. Karl Widerquist , an American political philosopher and economist at Georgetown University 's Qatar campus , wrote to Salon .
`` It is possible that large numbers of people blame COVID-19 precautions rather than the lack of government relief for the cost of COVID-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ done a better job of blaming Republicans for the failure to pass more economic stimulus . ''
Salon also asked economic experts about the policies that will best help financially struggling and working-class voters .
`` Given immediate needs , having more transfers to households and businesses through additional checks , [ Paycheck Protection Program ] , and expanded unemployment insurance would help alleviate the current situation , '' Mathy suggested .
`` We will see if there is a stimulus package to be passed in the lame duck : McConnell may want @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then point to Biden 's inability to pass a stimulus package in the 2022 midterms .
McConnell also has more leverage now as the House Dem majority will be narrow and the Dems will not take back the Senate . ''
Widerquist expressed similar views , writing to Salon that `` direct individual universal cash grants are the best response to emergency .
They are a bonus to those who remain in work , and a cushion for those who ca n't find work or ca n't work because of the crisis .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ cash , they are free to buy who they know they need .
As people spend their bonuses , the money trickles up to business owners and investors who figure out how to provide people what they need at this time . ''
He added , `` Some proposals on the table included $ 2000 per person per month for 4-6 months or perhaps longer if the crisis lasted longer .
That would have been a great idea when the lockdown started , and it 's still a good idea now . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ modern day equivalent of President Franklin Roosevelt 's New Deal , perhaps something akin to the Green New Deal proposed by Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , D-N.Y .
He specifically said that Americans need to improve their Social Security system so that those who live on it will not be poor , raising the minimum wage so that people can live off of it ( including tying it to inflation ) , increased unemployment insurance and a federal jobs program .
`` What in the world is going on that this is not part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the world does Joe Biden look himself in the face in the morning ? ''
After describing the success of Roosevelt 's New Deal programs — which created millions of jobs in response to the Great Depression — Wolff explained that `` we now have , depending on your estimates , 20 to 25 is in Americans unemployed .
They should n't be .
They should be hired by the government tomorrow .
The actual amount of money you 'd have to pay them , if you paid them , is n't that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the federal supplement that are now in place .
Only the difference would be a significant gain for them , some increase in the money they take home , and there 's an enormous benefit to the society in terms of all the work they could do . ''

It is something of an axiom in American presidential election years that if the economy is in poor shape, the incumbent party will lose. And indeed, as Americans cast their votes earlier this week, the United States was facing a recession largely due to President Donald Trump's bungling pandemic response — while what little economic recovery had occurred since its dawn primarily benefited the upper class.
As of writing, it seems Biden is favored to win, although the election is not yet called. Yet the fact that the race is so close — indeed, the candidates are virtually tied — belies this old political adage.
So what happened? Is the economy no longer the main concern for presidential voters, or was this year a special case?
Interestingly, exit polls show Trump still received significant support from economy-minded voters, meaning many voters still see him as "strong" on the economy despite economic data to the contrary. Perhaps the pandemic situation is seen as a special case.
Or perhaps Joe Biden was not perceived as strong on the economy — or as doing anything to help struggling Americans.
"Trump is an extreme blabbermouth," Dr. Richard D. Wolff, the professor emeritus of economics at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, told Salon. "He's offensive. I get all that. But out of his mouth comes what significant groups of our society want to hear, so he can achieve the normal Republican goals — which is an alliance between the servants of big business and enough members of the employee class to get them into power — so they can serve big business. That's the game."
Wolff contrasted this with the Democrats.
"Big business shells out the bucks and the Republican Party uses it to win the offices that will then give to their constituents — anti-immigration, white supremacists, gun lovers, abortion haters, and everybody else they can collect — give them what they want, and then you have the deal," Wolff explained. "The Democratic Party is caught in a contradiction that it doesn't want to face. It goes to the same corporations and rich people for money, and they get money, but then you can't [be] the champion of the employee class because what the employee class wants is a direct threat to big business and the rich, and so you're stuck."
As a result, Wolff believes that Biden took moderate positions on many issues, being caught in this "contradiction." That, Wolff says, may have cost him voters.
As Wolff noted, one secret to Trump's success is that he is enlivening various members of his base — something that Biden, in contrast, didn't really do. "[Trump] is giving to the evangelicals more of what they want. He's giving to the white supremacists more of what they want, more than all the previous Bush-type Republicans ever were . . . . he has strengthened and rallied the collection of people Republicans always had — the gun enthusiasts, the opponents of abortion, all of that — only he's made them more happy and more enthusiastic because he differentiates himself from the other Republicans precisely by being extreme."
Whereas Biden, Wolff opined, is "milquetoast. . . . Whatever policy gets behind, he does it moderately. He has always done that sort of thing unless it's something where this is no opposition, like beating up on the Chinese or the socialists or whatever it is that has no political costs."
Wolff is not the only economic expert who has argued that ostensibly liberal parties suffer when they fail to support bold measures to help working-class voters. In 2018 French political economist Thomas Piketty wrote a paper which explained that parties claiming to be left-wing do not perform as well when their supposed support for the working class clashes with the perception that they are elitist. While the Democratic Party in the United States and its closest counterparts in the United Kingdom and France (the Labour Party and Socialist Party, respectively) did well in the 1950s and 1960s when "the vote for left-wing (socialist-labour-democratic) parties was associated with lower education and lower income voters," over time those parties "become associated with higher education voters."
As a result, Piketty wrote, these countries developed a system of "multiple-elite" parties where "high-education elites now vote for the 'left,' while high-income/high-wealth elites still vote for the 'right' (though less and less so)." This has led to rising income inequality and the inability of democratic institutions to effectively address it. Just as ominous, it has paved the way for right-wing populists like Trump, Nigel Farage in Britain and Marine Le Pen in France.
"Without a strong egalitarian-internationalist platform, it is difficult to unite low- education, low-income voters from all origins within the same party," Piketty observed.
Other economists who spoke to Salon agreed that voters were concerned about the economy, yet somehow did not blame Trump.
"The pandemic tanked the economy, but many Trump voters didn't seem to blame the president for that, seeing it more as an act of God or China's fault," Dr. Gabriel Mathy, a macroeconomist at American University, wrote to Salon. "The economic recovery since 2009, while slow, has been steady, and resulted in one of the hottest economies before the pandemic. Trump's tax cuts that benefitted corporation and the very wealthy also boosted the stock market beyond the strong economy, and people's 401k's were doing well. So I don't think that there's much Biden could have done: voters reward incumbent Presidents for strong economic performance, and Trump didn't seem to take much blame for the current recession."
He added, "Presidents are also rewarded for stimulus packages, and Trump was president when the CARES Act was passed, which was insufficient but still one of the most ambitious stimulus packages in US history."
Another economist who spoke to Salon echoed Mathy's views.
"Even years from now sweeping claims about what cause this election's outcome will be largely guesswork," Dr. Karl Widerquist, an American political philosopher and economist at Georgetown University's Qatar campus, wrote to Salon. "It is possible that large numbers of people blame COVID-19 precautions rather than the lack of government relief for the cost of COVID-19 precautions, and perhaps Democrats could have done a better job of blaming Republicans for the failure to pass more economic stimulus."
Salon also asked economic experts about the policies that will best help financially struggling and working-class voters.
"Given immediate needs, having more transfers to households and businesses through additional checks, [Paycheck Protection Program], and expanded unemployment insurance would help alleviate the current situation," Mathy suggested. "We will see if there is a stimulus package to be passed in the lame duck: McConnell may want to pass the package under Trump and then point to Biden's inability to pass a stimulus package in the 2022 midterms. McConnell also has more leverage now as the House Dem majority will be narrow and the Dems will not take back the Senate."
Widerquist expressed similar views, writing to Salon that "direct individual universal cash grants are the best response to emergency. They are a bonus to those who remain in work, and a cushion for those who can't find work or can't work because of the crisis. All people have different needs. With cash, they are free to buy who they know they need. As people spend their bonuses, the money trickles up to business owners and investors who figure out how to provide people what they need at this time."
He added, "Some proposals on the table included $2000 per person per month for 4-6 months or perhaps longer if the crisis lasted longer. That would have been a great idea when the lockdown started, and it's still a good idea now."
Wolff told Salon that Americans need a modern day equivalent of President Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal, perhaps something akin to the Green New Deal proposed by Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y. He specifically said that Americans need to improve their Social Security system so that those who live on it will not be poor, raising the minimum wage so that people can live off of it (including tying it to inflation), increased unemployment insurance and a federal jobs program.
"What in the world is going on that this is not part of our national discussion? How in the world does Joe Biden look himself in the face in the morning?" After describing the success of Roosevelt's New Deal programs — which created millions of jobs in response to the Great Depression — Wolff explained that "we now have, depending on your estimates, 20 to 25 is in Americans unemployed. They shouldn't be. They should be hired by the government tomorrow. The actual amount of money you'd have to pay them, if you paid them, isn't that much more than the state on employment and the federal supplement that are now in place. Only the difference would be a significant gain for them, some increase in the money they take home, and there's an enormous benefit to the society in terms of all the work they could do."


alternet--2020-11-07--Finding joy in 2020? It’s not such an absurd idea, really

The year 2020 has n't been one to remember – in fact , for a lot of people it has been an outright nightmare .
The pandemic , along with political turmoil and social unrest , has brought anxiety , heartbreak , righteous anger and discord to man Amid such suffering , people need some joy .
As a scholar who has investigated the role of joy in day-to-day life , I believe that joy is an incredibly powerful companion during suffering .
This is more than academic work for me .
In late 2016 , less than a year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a team researching joy at Yale University , three of my family members unexpectedly died within four weeks : my cousin 's husband Dustin at 30 by suicide , my sister 's son Mason at 22 of sudden cardiac arrest , and my dad , David , at 70 after years of opioid use .
While researching joy , I was speaking at funerals .
At times , even reading about joy felt so absurd that I almost vowed to be anything but joyful .
In 2020 , many people can relate to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : Joy is not the same as happiness .
Happiness tends to be the pleasurable feeling we get from having the sense that life is going well .
Joy , on the other hand , has a mysterious capacity to be felt alongside sorrow and even – sometimes , most especially – in the midst of suffering .
This is because joy is what we feel deep in our bones when we realize and feel connected to others – and to what is genuinely good , beautiful and meaningful – which is possible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ generally the effect of evaluating our circumstances and being satisfied with our lives , joy does not depend on good circumstances .
A couple of days after my cousin 's husband died , a small group of family members and I were shopping for funeral items when the group decided to go to the place where Dustin had died by suicide .
It was getting dark and the sun had almost set .
As we were taking in the landscape we suddenly noticed a star above the trees .
Standing next to one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ across the sky and one of us asked whether any other stars could be seen .
There were none .
We realized that there was just this one exceedingly bright shining star in the sky .
Gazing at the star , we felt as if Dustin had met us there , that he 'd allowed that single star to be seen in the sky so that we would know he was all right .
It was not the kind of relief we wanted for him .
But for a few minutes we allowed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this very space just two days before to hang in the background , and we instead focused on the star .
We were filled with a kind of transformative , quiet joy .
And we all gave ourselves over to this moment .
As scholar Adam Potkay noted in his 2007 book “ The Story of Joy , '' “ joy is an illumination , '' the ability to see beyond to something more .
Similarly , Nel Noddings , Stanford professor and author of the 2013 book “ Caring , '' describes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a realization of our relatedness . ''
What Noddings meant by relatedness was the special feeling we get from caring about other people or ideas .
Joy is also the feeling that can arise from sensing kinship with others , experiencing harmony between what we are doing and our values , or seeing the significance in an action , a place , a conversation or even an inanimate object .
When I teach about joy , I use an example from my family to explain this .
When my sister looks at a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's hand filled with tea or bursting with flowers on a friend 's coffee table – it reminds her of her son Mason .
It is not just an object she is seeing , but a relationship imbued with beauty , goodness and meaning .
It gives her a feeling that can be described only as joy .
We can not put joy on our to-do lists ; it does not work that way .
But there are ways we can prepare ourselves for joy .
There are “ gateways '' to joy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to it .
Gratitude involves bringing to mind the good that is in the world , which makes rejoicing possible .
The feeling that follows contemplating nature or art that we find inspiring is often joy , as these are experiences that help people feel connected to something beyond themselves , whether to the natural world or to others ' feelings or experiences .
Since “ hope , '' as theologian Jürgen Moltmann has said , is “ the anticipation of joy , '' writing out our hopes helps us to expect joy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Conversation , every weekend .
Sign up for our weekly newsletter . ]
In my book , “ The Gravity of Joy , '' I identify multiple kinds of joy that can be expressed even in today 's troubled times .
Retrospective joy comes in vividly recalling a previous experience of unspeakable joy .
For example , we can imagine in our minds an occasion when we helped someone else , or someone unexpectedly helped us , a time we felt deeply loved … the moment we saw our child for the first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and meditate on the memory , even walk through the details with someone else or in a journal and , often , experience that joy again , sometimes even more acutely .
There is a kind of joy , too , that is redemptive , restorative – resurrection joy .
It is the feeling that follows things that are broken getting repaired , things that we thought were dead coming back to life .
This kind of joy can be found in apologizing to someone we have hurt , or the feeling that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ marriage or a dream we feel called to .
Futuristic joy comes from rejoicing that we will again glimpse meaning , beauty or goodness , and seemingly against all odds feel that they are connected to our very life .
This type of joy can be found , for example , through singing in a religious service , gathering at a protest demanding change or imagining a hope we have being realized .
In the midst of a year in which it is not difficult to stumble onto suffering , the good news @ @ @ @ @ @ @ joy .
There is no imprisoned mind , heartbreaking time or deafening silence that joy can not break through .
Joy can always find you .
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

The year 2020 hasn't been one to remember – in fact, for a lot of people it has been an outright nightmare. The pandemic, along with political turmoil and social unrest, has brought anxiety, heartbreak, righteous anger and discord to man
Amid such suffering, people need some joy.
As a scholar who has investigated the role of joy in day-to-day life, I believe that joy is an incredibly powerful companion during suffering.
Speaking at funerals, teaching joy
This is more than academic work for me. In late 2016, less than a year after I was hired to be on a team researching joy at Yale University, three of my family members unexpectedly died within four weeks: my cousin's husband Dustin at 30 by suicide, my sister's son Mason at 22 of sudden cardiac arrest, and my dad, David, at 70 after years of opioid use.
While researching joy, I was speaking at funerals. At times, even reading about joy felt so absurd that I almost vowed to be anything but joyful.
In 2020, many people can relate to this.
I want to be clear: Joy is not the same as happiness. Happiness tends to be the pleasurable feeling we get from having the sense that life is going well.
Joy, on the other hand, has a mysterious capacity to be felt alongside sorrow and even – sometimes, most especially – in the midst of suffering. This is because joy is what we feel deep in our bones when we realize and feel connected to others – and to what is genuinely good, beautiful and meaningful – which is possible even in pain. Whereas happiness is generally the effect of evaluating our circumstances and being satisfied with our lives, joy does not depend on good circumstances.
An illumination
A couple of days after my cousin's husband died, a small group of family members and I were shopping for funeral items when the group decided to go to the place where Dustin had died by suicide. It was getting dark and the sun had almost set. As we were taking in the landscape we suddenly noticed a star above the trees. Standing next to one another in a line, we looked across the sky and one of us asked whether any other stars could be seen. There were none. We realized that there was just this one exceedingly bright shining star in the sky.
Gazing at the star, we felt as if Dustin had met us there, that he'd allowed that single star to be seen in the sky so that we would know he was all right. It was not the kind of relief we wanted for him. But for a few minutes we allowed the tragedy of what had occurred in this very space just two days before to hang in the background, and we instead focused on the star. We were filled with a kind of transformative, quiet joy. And we all gave ourselves over to this moment.
As scholar Adam Potkay noted in his 2007 book “The Story of Joy," “joy is an illumination," the ability to see beyond to something more.
Similarly, Nel Noddings, Stanford professor and author of the 2013 book “Caring," describes joy as a feeling that “accompanies a realization of our relatedness." What Noddings meant by relatedness was the special feeling we get from caring about other people or ideas.
Joy is also the feeling that can arise from sensing kinship with others, experiencing harmony between what we are doing and our values, or seeing the significance in an action, a place, a conversation or even an inanimate object.
When I teach about joy, I use an example from my family to explain this. When my sister looks at a Mason jar now – whether in someone's hand filled with tea or bursting with flowers on a friend's coffee table – it reminds her of her son Mason. It is not just an object she is seeing, but a relationship imbued with beauty, goodness and meaning. It gives her a feeling that can be described only as joy.
We cannot put joy on our to-do lists; it does not work that way. But there are ways we can prepare ourselves for joy. There are “gateways" to joy that help us to become more open to it.
Gratitude involves bringing to mind the good that is in the world, which makes rejoicing possible. The feeling that follows contemplating nature or art that we find inspiring is often joy, as these are experiences that help people feel connected to something beyond themselves, whether to the natural world or to others' feelings or experiences. Since “hope," as theologian Jürgen Moltmann has said, is “the anticipation of joy," writing out our hopes helps us to expect joy.
[Get the best of The Conversation, every weekend.Sign up for our weekly newsletter.]
Three types of joy
In my book, “The Gravity of Joy," I identify multiple kinds of joy that can be expressed even in today's troubled times.
Retrospective joy comes in vividly recalling a previous experience of unspeakable joy. For example, we can imagine in our minds an occasion when we helped someone else, or someone unexpectedly helped us, a time we felt deeply loved … the moment we saw our child for the first time. We can close our eyes and meditate on the memory, even walk through the details with someone else or in a journal and, often, experience that joy again, sometimes even more acutely.
There is a kind of joy, too, that is redemptive, restorative – resurrection joy. It is the feeling that follows things that are broken getting repaired, things that we thought were dead coming back to life. This kind of joy can be found in apologizing to someone we have hurt, or the feeling that follows recommitting ourselves to sobriety, a marriage or a dream we feel called to.
Futuristic joy comes from rejoicing that we will again glimpse meaning, beauty or goodness, and seemingly against all odds feel that they are connected to our very life. This type of joy can be found, for example, through singing in a religious service, gathering at a protest demanding change or imagining a hope we have being realized.
In the midst of a year in which it is not difficult to stumble onto suffering, the good news is that we can also stumble onto joy. There is no imprisoned mind, heartbreaking time or deafening silence that joy cannot break through.
Joy can always find you.
George H. Truett Theological Seminary is a member of the Association of Theological Schools. The ATS is a funding partner of The Conversation US. The ATS is a funding partner of The Conversation US.
Angela Gorrell, Assistant Professor of Practical Theology, George W. Truett Theological Seminary at Baylor University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.