alternet--2020-12-20--Trump and the right wing have mastered the politics of victimhood. Research suggests we're all its v

Trump and the right wing have mastered the politics of victimhood. Research suggests we're all its victims

`` We 're all victims , '' Donald Trump claimed at his first rally after the presidential election , on Dec. 5 in Georgia `` We 're all victims .
Everybody here .
All these thousands of people here tonight .
They 're all victims .
Every one of you . ''
That was quite a change from his 2016 election campaign , when he promised `` So much winning you 'll get bored . ''
Liberals were supposed to be the `` snowflakes , '' right ?
What happened ?
How did the once-proud party of masculine self-reliance and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bunch of whiny snowflakes ?
There are lots of reasons one could point to , but in truth it 's pretty much a blind-men-and-the-elephant situation .
We have an abundance of particular insights , with different bits and pieces of the answer .
But surprisingly little is known about the role of victimhood in politics in any organized sense , even though particular examples are well-known , some of them quite broad .
A passage on white Southern victimhood in the conclusion of `` `` ( author interview is a case in point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ themes developed earlier in the book .
But there is no shared empirical framework for comparing levels of Southern victimhood with victimhood levels elsewhere — unlike with other measures , such as modern sexism , which is used to great effect in that book .
All kinds of political attitudes have been measured and studied over the years—enough to fill a whole volume , more than 20 years ago , but no one 's ever studied victimhood with the same kind of rigorous scrutiny .
Until now , that is — in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Enders , `` 'Why Me ? '
The Role of Perceived Victimhood in American Politics '' ( forthcoming in the journal Political Behavior . )
Given how much of a role victimhood plays in politics , it 's remarkable that this appears to be the first attempt ever to develop a way to measure it , and thereby open up a whole new realm of inquiry .
By measuring perceived victimhood , the authors show that it 's `` largely unrelated to political predispositions or sociodemographic characteristics , '' but is related to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ society and the world ( especially with regard to perceived corruption and conspiratorial thinking ) and personality traits such as narcissism and a sense of entitlement .
While the authors did n't set out to explain how Republicans became the victim party , Armaly told me in a recent interview , that makes a lot of sense in terms of what they did find .
`` The idea of many Trump supporters being 'victims ' is borne out in our work , '' he said .
`` Inasmuch as cueing from political elites @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , victimhood is currently manifesting in Trump supporters in large part because of 'we are the victims ' messages , '' such as Trump 's speech in Georgia .
The combination of two processes — top-down elite cues and bottom-up pre-existing attitudes — is one of three major distinctions drawn in this paper that clarify our understanding of victimhood , and how it helps shape the political landscape .
`` It 's bottom-up in the sense that many psychological traits are .
It 's top-down in that elites can cue feelings of victimhood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of those things by itself can explain how victimhood functions in politics ; both need to involved .
But even to begin we need the help of another distinction — between objectively-defined victimhood and a subjective sense of victimhood — in order to focus on the common psychological factors shared by differently situated political individuals and groups .
Finally , `` Why Me '' develops a highly-clarifying twofold construct of subjective victimhood : It is egocentric , involving a tendency to agree with statements like `` I am the victim because I deserve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it involves a sense of systemic unfairness , reflected in sentiments like , `` I am the victim because the system is rigged against me . ''
The two are strongly correlated but distinct , with egocentric victims more likely to be Trump supporters , for example , while systemic victims are less likely to be .
In an added wrinkle , the paper 's conclusion suggests the existence of a third form of victimhood , `` an other-oriented , or accusatory one , '' and goes on to note : If every @ @ @ @ @ @ @ form of victimhood offers a very big clue as to how Trump 's base has turned snowflake .
Each of these distinctions is worth considering in turn .
But first let 's note three key points from the paper 's conclusion .
First , the centrality of victimhood : Third , what 's troubling is when a sense of victimhood fuels extremism : Let 's turn to the three distinctions described above : The objective/subjective distinction comes first .
One reason perceived victimhood has n't been systematically studied , Armaly told me , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ victims . ''
In the course of getting the paper published , he said , `` People were talking about 'How are Black people different from white people ?
How are women different from men ? '
Because people were stuck in the idea of genuine victims of the political process .
I think that 's one of the reasons that we have n't had this direct focus on perceived victimhood in political science or similar fields . ''
In fact , the paper itself notes : `` Men seem to be slightly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
… Such an observation underscores our claim that victimhood — as a self-perception — does not require relative disempowerment or subjection to injustices . ''
In conversation , Armaly was more blunt .
`` It does n't matter what 's true , '' he said .
`` It matters what people think and what they feel . ''
A broader public understanding of this could be helpful , he said : `` If people understand that these are perceptions , that they can be made to feel this way — and that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
Indeed , promoting this kind of awareness was the underlying insight behind the race-class narrative project developed by Ian Haney López , Anat Shenker-Osorio , and Demos , which I in June 2018 .
I described it as a suite of narratives `` that call out scapegoating by greedy , wealthy special interests , and that call on people to unify across racial lines for the common good . ''
Armaly expressed the promise he sees in more general terms .
`` If an individual can recognize that perhaps they are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they 're not , maybe there 's something there that people can learn from : 'Hold on , I 'm not really the victim here . ''
'' The race-class narratives did n't specifically discuss victimhood , but they did confront the dynamic .
For example : Armaly 's work suggests that other elite manipulations of victimhood could be countered with similar kinds of messages .
Recognizing victimhood as a subjective state is the first step toward breaking its spell .
This distinction is the most fully elaborated of the three .
What @ @ @ @ @ @ @ victimhood is `` attractive , '' Armaly explained , `` because it 's placing the blame for one 's lot in life on somebody else : 'It 's not my fault . '
It 's a psychologically pleasing thing .
I do n't have to be blamed , because somebody else is doing this . ''
From there , the two types diverge .
`` With the systemic , people are placing the blame with specific higher entities if you will , and with egocentric , people feel this way , they have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ again , it 's not their fault .
It 's always nice to lay blame somewhere else .
That 's the way to eliminate psychological pressure on oneself . ''
The difference between the two might seem subtle , and only emerged gradually over time .
`` We were discussing how to measure victimhood , and we have these ideas central to what we thought victimhood entailed , '' Armaly explained .
`` At a certain point we realized these are kind of tapping different things .
So if you look at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ refer to the self , or 'me ' or ' I ' or something like that , and the other four are referring to outward sources . ''
The paper itself puts it this way : `` The major distinction between egocentric and systemic victimhood is blame attribution .
Systemic victimhood is a manifestation of perceived victimhood whereby the self defined victim specifically attributes blame for their victim status on systemic issues and entities . ''
By contrast , `` Egocentric victimhood ... is less outwardly focused .
Egocentric victims feel that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , never get an extra break , and are always settling for less .
Neither the 'oppressor , ' nor the attribution of blame , are very specific . ''
Indeed , the difference is striking : As mentioned above , egocentric victims are more supportive of Trump , while systemic victims are less likely to be .
This makes intuitive sense , in terms of Trump 's vague , self-centered language way — about victimization and pretty much everything else .
The lack of evidence of voter fraud or any irregularities in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ allies have filed does not matter nearly as much to egocentric victims as it potentially would to systemic victims .
But the differential support could also reflect the fact that Trump was president when the study was done , Armaly noted .
On top of that , `` Trump is the establishment , he 's wealthy , he 's been around forever .
So people who see wealth and maybe other systemic issues as victimizing do n't support Trump . ''
There was a similar difference with regard to a set of racial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Somebody who thinks that they 're the victim , an egocentric victim [ is ] going to view something like affirmative action as taking away possibilities that they think they rightfully deserve , '' Armaly explained .
`` Whereas a systemic victim seemingly recognizes that there are systemic forces that need to be corrected , and affirmative action is a correction for that type of systemic racial issue . ''
A similar logic applies with respect to anti-political-correctness attitudes , Armaly said .
`` The egocentric victim sees it like , ' I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ca n't say .
This is an infringement of My First Amendment rights . '
Of course it 's not .
It 's not coming from the government .
But they perceive society as censoring them . ''
By contrast , people with a high sense of systemic victimhood `` would think you really should n't speak to each other the way we do sometimes .
Maybe some of this political correctness language is a good thing , because it 's more inclusive , It helps people not feel so bad about how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Armaly explained .
With this more detailed understanding of systemic and egocentric victimhood in hand , we are better able to appreciate the significance of the third distinction , between the top-down and bottom-up aspects of victimhood .
The primary focus of the paper ( and the discussion above ) is on the latter : Bottom-up aspects provide the primary data .
But top-down elite messaging is central to the political process .
There 's no way to understand victimhood 's political significance ( not just potential ) without it .
Subjects were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump or Joe Biden , according to their partisan identification .
`` One thing we know from decades of political science research is people only respond to cues from sources they trust , '' Armaly noted .
`` Republicans are going to support Trump , Democrats are going to support Biden .
Let 's see if they can cue victimhood in their followers . ''
The message was simple : The result , the paper noted , was that `` both egocentric and systemic victimhood increase as a result of hearing Trump or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to catch a break . ''
In short , Armaly said , `` This is not a Trump phenomenon .
This is not a Republican or conservative phenomenon .
It cuts across ideological lines and partisan lines .
But Trump is very effective at it .
And it seems like he 's weaponizing this victimhood to adhere people to him , to the party , to certain policies .
This is a powerful force and it 's a powerful feeling .
If people feel like victims , it 's unlikely that they 're @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a way to fix victimhood .
`` So Republicans who agree with Trump that 'Hey , we are the victims , ' they 're never going to turn to Joe Biden for the remedy .
They 're only going to turn to Republicans in the future , maybe even continuing to support Trump .
So one consequence of this , we think , is entrenching polarization , furthering extremity in beliefs about politics , and making people set up more in their existing camps . ''
Of course , Trump election loss and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of victimhood : `` That 's precisely what the 'Stop the Steal ' thing is about , '' Armaly said .
`` 'We 're the victims of fraudulent elections , ' even though there 's no evidence pointing there and they keep losing in court .
But that is definitely a victimhood-cueing rallying cry . ''
In a way , this helps makes sense of the decades-long thrust of `` The Long Southern Strategy . ''
Threatened identities — first around race , and then gender and religion — were key to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told me , `` They did n't have infrastructure in a lot of places for the Republican Party .
So they had to create this sense of urgency , and you do that by tapping into things that people feel are fragile and are being threatened . ''
In short , they had to promote feelings of victimhood .
I asked Maxwell to comment on the theme of victimhood for this story .
She responded : This is how , under the `` Stop the Steal '' banner , we get a majority @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lawsuit before the Supreme Court that flies in the face of decades of GOP `` states ' rights '' rhetoric .
Surprise !
The Southern strategy was never about states ' rights , any more than the Civil War was .
( The Dred Scott decision and the Fugitive Slave Act had already made a mockery of those Southern claims . )
On the role of narcissism It 's worth highlighting how significant Trump 's narcissism is in this dynamic .
He is utterly incapable of ever admitting he 's been wrong .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ for birtherism , he double-falsely claimed , `` Hillary Clinton started birtherism , and I ended it . ''
Now , having lost an election by more than 7 million votes he claims the election is being stolen from him .
So even though narcissism is only related to victimhood statistically , it 's still important to consider the role it plays .
For this , I reached out to therapist Elizabeth Mika , whose chapter in `` `` on `` Tyranny as a Triumph of Narcissism '' explained how tyranny is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tyrant , his supporters and the society as a whole .
`` A sense of victimhood — as opposed to real victimhood — is always based in narcissism : the erroneous , corrosive and inherently destructive belief that we are special — somehow better than others — and thus we deserve special treatment , perks and privileges , '' Mika said .
There 's a logical connection , she continued .
`` Narcissists are eternal victims , as perpetual victimhood is the other side of the narcissistic coin .
It ca n't be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be special and the world does not reflect this back to you , as is always the case sooner or later , you are going to feel victimized by the lack of special treatment . ''
A similar logic applies to groups as well .
`` You can expect the members of historically privileged classes and groups to have a sense of specialness ingrained in them by the virtue of being part of that class , '' Mika said .
`` When their sense of privilege is threatened and/or eroded , by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to others , members of previously disenfranchised and thus 'inferior ' groups , they react with anger and rage that seek suitable scapegoats , more often than not from among those who are seen as 'stealing ' their privilege or otherwise responsible for its loss .
For narcissists , the loss of privilege feels like oppression . ''
This description is a near-perfect fit for Trump 's white , Christian nationalist base .
That base easily delivered landslide re-election victories for Richard Nixon in the 70s and Ronald Reagan in the 80s , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ since 1988 .
Its privileged position has been eroding for at least 30 years now , and has only survived this long because of multiple anti-democratic features of our politics : the Electoral College , gerrymandering , voter suppression , the Senate filibuster and ideologically-stacked courts .
The longer that power has been sustained on such a fragile , illegitimate foundation , the more crushing its loss would seem .
Hello , snowflakes !
As mentioned before , a third form of victimhood is proposed in the paper , an other-oriented or accusatory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` snowflakes '' and political correctness in which victimhood is projected onto others .
`` This mobilizes the projectors because the 'victims ' are illegitimate — they are not deserving of victim status in the eyes of those doing the projecting . ''
This is clearly more complicated than egocentric or systemic victimhood .
But more than projection is likely going on .
It may be a process known as `` , '' discovered by British psychoanalyst Melanie Klein , which I wrote about in late 2015 .
It involves `` introjection ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — inside oneself ) as well as projection—or even both , simultaneously . ''
The first example Klein gave was a specific form known as `` envious reversal , '' in which the projector 's unwanted inner states ( thoughts , feelings , etc . )
are projected ( into what Klein called the `` container '' ) while the projector steals some desirable state of the `` container . ''
If one is not a victim but claims to be , that 's very likely an example of envious reversal .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spent years attacking others as snowflakes , that 's also an example of envious reversal .
So , too , if you believe that others are unfairly claiming victim status , when in fact that 's been your go-to move ever since Brown v. Board of Education .
So there 's a potential for this kind of victimhood to lead into a hall-of-mirrors fantasy situation .
But remember : This is still subjective victimhood .
Questions about how subjective and objective realities align are incredibly important , but to fully address them we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ well as can .
The first step in studying `` other-oriented victimhood , '' Armaly said , would be to examine whether the `` correlates '' are `` similar to egocentric or systemic victimhood , or whether we are talking about a third , totally unique type ? ''
His intuition is that such people `` would reject the idea that they 're victims , most of the time , '' but might also `` reject the idea that others are victims .
Other-oriented victimhood does n't ever seem to be saying , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the political process , ' It 's usually used as a way to say they 're not . ''
The notion of other-oriented victimhood can also have significance for the public as citizens in a democracy , helping us to see things more clearly .
`` The bleeding heart in me wants to talk about empathy , '' Armaly said .
`` Maybe let 's not think about victimhood in terms of who is and is n't a victim .
Maybe there 's another way to approach it .
Also , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people can be victims — it 's not mutually exclusive and not dichotomous in that way . ''
As a big-picture thought about victimhood as whole , Armaly raised a fundamental question .
`` We should be asking ourselves , 'Are we comfortable giving victims increased status to make social and political claims ? '
'' he said .
`` And then , similarly , 'Are we comfortable judging the veracity of different claims ? '
We do n't have a way to do this .
Society is n't cohesive .
We do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same norms , necessarily , across all facets of society . ''
He went on to note that , `` Elevating some claims over others incentivizes these feelings of victimhood , and that 's one of the reasons people are attracted to them .
I think we have to consider whether incentivizing that feeling is a good thing . ''
Recalling the three points from the conclusion of `` Why Me ? ''
cited above , the answer may be that victimhood is inevitably central to politics and is n't necessarily pernicious , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it without falling prey to hyper-victimization may be at a historically low ebb .
That recognition could help orient us toward civic repair .
Eliminating both actual victimhood and a sense of victimhood is not within our power .
But continuing to be a victim of victimhood just might be .
If , as Armaly argues , victimhood is not zero-sum , the best way to help any professed victims might be to help them all .
Yes , even the snowflakes-in-denial who ca n't let go of their damaged and defeated president @

"We're all victims," Donald Trump claimed at his first rally after the presidential election, on Dec. 5 in Georgia "We're all victims. Everybody here. All these thousands of people here tonight. They're all victims. Every one of you." That was quite a change from his 2016 election campaign, when he promised " So much winning you'll get bored ." Liberals were supposed to be the "snowflakes," right? What happened? How did the once-proud party of masculine self-reliance and "personal responsibility" become such a bunch of whiny snowflakes?
There are lots of reasons one could point to, but in truth it's pretty much a blind-men-and-the-elephant situation. We have an abundance of particular insights, with different bits and pieces of the answer. But surprisingly little is known about the role of victimhood in politics in any organized sense, even though particular examples are well-known, some of them quite broad. A passage on white Southern victimhood in the conclusion of " The Long Southern Strategy " (author interview here) is a case in point, drawing together some of the major themes developed earlier in the book. But there is no shared empirical framework for comparing levels of Southern victimhood with victimhood levels elsewhere — unlike with other measures, such as modern sexism, which is used to great effect in that book. All kinds of political attitudes have been measured and studied over the years—enough to fill a whole volume, more than 20 years ago, but no one's ever studied victimhood with the same kind of rigorous scrutiny.
Until now, that is — in a new paper by Miles Armaly and Adam Enders, "'Why Me?' The Role of Perceived Victimhood in American Politics" (forthcoming in the journal Political Behavior.) Given how much of a role victimhood plays in politics, it's remarkable that this appears to be the first attempt ever to develop a way to measure it, and thereby open up a whole new realm of inquiry. By measuring perceived victimhood, the authors show that it's "largely unrelated to political predispositions or sociodemographic characteristics," but is related to, but various views of government, society and the world (especially with regard to perceived corruption and conspiratorial thinking) and personality traits such as narcissism and a sense of entitlement.
While the authors didn't set out to explain how Republicans became the victim party, Armaly told me in a recent interview, that makes a lot of sense in terms of what they did find. "The idea of many Trump supporters being 'victims' is borne out in our work," he said. "Inasmuch as cueing from political elites is responsible for some of these feelings, victimhood is currently manifesting in Trump supporters in large part because of 'we are the victims' messages," such as Trump's speech in Georgia.
The combination of two processes — top-down elite cues and bottom-up pre-existing attitudes — is one of three major distinctions drawn in this paper that clarify our understanding of victimhood, and how it helps shape the political landscape. "It's bottom-up in the sense that many psychological traits are. It's top-down in that elites can cue feelings of victimhood," Armaly put it. Neither of those things by itself can explain how victimhood functions in politics; both need to involved. But even to begin we need the help of another distinction — between objectively-defined victimhood and a subjective sense of victimhood — in order to focus on the common psychological factors shared by differently situated political individuals and groups.
Finally, "Why Me" develops a highly-clarifying twofold construct of subjective victimhood: It is egocentric, involving a tendency to agree with statements like "I am the victim because I deserve more than I get," and it involves a sense of systemic unfairness, reflected in sentiments like, "I am the victim because the system is rigged against me." The two are strongly correlated but distinct, with egocentric victims more likely to be Trump supporters, for example, while systemic victims are less likely to be.
In an added wrinkle, the paper's conclusion suggests the existence of a third form of victimhood, "an other-oriented, or accusatory one," and goes on to note:
Modern right-wing rhetoric, for instance, decries liberal "snowflakes," "safe spaces," and political correctness culture. In each of these instances, victimhood is projected onto others. This mobilizes the projectors because the "victims" are illegitimate — they are not deserving of victim status in the eyes of those doing the projecting.
If every accusation is a confession, this third form of victimhood offers a very big clue as to how Trump's base has turned snowflake.
Each of these distinctions is worth considering in turn. But first let's note three key points from the paper's conclusion. First, the centrality of victimhood:
Victimhood is central to politics. If politics is, as Lasswell (1936) famously described, about "who gets what, when, how," there are going to be victims. Some will be perceived as victims when they are not, others just the opposite. Political communication is, in no trivial sense, tasked with making some feel like victims, and others look like victims.
Second, victimhood in politics isn't necessarily pernicious:
That victimhood plays such a central role in politics is not necessarily troubling.
It is intuitive that politicians would make their case to constituents in such a way that victimhood is cued. Indeed, we want representatives that work to realize our values, fill our pockets, and facilitate a happy and healthy life.
Third, what's troubling is when a sense of victimhood fuels extremism:
Rather than the mere appeal to victimhood, it is the lengths one is willing to go in order to mobilize victimhood that poses the greatest potential normative threat to a civilized democratic political system. Speaking historically, it is precisely a feeling of hypervictimization that has caused people to turn to authoritarian regimes for relief.
Subjective vs. objective
Let's turn to the three distinctions described above: The objective/subjective distinction comes first. One reason perceived victimhood hasn't been systematically studied, Armaly told me, is because "there are actual political victims." In the course of getting the paper published, he said, "People were talking about 'How are Black people different from white people? How are women different from men?' Because people were stuck in the idea of genuine victims of the political process. I think that's one of the reasons that we haven't had this direct focus on perceived victimhood in political science or similar fields."
In fact, the paper itself notes: "Men seem to be slightly higher in perceived victimhood across the board. … Such an observation underscores our claim that victimhood — as a self-perception — does not require relative disempowerment or subjection to injustices."
In conversation, Armaly was more blunt. "It doesn't matter what's true," he said. "It matters what people think and what they feel."
A broader public understanding of this could be helpful, he said: "If people understand that these are perceptions, that they can be made to feel this way — and that's a powerful source for political elites." Indeed, promoting this kind of awareness was the underlying insight behind the race-class narrative project developed by Ian Haney López, Anat Shenker-Osorio, and Demos, which I wrote about here in June 2018. I described it as a suite of narratives "that call out scapegoating by greedy, wealthy special interests, and that call on people to unify across racial lines for the common good."
Armaly expressed the promise he sees in more general terms. "If an individual can recognize that perhaps they are being told they're victims when indeed they're not, maybe there's something there that people can learn from: 'Hold on, I'm not really the victim here.''"
The race-class narratives didn't specifically discuss victimhood, but they did confront the dynamic. For example:
California's strength comes from our ability to work together – to knit together a landscape of people from different places and of different races into a whole. For this to be a place of freedom for all, we cannot let the greedy few and the politicians they pay for divide us against each other based on what someone looks like, where they come from or how much money they have. It's time to stand up for each other and come together. It is time for us to vote for leaders who see all of us as equal, whether we are white, black, or brown, who respect all of our families, and who will govern for all of us.
Armaly's work suggests that other elite manipulations of victimhood could be countered with similar kinds of messages. Recognizing victimhood as a subjective state is the first step toward breaking its spell.
Egocentric vs. systemic
This distinction is the most fully elaborated of the three. What both poles have in common is that victimhood is "attractive," Armaly explained, "because it's placing the blame for one's lot in life on somebody else: 'It's not my fault.' It's a psychologically pleasing thing. I don't have to be blamed, because somebody else is doing this." From there, the two types diverge. "With the systemic, people are placing the blame with specific higher entities if you will, and with egocentric, people feel this way, they have the internal feelings of victimhood, but again, it's not their fault. It's always nice to lay blame somewhere else. That's the way to eliminate psychological pressure on oneself."
The difference between the two might seem subtle, and only emerged gradually over time. "We were discussing how to measure victimhood, and we have these ideas central to what we thought victimhood entailed," Armaly explained. "At a certain point we realized these are kind of tapping different things. So if you look at the items we use, four of them refer to the self, or 'me' or 'I' or something like that, and the other four are referring to outward sources."
The paper itself puts it this way: "The major distinction between egocentric and systemic victimhood is blame attribution. Systemic victimhood is a manifestation of perceived victimhood whereby the self defined victim specifically attributes blame for their victim status on systemic issues and entities." By contrast, "Egocentric victimhood ... is less outwardly focused. Egocentric victims feel that they never get what they deserve in life, never get an extra break, and are always settling for less. Neither the 'oppressor,' nor the attribution of blame, are very specific."
Indeed, the difference is striking: As mentioned above, egocentric victims are more supportive of Trump, while systemic victims are less likely to be. This makes intuitive sense, in terms of Trump's vague, self-centered language way — about victimization and pretty much everything else. The lack of evidence of voter fraud or any irregularities in the 50-plus election-related lawsuits Trump and his allies have filed does not matter nearly as much to egocentric victims as it potentially would to systemic victims. But the differential support could also reflect the fact that Trump was president when the study was done, Armaly noted. On top of that, "Trump is the establishment, he's wealthy, he's been around forever. So people who see wealth and maybe other systemic issues as victimizing don't support Trump."
There was a similar difference with regard to a set of racial issues, including affirmative action. "Somebody who thinks that they're the victim, an egocentric victim [is] going to view something like affirmative action as taking away possibilities that they think they rightfully deserve," Armaly explained. "Whereas a systemic victim seemingly recognizes that there are systemic forces that need to be corrected, and affirmative action is a correction for that type of systemic racial issue."
A similar logic applies with respect to anti-political-correctness attitudes, Armaly said. "The egocentric victim sees it like, 'I'm being told what I can and can't say. This is an infringement of My First Amendment rights.' Of course it's not. It's not coming from the government. But they perceive society as censoring them."
By contrast, people with a high sense of systemic victimhood "would think you really shouldn't speak to each other the way we do sometimes. Maybe some of this political correctness language is a good thing, because it's more inclusive, It helps people not feel so bad about how other people speak about them," Armaly explained.
With this more detailed understanding of systemic and egocentric victimhood in hand, we are better able to appreciate the significance of the third distinction, between the top-down and bottom-up aspects of victimhood. The primary focus of the paper (and the discussion above) is on the latter: Bottom-up aspects provide the primary data. But top-down elite messaging is central to the political process. There's no way to understand victimhood's political significance (not just potential) without it.
Subjects were presented with identical victimhood narratives attributed to Trump or Joe Biden, according to their partisan identification. "One thing we know from decades of political science research is people only respond to cues from sources they trust," Armaly noted. "Republicans are going to support Trump, Democrats are going to support Biden. Let's see if they can cue victimhood in their followers." The message was simple:
You, the middle class and working people, have been the victims of so much. You never seem to catch a break, and always seem to pay the steepest price. It's sad, it really is. And I'm going to keep fighting for you no matter what.
The result, the paper noted, was that "both egocentric and systemic victimhood increase as a result of hearing Trump or Biden describe the average people's inability to catch a break." In short, Armaly said, "This is not a Trump phenomenon. This is not a Republican or conservative phenomenon. It cuts across ideological lines and partisan lines. But Trump is very effective at it. And it seems like he's weaponizing this victimhood to adhere people to him, to the party, to certain policies. This is a powerful force and it's a powerful feeling. If people feel like victims, it's unlikely that they're going to see the other party as a way to fix victimhood.
"So Republicans who agree with Trump that 'Hey, we are the victims,' they're never going to turn to Joe Biden for the remedy. They're only going to turn to Republicans in the future, maybe even continuing to support Trump. So one consequence of this, we think, is entrenching polarization, furthering extremity in beliefs about politics, and making people set up more in their existing camps."
Of course, Trump election loss and his subsequent behavior has further intensified feelings of victimhood: "That's precisely what the 'Stop the Steal' thing is about," Armaly said. "'We're the victims of fraudulent elections,' even though there's no evidence pointing there and they keep losing in court. But that is definitely a victimhood-cueing rallying cry."
In a way, this helps makes sense of the decades-long thrust of "The Long Southern Strategy." Threatened identities — first around race, and then gender and religion — were key to the whole enterprise. As co-author Angie Maxwell told me, "They didn't have infrastructure in a lot of places for the Republican Party. So they had to create this sense of urgency, and you do that by tapping into things that people feel are fragile and are being threatened." In short, they had to promote feelings of victimhood.
I asked Maxwell to comment on the theme of victimhood for this story. She responded:
In an effort to cut an electoral map path to victory, starting in the 1960s, Republican strategists pushed individualism against the collective — against collective bargaining, protest, organizing. Individualism creates blinders that can deny systemic racism, sexism and privilege. Simultaneously, these GOP strategists, in order to shake Southern whites lose from their long-term connection to the Democratic Party, manufactured a sense of urgency about everything from the "war on Christmas" to the welfare queen bankrupting the taxpayer. That combination creates a self-focused, faux victimhood, reminiscent of the Lost Cause in the South but with a national appeal.
This is how, under the "Stop the Steal" banner, we get a majority of House Republicans supporting an utterly frivolous lawsuit before the Supreme Court that flies in the face of decades of GOP "states' rights" rhetoric. Surprise! The Southern strategy was never about states' rights, any more than the Civil War was. (The Dred Scott decision and the Fugitive Slave Act had already made a mockery of those Southern claims.)
On the role of narcissism
It's worth highlighting how significant Trump's narcissism is in this dynamic. He is utterly incapable of ever admitting he's been wrong. When finally forced to recant his support for birtherism, he double-falsely claimed, "Hillary Clinton started birtherism, and I ended it." Now, having lost an election by more than 7 million votes he claims the election is being stolen from him.
So even though narcissism is only related to victimhood statistically, it's still important to consider the role it plays. For this, I reached out to therapist Elizabeth Mika, whose chapter in " The Dangerous Case of Donald Trump " on "Tyranny as a Triumph of Narcissism" explained how tyranny is a "three-legged beast," encompassing the tyrant, his supporters and the society as a whole.
"A sense of victimhood — as opposed to real victimhood — is always based in narcissism: the erroneous, corrosive and inherently destructive belief that we are special — somehow better than others — and thus we deserve special treatment, perks and privileges," Mika said.
There's a logical connection, she continued. "Narcissists are eternal victims, as perpetual victimhood is the other side of the narcissistic coin. It can't be otherwise, because if you believe yourself to be special and the world does not reflect this back to you, as is always the case sooner or later, you are going to feel victimized by the lack of special treatment."
A similar logic applies to groups as well. "You can expect the members of historically privileged classes and groups to have a sense of specialness ingrained in them by the virtue of being part of that class," Mika said. "When their sense of privilege is threatened and/or eroded, by, for example, expanding the privilege to others, members of previously disenfranchised and thus 'inferior' groups, they react with anger and rage that seek suitable scapegoats, more often than not from among those who are seen as 'stealing' their privilege or otherwise responsible for its loss. For narcissists, the loss of privilege feels like oppression."
This description is a near-perfect fit for Trump's white, Christian nationalist base. That base easily delivered landslide re-election victories for Richard Nixon in the 70s and Ronald Reagan in the 80s, but has only managed one popular-vote victory since 1988. Its privileged position has been eroding for at least 30 years now, and has only survived this long because of multiple anti-democratic features of our politics: the Electoral College, gerrymandering, voter suppression, the Senate filibuster and ideologically-stacked courts. The longer that power has been sustained on such a fragile, illegitimate foundation, the more crushing its loss would seem. Hello, snowflakes!
A third kind of victimhood
As mentioned before, a third form of victimhood is proposed in the paper, an other-oriented or accusatory one typified by right-wing attacks on liberal "snowflakes" and political correctness in which victimhood is projected onto others. "This mobilizes the projectors because the 'victims' are illegitimate — they are not deserving of victim status in the eyes of those doing the projecting."
This is clearly more complicated than egocentric or systemic victimhood. But more than projection is likely going on. It may be a process known as " projective identification ," discovered by British psychoanalyst Melanie Klein, which I wrote about here in late 2015. It involves "introjection (imagining another — or aspects of another — inside oneself) as well as projection—or even both, simultaneously." The first example Klein gave was a specific form known as "envious reversal," in which the projector's unwanted inner states (thoughts, feelings, etc.) are projected (into what Klein called the "container") while the projector steals some desirable state of the "container."
If one is not a victim but claims to be, that's very likely an example of envious reversal. But if one is a snowflake and has spent years attacking others as snowflakes, that's also an example of envious reversal. So, too, if you believe that others are unfairly claiming victim status, when in fact that's been your go-to move ever since Brown v. Board of Education. So there's a potential for this kind of victimhood to lead into a hall-of-mirrors fantasy situation. But remember: This is still subjective victimhood. Questions about how subjective and objective realities align are incredibly important, but to fully address them we need to understand the subjective side as well as can.
The first step in studying "other-oriented victimhood," Armaly said, would be to examine whether the "correlates" are "similar to egocentric or systemic victimhood, or whether we are talking about a third, totally unique type?" His intuition is that such people "would reject the idea that they're victims, most of the time," but might also "reject the idea that others are victims. Other-oriented victimhood doesn't ever seem to be saying, 'Oh yeah, those people are victims of the political process,' It's usually used as a way to say they're not."
The notion of other-oriented victimhood can also have significance for the public as citizens in a democracy, helping us to see things more clearly. "The bleeding heart in me wants to talk about empathy," Armaly said. "Maybe let's not think about victimhood in terms of who is and isn't a victim. Maybe there's another way to approach it. Also, I think victimhood is not zero-sum. Multiple people can be victims — it's not mutually exclusive and not dichotomous in that way."
As a big-picture thought about victimhood as whole, Armaly raised a fundamental question. "We should be asking ourselves, 'Are we comfortable giving victims increased status to make social and political claims?'" he said. "And then, similarly, 'Are we comfortable judging the veracity of different claims?' We don't have a way to do this. Society isn't cohesive. We don't have the same mores and the same norms, necessarily, across all facets of society." He went on to note that, "Elevating some claims over others incentivizes these feelings of victimhood, and that's one of the reasons people are attracted to them. I think we have to consider whether incentivizing that feeling is a good thing."
Recalling the three points from the conclusion of "Why Me?" cited above, the answer may be that victimhood is inevitably central to politics and isn't necessarily pernicious, but that our capacity to deal with it without falling prey to hyper-victimization may be at a historically low ebb. That recognition could help orient us toward civic repair. Eliminating both actual victimhood and a sense of victimhood is not within our power. But continuing to be a victim of victimhood just might be. If, as Armaly argues, victimhood is not zero-sum, the best way to help any professed victims might be to help them all. Yes, even the snowflakes-in-denial who can't let go of their damaged and defeated president.


alternet--2020-12-20--Trump wants to overturn the election. This government expert reveals why you can sleep well tonight

Donald Trump has continued his attempts to overturn the 2020 presidential election , but an expert on how Washington , @ @ @ @ @ sleep well tonight .
On Saturday morning , Trump falsely tweeted that President-elect Joe Bided @ @ @ @ @ the Election .
He lost all 6 Swing States , by a lot .
They @ @ @ @ @ of votes in each one , and got caught . ''
Saturday afternoon , Trump @ @ @ @ @ lie of the year is that Joe Biden won ! ''
Despite Trump 's threats @ @ @ @ @ Office of Government Ethics Walter Shaub explained on Saturday evening why he is `` not @ @ @ @ @ his thread :

Donald Trump has continued his attempts to overturn the 2020 presidential election, but an expert on how Washington, D.C. works believes you should sleep well tonight.
On Saturday morning, Trump falsely tweeted that President-elect Joe Bided, "didn't win the Election. He lost all 6 Swing States, by a lot. They then dumped hundreds of thousands of votes in each one, and got caught."
Saturday afternoon, Trump falsely tweeted, "The lie of the year is that Joe Biden won!"
Biden did win.
Despite Trump's threats, former Director of the Office of Government Ethics Walter Shaub explained on Saturday evening why he is "not afraid."
Here is his thread:


alternet--2020-12-20--Allen West goes biblical on Democrats moving from NY to Texas: ‘When god was destroying Sodom and Go

Allen West goes biblical on Democrats moving from NY to Texas: ‘When god was destroying Sodom and Gomorrah’

After Democrats made tremendous inroads , coming close to turning Texas blue , former one-term GOP Congressman Allen West is warning Democrats moving to his new state of Texas to throw away their political beliefs .
West , an Islamophobic , homophobic , controversial Tea Partier who fled the military and once attacked Democratic members of Congress in a McCarthyesque lie , is now the chairman of the Lone Star state 's Republican Party .
In a Friday `` Fox and Friends '' segment on control of the U.S. Senate , which will be determined by the Georgia January 5 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats leaving New York and California to move to Texas or Florida .
Co-host Ainsley Earhardt served up a blanket assumption that the sole reason Democrats would move to those two states are because of lower taxes , which is false .
She then insisted they should change their party affiliation to Republican .
The entire purpose appeared to be a warning to Democrats , in an effort keep GOP control of those critical battleground states .
But West , who left the military after being charged with firing a gun next to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interrogation , went biblical in his warning to Democrats .
`` They need to understand , we do n't want you to bring those failed philosophies and policies that you 're trying to escape , '' which again falsely assumes people are moving for political purposes , and falsely describes blue states .
`` As much the same as when God was destroying Sodom and Gomorrah , '' West said .
It was unclear if he was also taking a swipe at LGBTQ people and equality .
`` He told Lot and his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ' We do n't want people to look back to these failed states . ''

After Democrats made tremendous inroads, coming close to turning Texas blue, former one-term GOP Congressman Allen West is warning Democrats moving to his new state of Texas to throw away their political beliefs. West, an Islamophobic, homophobic, controversial Tea Partier who fled the military and once attacked Democratic members of Congress in a McCarthyesque lie, is now the chairman of the Lone Star state's Republican Party.
In a Friday "Fox and Friends" segment on control of the U.S. Senate, which will be determined by the Georgia January 5 runoff election. the hosts talked about Democrats leaving New York and California to move to Texas or Florida.
Co-host Ainsley Earhardt served up a blanket assumption that the sole reason Democrats would move to those two states are because of lower taxes, which is false. She then insisted they should change their party affiliation to Republican.
The entire purpose appeared to be a warning to Democrats, in an effort keep GOP control of those critical battleground states.
But West, who left the military after being charged with firing a gun next to an Iraqi soldier's head during an interrogation, went biblical in his warning to Democrats.
"They need to understand, we don't want you to bring those failed philosophies and policies that you're trying to escape," which again falsely assumes people are moving for political purposes, and falsely describes blue states.
"As much the same as when God was destroying Sodom and Gomorrah," West said. It was unclear if he was also taking a swipe at LGBTQ people and equality.
"He told Lot and his family, 'Don't look back.' We don't want people to look back to these failed states."
Watch:


alternet--2020-12-20--McConnell advances another Trump judge as COVID relief bill remains unfinished: 'His top priority'

This story has been updated with additional details on the ongoing coronavirus relief negotiations .
Having kept the Senate in session over the weekend to complete work on a nearly $ 1 trillion coronavirus relief package and an omnibus government funding bill , Republican Majority Leader Mitch McConnell on Saturday moved to advance yet another of President Donald Trump 's right-wing judicial appointees as the desperately needed stimulus legislation remained unfinished .
The Republican-controlled Senate 's vote to limit debate on Thompson Michael Dietz , a Trump nominee to the U.S. Court of Federal Claims , came as Majority Whip @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suggested that coronavirus relief talks could spill into Monday as negotiators struggled to resolve a number of outstanding issues .
Adding urgency to the relief talks is a possible government shutdown Sunday night if negotiators fail to reach a deal on a sprawling funding bill or pass yet another short-term measure .
Lawmakers are aiming to attach a coronavirus relief package to the year-end spending legislation .
`` As a government shutdown looms , and as the pandemic rages on across America , Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell continues to push through Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights tweeted Saturday .
`` This is his top priority . ''
While coronavirus relief talks have failed to produce anything tangible for months—due in large part to McConnell 's refusal to accept an adequate legislative package—the Kentucky Republican has continued steadly pushing through Trump 's judicial nominees .
Since Trump took office in 2017 , the Senate has confirmed more than 200 lifetime judges .
The Washington Post reported that as of Saturday morning , lawmakers working on the coronavirus relief package had `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relief ; how to structure unemployment aid ; and the criteria for sending out a $ 600 per person stimulus check '' —meaning talks could continue into next week as the Christmas holiday approaches .
The day after Christmas , a pair of emergency unemployment programs are set to expire , cutting off aid for an estimated 12 million Americans .
Negotiators also continued to grapple over the GOP 's last-minute push—led by Sen. Pat Toomey ( R-Pa. ) —for language that would terminate emergency lending programs established by the CARES Act and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ authority , a move Democratic lawmakers have denounced as an effort to hinder the incoming Biden administration 's ability to respond to the economic crisis .
`` Legislative language circulating early Friday suggested that it would prevent 'any program or facility that is similar to any program or facility established ' using the 2020 [ CARES Act ] appropriation , '' according to the New York Times .
`` While that would still allow the Fed to provide liquidity to Wall Street during a crisis , it could seriously limit the central bank @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states , and localities well into the future . ''
In a tweet late Friday , Sen. Jeff Merkley ( D-Ore. ) warned that `` Republicans are holding up relief that Americans desperately need in order to add a provision that would cripple the Fed 's emergency lending power under a Biden administration . ''
`` Such partisan sabotage , intended to hurt struggling families , has no place in America , '' said Merkley .
During a Senate GOP conference call on Saturday , McConnell reportedly made clear that he fully supports @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's emergency lending powers , even as it threatened to derail the relief talks .
Members of the Senate Democratic caucus , meanwhile , are working behind the scenes to increase the size of the unemployment benefits and direct payments in the package .
As Roll Call reported , Sen. Ron Wyden ( D-Ore. ) is pushing to get the weekly federal unemployment supplement to `` as close to $ 600 as possible , '' up from the $ 300-per-week boost currently on the table .
`` Similarly , Sen. Bernie Sanders ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ' to get direct payments to households higher than $ 600 per person as currently envisioned , '' Roll Call reported .
`` He wants $ 1,200 as provided in the March law , though that figure seemed unlikely . ''
Infuriated by the overall inadequacy of the relief package as it stands , Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez ( D-N.Y. ) told HuffPost Friday that `` Mitch McConnell is willing to let people starve . ''
`` He 's willing to let people get evicted , '' said Ocasio-Cortez .
`` He 's willing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get out of control and for hospitals to be overrun .
He is willing to do all of those things . ''
The New York Democrat went on to criticize Democratic leaders for failing to use their leverage to press for better legislation .
`` There 's a window here , '' Ocasio-Cortez said .
`` And , you know , I 've heard murmurs that Mitch McConnell is actually sweating behind the scenes because he wants to protect [ Georgia Sens .
Kelly ] Loeffler and [ David ] Perdue .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actually sweating , then they need to cash in real checks . ''

This story has been updated with additional details on the ongoing coronavirus relief negotiations.
Having kept the Senate in session over the weekend to complete work on a nearly $1 trillion coronavirus relief package and an omnibus government funding bill, Republican Majority Leader Mitch McConnell on Saturday moved to advance yet another of President Donald Trump's right-wing judicial appointees as the desperately needed stimulus legislation remained unfinished.
The Republican-controlled Senate's vote to limit debate on Thompson Michael Dietz, a Trump nominee to the U.S. Court of Federal Claims, came as Majority Whip Sen. John Thune (R-S.D.) suggested that coronavirus relief talks could spill into Monday as negotiators struggled to resolve a number of outstanding issues.
Adding urgency to the relief talks is a possible government shutdown Sunday night if negotiators fail to reach a deal on a sprawling funding bill or pass yet another short-term measure. Lawmakers are aiming to attach a coronavirus relief package to the year-end spending legislation.
"As a government shutdown looms, and as the pandemic rages on across America, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell continues to push through Trump's judges until the very end," The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights tweeted Saturday. "This is his top priority."
While coronavirus relief talks have failed to produce anything tangible for months—due in large part to McConnell's refusal to accept an adequate legislative package—the Kentucky Republican has continued steadly pushing through Trump's judicial nominees. Since Trump took office in 2017, the Senate has confirmed more than 200 lifetime judges.
The Washington Postreported that as of Saturday morning, lawmakers working on the coronavirus relief package had "yet to resolve eligibility for small business relief; how to structure unemployment aid; and the criteria for sending out a $600 per person stimulus check"—meaning talks could continue into next week as the Christmas holiday approaches. The day after Christmas, a pair of emergency unemployment programs are set to expire, cutting off aid for an estimated 12 million Americans.
Negotiators also continued to grapple over the GOP's last-minute push—led by Sen. Pat Toomey (R-Pa.)—for language that would terminate emergency lending programs established by the CARES Act and restrict the Federal Reserve's future lending authority, a move Democratic lawmakers have denounced as an effort to hinder the incoming Biden administration's ability to respond to the economic crisis.
"Legislative language circulating early Friday suggested that it would prevent 'any program or facility that is similar to any program or facility established' using the 2020 [CARES Act] appropriation," according to the New York Times. "While that would still allow the Fed to provide liquidity to Wall Street during a crisis, it could seriously limit the central bank's freedom to lend to businesses, states, and localities well into the future."
In a tweet late Friday, Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.) warned that "Republicans are holding up relief that Americans desperately need in order to add a provision that would cripple the Fed's emergency lending power under a Biden administration."
"Such partisan sabotage, intended to hurt struggling families, has no place in America," said Merkley.
During a Senate GOP conference call on Saturday, McConnell reportedly made clear that he fully supports Toomey's attempt to curb the Fed's emergency lending powers, even as it threatened to derail the relief talks.
Members of the Senate Democratic caucus, meanwhile, are working behind the scenes to increase the size of the unemployment benefits and direct payments in the package.
As Roll Callreported, Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) is pushing to get the weekly federal unemployment supplement to "as close to $600 as possible," up from the $300-per-week boost currently on the table.
"Similarly, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) said 'we're trying hard' to get direct payments to households higher than $600 per person as currently envisioned," Roll Call reported. "He wants $1,200 as provided in the March law, though that figure seemed unlikely."
Infuriated by the overall inadequacy of the relief package as it stands, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) toldHuffPost Friday that "Mitch McConnell is willing to let people starve."
"He's willing to let people get evicted," said Ocasio-Cortez. "He's willing to let states allow Covid cases to get out of control and for hospitals to be overrun. He is willing to do all of those things."
The New York Democrat went on to criticize Democratic leaders for failing to use their leverage to press for better legislation.
"There's a window here," Ocasio-Cortez said. "And, you know, I've heard murmurs that Mitch McConnell is actually sweating behind the scenes because he wants to protect [Georgia Sens. Kelly] Loeffler and [David] Perdue. But it's like, if he is actually sweating, then they need to cash in real checks."


alternet--2020-12-20--Ralph Nader: The Democratic Party is controlled by smug, entrenched people living in the exclusive t

Ralph Nader: The Democratic Party is controlled by smug, entrenched people living in the exclusive top one percent

The Republican and Democratic Parties have been evaluated in many ways but not often by the standard of sheer energy levels .
Compare the ferocious drive by Trump , Republican Senators and Representatives , Attorneys General , and Governors in promoting , with baseless allegations and buckets of lies , overturning the presidential election .
Of the more than 50 election lawsuits filed by Trump 's Republican allies , almost all of them have been promptly thrown out of court .
The wildly frivolous efforts by Trump and his cronies have provoked a rare public letter , signed by over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bar associations , urging disciplinary proceedings against the lawyers representing craven Republican operatives in their attempted electoral coup .
( See : lawyersdefendingdemocracy.org ) Even after the Electoral College voted on December 14 , 2020 , to declare Joe Biden the winner , the Trumpsters are continuing their reckless fanaticism .
Extreme Trumpster Congressman Mo Brooks ( D-AL ) plans to lead a move on January 6 , 2020 , to demand that the House and the Senate refuse to certify the Electoral College decision .
Now let 's go back to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , where there were real shenanigans .
It all came down to Florida 's electoral votes , notwithstanding Al Gore winning the national popular vote by about 500,000 .
Thousands of people were prevented from voting because they had names similar to the names of ex-felons who were purged from the voting rolls .
Ari Berman 's Nation magazine article , `` How the 2000 Election in Florida Led to a New Wave of Voter Disenfranchisement '' reports : `` If 12,000 voters were wrongly purged from the rolls , and 44 percent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ percent of African-Americans voted for Gore , that meant 4,752 black Gore voters—almost nine times Bush 's margin of victory—could have been prevented from voting . ''
According to Florida 's Sun-Sentinel newspaper , `` The felon lists were compiled by Database Technologies Inc. , now part of ChoicePoint Inc. , an Atlanta-based company .
In 1998 , DBT won a $ 4 million contract from the Florida secretary of state 's office to cross-check the 8.6 million names registered to vote in the state with law enforcement and other records . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ brother Jeb Bush was Florida 's governor during this horrendous disenfranchisement .
There were also deceptively confusing ballot designs in three Florida counties that tricked voters into voting for the wrong candidates .
And there was the judicial coup d'état stay by the U.S. Supreme Court , led by Republican Justice Antonin Scalia that blocked the ongoing statewide recount ordered by Supreme Court of Florida which would have awarded the state and the election to Al Gore .
Democrats meekly accepted this whole sordid episode , apart from their lawsuit .
Vice-president Al @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rejected pleas from House Democrats to challenge the Electoral College certification .
Al Gore had already accepted arguably the most blatantly , politically partisan Supreme Court decision `` selecting '' George W. Bush on December 12 , 2000 .
The 2004 presidential contest , between George Bush and John Kerry , came down to the swing state of Ohio .
By 118,601 thousand votes , the Republican Secretary of State awarded the state to Bush/Cheney .
There were , in the days before the election , claims of Republican skullduggery , including voting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and flaws in proprietary software used in the vote-counting process .
Kerry 's vice-presidential running mate , Senator John Edwards begged Kerry not to immediately concede and to wait for more revelations .
But Kerry threw in the towel the day after the election .
Civic leaders in Ohio took their concerns about electoral wrongdoings to the veteran lawmaker , Rep. John Conyers ( D-MI ) who held public , unofficial House hearings on the subject .
It was too late to change anything , but the hearings did cast a shadow over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forgot about .
In 2009 , the Fox Television-driven launch of the Tea Party movement , having more than 350,000 engaged volunteers , roiled the back-home town meetings of Republican members of Congress and secured a clenched-teeth grip on the House of Representatives with some three dozen true believers .
This small cohort , self-named the Freedom Caucus , had an outsized veto over Rep. Speaker John Boehner and eventually drove him to resign .
The seventy or eighty Progressive Caucus members in the House have scarcely generated a ripple with their demands @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nancy Pelosi .
Energetic , demanding Democratic resisters in the House hardly exist , whether on overdue anti-corporate crime legislation , labor law reform to remove barriers to organizing trade unions , fundamental corporate tax reform , corporate-managed `` free trade , '' or runaway militarism .
The Progressive Caucus could not even broaden the Impeachment proceedings last November/December to include the well-documented daily violations of the Constitution by Trump ( See : December 18 , 2019 , Congressional Record , H-12197 ) .
There was little significant energy in the Democratic ranks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the large congressional majorities in the House and Senate in 2009-2010 .
The weak Democrats did n't rollback many Bush actions and continued Bush 's foreign and military policies .
What accounts for the difference between the two parties ?
Well , the Republicans are really into their trilogy – get more tax cuts and subsidies , get even less regulatory law enforcement and keep the war machine humming .
The rank-and-file Republicans also slam the Democrats on abortion , judicial nominations , immigration , and being soft on crime .
The Democrats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ issues , worker and environmental injustices , and addressing the meager public services , and our crumbling infrastructure .
These issues should really fire up the Democrat Party base .
Unfortunately , the Democratic Party is controlled by smug , entrenched people living in the exclusive top one percent .
Why should they exert themselves ?
Especially since lassitude invites more campaign money than ever before .
The national civic groups have many progressive agendas but ca n't find congressional sponsors that make up a determined force on Capitol Hill .
When they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( D-MA ) to introduce a bill , it is largely ignored and becomes a one-day news story release .
A junior Representative from Georgia , Newt Gingrich , through sheer willpower built a powerful political base .
He toppled two Democratic House Speakers Jim Wright and Tom Foley , took over the House of Representatives in 1994 , and became the House Speaker in 1995 .
Senate tyrant Mitch McConnell defies red and blue state governors , mayors , federal and state lawmakers , social service groups , and overwhelming public opinion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
What Democratic Senators or Representatives have this energy level ?
It was Kevin Phillips , the big business-aware , Republican strategist and writer who years ago provided the apt metaphor : `` Republicans go for the jugular , and the Democrats go for the capillaries . ''
It is beyond troubling that the Democrats have n't increased their level of energy to confront the worst , cruelest , most corrupt , GOP in history .
The delusional Trumpist Party did n't lose control of any state legislatures , held the Senate , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n't lose one House Republican incumbent .
Just under 400,000 votes , in the six battleground states of Arizona , Georgia , Michigan , Nevada , Pennsylvania , and Wisconsin , gave Biden his Electoral College victory !
Democrats wake up !

The Republican and Democratic Parties have been evaluated in many ways but not often by the standard of sheer energy levels. Compare the ferocious drive by Trump, Republican Senators and Representatives, Attorneys General, and Governors in promoting, with baseless allegations and buckets of lies, overturning the presidential election. Of the more than 50 election lawsuits filed by Trump's Republican allies, almost all of them have been promptly thrown out of court.
The wildly frivolous efforts by Trump and his cronies have provoked a rare public letter, signed by over 1,500 lawyers, including past presidents of bar associations, urging disciplinary proceedings against the lawyers representing craven Republican operatives in their attempted electoral coup. (See: lawyersdefendingdemocracy.org)
Even after the Electoral College voted on December 14, 2020, to declare Joe Biden the winner, the Trumpsters are continuing their reckless fanaticism. Extreme Trumpster Congressman Mo Brooks (D-AL) plans to lead a move on January 6, 2020, to demand that the House and the Senate refuse to certify the Electoral College decision.
Now let's go back to the George Bush/Al Gore presidential election in 2000, where there were real shenanigans. It all came down to Florida's electoral votes, notwithstanding Al Gore winning the national popular vote by about 500,000. Thousands of people were prevented from voting because they had names similar to the names of ex-felons who were purged from the voting rolls.
Ari Berman's Nation magazine article, "How the 2000 Election in Florida Led to a New Wave of Voter Disenfranchisement" reports: "If 12,000 voters were wrongly purged from the rolls, and 44 percent of them were African-American, and 90 percent of African-Americans voted for Gore, that meant 4,752 black Gore voters—almost nine times Bush's margin of victory—could have been prevented from voting." According to Florida's Sun-Sentinel newspaper, "The felon lists were compiled by Database Technologies Inc., now part of ChoicePoint Inc., an Atlanta-based company. In 1998, DBT won a $4 million contract from the Florida secretary of state's office to cross-check the 8.6 million names registered to vote in the state with law enforcement and other records." Republican presidential candidate George W. Bush's brother Jeb Bush was Florida's governor during this horrendous disenfranchisement.
There were also deceptively confusing ballot designs in three Florida counties that tricked voters into voting for the wrong candidates.
And there was the judicial coup d'état stay by the U.S. Supreme Court, led by Republican Justice Antonin Scalia that blocked the ongoing statewide recount ordered by Supreme Court of Florida which would have awarded the state and the election to Al Gore.
Democrats meekly accepted this whole sordid episode, apart from their lawsuit. Vice-president Al Gore, presiding over the U.S. Senate rejected pleas from House Democrats to challenge the Electoral College certification. Al Gore had already accepted arguably the most blatantly, politically partisan Supreme Court decision "selecting" George W. Bush on December 12, 2000.
The 2004 presidential contest, between George Bush and John Kerry, came down to the swing state of Ohio. By 118,601 thousand votes, the Republican Secretary of State awarded the state to Bush/Cheney. There were, in the days before the election, claims of Republican skullduggery, including voting place irregularities, obstructions of voters, and flaws in proprietary software used in the vote-counting process. Kerry's vice-presidential running mate, Senator John Edwards begged Kerry not to immediately concede and to wait for more revelations. But Kerry threw in the towel the day after the election.
Civic leaders in Ohio took their concerns about electoral wrongdoings to the veteran lawmaker, Rep. John Conyers (D-MI) who held public, unofficial House hearings on the subject. It was too late to change anything, but the hearings did cast a shadow over the GOP which the establishment Democrats quickly forgot about.
In 2009, the Fox Television-driven launch of the Tea Party movement, having more than 350,000 engaged volunteers, roiled the back-home town meetings of Republican members of Congress and secured a clenched-teeth grip on the House of Representatives with some three dozen true believers. This small cohort, self-named the Freedom Caucus, had an outsized veto over Rep. Speaker John Boehner and eventually drove him to resign.
The seventy or eighty Progressive Caucus members in the House have scarcely generated a ripple with their demands on the House Democratic Leadership of Speaker Nancy Pelosi. Energetic, demanding Democratic resisters in the House hardly exist, whether on overdue anti-corporate crime legislation, labor law reform to remove barriers to organizing trade unions, fundamental corporate tax reform, corporate-managed "free trade," or runaway militarism.
The Progressive Caucus could not even broaden the Impeachment proceedings last November/December to include the well-documented daily violations of the Constitution by Trump (See: December 18, 2019, Congressional Record, H-12197). There was little significant energy in the Democratic ranks when Obama won the White House and the large congressional majorities in the House and Senate in 2009-2010. The weak Democrats didn't rollback many Bush actions and continued Bush's foreign and military policies.
What accounts for the difference between the two parties? Well, the Republicans are really into their trilogy – get more tax cuts and subsidies, get even less regulatory law enforcement and keep the war machine humming. The rank-and-file Republicans also slam the Democrats on abortion, judicial nominations, immigration, and being soft on crime.
The Democrats have to themselves the bread-and-butter family economic issues, worker and environmental injustices, and addressing the meager public services, and our crumbling infrastructure. These issues should really fire up the Democrat Party base. Unfortunately, the Democratic Party is controlled by smug, entrenched people living in the exclusive top one percent. Why should they exert themselves? Especially since lassitude invites more campaign money than ever before.
The national civic groups have many progressive agendas but can't find congressional sponsors that make up a determined force on Capitol Hill. When they can find somebody like Senator Ed Markey (D-MA) to introduce a bill, it is largely ignored and becomes a one-day news story release.
A junior Representative from Georgia, Newt Gingrich, through sheer willpower built a powerful political base. He toppled two Democratic House Speakers Jim Wright and Tom Foley, took over the House of Representatives in 1994, and became the House Speaker in 1995.
Senate tyrant Mitch McConnell defies red and blue state governors, mayors, federal and state lawmakers, social service groups, and overwhelming public opinion by blocking the stimulus-relief legislation for months.
What Democratic Senators or Representatives have this energy level?
It was Kevin Phillips, the big business-aware, Republican strategist and writer who years ago provided the apt metaphor: "Republicans go for the jugular, and the Democrats go for the capillaries." It is beyond troubling that the Democrats haven't increased their level of energy to confront the worst, cruelest, most corrupt, GOP in history. The delusional Trumpist Party didn't lose control of any state legislatures, held the Senate, nearly retook the House, and didn't lose one House Republican incumbent.
Just under 400,000 votes, in the six battleground states of Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin, gave Biden his Electoral College victory! Democrats wake up!


alternet--2020-12-20--Democrats accuse GOP of imperiling COVID relief with effort to 'sabotage a Biden presidency'

Senators late Saturday reached a compromise agreement on the Federal Reserve 's emergency lending powers , paving the way for a vote on a final relief package as early as Sunday .
As the Wall Street Journal reported , `` Under the deal , the central bank would retain its ability to set up emergency lending programs without congressional approval .
But it would face a narrower constraint : The Fed would n't be able to replicate programs identical to the ones it started in March at the beginning of the pandemic without the approval of Congress . ''
After @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus relief deal , the Senate GOP 's last-minute attempt to insert language curbing the Federal Reserve 's emergency lending powers is threatening to derail negotiations over a package that would extend soon-to-expire unemployment benefits , send another round of direct payments to many Americans , and provide funding for vaccine distribution .
Pushed by Sen. Pat Toomey ( R-Pa. ) with the backing of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell ( R-Ky. ) , the provision would both terminate Fed lending programs authorized by the CARES Act and restrict the central bank 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and small businesses in the future—prompting accusations that the GOP is attempting to hamstring the incoming Biden administration .
`` We could have a $ 900 billion , life-saving deal in an hour but the Republicans are still insisting on a massive change in Federal Reserve powers , '' Sen. Chris Murphy ( D-Conn. ) tweeted Saturday .
`` Their demand is unrelated to emergency Covid relief—it 's just about trying to sabotage a Biden presidency . ''
While several outstanding issues are still being negotiated , the Toomey provision is viewed as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way of a final deal .
In a Senate GOP conference call on Saturday , McConnell indicated that he has no plans to budge from his support for Toomey 's language .
`` We are so close to getting emergency Covid relief done , '' said Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer ( D-N.Y. ) .
`` Senator Toomey 's legislation is the only significant hurdle to completing an agreement , and Republicans need to make a decision to help the American people now . ''
In a conference call with her caucus on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ D-Calif. ) said she has been working to stop Republicans from slashing food aid in the coronavirus relief package , which is now estimated to be around $ 1 trillion in total size .
If the fight over the Toomey provision is `` resolved , '' Pelosi said , `` then everything will fall into place . ''
The major snag in relief negotiations came amid growing anger among progressives over the inadequacy of the emerging relief legislation .
Sen. Bernie Sanders ( I-Vt. ) and members of the Congressional Progressive Caucus have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the $ 600 checks currently on the table , in addition to more robust unemployment benefits .
It 's unclear whether either progressive demand will be met in a final package , if one comes together at all .
As the Washington Post reported , the `` impasse [ over Toomey 's provision ] appeared to grow significantly wider on Saturday , as congressional leadership and rank-and-file senators on both sides of the aisle dug in over the issue , imperiling prospects for a deal . ''
In a statement Friday , Sen. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that `` after weeks of refusing to acknowledge Biden 's victory , some Republicans have now decided that sabotaging his presidency is more important than helping our economy recover by insisting that any Covid relief legislation also restrict the ability of the Federal Reserve and the new administration to help states , cities , and American businesses next year . ''
`` Proposals to sabotage President Biden and our nation 's economy are reckless , they 're wrong , and they have no place in this legislation , '' Warren added .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should stay firm '' against the Toomey language , which would still allow the Fed to bail out Wall Street .
But some analysts are arguing that , in the interest of getting more than $ 900 billion in relief out the door as quickly as possible amid growing economic desperation , Democrats should let the Toomey provision through and fight over Fed lending authority down the road , if necessary .
`` Mainstream Dems really , really want the Fed to be their friend .
It 's not , '' David Dayen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , tweeted Saturday .
`` $ 900 [ billion ] targeted mostly at those who need it is their friend . ''
Economist Claudia Sahm argued in a series of tweets Saturday that the `` Fed and friends are too chickenshit ( I love you but it 's true ) to really help Main Street . ''
`` Get the $ 900 billion out , '' Sahm said .
`` People are in dire straits . ''
Bharat Ramamurti , a member of the congressional panel tasked with overseeing CARES Act funds , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assisting states , localities , and small businesses have not `` been that helpful to date . ''
But , Ramamurti argued , `` they could be helpful if the next Treasury Secretary presses the Fed to change their design .
That 's an option worth preserving . ''
For that reason , Ramamurti said Saturday that he 's `` glad Democrats are resisting '' Toomey 's proposal .
`` There 's no reason the Treasury and the Fed in the Biden administration should have fewer tools to address an economic crisis than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ added .

Update:
Senators late Saturday reached a compromise agreement on the Federal Reserve's emergency lending powers, paving the way for a vote on a final relief package as early as Sunday.
As the Wall Street Journalreported, "Under the deal, the central bank would retain its ability to set up emergency lending programs without congressional approval. But it would face a narrower constraint: The Fed wouldn't be able to replicate programs identical to the ones it started in March at the beginning of the pandemic without the approval of Congress."
Earlier:
After several days of progress toward a final coronavirus relief deal, the Senate GOP's last-minute attempt to insert language curbing the Federal Reserve's emergency lending powers is threatening to derail negotiations over a package that would extend soon-to-expire unemployment benefits, send another round of direct payments to many Americans, and provide funding for vaccine distribution.
Pushed by Sen. Pat Toomey (R-Pa.) with the backing of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), the provision would both terminate Fed lending programs authorized by the CARES Act and restrict the central bank's ability to aid states, localities, and small businesses in the future—prompting accusations that the GOP is attempting to hamstring the incoming Biden administration.
"We could have a $900 billion, life-saving deal in an hour but the Republicans are still insisting on a massive change in Federal Reserve powers," Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) tweeted Saturday. "Their demand is unrelated to emergency Covid relief—it's just about trying to sabotage a Biden presidency."
While several outstanding issues are still being negotiated, the Toomey provision is viewed as the only large obstacle remaining in the way of a final deal. In a Senate GOP conference call on Saturday, McConnell indicated that he has no plans to budge from his support for Toomey's language.
"We are so close to getting emergency Covid relief done," said Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.). "Senator Toomey's legislation is the only significant hurdle to completing an agreement, and Republicans need to make a decision to help the American people now."
In a conference call with her caucus on Saturday, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) said she has been working to stop Republicans from slashing food aid in the coronavirus relief package, which is now estimated to be around $1 trillion in total size. If the fight over the Toomey provision is "resolved," Pelosi said, "then everything will fall into place."
The major snag in relief negotiations came amid growing anger among progressives over the inadequacy of the emerging relief legislation. Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and members of the Congressional Progressive Caucus have been vocally demanding direct payments larger than the $600 checks currently on the table, in addition to more robust unemployment benefits.
It's unclear whether either progressive demand will be met in a final package, if one comes together at all.
As the Washington Postreported, the "impasse [over Toomey's provision] appeared to grow significantly wider on Saturday, as congressional leadership and rank-and-file senators on both sides of the aisle dug in over the issue, imperiling prospects for a deal."
In a statement Friday, Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) said that "after weeks of refusing to acknowledge Biden's victory, some Republicans have now decided that sabotaging his presidency is more important than helping our economy recover by insisting that any Covid relief legislation also restrict the ability of the Federal Reserve and the new administration to help states, cities, and American businesses next year."
"Proposals to sabotage President Biden and our nation's economy are reckless, they're wrong, and they have no place in this legislation," Warren added.
On Saturday, Warren said that "Democrats should stay firm" against the Toomey language, which would still allow the Fed to bail out Wall Street.
But some analysts are arguing that, in the interest of getting more than $900 billion in relief out the door as quickly as possible amid growing economic desperation, Democrats should let the Toomey provision through and fight over Fed lending authority down the road, if necessary.
"Mainstream Dems really, really want the Fed to be their friend. It's not," David Dayen, executive editor of The American Prospect, tweeted Saturday. "$900 [billion] targeted mostly at those who need it is their friend."
Economist Claudia Sahm argued in a series of tweets Saturday that the "Fed and friends are too chickenshit (I love you but it's true) to really help Main Street."
"Get the $900 billion out," Sahm said. "People are in dire straits."
Bharat Ramamurti, a member of the congressional panel tasked with overseeing CARES Act funds, acknowledged that Fed facilities purportedly aimed at assisting states, localities, and small businesses have not "been that helpful to date." But, Ramamurti argued, "they could be helpful if the next Treasury Secretary presses the Fed to change their design. That's an option worth preserving."
For that reason, Ramamurti said Saturday that he's "glad Democrats are resisting" Toomey's proposal.
"There's no reason the Treasury and the Fed in the Biden administration should have fewer tools to address an economic crisis than the Trump administration had," Ramamurti added.


alternet--2020-12-20--Trump dead silent as secretary of state blames Russia for massive US government hack

On Friday , Secretary of State Mike Pompeo became the first official in the administration of President Donald Trump to blame Russia for a massive and ongoing cybersecurity attack on the U.S. government and private sector companies .
Meanwhile , Trump has said little to nothing , continuing his long and suspicious pattern of never criticizing the Russian government .
The attack , conducted by the Foreign Intelligence Service of the Russian Federation ( or SVR RF ) hit the U.S. Treasury , Commerce , Justice and State Departments , all five branches of the U.S. military , the Pentagon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the President and the National Security Agency , as well as the top 10 U.S. telecommunications companies and other `` consulting , technology , telecom , and oil and gas companies in North America , Europe , Asia and the Middle East . ''
The Russian state hackers accomplished this by slipping through vulnerabilities in the Orion network monitoring software from SolarWinds , a U.S. company offering information technology monitoring and management tools , The Washington Post reports .
`` This was a very significant effort , and I think it 's the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clearly that it was the Russians that engaged in this activity , '' said Pompeo in a Friday interview with `` The Mark Levin Show . ''
However , Trump has said jack about the attacks while he touts the distribution of the COVID-19 vaccine and continues to claim , without any legal evidence whatsoever , that widespread voter fraud caused him to lose the presidential election .
Rather , Trump has claimed that the cyberattack is n't as bad as the media claims — he made the same accusation about the media @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also said that the attack may have come from China and may have targeted voting machines , even though there 's no evidence of either .
These comments are literally all he has said on the matter .
`` The problem is there 's not even been condemnation from the top , '' Chris Painter , State Department cyber coordinator in the Obama administration said .
President Trump has n't wanted to say anything bad to Russia , which only encourages them to act irresponsibly across a wide range of activities .
[ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 'd want to make clear to [ Russian President Vladimir ] Putin that this is unacceptable — the scope is unacceptable . ''

On Friday, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo became the first official in the administration of President Donald Trump to blame Russia for a massive and ongoing cybersecurity attack on the U.S. government and private sector companies. Meanwhile, Trump has said little to nothing, continuing his long and suspicious pattern of never criticizing the Russian government.
The attack, conducted by the Foreign Intelligence Service of the Russian Federation (or SVR RF) hit the U.S. Treasury, Commerce, Justice and State Departments, all five branches of the U.S. military, the Pentagon, NASA, the Executive Office of the President and the National Security Agency, as well as the top 10 U.S. telecommunications companies and other "consulting, technology, telecom, and oil and gas companies in North America, Europe, Asia and the Middle East."
The Russian state hackers accomplished this by slipping through vulnerabilities in the Orion network monitoring software from SolarWinds, a U.S. company offering information technology monitoring and management tools, The Washington Post reports.
"This was a very significant effort, and I think it's the case that now we can say pretty clearly that it was the Russians that engaged in this activity," said Pompeo in a Friday interview with "The Mark Levin Show."
However, Trump has said jack about the attacks while he touts the distribution of the COVID-19 vaccine and continues to claim, without any legal evidence whatsoever, that widespread voter fraud caused him to lose the presidential election.
Rather, Trump has claimed that the cyberattack isn't as bad as the media claims — he made the same accusation about the media's treatment of coronavirus. He has also said that the attack may have come from China and may have targeted voting machines, even though there's no evidence of either. These comments are literally all he has said on the matter.
"The problem is there's not even been condemnation from the top," Chris Painter, State Department cyber coordinator in the Obama administration said. President Trump hasn't wanted to say anything bad to Russia, which only encourages them to act irresponsibly across a wide range of activities. [At the very least,] you'd want to make clear to [Russian President Vladimir] Putin that this is unacceptable — the scope is unacceptable."