alternet--2020-10-22--Why Lincoln Project ads so often strike a nerve

The narrator in a recent Lincoln Project ad tells listeners , “ In six months , COVID-19 has killed more Americans than any disease in a hundred years .
Donald Trump lied about it , rejected science , and still has no plan to save Americans . ''
The narrator tells listeners that , unlike Trump , Democratic challenger Joe Biden has a plan for the virus , while a second voice , in the background , reads the names of some of those who have died of the coronavirus .
The ad ends with the narrator saying , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ life depends on it . ''
The Lincoln Project 's 'Names ' ad uses elements of satire to increase its effect on viewers .
The ads , which air on television and online , were created by the Lincoln Project , a political action committee founded by longtime Republican strategists and staffers , including Steve Schmidt , who ran John McCain 's 2008 presidential campaign ; Rick Wilson , ad maker for politicians Rudy Giuliani and John Kasich ; and George Conway , attorney and husband of Trump loyalist Kellyanne Conway .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – most of that money on ads – to defeat Trump , who , it says , has destroyed GOP principles and , in the process , is destroying America .
The ads portray Trump as unfit for the presidency – a draft dodger who calls soldiers who died in wars “ losers . ''
I 've written a book on editorial cartooning and served as a Pulitzer Prize judge in the category of editorial cartooning .
As a scholar of satire , I 'm not interested in whether the Lincoln Project videos @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I 'm interested in whether they 're good satire .
This Lincoln Project ad uses sarcasm and ridicule .
Satire is the use of ridicule , sarcasm and irony to attack or expose the vices and follies of society .
Satirists see themselves on the outside of society , looking in at an unjust or immoral world with mean-spirited , corrupt or inept leaders .
Effective satire must resonate with readers in a way that 's intimate , personal and often uncomfortable .
A satirist wants the reader to grimace or howl at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's fatal flaws , and not chuckle comfortably as when watching a “ Saturday Night Live '' character parodying a politician .
An example of good satire that is an exception to the regular “ Saturday Night Live '' pattern of ridicule would be Tina Fey 's spoof of Sarah Palin , which was meant to mock John McCain 's 2008 running mate as wholly inadequate for the job of being vice president .
The satiric tradition includes ancient writers like Aristophanes and Horace ; prominent writers of past centuries like Jonathan Swift @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cartoonist Garry Trudeau ; as well as Jon Stewart and Stephen Colbert 's televised depictions of right-wing excesses .
Tina Fey 's portrayal of Sarah Palin on 'Saturday Night Live ' was excellent satire .
A satirist takes his or her sense of indignation and tries to shake the audience out of its sense of futility or indifference to confront the injustice .
For satire to be effective , it must attack someone or something that is readily identifiable .
This often includes using someone 's own words to make a fool out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ads often do with Trump .
One way to measure satire 's effectiveness is in the response of the person being satirized .
The ads certainly struck a nerve with Trump , who called the Lincoln Project “ the Losers Project . ''
If Trump intended to damage the project , it backfired .
The group received $ 2 million in donations in the two days after his comment , which also inspired the creation of more ads that were designed to poke fun specifically at him .
Playing off his bragging of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ working for him , one ad quotes John Kelly , Trump 's former chief of staff , calling Trump “ an idiot '' ; Rex Tillerson , the former secretary of state , calling Trump “ a f—ing moron '' ; and John Bolton , the former national security adviser , saying , “ I do n't think he 's fit for office . ''
Another ad targeted military families and veterans , showing American soldiers carrying the flag-draped coffin of one of their fallen comrades while the narrator reads out the words @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ losers , '' “ suckers , '' “ dopes '' and “ babies . ''
The Lincoln Project ads have occupied the attention of the news media .
The New Yorker and “ 60 Minutes '' have published recent stories on the PAC , promoting its objective to defeat Trump .
Advertising Age reported that the ads have become a sensation during the 2020 campaign .
One ad , called “ Hospital , '' opens with an image of a patient in a hospital bed that then quickly fades to black as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ monitor .
There is no narrator .
The words on the screen say , “ A death from COVID is the loneliest death imaginable . ''
The ad finishes by linking the responsibility for those deaths to Trump with the following words : “ Over 200,000 Americans have lost their lives to COVID .
We could have stopped it .
His lying is killing us .
We have to stop it .
Vote him out . ''
The Lincoln Project uses many of the same techniques of satire , but gives them a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The ads go viral on social media to audiences that may not watch television ads .
The Lincoln Project attacked Trump 's handling of the coronavirus pandemic .
One Lincoln Project ad was posted after Trump was diagnosed with the coronavirus .
The ad criticizes Trump for reportedly infecting staffers because he refused to wear a surgical mask and he mocked those who did .
The ad , called “ Covita , '' shows a montage of a maskless Trump at White House functions as a singer delivers a parody of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Do n't cry for me , White House staffers .
The truth is , I will infect you .
All through my tweeting , my mad existence .
I broke my promise .
Wo n't keep my distance . ''
The Lincoln Project may or not accomplish its objective to defeat Trump on Nov. 3 .
But it already has made a contribution to the tradition of political satire .
[ Insight , in your inbox each day .
You can get it with The Conversation 's email newsletter . ]
This article @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

by Chris Lamb, IUPUI
The narrator in a recent Lincoln Project ad tells listeners, “In six months, COVID-19 has killed more Americans than any disease in a hundred years. Donald Trump lied about it, rejected science, and still has no plan to save Americans."
The narrator tells listeners that, unlike Trump, Democratic challenger Joe Biden has a plan for the virus, while a second voice, in the background, reads the names of some of those who have died of the coronavirus.
The ad ends with the narrator saying, “On November 3, vote like your life depends on it."
The Lincoln Project's 'Names' ad uses elements of satire to increase its effect on viewers.
The ads, which air on television and online, were created by the Lincoln Project, a political action committee founded by longtime Republican strategists and staffers, including Steve Schmidt, who ran John McCain's 2008 presidential campaign; Rick Wilson, ad maker for politicians Rudy Giuliani and John Kasich; and George Conway, attorney and husband of Trump loyalist Kellyanne Conway.
The PAC has spent US$28 million – most of that money on ads – to defeat Trump, who, it says, has destroyed GOP principles and, in the process, is destroying America. The ads portray Trump as unfit for the presidency – a draft dodger who calls soldiers who died in wars “losers."
I've written a book on editorial cartooning and served as a Pulitzer Prize judge in the category of editorial cartooning. As a scholar of satire, I'm not interested in whether the Lincoln Project videos are good politics or bad politics; I'm interested in whether they're good satire.
They are.
This Lincoln Project ad uses sarcasm and ridicule.
Satire is a destructive art
Satire is the use of ridicule, sarcasm and irony to attack or expose the vices and follies of society. Satirists see themselves on the outside of society, looking in at an unjust or immoral world with mean-spirited, corrupt or inept leaders.
Effective satire must resonate with readers in a way that's intimate, personal and often uncomfortable. A satirist wants the reader to grimace or howl at his or her description of a politician's fatal flaws, and not chuckle comfortably as when watching a “Saturday Night Live" character parodying a politician.
An example of good satire that is an exception to the regular “Saturday Night Live" pattern of ridicule would be Tina Fey's spoof of Sarah Palin, which was meant to mock John McCain's 2008 running mate as wholly inadequate for the job of being vice president.
The satiric tradition includes ancient writers like Aristophanes and Horace; prominent writers of past centuries like Jonathan Swift, Mark Twain and “Doonesbury" cartoonist Garry Trudeau; as well as Jon Stewart and Stephen Colbert's televised depictions of right-wing excesses.
Tina Fey's portrayal of Sarah Palin on 'Saturday Night Live' was excellent satire.
A satirist takes his or her sense of indignation and tries to shake the audience out of its sense of futility or indifference to confront the injustice.
Hitting the mark
For satire to be effective, it must attack someone or something that is readily identifiable. This often includes using someone's own words to make a fool out of them – as the Lincoln Project ads often do with Trump. One way to measure satire's effectiveness is in the response of the person being satirized.
The ads certainly struck a nerve with Trump, who called the Lincoln Project “the Losers Project."
If Trump intended to damage the project, it backfired. The group received $2 million in donations in the two days after his comment, which also inspired the creation of more ads that were designed to poke fun specifically at him.
Playing off his bragging of having the “most loyal people" working for him, one ad quotes John Kelly, Trump's former chief of staff, calling Trump “an idiot"; Rex Tillerson, the former secretary of state, calling Trump “a f—ing moron"; and John Bolton, the former national security adviser, saying, “I don't think he's fit for office."
Another ad targeted military families and veterans, showing American soldiers carrying the flag-draped coffin of one of their fallen comrades while the narrator reads out the words Trump has used to describe soldiers: “losers," “suckers," “dopes" and “babies."
The Lincoln Project ads have occupied the attention of the news media. The New Yorker and “60 Minutes" have published recent stories on the PAC, promoting its objective to defeat Trump.
Advertising Age reported that the ads have become a sensation during the 2020 campaign. One ad, called “Hospital," opens with an image of a patient in a hospital bed that then quickly fades to black as we hear the beep of a heart monitor. There is no narrator. The words on the screen say, “A death from COVID is the loneliest death imaginable."
The ad finishes by linking the responsibility for those deaths to Trump with the following words: “Over 200,000 Americans have lost their lives to COVID. We could have stopped it. His lying is killing us. We have to stop it. Vote him out."
The Lincoln Project uses many of the same techniques of satire, but gives them a thoroughly modern bite by using slick videography. The ads go viral on social media to audiences that may not watch television ads.
The Lincoln Project attacked Trump's handling of the coronavirus pandemic.
One Lincoln Project ad was posted after Trump was diagnosed with the coronavirus. The ad criticizes Trump for reportedly infecting staffers because he refused to wear a surgical mask and he mocked those who did. The ad, called “Covita," shows a montage of a maskless Trump at White House functions as a singer delivers a parody of the words from “Evita":
“Don't cry for me, White House staffers. The truth is, I will infect you. All through my tweeting, my mad existence. I broke my promise. Won't keep my distance."
The Lincoln Project may or not accomplish its objective to defeat Trump on Nov. 3. But it already has made a contribution to the tradition of political satire.
[Insight, in your inbox each day.You can get it with The Conversation's email newsletter.]
Chris Lamb, Professor of Journalism, IUPUI
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


alternet--2020-10-22--Here are 5 ways the 2020 election could be upended

The storyline of the presidential campaign seems to be solidifying , as polls show Joe Biden maintaining a sizable lead over President Donald J. Trump .
But the lead may not be insurmountable , and the election is not over .
The history of polling in modern elections suggests that the endgame could yet be altered by a number of disruptive scenarios .
None of the following narrative-altering scenarios can be considered a certainty .
But only one is rather far-fetched .
All are informed by the content of my latest book , “ Lost in a Gallup : Polling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Here are descriptions of five prospective scenarios , in order of possibility .
In a bow to even-handedness , a reality check is appended to each of them .
Jarring , out-of-the-blue developments have happened often enough in presidential election campaigns as to be almost expected .
Remember James Comey 's announcement 11 days before the 2016 election that the FBI had reopened its investigation into Hillary Clinton 's emails ?
It may have shifted enough votes in battleground states to elect Trump .
To alter the trajectory in 2020 , the October @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to a very public meltdown by Joe Biden – a “ lying , dog-faced pony soldier '' moment on steroids – that would clearly signal he 's not up to the job .
While Biden 's gaffes , exaggerations and garbled comments have been on frequent display during the 2020 campaign , they have n't been concentrated or dramatic enough to puncture his advantage in preelection polls .
Why it wo n't happen : Presidential elections may be growing immune to late October surprises , given the popularity of early voting and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such , millions of Americans will have cast ballots for president well before Election Day – tempering the impact of any late October surprise .
2 .
Significant polling errors occur in key states , enough for Trump to win an electoral vote majority In states such as Wisconsin and Michigan , which were crucial to the outcome in 2016 , preelection polls pointed to a clear lead for Hillary Clinton – an advantage that evaporated when votes were counted .
Clinton 's polling advantage in Wisconsin , for example , was 6.5 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump carried the state by less than a point .
Such errors are not entirely out of the question in 2020 .
Why it wo n't happen : This scenario essentially is a 2016 replay .
If the history of election polling tells us anything , it is not to expect elections , or polling failures , to replicate themselves .
Not only that , but considerably more scrutiny is being devoted to polling in battleground states in 2020 than four years ago .
Such attention may render this scenario unlikely .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Clinton 's 1996 reelection , when he defeated Republican Bob Dole by 8.5 percentage points – a comfortable margin but not the blowout many polls and pollsters had anticipated .
At the end of October 1996 , veteran California pollster Mervin Field declared Clinton was “ heading for as big a win '' as Ronald Reagan 's 18-point landslide in 1984 , when he carried 49 states .
The polls in 1996 did n't miss on the winner , but some were well off the final margin .
For example , the end-of-campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at 18 points , nearly a 10-point miss .
Why it wo n't happen : Polling failure in presidential elections is rarely duplicated .
A rerun of the 1996 scenario depends on Biden holding a double-digit polling lead in the campaign 's final stages – a time when presidential races tend to tighten .
Biden 's aggregate lead in national polls , as compiled by the RealClearPolitics website , stood at 8.6 percentage points two weeks before Election Day .
This theory maintains that because they want to avoid disapproval , some Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ others .
They are reluctant to acknowledge support for such a divisive character .
Because they are guarded about their intentions , these undercover supporters skew polling data because they supposedly are so hard to find , or fail to answer candidly when they are interviewed .
By turning out in great numbers , the theory goes , “ Shy Trump '' voters could tip the electoral vote to the president .
Why it wo n't happen : Such voters probably do not exist in numbers large enough to alter a national election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have suggested as much .
Besides , Trump 's outdoor rallies indicate that his supporters are n't exactly reserved about expressing political preferences .
5 .
An epic polling collapse , akin to that of 1948 , takes place The famous “ Dewey defeats Truman '' election signaled a stunning and never-since-duplicated breakdown of national election polling .
George Gallup and other pollsters confidently predicted President Harry Truman 's loss to Republican Thomas E. Dewey – and their polling set expectations for the country 's press and pundits .
Truman won by 4.5 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in U.S. presidential history .
Why it wo n't happen : Polling since 1948 has become more sophisticated in techniques and more numerous in practitioners .
It is almost inconceivable that contemporary election pollsters will be profoundly and uniformly wrong in 2020 .
While 1948 does offer an intriguing prospective precedent , this is a most improbable scenario .
[ Get our most insightful politics and election stories .
Sign up for The Conversation 's Politics Weekly . ]
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read @ @ @ @

by W. Joseph Campbell, American University School of Communication
The storyline of the presidential campaign seems to be solidifying, as polls show Joe Biden maintaining a sizable lead over President Donald J. Trump.
But the lead may not be insurmountable, and the election is not over.
The history of polling in modern elections suggests that the endgame could yet be altered by a number of disruptive scenarios.
None of the following narrative-altering scenarios can be considered a certainty. But only one is rather far-fetched. All are informed by the content of my latest book, “Lost in a Gallup: Polling Failure in U.S. Presidential Elections."
Here are descriptions of five prospective scenarios, in order of possibility. In a bow to even-handedness, a reality check is appended to each of them.
1. A powerful late October surprise disrupts the campaign trajectory
Jarring, out-of-the-blue developments have happened often enough in presidential election campaigns as to be almost expected. Remember James Comey's announcement 11 days before the 2016 election that the FBI had reopened its investigation into Hillary Clinton's emails? It may have shifted enough votes in battleground states to elect Trump.
To alter the trajectory in 2020, the October surprise probably would have to be akin to a very public meltdown by Joe Biden – a “lying, dog-faced pony soldier" moment on steroids – that would clearly signal he's not up to the job. While Biden's gaffes, exaggerations and garbled comments have been on frequent display during the 2020 campaign, they haven't been concentrated or dramatic enough to puncture his advantage in preelection polls.
Why it won't happen: Presidential elections may be growing immune to late October surprises, given the popularity of early voting and the advent of extensive mail-in balloting. As such, millions of Americans will have cast ballots for president well before Election Day – tempering the impact of any late October surprise.
2. Significant polling errors occur in key states, enough for Trump to win an electoral vote majority
In states such as Wisconsin and Michigan, which were crucial to the outcome in 2016, preelection polls pointed to a clear lead for Hillary Clinton – an advantage that evaporated when votes were counted. Clinton's polling advantage in Wisconsin, for example, was 6.5 percentage points at campaign's end; Trump carried the state by less than a point. Such errors are not entirely out of the question in 2020.
Why it won't happen: This scenario essentially is a 2016 replay. If the history of election polling tells us anything, it is not to expect elections, or polling failures, to replicate themselves. Not only that, but considerably more scrutiny is being devoted to polling in battleground states in 2020 than four years ago. Such attention may render this scenario unlikely.
3. The 1996 scenario materializes
This is a nuanced scenario that recalls Bill Clinton's 1996 reelection, when he defeated Republican Bob Dole by 8.5 percentage points – a comfortable margin but not the blowout many polls and pollsters had anticipated. At the end of October 1996, veteran California pollster Mervin Field declared Clinton was “heading for as big a win" as Ronald Reagan's 18-point landslide in 1984, when he carried 49 states.
The polls in 1996 didn't miss on the winner, but some were well off the final margin. For example, the end-of-campaign CBS News survey estimated Clinton's lead at 18 points, nearly a 10-point miss.
Why it won't happen: Polling failure in presidential elections is rarely duplicated. A rerun of the 1996 scenario depends on Biden holding a double-digit polling lead in the campaign's final stages – a time when presidential races tend to tighten. Biden's aggregate lead in national polls, as compiled by the RealClearPolitics website, stood at 8.6 percentage points two weeks before Election Day.
4. 'Shy Trump' voters emerge en masse, decisively so in battleground states
This theory maintains that because they want to avoid disapproval, some Trump supporters conceal their preferences from pollsters and others. They are reluctant to acknowledge support for such a divisive character.
Because they are guarded about their intentions, these undercover supporters skew polling data because they supposedly are so hard to find, or fail to answer candidly when they are interviewed. By turning out in great numbers, the theory goes, “Shy Trump" voters could tip the electoral vote to the president.
Why it won't happen: Such voters probably do not exist in numbers large enough to alter a national election. Assessments by pollsters and polling organizations have suggested as much. Besides, Trump's outdoor rallies indicate that his supporters aren't exactly reserved about expressing political preferences.
5. An epic polling collapse, akin to that of 1948, takes place
The famous “Dewey defeats Truman" election signaled a stunning and never-since-duplicated breakdown of national election polling. George Gallup and other pollsters confidently predicted President Harry Truman's loss to Republican Thomas E. Dewey – and their polling set expectations for the country's press and pundits. Truman won by 4.5 percentage points in the greatest polling embarrassment in U.S. presidential history.
Why it won't happen: Polling since 1948 has become more sophisticated in techniques and more numerous in practitioners. It is almost inconceivable that contemporary election pollsters will be profoundly and uniformly wrong in 2020. While 1948 does offer an intriguing prospective precedent, this is a most improbable scenario.
[Get our most insightful politics and election stories.Sign up for The Conversation's Politics Weekly.]
W. Joseph Campbell, Professor of Communication Studies, American University School of Communication
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


alternet--2020-10-22--There were several glaring omissions in the FBI's bizarre announcement about election interference

Director of National Intelligence John Ratcliffe and FBI Director Christopher Wray announced on Wednesday in a last-minute press briefing that both Iran and Russia have obtained voter registration information and have `` taken specific actions to influence public opinion . ''
In particular , Ratcliffe said that Iran has been found to have sent `` spoofed emails designed to intimidate voters , incite social unrest , and damage President Trump . ''
He seemed to be referring to an incident described in a Washington Post story published right before the conference , which said the U.S. has concluded that Iran @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the right-wing group the Proud Boys to Democratic voters .
The messages appeared to target Democrats using data from digital databases known as `` voter files , '' some of which are commercially available .
They told recipients the Proud Boys were `` in possession of all your information '' and instructed voters to change their party registration and cast their ballots for Trump .
It 's not exactly clear the intent behind the emails .
Ratcliffe , a partisan Republican put in place by President Donald Trump because he wanted a crony @ @ @ @ @ @ @ give contradicting explanations .
If the emails were intended to intimidate Democratic voters out of voting , that would presumably help Trump .
But if the emails were meant as a false flag , designed to make Trump supporters look dangerous , then that would `` damage President Trump , '' as Ratcliffe said .
It 's hard to see how Iran could have intended both outcomes .
It 's troubling that his explanation was this unclear , especially since he does n't have a reputation for independence and credibility .
( Ratcliffe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ briefing , refusing to give the press any opportunity to clarify their remarks . )
The other aim , though , seems quite plausible — the emails were designed to sow doubt , fear , and confusion about the election and its security .
When Wray spoke , he encouraged viewers to trust in the American election system .
`` You should be confident that your vote counts , '' Wray said .
`` Early , unverified claims to the contrary should be viewed with a healthy dose of skepticism .
We encourage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from reliable sources , namely , your state election officials .
And to be thoughtful , careful , and discerning consumers of information online . ''
He added : `` We are not going to tolerate foreign interference in our elections or any criminal activity that threatens the sanctity of your vote or undermines public confidence in the outcome of the election . ''
Neither Wray nor Ratcliffe mentioned any details about how Russia is interfering in the election or what it might use voter registration data for .
It 's not clear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n't have any details about Russian interference or if it is simply unwilling to share them for whatever reason .
This , too , is concerning , because the despite Ratcliffe 's claim that foreign election interference is n't a `` partisan '' issue , Trump himself has repeatedly tried to cover up Russia 's intervention in 2016 on his behalf .
There 's no way to be confident that is n't happening now .
But there was another even more glaring omission in the pair 's comments .
Neither mentioned the fact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or anyone else — is by far the greatest threat to the credibility of the election .
He has been fueling bogus conspiracy theories that the election is going to be `` rigged '' for months , and he has called mail-in ballots a `` hoax . ''
So there was something ridiculous about the press conference emphasizing the threat of foreign election interference , especially as Ratcliffe name-checked the president as authorizing the intelligence community 's efforts to protect American democracy .
`` The president has instructed me to keep the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
`` We will not tolerate foreign interference in our elections . ''
Wray 's remarks about `` early , unverified '' claims that votes wo n't count , and that state election officials are the most reliable sources of information about the process , could be read as an implicit rebuke to the president .
Trump has repeatedly contradicted local election officials in trying to spread doubt about the integrity of the vote .
And in urging Americans to be `` thoughtful , careful , and discerning consumers of information online @ @ @ @ @ @ @ telling them to be the opposite of Trump , who has spread absolutely ridiculous conspiracy theories on Twitter recently .
When asked to defend himself at an NBC News town hall , he said simply : `` l put it out there , people can decide for themselves . ''

Director of National Intelligence John Ratcliffe and FBI Director Christopher Wray announced on Wednesday in a last-minute press briefing that both Iran and Russia have obtained voter registration information and have "taken specific actions to influence public opinion."
In particular, Ratcliffe said that Iran has been found to have sent "spoofed emails designed to intimidate voters, incite social unrest, and damage President Trump." He seemed to be referring to an incident described in a Washington Post story published right before the conference, which said the U.S. has concluded that Iran had sent emails pretending to be from the right-wing group the Proud Boys to Democratic voters.
The Post explained:
The messages appeared to target Democrats using data from digital databases known as "voter files," some of which are commercially available. They told recipients the Proud Boys were "in possession of all your information" and instructed voters to change their party registration and cast their ballots for Trump.
It's not exactly clear the intent behind the emails. Ratcliffe, a partisan Republican put in place by President Donald Trump because he wanted a crony leading the intelligence community, seemed to give contradicting explanations. If the emails were intended to intimidate Democratic voters out of voting, that would presumably help Trump. But if the emails were meant as a false flag, designed to make Trump supporters look dangerous, then that would "damage President Trump," as Ratcliffe said. It's hard to see how Iran could have intended both outcomes. It's troubling that his explanation was this unclear, especially since he doesn't have a reputation for independence and credibility. (Ratcliffe and Wray took no questions at the briefing, refusing to give the press any opportunity to clarify their remarks.)
The other aim, though, seems quite plausible — the emails were designed to sow doubt, fear, and confusion about the election and its security. When Wray spoke, he encouraged viewers to trust in the American election system.
"You should be confident that your vote counts," Wray said. "Early, unverified claims to the contrary should be viewed with a healthy dose of skepticism. We encourage everyone to seek election and voting information from reliable sources, namely, your state election officials. And to be thoughtful, careful, and discerning consumers of information online."
He added: "We are not going to tolerate foreign interference in our elections or any criminal activity that threatens the sanctity of your vote or undermines public confidence in the outcome of the election."
Neither Wray nor Ratcliffe mentioned any details about how Russia is interfering in the election or what it might use voter registration data for. It's not clear whether that's because the FBI doesn't have any details about Russian interference or if it is simply unwilling to share them for whatever reason. This, too, is concerning, because the despite Ratcliffe's claim that foreign election interference isn't a "partisan" issue, Trump himself has repeatedly tried to cover up Russia's intervention in 2016 on his behalf. There's no way to be confident that isn't happening now.
But there was another even more glaring omission in the pair's comments. Neither mentioned the fact that Trump — not Russia, Iran, or anyone else — is by far the greatest threat to the credibility of the election. He has been fueling bogus conspiracy theories that the election is going to be "rigged" for months, and he has called mail-in ballots a "hoax." So there was something ridiculous about the press conference emphasizing the threat of foreign election interference, especially as Ratcliffe name-checked the president as authorizing the intelligence community's efforts to protect American democracy.
"The president has instructed me to keep the country informed as appropriate," Ratcliffe said. "We will not tolerate foreign interference in our elections."
Wray's remarks about "early, unverified" claims that votes won't count, and that state election officials are the most reliable sources of information about the process, could be read as an implicit rebuke to the president. Trump has repeatedly contradicted local election officials in trying to spread doubt about the integrity of the vote.
And in urging Americans to be "thoughtful, careful, and discerning consumers of information online," Wray was, essentially, telling them to be the opposite of Trump, who has spread absolutely ridiculous conspiracy theories on Twitter recently. When asked to defend himself at an NBC News town hall, he said simply: "l put it out there, people can decide for themselves."


alternet--2020-10-23--Trump gives Biden a gigantic gift by admitting what he wants to do to Obamacare

Trying to figure out what is going on in Donald Trump 's head is truly an exercise in futility , and today it 's just downright bonkers .
Apparently Trump believes that sharing snippets of Leslie Stahl 's attempt to interview him for 60 Minutes is going to show that ... she 's mean and he 's brilliant ?
Is there really no one in the White House who is willing to tell him when he has a really , really bad idea ?
It 's a tremendous gift to Joe Biden , though , that Trump decided to release @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them to be a factor in Thursday 's debate .
Especially when it comes to the Supreme Court and Obamacare .
`` I hope that they end it , '' he said .
`` It will be so good if they end it . ''
Serving it up on a silver platter there .
But there 's more .
`` It 'll be so good if they end it , '' he said , `` because we will come up with a plan . ''
Stahl : `` Will ? ''
That 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is fully developed ; it 's going to be announced very , very soon . ''
It 's not .
Because the only thing that has ever mattered is that President Barack Obama 's signature achievement be erased .
There is no plan .
There never will be a plan .
He never meant for there to be a plan .

Trying to figure out what is going on in Donald Trump's head is truly an exercise in futility, and today it's just downright bonkers. Apparently Trump believes that sharing snippets of Leslie Stahl's attempt to interview him for 60 Minutes is going to show that ... she's mean and he's brilliant? Is there really no one in the White House who is willing to tell him when he has a really, really bad idea?
It's a tremendous gift to Joe Biden, though, that Trump decided to release these videos in plenty of time for them to be a factor in Thursday's debate. Especially when it comes to the Supreme Court and Obamacare. "I hope that they end it," he said. "It will be so good if they end it." Serving it up on a silver platter there. But there's more. "It'll be so good if they end it," he said, "because we will come up with a plan." Stahl: "Will?"
That's after Trump insisted that his plan "is fully developed; it's going to be announced very, very soon." It's not. Because the only thing that has ever mattered is that President Barack Obama's signature achievement be erased. There is no plan. There never will be a plan. He never meant for there to be a plan.


alternet--2020-10-22--Republicans are in disarray as Pelosi and Mnuchin inch closer to a deal

It 's been 159 days since the House passed the $ 3 trillion HEROES Act , and 21 days since the House passed their compromise $ 2.2 trillion bill , both of which Mitch McConnell has refused to take up .
It is 12 days until the election and Senate Republicans `` fume '' about the fact that negotiations are still happening between Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi .
The problem apparently is that Mnuchin 's efforts makes them look even worse than they already do on the crisis , since they are perfectly content to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in favor of symbolic , futile gestures .
Here 's at least one person in the administration actually taking the crisis seriously and acting when his boss says `` go big . ''
They are reportedly `` growing increasingly frustrated '' with Mnuchin because `` he makes what they see as unacceptable compromises in his quest for a stimulus deal . ''
For example , `` reducing payments that Republicans wanted to go to farmers so that some of the money would go for food boxes instead , according to two people involved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of anonymity to discuss the developments . ''
How dare he try to keep people from going hungry in this pandemic !
?
!
?
!
What kind of a Republican is he ?
!
?
!
?
!
A Republican aide willing to be quoted but not by name said `` Fair to say the feeling is he 's giving away the store .
No one is surprised , but yes frustrated .
The idea that our conference is going to go along with whatever bad deal he cuts with Pelosi is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in ten families with children are having a hard time meeting household expenses .
That makes for somewhere between 7 and 11 million children not getting enough food to eat .
And they 're worried about giving Pelosi a `` win . ''
So here 's Donald Trump , as Pelosi says , wanting this to happen .
`` The president wants a bill .
The president wants a bill .
And so that 's part of the opportunity that we have , '' she said Thursday .
Republicans are trying to stop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do n't want to have to vote on it before the election and if a deal is reached , they wo n't have much choice because they 'll look even worse if they do n't .
They 've already decided Trump is toast , and they want to make sure they 're positioned to make life as hellish as possible for Joe Biden starting January 20 , with an absolutely wrecked economy and their own deficit peacock credentials burnished .
Senate Republicans are taking it all out on Mnuchin , but they are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a pretty remarkable thing to be happening 12 days before an election when the White House and their majority is under serious threat .
That 's not her problem , says Pelosi .
`` I ca n't answer for the disarray on the other side , '' she said .
`` It 's up to him [ Trump ] to deliver what can happen on the Senate side . ''

It's been 159 days since the House passed the $3 trillion HEROES Act, and 21 days since the House passed their compromise $2.2 trillion bill, both of which Mitch McConnell has refused to take up. It is 12 days until the election and Senate Republicans "fume" about the fact that negotiations are still happening between Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi.
The problem apparently is that Mnuchin's efforts makes them look even worse than they already do on the crisis, since they are perfectly content to follow Mitch McConnell and block real relief in favor of symbolic, futile gestures. Here's at least one person in the administration actually taking the crisis seriously and acting when his boss says "go big." They are reportedly "growing increasingly frustrated" with Mnuchin because "he makes what they see as unacceptable compromises in his quest for a stimulus deal." For example, "reducing payments that Republicans wanted to go to farmers so that some of the money would go for food boxes instead, according to two people involved in the talks who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss the developments." How dare he try to keep people from going hungry in this pandemic!?!?! What kind of a Republican is he?!?!?!
A Republican aide willing to be quoted but not by name said "Fair to say the feeling is he's giving away the store. No one is surprised, but yes frustrated. The idea that our conference is going to go along with whatever bad deal he cuts with Pelosi is completely unrealistic." Meanwhile, four in ten families with children are having a hard time meeting household expenses. That makes for somewhere between 7 and 11 million children not getting enough food to eat. And they're worried about giving Pelosi a "win."
So here's Donald Trump, as Pelosi says, wanting this to happen. "The president wants a bill. The president wants a bill. And so that's part of the opportunity that we have," she said Thursday. Republicans are trying to stop a deal that Trump wants. They don't want to have to vote on it before the election and if a deal is reached, they won't have much choice because they'll look even worse if they don't.
They've already decided Trump is toast, and they want to make sure they're positioned to make life as hellish as possible for Joe Biden starting January 20, with an absolutely wrecked economy and their own deficit peacock credentials burnished. Senate Republicans are taking it all out on Mnuchin, but they are actively thwarting Trump's will, which is a pretty remarkable thing to be happening 12 days before an election when the White House and their majority is under serious threat. That's not her problem, says Pelosi. "I can't answer for the disarray on the other side," she said. "It's up to him [Trump] to deliver what can happen on the Senate side."


alternet--2020-10-22--Haiti has a long history of being assaulted by its Latin American neighbors

This article was produced by Globetrotter .
Thirteen United Nations peacekeeping missions are underway in various countries in Africa , Asia and the Middle East .
Haiti has been the epicenter of the UN peacekeeping missions in Latin America and the Caribbean ; there have been eight UN missions since the International Civilian Mission in Haiti ( MICIVIH ) was deployed in Haiti in 1993 .
On October 15 , 2019 , the UN finally ended its 15-year-long peacekeeping mission in Haiti that began in 2004 , leaving behind a `` mixed legacy . ''
The most dramatic intervention took @ @ @ @ @ @ @ d'état against the democratically elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide .
Camille Chalmers , executive director of the Haitian Platform to Advocate Alternative Development , a civil society organization network , said in 2019 that a domestic political conflict was used as the pretext .
The coup was carried out by ex-military personnel whose forces had been dissolved by Aristide in 1995 .
Backed by the United States , Canada and France , the army of the coup entered from the Dominican Republic and marched to Port-au-Prince .
After Aristide 's forced exile , interim @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a Multinational Interim Force .
Composed of Canadian , French , U.S. and Chilean soldiers , this force would be the seed of the future United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti ( MINUSTAH ) .
Both the request and the occupation itself contravened Haiti 's 1987 Constitution ; only the National Assembly has the power to make these decisions , but it was circumvented by Alexandre .
Since the creation of MINUSTAH , a series of euphemisms have emerged to justify the occupation , such as 'suspension of sovereignty , ' 'humanitarian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In practice , pacification implied an exercise of selective political repression , the perpetration of various sexual crimes , and the propagation of a cholera epidemic from a MINUSTAH base that claimed 10,000 lives and infected more than 800,000 people .
This was belatedly acknowledged by the then UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon , who also apologized for the UN 's response to the cholera outbreak .
The creation of MINUSTAH took place in the context of the international agenda being shaped by the rhetoric of 'security ' and 'terrorism . '
Since the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decline of the Non-Aligned Movement , the Security Council developed an increasingly discretionary character and the powers of the UN General Assembly were reduced .
In turn , Chapter VI of the UN Charter , which refers to the peaceful settlement of disputes , was increasingly displaced by Chapter VII , which provides for the imposition of so-called `` peace enforcement '' and the deployment of the UN 's Blue Helmets , as the peacekeepers are known .
On the other hand , a new international legal paradigm began to impose itself : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the `` responsibility to protect , '' also known as R2P .
As Leyla Carrillo Ramírez , a Cuban jurist and specialist in international relations , writes in her book Metáforas de la Intervención , these are forms of `` coercive foreign intervention . ''
These , Ramírez says , contradict the principles of sovereignty and self-determination of nations , even when they are protected by the real or alleged violation of the human rights of local populations .
Brazil : The 'Principle of Non-Indifference ' and Geopolitical Aspirations In 2004 , Brazil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ MINUSTAH , in addition to being the country that provided the largest military contingent : 1,670 soldiers at the beginning of the mission .
The guiding principle of Brazilian diplomacy was that of 'non-indifference , ' a sort of local variation of R2P .
This edge of the South American giant 's foreign policy was accompanied by its willingness to influence international policy in line with its character as an emerging country , a dynamic member of BRICS and a sub-regional power .
Brazil led the policy of population control in working-class neighborhoods @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Haiti .
In Cité Soleil , an armed intervention took place in 2007 that killed at least 27 civilians and left 30 wounded , according to the testimonies of the inhabitants and the complaint filed with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights ( CIDH ) .
However , according to a special dossier of the Igarapé Institute and the Brazilian Peace Operations Joint Training Center , the official self-evaluation would be extremely laudable , qualifying the Brazilian performance in Haiti as a `` military epic . ''
The other reason for Brazilian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ negotiations established between the Brazilian , French and U.S. governments .
According to Ricardo Seitenfus , former special representative of the Organization of American States in Haiti , former U.S. President George W. Bush had promised the Brazilian government a permanent seat on the UN Security Council in exchange for taking over MINUSTAH .
Argentina and the Relegitimization of the Armed Forces As in the entire Southern Cone , the Argentine Armed Forces were involved in state terrorism and the coordinated repression of Operation Condor in the mid-1970s .
But only in Argentina @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of discredit , brought about by factors such as the defeat in the Malvinas War and the emergence of a powerful human rights movement .
Argentina 's participation in the UN missions was due to an attempt to re-function and re-legitimize the forces in a democratic context , according to Argentina 's Presence in Haiti , a book by authors affiliated with the National University of Quilmes and Argentina 's Ministry of Defense .
In fact , a working document of the Frente de Todos , a coalition of political parties in Argentina @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in its section on foreign policy , to the need to strengthen Argentina 's presence in peace missions , and referred to the country 's experience of participating in MINUSTAH .
Argentina 's Presence in Haiti highlights the enormous deficits in the training of the troops sent to Haiti .
These include the incompatibility between military training and the assumption of police tasks , the complete lack of knowledge about local reality and culture , and the practical absence of training with a gender perspective .
This is particularly relevant in the case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ high levels of social vulnerability and who later committed numerous sexual crimes according to numerous investigations and reports .
Haitian sociologist Sabine Lamour said in an interview that feminist and women 's organizations have observed many cases of sexual abuse in locations such as Bombardopolis , Port-Salut , Gonaïves and Port-au-Prince , despite the fact that both the national government and foreign embassies showed no interest in tracking down the cases .
One year after the end of the last mission in Haiti , the Latin American nations—with the exception of Cuba and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to make a complete and joint assessment of the 15 years of occupation of the country .
Nor have they offered a satisfactory response or policies of reparation to the victims of this extensive and costly unilateral war .
Lautaro Rivara is a sociologist , researcher and poet .
As a trained journalist , he participated as an activist in different spaces of communications work , covering tasks of editing , writing , radio broadcasts , and photography .
During his two years in the Jean-Jacques Dessalines Brigade in Haiti he was responsible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with Haitian people 's movements in this area .
He writes regularly in people 's media projects of Argentina and the rest of Latin America and the Caribbean including Nodal , ALAI , Telesur , Resumen Latinoamericano , Pressenza , la RedH , Notas , Haití Liberte , Alcarajo , and more .

by Lautaro Rivara
This article was produced by Globetrotter.
Thirteen United Nations peacekeeping missions are underway in various countries in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. Haiti has been the epicenter of the UN peacekeeping missions in Latin America and the Caribbean; there have been eight UNmissions since the International Civilian Mission in Haiti (MICIVIH) was deployed in Haiti in 1993. On October 15, 2019, the UN finally ended its 15-year-long peacekeeping mission in Haiti that began in 2004, leaving behind a "mixed legacy."
The most dramatic intervention took place in 2004, after the coup d'état against the democratically elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Camille Chalmers, executive director of the Haitian Platform to Advocate Alternative Development, a civil society organization network, said in 2019 that a domestic political conflict was used as the pretext. The coup was carried out by ex-military personnel whose forces had been dissolved by Aristide in 1995. Backed by the United States, Canada and France, the army of the coup entered from the Dominican Republic and marched to Port-au-Prince.
After Aristide's forced exile, interim President Boniface Alexandre requested the first deployment of a Multinational Interim Force. Composed of Canadian, French, U.S. and Chilean soldiers, this force would be the seed of the future United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). Both the request and the occupation itself contravened Haiti's 1987 Constitution; only the National Assembly has the power to make these decisions, but it was circumvented by Alexandre.
The UN's Arguments: 'Stabilization' and 'Humanitarian Interventionism'
Since the creation of MINUSTAH, a series of euphemisms have emerged to justify the occupation, such as 'suspension of sovereignty,' 'humanitarian interventionism,' and 'pacification.' In practice, pacification implied an exercise of selective political repression, the perpetration of various sexual crimes, and the propagation of a cholera epidemic from a MINUSTAH base that claimed 10,000 lives and infected more than 800,000 people. This was belatedly acknowledged by the then UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, who also apologized for the UN's response to the cholera outbreak.
The creation of MINUSTAH took place in the context of the international agenda being shaped by the rhetoric of 'security' and 'terrorism.' Since the fall of the Soviet Union and the decline of the Non-Aligned Movement, the Security Council developed an increasingly discretionary character and the powers of the UN General Assembly were reduced. In turn, Chapter VI of the UN Charter, which refers to the peaceful settlement of disputes, was increasingly displaced by Chapter VII, which provides for the imposition of so-called "peace enforcement" and the deployment of the UN's Blue Helmets, as the peacekeepers are known.
On the other hand, a new international legal paradigm began to impose itself: that of "humanitarian interventionism" and the "responsibility to protect," also known as R2P. As Leyla Carrillo Ramírez, a Cuban jurist and specialist in international relations, writes in her book Metáforas de la Intervención, these are forms of "coercive foreign intervention." These, Ramírez says, contradict the principles of sovereignty and self-determination of nations, even when they are protected by the real or alleged violation of the human rights of local populations.
Brazil: The 'Principle of Non-Indifference' and Geopolitical Aspirations
In 2004, Brazil took charge of the military command of MINUSTAH, in addition to being the country that provided the largest military contingent: 1,670 soldiers at the beginning of the mission.
The guiding principle of Brazilian diplomacy was that of 'non-indifference,' a sort of local variation of R2P. This edge of the South American giant's foreign policy was accompanied by its willingness to influence international policy in line with its character as an emerging country, a dynamic member of BRICS and a sub-regional power.
Brazil led the policy of population control in working-class neighborhoods such as Bel Air and Cité Soleil in Haiti. In Cité Soleil, an armed intervention took place in 2007 that killed at least 27 civilians and left 30 wounded, according to the testimonies of the inhabitants and the complaint filed with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (CIDH). However, according to a special dossier of the Igarapé Institute and the Brazilian Peace Operations Joint Training Center, the official self-evaluation would be extremely laudable, qualifying the Brazilian performance in Haiti as a "military epic."
The other reason for Brazilian participation had to do with the direct negotiations established between the Brazilian, French and U.S. governments. According to Ricardo Seitenfus, former special representative of the Organization of American States in Haiti, former U.S. President George W. Bush had promised the Brazilian government a permanent seat on the UN Security Council in exchange for taking over MINUSTAH.
Argentina and the Relegitimization of the Armed Forces
As in the entire Southern Cone, the Argentine Armed Forces were involved in state terrorism and the coordinated repression of Operation Condor in the mid-1970s. But only in Argentina would the military reach such a level of discredit, brought about by factors such as the defeat in the Malvinas War and the emergence of a powerful human rights movement.
Argentina's participation in the UN missions was due to an attempt to re-function and re-legitimize the forces in a democratic context, according to Argentina's Presence in Haiti, a book by authors affiliated with the National University of Quilmes and Argentina's Ministry of Defense. In fact, a working document of the Frente de Todos, a coalition of political parties in Argentina, presented in October 2019 referred, in its section on foreign policy, to the need to strengthen Argentina's presence in peace missions, and referred to the country's experience of participating in MINUSTAH.
Argentina's Presence in Haiti highlights the enormous deficits in the training of the troops sent to Haiti. These include the incompatibility between military training and the assumption of police tasks, the complete lack of knowledge about local reality and culture, and the practical absence of training with a gender perspective. This is particularly relevant in the case of troops who served where there were high levels of social vulnerability and who later committed numerous sexual crimes according to numerous investigations and reports. Haitian sociologist Sabine Lamour said in an interview that feminist and women's organizations have observed many cases of sexual abuse in locations such as Bombardopolis, Port-Salut, Gonaïves and Port-au-Prince, despite the fact that both the national government and foreign embassies showed no interest in tracking down the cases.
One year after the end of the last mission in Haiti, the Latin American nations—with the exception of Cuba and Venezuela, who abstained from participating—have yet to make a complete and joint assessment of the 15 years of occupation of the country. Nor have they offered a satisfactory response or policies of reparation to the victims of this extensive and costly unilateral war.
Lautaro Rivara is a sociologist, researcher and poet. As a trained journalist, he participated as an activist in different spaces of communications work, covering tasks of editing, writing, radio broadcasts, and photography. During his two years in the Jean-Jacques Dessalines Brigade in Haiti he was responsible for communications and carried out political education with Haitian people's movements in this area. He writes regularly in people's media projects of Argentina and the rest of Latin America and the Caribbean including Nodal, ALAI, Telesur, Resumen Latinoamericano, Pressenza, la RedH, Notas, Haití Liberte, Alcarajo, and more.


alternet--2020-10-22--Trump has committed nearly every sin found in Dante's Hell

For some time now , I 've wanted to send Donald Trump to Hell .
I mean this literally , not as a figure of speech .
I want him to inhabit the palpable , sensory Hell that religions have long conjured up with scenes of sulfur , damnation , and screams of perpetual pain from those who once caused grievous harm to their fellow humans .
The more Trump has abused his power and position in this world and the more he 's escaped any retribution for his crimes , the more obsessed I 've become with visualizing ways @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the afterlife .
As I mulled over the treatment he deserved for the havoc he continues to wreak on the lives of countless others here in the United States and across the globe , I turned almost automatically to the work of Dante Alighieri , the Italian poet whose Divina Commedia minutely recreated in a verse called terza rima what awaited the readers of his time once they died .
Dante ( 1265-1321 ) laid out his otherworldly landscape in three volumes—Inferno , Purgatorio , and Paradiso—that have rightly been considered among @ @ @ @ @ @ @ humanity .
There was nothing abstract about the Hell he created .
Dante pictured himself personally taking a voyage into the hereafter to meet men and women , both of his time and from the past , who were being rewarded for their virtue or eternally castigated for their offenses .
Of that journey through purgatorial fires and heavenly wonders , guided by his dead childhood sweetheart Beatrice , it was the Florentine writer 's descent into the saturated circles of Hell that most fascinated and enthralled readers throughout the centuries .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they express their remorse and experience the excruciatingly sophisticated torments he dreamt up as suitable reprisals for the damage they did during their earthly existence .
Witnessing the infernal realities President Trump has unleashed on America , I ca n't help wondering where Dante would have placed our miscreant-in-chief in his afterlife of horror .
In the end , perhaps not surprisingly , I realized one obvious thing : the 45th president has such a multitude of transgressions to his name that he fits almost every category and canto that Dante invented for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I pondered what the Italian author would have made of Trump and his certainty that he was above the laws of society and nature , I was invaded by Dante 's divinatory and lyrical voice .
It came to me as if in a hallucination .
Listening carefully , I managed to record the words with which that visionary poet of yesteryear would describe a man who , until recently , believed himself invincible and invulnerable , how he would be judged and condemned once his life was over .
Here , then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prophecy—my way , that is , of finally consigning Donald Trump to Hell for forever and a day .
Dante Greets Trump at the Gates of Hell and Explains What His Punishment Is to Be My name , sir , is Dante Alighieri .
Among the innumerable dead that inhabit these shores , I have been chosen to speak to you because an expert on the afterlife was needed to describe what awaits your soul when it passes , as all souls must , into this land of shadows .
I was chosen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , to imagine your fate once you wind your way toward us .
Having accepted this task , I was tempted , sir , as I watched your every act in that life before death , to make this easier for myself and simply conjure up the circles of Hell I had already described in my terza rima .
I would then have guided you down my cascade of verses , step by step , into the depths of darkness I had designed for others .
Were you not the selfish embodiment of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my Commedia ?
Lust and adultery , yes !
Gluttony , yes ; greed and avarice , oh yes ; wrath and fury , certainly ; violence , fraud , and usury , yes again !
Divisiveness and treachery , even heresy—you who did not believe in God and yet used the Bible as a prop—yes , one more time !
Did you not practice all those iniquities , a slave to your loveless appetites ?
Do you not deserve to be called to account in ways I once envisioned : buffeted by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ putrefaction , choking under gurgling waters of belligerence , immersed in the boiling blood that echoes rage , thirsting across a burning plain , steeped in the excrement of flattery and seduction , clawed to pieces by the night demons of corruption , or feeling that throat and tongue of yours that tore so many citizens apart mutilated and hacked to bits ?
Would it not be fair that , like other perjurers and impostors , you be bloated with disease ?
Would it not make sense that you be trapped in ice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ jaws of eternity , like those who committed treason against country and friends in my time ?
And yet , in the end , I rejected all of that .
After all , I was selected not to repeat myself but because I was trusted to be creative and find an appropriately new reckoning for you—something , said the authorities in charge of this place , less savage and fierce , more educational , even therapeutic .
Thus have times changed since I wrote that poem of mine !
My mission , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in rings of an already conceived Hell of terrifying revenge .
So I began to seek inspiration from my fellow sufferers so many centuries later and there , indeed , they were—your multitudes of victims , the ones who need to heal , the ones you never wanted to see or mourn , whose pain you never shared , who now want to greet you , sir , in a new way .
Perhaps you have n't noticed yet , but I have .
They 've been lining up since the moment they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by my side , counting the days until your time is up and you must face them .
And so I decided that they would be given a chance to do exactly that , one by one , through all eternity .
After all , each of them was devastated because of you : a father who died of the pandemic you did less than nothing to prevent ; a little boy shot with a gun you did not ban ; a worker overcome by toxic fumes whose release your administration ensured ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inflamed by your rhetoric ; a Black man who expired thanks to police violence you refuse to condemn ; a migrant who succumbed to the desert heat on the other side of the wall that you stole taxpayer money to ( only partially ) build .
And let us not forget that female Kurdish fighter slaughtered because you betrayed her people .
On and on I could go , naming the wrongfully dead , the untimely dead , the avoidable dead , now all huddled around me , otherwise unrepresented and forgotten but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ truth .
Each of them will have to be patient , since according to my plan , every single casualty of yours will be afforded whatever time he or she desires to relive a life and recount its last moments .
You will be forced , sir , to listen to their stories again and again until you finally learn how to make their sorrow your own , until their tragedies truly lodge in the entrails of your mind , as long as it takes you to truly ask for forgiveness .
Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hell Your first reaction will undoubtedly be to indulge in the fantasy that , just as you swore the pandemic would be magically dispatched , so this new predicament will miraculously melt into nothingness .
When you open your eyes , however , and still find yourself here , your urge will be to call on all your old tricks , those of the ultimate con man , to avoid sinking deeper into the moral abyss I 've prepared for you .
Just as you 've bribed , bought , and inveigled your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so you 'll believe you can bluster and wriggle your way out of this moment , too .
You 'll try to pretend you 're just hosting one more ( ir ) reality TV show where this Dante fellow can be turned into another of your apprentices , competing for your largesse and approval .
And when none of that works , you 'll make believe that you have indeed atoned for your terrible deeds and fall again into the lies and macho bravado that were your second skin .
You 'll swear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ escape this confinement , these rooms where you have become the prey rather than the predator .
You will present yourself as a savior , boast of having singlehandedly concocted a vaccine against accountability , discovered a manly cure for the terrors of Hell .
You 'll dream—I know you will—of reappearing victorious and , of course , maskless on that White House balcony .
This time , though , it just wo n't work , not here in this transparent abode of death .
And yet you will certainly try to hurry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ -- I 've already decided that much -- that those you ruined while you were still alive are only the start of your journey , not the end .
You will become all too aware , while you spend hours , days , years , decades with the men , women , and children you consigned to an early mortality and permanent grief , that a multitude of others will be arriving , all those who will perish in the future due to your neglect and malevolence .
They will , I assure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , accumulating through many tomorrows , all those who are yet to die but will do so prematurely as the brutality you worshipped and fueled takes its toll , as the earth , heavens , and waters you ravaged exact heat waves of revenge—hurricanes and droughts and famines and floods , ever more victims with each minute that slithers by , including the women who will die in botched back-alley abortions because of your judicial nominations .
The decades to come are already preparing to welcome the legions of your dead .
That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now that I am no longer the man bitterly exiled from his beloved Florence .
The centuries spent in the afterlife have evidently softened me into compassion for those who have sinned .
Beatrice , the love of my life , would have admired my transformation , the one that , as you are ground down and down , will also allow you to be lifted up and up until you really do repent , until you beg for an absolution , which ( if you are truly sincere ) will be granted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speak and divine , I find myself eaten by a worm of doubt .
This , I am being told , has been tried before .
The mists of time are filled with men who , like you , thought they were gods and who , upon their demise , were led howling into rooms overflowing with the lives they broke , with the irreparable damage they wrought .
And these criminals—Benito Mussolini , Mao Zedong , Augusto Pinochet , Napoleon Bonaparte , Andrew Jackson , Saddam Hussein , Joseph Stalin , Idi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ endless ! )
—never left the twisted mirror of their own penitential rooms .
They are still stagnating in them .
That 's what 's being whispered in my ear , that the redemptive prophecy of Dante Alighieri will never come true for you , Donald Trump .
Perhaps like those other accursed malefactors , you will refuse responsibility .
Perhaps you will continue to claim that you are the real victim .
Perhaps you will prove as incorrigible and defective and stubbornly blind as they continue to be .
Perhaps there is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that will never completely abate , a cruelty that has no end .
Perhaps when pain is infinite , it is impossible to erase .
I fear , then , that it may be unkind to promise any kind of justice when there will be none for those who stand in line hoping to meet their tormentor on the other side of death .
Why , I ask myself , resurrect the dead if it be only to dash their hopes again and again ?
And yet , what else can I do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
Of all poets , I was chosen because of the Divina Commedia that I wrote when I was alive and banished from Florence , because I descended into the Inferno and climbed the mount of Purgatory and caught a glimpse of what the sun and stars of Paradise looked like .
I was chosen from the fields of the dead to prepare these words for you as a warning or a plea or a searing indictment , an assignment I accepted and can not now renounce .
What 's left to me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ words by responding to the one objection you might legitimately raise to my picture of your fate in the afterlife ?
I imagine you crying out— '' But Dante Alighieri , '' you will say , `` the future you 've painted will take forever . ''
And I will answer : yes , Donald J. Trump , it will indeed take forever , but forever is all you have , all any of us have , after all .
Ariel Dorfman , a TomDispatch regular , is the author of Death and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are Cautivos , a novel about Cervantes in jail , and The Rabbits Rebellion , a story for adults and children .
He lives with his wife Angélica in Chile and in Durham , North Carolina , where he is a Distinguished Emeritus Professor of Literature at Duke University .
Follow TomDispatch on Twitter and join us on Facebook .
Check out the newest Dispatch Books , John Feffer 's new dystopian novel ( the second in the Splinterlands series ) Frostlands , Beverly Gologorsky 's novel Every Body Has a Story , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by War , as well as Alfred McCoy 's In the Shadows of the American Century : The Rise and Decline of U.S .
Global Power and John Dower 's The Violent American Century : War and Terror Since World War II .

by Ariel Dorfman
For some time now, I've wanted to send Donald Trump to Hell. I mean this literally, not as a figure of speech. I want him to inhabit the palpable, sensory Hell that religions have long conjured up with scenes of sulfur, damnation, and screams of perpetual pain from those who once caused grievous harm to their fellow humans.
The more Trump has abused his power and position in this world and the more he's escaped any retribution for his crimes, the more obsessed I've become with visualizing ways for him to pay in some version of the afterlife.
As I mulled over the treatment he deserved for the havoc he continues to wreak on the lives of countless others here in the United States and across the globe, I turned almost automatically to the work of Dante Alighieri, the Italian poet whose Divina Commedia minutely recreated in a verse called terza rima what awaited the readers of his time once they died. Dante (1265-1321) laid out his otherworldly landscape in three volumes—Inferno, Purgatorio, and Paradiso—that have rightly been considered among the towering and influential literary achievements of humanity.
There was nothing abstract about the Hell he created. Dante pictured himself personally taking a voyage into the hereafter to meet men and women, both of his time and from the past, who were being rewarded for their virtue or eternally castigated for their offenses. Of that journey through purgatorial fires and heavenly wonders, guided by his dead childhood sweetheart Beatrice, it was the Florentine writer's descent into the saturated circles of Hell that most fascinated and enthralled readers throughout the centuries. We listen to stories of the wicked as they express their remorse and experience the excruciatingly sophisticated torments he dreamt up as suitable reprisals for the damage they did during their earthly existence.
Witnessing the infernal realities President Trump has unleashed on America, I can't help wondering where Dante would have placed our miscreant-in-chief in his afterlife of horror. In the end, perhaps not surprisingly, I realized one obvious thing: the 45th president has such a multitude of transgressions to his name that he fits almost every category and canto that Dante invented for the sinners of his age.
As I pondered what the Italian author would have made of Trump and his certainty that he was above the laws of society and nature, I was invaded by Dante's divinatory and lyrical voice. It came to me as if in a hallucination. Listening carefully, I managed to record the words with which that visionary poet of yesteryear would describe a man who, until recently, believed himself invincible and invulnerable, how he would be judged and condemned once his life was over.
Here, then, is my version of Dante's prophecy—my way, that is, of finally consigning Donald Trump to Hell for forever and a day.
Dante Greets Trump at the Gates of Hell and Explains What His Punishment Is to Be
My name, sir, is Dante Alighieri. Among the innumerable dead that inhabit these shores, I have been chosen to speak to you because an expert on the afterlife was needed to describe what awaits your soul when it passes, as all souls must, into this land of shadows. I was chosen, whether as an honor or not, to imagine your fate once you wind your way toward us.
Having accepted this task, I was tempted, sir, as I watched your every act in that life before death, to make this easier for myself and simply conjure up the circles of Hell I had already described in my terza rima. I would then have guided you down my cascade of verses, step by step, into the depths of darkness I had designed for others.
Were you not the selfish embodiment of so many sins I dealt with in my Commedia? Lust and adultery, yes! Gluttony, yes; greed and avarice, oh yes; wrath and fury, certainly; violence, fraud, and usury, yes again! Divisiveness and treachery, even heresy—you who did not believe in God and yet used the Bible as a prop—yes, one more time!
Did you not practice all those iniquities, a slave to your loveless appetites? Do you not deserve to be called to account in ways I once envisioned: buffeted by vicious winds, drowning in storms of putrefaction, choking under gurgling waters of belligerence, immersed in the boiling blood that echoes rage, thirsting across a burning plain, steeped in the excrement of flattery and seduction, clawed to pieces by the night demons of corruption, or feeling that throat and tongue of yours that tore so many citizens apart mutilated and hacked to bits? Would it not be fair that, like other perjurers and impostors, you be bloated with disease? Would it not make sense that you be trapped in ice or flames, endlessly chewed by the jaws of eternity, like those who committed treason against country and friends in my time?
And yet, in the end, I rejected all of that. After all, I was selected not to repeat myself but because I was trusted to be creative and find an appropriately new reckoning for you—something, said the authorities in charge of this place, less savage and fierce, more educational, even therapeutic. Thus have times changed since I wrote that poem of mine!
My mission, it seems, was not to insert you in rings of an already conceived Hell of terrifying revenge. So I began to seek inspiration from my fellow sufferers so many centuries later and there, indeed, they were—your multitudes of victims, the ones who need to heal, the ones you never wanted to see or mourn, whose pain you never shared, who now want to greet you, sir, in a new way.
Perhaps you haven't noticed yet, but I have. They've been lining up since the moment they arrived. Now, they're here by my side, counting the days until your time is up and you must face them. And so I decided that they would be given a chance to do exactly that, one by one, through all eternity.
After all, each of them was devastated because of you: a father who died of the pandemic you did less than nothing to prevent; a little boy shot with a gun you did not ban; a worker overcome by toxic fumes whose release your administration ensured; the protesters killed by a white supremacist inflamed by your rhetoric; a Black man who expired thanks to police violence you refuse to condemn; a migrant who succumbed to the desert heat on the other side of the wall that you stole taxpayer money to (only partially) build. And let us not forget that female Kurdish fighter slaughtered because you betrayed her people.
On and on I could go, naming the wrongfully dead, the untimely dead, the avoidable dead, now all huddled around me, otherwise unrepresented and forgotten but awaiting your arrival for their moment of truth. Each of them will have to be patient, since according to my plan, every single casualty of yours will be afforded whatever time he or she desires to relive a life and recount its last moments. You will be forced, sir, to listen to their stories again and again until you finally learn how to make their sorrow your own, until their tragedies truly lodge in the entrails of your mind, as long as it takes you to truly ask for forgiveness.
Trump Tries to Find a Way Out of Hell
Your first reaction will undoubtedly be to indulge in the fantasy that, just as you swore the pandemic would be magically dispatched, so this new predicament will miraculously melt into nothingness. When you open your eyes, however, and still find yourself here, your urge will be to call on all your old tricks, those of the ultimate con man, to avoid sinking deeper into the moral abyss I've prepared for you.
Just as you've bribed, bought, and inveigled your way out of scandals and bankruptcies, so you'll believe you can bluster and wriggle your way out of this moment, too. You'll try to pretend you're just hosting one more (ir)reality TV show where this Dante fellow can be turned into another of your apprentices, competing for your largesse and approval.
And when none of that works, you'll make believe that you have indeed atoned for your terrible deeds and fall again into the lies and macho bravado that were your second skin. You'll swear that you have repented so you can escape this confinement, these rooms where you have become the prey rather than the predator. You will present yourself as a savior, boast of having singlehandedly concocted a vaccine against accountability, discovered a manly cure for the terrors of Hell. You'll dream—I know you will—of reappearing victorious and, of course, maskless on that White House balcony.
This time, though, it just won't work, not here in this transparent abode of death. And yet you will certainly try to hurry the process up because you'll know -- I've already decided that much -- that those you ruined while you were still alive are only the start of your journey, not the end. You will become all too aware, while you spend hours, days, years, decades with the men, women, and children you consigned to an early mortality and permanent grief, that a multitude of others will be arriving, all those who will perish in the future due to your neglect and malevolence.
They will, I assure you, snake endlessly into your mind, accumulating through many tomorrows, all those who are yet to die but will do so prematurely as the brutality you worshipped and fueled takes its toll, as the earth, heavens, and waters you ravaged exact heat waves of revenge—hurricanes and droughts and famines and floods, ever more victims with each minute that slithers by, including the women who will die in botched back-alley abortions because of your judicial nominations. The decades to come are already preparing to welcome the legions of your dead.
That is the despair I imagine for you now that I am no longer the man bitterly exiled from his beloved Florence. The centuries spent in the afterlife have evidently softened me into compassion for those who have sinned. Beatrice, the love of my life, would have admired my transformation, the one that, as you are ground down and down, will also allow you to be lifted up and up until you really do repent, until you beg for an absolution, which (if you are truly sincere) will be granted.
Even so, even as I speak and divine, I find myself eaten by a worm of doubt. This, I am being told, has been tried before. The mists of time are filled with men who, like you, thought they were gods and who, upon their demise, were led howling into rooms overflowing with the lives they broke, with the irreparable damage they wrought. And these criminals—Benito Mussolini, Mao Zedong, Augusto Pinochet, Napoleon Bonaparte, Andrew Jackson, Saddam Hussein, Joseph Stalin, Idi Amin (oh, the list is endless!)—never left the twisted mirror of their own penitential rooms.
They are still stagnating in them. That's what's being whispered in my ear, that the redemptive prophecy of Dante Alighieri will never come true for you, Donald Trump. Perhaps like those other accursed malefactors, you will refuse responsibility. Perhaps you will continue to claim that you are the real victim. Perhaps you will prove as incorrigible and defective and stubbornly blind as they continue to be. Perhaps there is an evil in you and the universe that will never completely abate, a cruelty that has no end. Perhaps when pain is infinite, it is impossible to erase.
I fear, then, that it may be unkind to promise any kind of justice when there will be none for those who stand in line hoping to meet their tormentor on the other side of death. Why, I ask myself, resurrect the dead if it be only to dash their hopes again and again?
What Forever Means
And yet, what else can I do but complete the task given to me? Of all poets, I was chosen because of the Divina Commedia that I wrote when I was alive and banished from Florence, because I descended into the Inferno and climbed the mount of Purgatory and caught a glimpse of what the sun and stars of Paradise looked like. I was chosen from the fields of the dead to prepare these words for you as a warning or a plea or a searing indictment, an assignment I accepted and cannot now renounce.
What's left to me, then, but to conclude these words by responding to the one objection you might legitimately raise to my picture of your fate in the afterlife? I imagine you crying out—"But Dante Alighieri," you will say, "the future you've painted will take forever."
And I will answer: yes, Donald J. Trump, it will indeed take forever, but forever is all you have, all any of us have, after all.
Ariel Dorfman, a TomDispatch regular, is the author of Death and the Maiden. His most recent books are Cautivos, a novel about Cervantes in jail, and The Rabbits Rebellion, a story for adults and children. He lives with his wife Angélica in Chile and in Durham, North Carolina, where he is a Distinguished Emeritus Professor of Literature at Duke University.
Follow TomDispatch on Twitter and join us on Facebook. Check out the newest Dispatch Books, John Feffer's new dystopian novel (the second in the Splinterlands series) Frostlands, Beverly Gologorsky's novel Every Body Has a Story, and Tom Engelhardt's A Nation Unmade by War, as well as Alfred McCoy's In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of U.S. Global Power and John Dower's The Violent American Century: War and Terror Since World War II.
Copyright 2020 Ariel Dorfman


alternet--2020-10-22--Biden's new plan for the Supreme Court sounds like a disaster in the making

Former Vice President Joe Biden on Thursday finally fleshed out his answer on the question of court-packing , which he had studiously avoided following the death of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg .
While his strategic silence had given hope to some who favor expanding the size of the Supreme Court , his new remarks are much more concerning .
`` If elected what I will do is I 'll put together a national commission of -- bipartisan commission of -- scholars , constitutional scholars , Democrats , Republicans , liberal , conservative , and I will ask them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me with recommendations as to how to reform the court system because it 's getting out of whack , the way in which it 's being handled , '' Biden said in a clip of an interview with CBS 's `` 60 Minutes . ''
`` And it 's not about court packing , '' he continued .
`` There 's a number of other things that constitutional scholars have debated and I 've looked to see what recommendations that commission might make . ''
This answer has some virtue .
It finally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ question he seemed to be dodging , which may put him on slightly firmer ground when talking about the issue .
To the extent voters are looking for measured , moderate proposals from a presidential candidate , it may offer some reassurance .
Most of all , it helps take the issue off the table for him for the next two weeks , allowing for him to focus on issues where he thinks he 's strongest : fighting the pandemic and uniting the country .
But that 's where the advantages end .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ well be a disaster .
The problem is that Biden , along with many other establishment Democrats , does n't seems to quite realize how dire a threat a 6-3 conservative majority on the Supreme Court poses .
On a wide range of progressive issues , including abortion , Obamacare , voting rights , environmental regulation , immigrants ' rights , freedom from religion , consumers ' rights , workers ' rights , LGBTQ rights , and D.C. statehood , the right-wing court could prove to be an immovable impediment .
And on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interpretation , a conservative court could find creative ways to thwart Democrats ' policy goals and electoral ambitions .
This is a five-alarm fire for the progressive agenda .
That 's why many have concluded that expanding the court is necessary .
Previous congresses have changed the size of the court many times , and it is clearly entirely constitutional .
Republicans will doubtless cry foul , but so what ?
The era of hyperpartisanship has reached the court , as it always inevitably would .
Unilateral surrender is not a reasonable option @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be bent on undermining the will of the majority of voters on countless issues .
The problem with a commission that Biden suggests is that it 's also unlikely to see things this way , precisely because they 're bipartisan .
This commission will not be inclined to suggest a plan the results in a partisan advantage for the Democrats — indeed , it seems designed to intentionally avoid such a result .
The idea of depoliticizing the court , in theory , would be a good one .
There are several @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the court that would lower the stakes of the partisan fights over the judiciary : term limits , jurisdiction stripping , leaving the court with an even number of justices , supermajority requirements for striking down legislation .
These ideas could be a boon for the country , because they would allow the main partisan fights to take place in the elected branches of government , as they should .
But here 's the problem : There 's no guarantee that any of the ideas to depoliticize the court would themselves be constitutional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if the plan is constitutional ?
The court itself .
It 's hard to believe the conservative-majority Supreme Court would be willing to cede its power to a dispassionate plan to depoliticize the court ; certainly , a Democratic president should n't bet the progressive policy agenda on it happening .
The commission may end up recommending that the United States adopt a new constitutional amendment to reform the court , circumventing the need for the court 's approval .
But this runs into a very similar problem .
Many Republicans across the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to pass a constitutional amendment , and there 's no reason to believe they would when they 've already secured the Supreme Court of their dreams .
That leaves expanding the court as the best option .
But having the commission and an alternative ( if futile ) recommendation in place would likely undermine any effort by Democrats to add new progressive justices , because critics would wail that Biden 's own commission was being ignored .
The predictable process of the commission would also eat up valuable time .
Fighting over expanding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be extremely controversial , so if Biden gets elected , he would be best off pushing through this fight as soon as possible .
It might be unpopular , but it could be necessary to enacting the rest of his agenda , much of which is popular .
If he backloads all the popular policies into the second half of his first two years in office , he may stand a chance of avoiding the midterm backlash that often comes along with a new administration .
If he were to keep majorities in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a full four years as a productive , legislating president — potentially surpassing President Barack Obama 's achievements in his first term .
Critics of court-packing often say that the tactic will only result in a tit-for-tat partisan competition , and Republicans will simply expand the court once they have full control of Congress and the White House .
But an expanded court could allow Democrats to push through a series of pro-democracy reforms , which would make it harder for the current radicalized GOP to maintain power without moderating its most extreme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accept that a continuous tug-of-war for control of the Supreme Court is a reasonable alternative to living with a conservative-dominated court that could crush any of the party 's best plans for the country .

Former Vice President Joe Biden on Thursday finally fleshed out his answer on the question of court-packing, which he had studiously avoided following the death of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg.
While his strategic silence had given hope to some who favor expanding the size of the Supreme Court, his new remarks are much more concerning.
"If elected what I will do is I'll put together a national commission of -- bipartisan commission of -- scholars, constitutional scholars, Democrats, Republicans, liberal, conservative, and I will ask them to over 180 days come back to me with recommendations as to how to reform the court system because it's getting out of whack, the way in which it's being handled," Biden said in a clip of an interview with CBS's "60 Minutes."
"And it's not about court packing," he continued. "There's a number of other things that constitutional scholars have debated and I've looked to see what recommendations that commission might make."
This answer has some virtue. It finally gives Biden a solid answer to a question he seemed to be dodging, which may put him on slightly firmer ground when talking about the issue. To the extent voters are looking for measured, moderate proposals from a presidential candidate, it may offer some reassurance. Most of all, it helps take the issue off the table for him for the next two weeks, allowing for him to focus on issues where he thinks he's strongest: fighting the pandemic and uniting the country.
But that's where the advantages end. As a substantive plan, it could well be a disaster.
The problem is that Biden, along with many other establishment Democrats, doesn't seems to quite realize how dire a threat a 6-3 conservative majority on the Supreme Court poses. On a wide range of progressive issues, including abortion, Obamacare, voting rights, environmental regulation, immigrants' rights, freedom from religion, consumers' rights, workers' rights, LGBTQ rights, and D.C. statehood, the right-wing court could prove to be an immovable impediment. And on any number of obscure issues of statutory interpretation, a conservative court could find creative ways to thwart Democrats' policy goals and electoral ambitions. This is a five-alarm fire for the progressive agenda.
That's why many have concluded that expanding the court is necessary. Previous congresses have changed the size of the court many times, and it is clearly entirely constitutional. Republicans will doubtless cry foul, but so what? The era of hyperpartisanship has reached the court, as it always inevitably would. Unilateral surrender is not a reasonable option in the face of a court that will be bent on undermining the will of the majority of voters on countless issues.
The problem with a commission that Biden suggests is that it's also unlikely to see things this way, precisely because they're bipartisan. This commission will not be inclined to suggest a plan the results in a partisan advantage for the Democrats — indeed, it seems designed to intentionally avoid such a result.
The idea of depoliticizing the court, in theory, would be a good one. There are several ways people have imagined restructuring and constraining the court that would lower the stakes of the partisan fights over the judiciary: term limits, jurisdiction stripping, leaving the court with an even number of justices, supermajority requirements for striking down legislation. These ideas could be a boon for the country, because they would allow the main partisan fights to take place in the elected branches of government, as they should.
But here's the problem: There's no guarantee that any of the ideas to depoliticize the court would themselves be constitutional. And who would get to decide if the plan is constitutional? The court itself. It's hard to believe the conservative-majority Supreme Court would be willing to cede its power to a dispassionate plan to depoliticize the court; certainly, a Democratic president shouldn't bet the progressive policy agenda on it happening.
The commission may end up recommending that the United States adopt a new constitutional amendment to reform the court, circumventing the need for the court's approval. But this runs into a very similar problem. Many Republicans across the country would have to get on board to pass a constitutional amendment, and there's no reason to believe they would when they've already secured the Supreme Court of their dreams.
That leaves expanding the court as the best option. But having the commission and an alternative (if futile) recommendation in place would likely undermine any effort by Democrats to add new progressive justices, because critics would wail that Biden's own commission was being ignored.
The predictable process of the commission would also eat up valuable time. Fighting over expanding the court and appointing new justices would be extremely controversial, so if Biden gets elected, he would be best off pushing through this fight as soon as possible. It might be unpopular, but it could be necessary to enacting the rest of his agenda, much of which is popular. If he backloads all the popular policies into the second half of his first two years in office, he may stand a chance of avoiding the midterm backlash that often comes along with a new administration. If he were to keep majorities in Congress after 2022, he could have a full four years as a productive, legislating president — potentially surpassing President Barack Obama's achievements in his first term.
Critics of court-packing often say that the tactic will only result in a tit-for-tat partisan competition, and Republicans will simply expand the court once they have full control of Congress and the White House. But an expanded court could allow Democrats to push through a series of pro-democracy reforms, which would make it harder for the current radicalized GOP to maintain power without moderating its most extreme views. And Democrats can also just accept that a continuous tug-of-war for control of the Supreme Court is a reasonable alternative to living with a conservative-dominated court that could crush any of the party's best plans for the country.