alternet--2020-11-11--How Californians came together to deal with wildfires during the pandemic

It was no fluke that the entire western U.S. was choked by wildfires and blanketed by smoke this past summer .
The global climate disaster promises worsening fires , floods , droughts , storms and other natural disasters .
The rate of these disasters has doubled over the last 20 years , and this rapid increase is caused by humans , according to the top climate researchers around the world .
On October 12 , the United Nations warned that the Earth will become `` an uninhabitable hell '' for millions of people if world leaders continue to fail to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ climate crisis .
In a report released in 2020 , the UN Office for Disaster Risk Reduction calculated that at least 7,348 major disasters had occurred between 2000 and 2019 .
The report , titled `` Human Cost of Disasters : An Overview of the Last 20 Years , '' estimates that these disasters cost 1.23 million people their lives , impacted 4.2 billion people , and cost about $ 2.97 trillion in `` economic losses worldwide . ''
In an effort to mitigate increasing climate impacts , many cities in the U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And at a micro-level , individuals around the nation are working to mobilize their neighborhoods to prepare for increasing climate impacts .
In the surf-meets-redwoods city of Santa Cruz , California , about 70 miles south of San Francisco , a coalition of neighbors came together mid-pandemic to mitigate the potential impacts of foreboding disasters .
The neighbors were prompted by the efforts of one woman , Nora Shalen* , a small business owner who became increasingly concerned by the research reports coming out about climate change .
Her neighborhood formed an emergency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a plan for resiliency when faced with increasing challenges in the future .
As it happened , the network was formed just in time , before the devastation struck the Santa Cruz region .
While much of the West Coast has experienced historic wildfire impacts this year , the blaze in Santa Cruz , dubbed the C.Z.U .
Lightning Complex fires , caused some of the worst damage to date .
As James Ross Gardner wrote in a September 28 New Yorker article , `` of the more than seven thousand five hundred @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so far this year , C.Z.U .
burned a fifth of them . ''
And , Gardner further reports , `` Climate change undoubtedly played a role , scientists affirm .
The fires this summer resulted from a confluence of factors , including a severe drought that California began experiencing in 2012 and this year 's unprecedented heat waves , in August and early September , Lenya Quinn-Davidson , a University of California wildfire expert , said , adding that , together , these factors produced ' a condition in California where our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ever been .
… Then we get this slightly unprecedented lightning storm ' with thousands of strikes 'within thirty-six hours . '
'' In Santa Cruz , the smoke grew so thick over the city that daytime passed for night .
Residents were ordered to evacuate amidst the COVID-19 pandemic , and local aid workers and volunteers rushed to piece together emergency shelters that would allow for social distancing .
Shalen , a Santa Cruz resident of 17 years , recalls having to turn on the headlights of her car to see in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says having the emergency resilience group helped the neighborhood to navigate weeks on end of unbreathable air , darkness and encroaching fires .
`` One piece of feedback people kept giving me was that before we started doing this they were feeling really anxious and alone about the pandemic , about what 's happening in the country , '' she says .
`` They realized once they started participating [ in the emergency preparedness effort ] that they were feeling a sense of well-being , feeling connected , feeling empowered . ''
While @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was n't sure how the idea would be met by her neighbors—many of whom she had never spoken with before—she decided to take action .
She began by distributing flyers in the neighborhood and inviting people interested in the project to email her .
She says it 's important to note that she , along with her husband , framed the initial outreach as an invitation to people to enter into a mutual aid agreement and bring their best selves to the project .
`` All this happened organically , as people just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' Shalen says .
`` I did n't really know these people and it was a lot to ask of strangers , so my husband and I wrote this email introducing the idea of mutual aid .
This turned out to be very important , it 's what distinguishes what we 're doing from other neighborhoods , '' she says .
`` We explained that mutual aid is based on an ethic of mutuality , care and resourcefulness , and attending to the most vulnerable .
I really wanted to start off @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 'This is scary . '
It was about introducing the idea with an expectation of agency and capability in the face of disruption . ''
In the email , she linked to an article predicting that the 2020 fire season would be worse than the previous year and explained that because the pandemic was already impacting the city and county emergency budgets , in a widespread emergency , those emergency services were likely to be overwhelmed and residents faced the possibility of having to be their own first responders .
`` I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if we approach these preparedness exercises [ prior to an emergency ] , we will make a giant leap in our ability to respond or to have a resilient outcome ; and if we choose to go it alone , we will all be weakened , '' she says .
`` If [ we recognize ] that we are each other 's immune system , and we prepare , it will strengthen each of us individually and make us all more resilient .
I also said that if we have a clear plan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ able to think clearly and calmly as a group . ''
Then , a small coalition of interested neighbors began to hold meetings online , then in socially distanced ways outside .
The group quickly grew into a structured one , with each person working together to come up with a plan to tackle any given emergency and assist neighbors in need .
While not every household was interested or able to participate , those involved took stock of what resources and skills they collectively had to offer by filling out shared Google @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their professional skills , adjunct skills , medications and/or special needs during a given emergency .
The group discovered that the few blocks of residents who had responded to the survey had all the requisite qualifications needed to form an emergency preparedness team : they ranged from doctors , nurses and EMT workers willing to become emergency medics , to mental health professionals , firefighters and many others who offered a range of additional skills .
From there on , they began to form teams based on specific skill sets .
In an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ basic emergency prep plan , agreed on an emergency meeting place , and one family offered their home as a care shelter for seniors and/or families with small children that might be vulnerable during a disaster .
Another person offered their home as a place for anyone experiencing emotional or physical trauma .
`` If you can have some basic clarity , [ decide on ] practical steps and roles , it makes a big difference , '' Shalen says .
`` We all know where to meet and have a place where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If you 're elderly , you have a place to go where you will not be alone and there will be someone to help you . ''
Among the group 's many Google Documents is a personal preparation sheet , which includes a checklist of items to include in an emergency grab-and-go bag , how to prepare for fires or an earthquake , how to prepare for a three-day emergency or a month-long emergency , and so on .
Shalen says that because the Santa Cruz neighbors prepared themselves for a number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shortages—prior to the fires , the group was able to mitigate feelings of panic or helplessness when the fires hit .
Her hope is that their neighborhood collaboration can serve as a replicable model for how any community in any part of the country might become better prepared .
One of the resources the Santa Cruz group used is a program offered by the Emergency Management Division of the state of Washington called Map Your Neighborhood ( MYN ) .
This program offers step-by-step guidance to improve emergency preparedness in small neighborhood communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the idea is `` to improve disaster readiness at the neighborhood level , 15-20 homes or a defined area that you can canvas in 1 hour . ''
The group also looked to Community Emergency Response Team ( CERT ) programs , and two members completed an online CERT training through the University of Utah , followed by a COVID-compliant in-person CERT training in Santa Cruz .
Richard Roullard , one of the members who completed the training , says CERT has been a key resource .
`` Much of what we were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] already exists , '' he says .
Once the group had formed and agreed to participate , Shalen sent each member a bright yellow folder including the MYN program 's nine crucial steps to take immediately following a disaster .
The folders also included an emergency contact list the neighbors had filled out online and a map of the street , as well as a laminated sign to indicate whether anyone needed assistance with one side reading `` HELP '' and the opposite side that said `` OKAY , '' which the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ door or in a window visible from the street during an emergency .
The neighbors also masked up to meet in person and walk around the neighborhood , physically mapping out the locations of potentially dangerous utilities , like gas and water mains , electrical lines , etc.
, in their surrounding blocks , as recommended by MYN .
`` We all put on our masks , and we brought our folders , we showed up at our meeting place and then we went from house to house and carefully marked and took @ @ @ @ @ @ @ turn-offs were , '' Shalen says .
`` What was really amazing is that everybody had a blast .
People were talking to each other , everybody was getting to know each other .
And in the end , we put a portable speaker at the center of the street and we had a little dance party and raffle to celebrate . ''
Next , the group formed action teams within the larger group .
`` Everybody was so energized by the in-person MYN event that during the next Zoom call we started @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' she adds .
`` It turns out , we have two retired surgical nurses , a firefighter and a paramedic [ along the street ] .
There are several neighbors with wilderness survival skills training… We have people who know CPR or have emergency first responder training . ''
The group created an emergency medical responders ' team , an emergency radio communications team , and a team dedicated to going door-to-door to check on seniors , differently abled individuals , or those with little kids .
Several neighbors with professional water @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resilience information team .
One member created a Google Drive folder dedicated to water , which includes a dynamic FAQ where neighbors can post questions for the member to respond to .
Another group , made up of trauma survivors and mental health experts , formed as an emotional resilience team dedicated to helping those experiencing a fight-flight-freeze trauma response or other mental health impacts during a given emergency .
Shalen , who joined the emotional resilience team , says it 's been critical to offer this kind of support throughout the fires @ @ @ @ @ @ @ team is what distinguishes our group from other neighborhood disaster approaches that focus on known impacts of natural disasters and are often motivated by fear , '' Shalen says .
`` Our approach is more proactive .
The emotional resilience team has emotional first aid tools for emergencies , but we also have practices for strengthening trauma resilience in advance of an emergency .
My hope is that this will create the conditions for our street being an island of sanity and stability as things unravel in unpredictable ways following the election .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ group was formed , the skies darkened , the air outside became unhealthy to breathe and emergency evacuation orders began to take effect as the wildfires began to threaten Santa Cruz .
While Shalen 's neighborhood is located closer to the ocean , and most of the fire devastation happened up in the forested hills , she says she and her neighbors were aware of the fires that had spread to destroy entire towns in Northern California recently so they were on alert .
She adds that rather than panicking or adopting an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Shalen 's neighborhood put their plans into place .
`` It was really good that we had a system in place , '' she says .
`` We all had roles .
We had clarity about a lot of things , and mostly we had the trust and communication , and that was what we relied on the most . ''
The team assigned to check on neighbors who were elderly and/or differently abled began to go door-to-door every day .
Neighbors stayed in communication and took advantage of the support system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people were , '' Shalen says .
`` We went to their doors and asked 'Are you doing okay ?
Can we do anything for you ?
Do you have any concerns ? '
A lot of the seniors really just wanted to talk because they felt alone , [ since ] they do n't go online as often or stay in constant communication in the same way . ''
Since the fires , more neighbors have joined the resilience group .
`` We had a resilient response and it actually made us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` What 's really nice is I now have some very good friends on the street , which was kind of a happy accident… it 's been deepening the trust among us , and there 's a lot of appreciation .
All of us are so glad we had this in place . ''
She adds that looking toward the future , with the election and the uncertainty that lies ahead , she is especially glad the resiliency group is in place .
`` I 'm glad we started with the mindset of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and coming to it with our best self and a sense of inner resourcefulness and agency , '' she says .
`` I think what lies ahead is going to come down to your capacity for self-regulation .
And I think we really do need each other .
Even if it 's just a few neighbors , our capacity to endure what lies ahead will be much more enhanced if we have a foundational mindset that we are in this together .
It creates a better chance of group and individual emotional resilience @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clear , calm , connected , flexible , compassionate and collaborative .
It ensures a much more resilient response to whatever comes at us—whether it 's social unrest or even violence , or overlapping things that we ca n't anticipate . ''
*Name has been changed to protect their identity .
April M. Short is an editor , journalist and documentary editor and producer .
She is a writing fellow at Local Peace Economy , a project of the Independent Media Institute .
Previously , she served as a managing editor at AlterNet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ writer for Santa Cruz , California 's weekly newspaper .
Her work has been published with the San Francisco Chronicle , In These Times , Salon and many others .
This article was produced by Local Peace Economy , a project of the Independent Media Institute .

It was no fluke that the entire western U.S. was choked by wildfires and blanketed by smoke this past summer. The global climate disaster promises worsening fires, floods, droughts, storms and other natural disasters. The rate of these disasters has doubled over the last 20 years, and this rapid increase is caused by humans, according to the top climate researchers around the world. On October 12, the United Nations warned that the Earth will become "an uninhabitable hell" for millions of people if world leaders continue to fail to take drastic actions necessary to curb the climate crisis.
In a report released in 2020, the UN Office for Disaster Risk Reduction calculated that at least 7,348 major disasters had occurred between 2000 and 2019. The report, titled "Human Cost of Disasters: An Overview of the Last 20 Years," estimates that these disasters cost 1.23 million people their lives, impacted 4.2 billion people, and cost about $2.97 trillion in "economic losses worldwide."
In an effort to mitigate increasing climate impacts, many cities in the U.S. are implementing climate emergency preparedness plans. And at a micro-level, individuals around the nation are working to mobilize their neighborhoods to prepare for increasing climate impacts. In the surf-meets-redwoods city of Santa Cruz, California, about 70 miles south of San Francisco, a coalition of neighbors came together mid-pandemic to mitigate the potential impacts of foreboding disasters. The neighbors were prompted by the efforts of one woman, Nora Shalen*, a small business owner who became increasingly concerned by the research reports coming out about climate change. Her neighborhood formed an emergency preparedness network to offer mutual aid and a plan for resiliency when faced with increasing challenges in the future.
As it happened, the network was formed just in time, before the devastation struck the Santa Cruz region. While much of the West Coast has experienced historic wildfire impacts this year, the blaze in Santa Cruz, dubbed the C.Z.U. Lightning Complex fires, caused some of the worst damage to date. As James Ross Gardner wrote in a September 28 New Yorker article, "of the more than seven thousand five hundred structures damaged or destroyed by California wildfires so far this year, C.Z.U. burned a fifth of them."
And, Gardner further reports, "Climate change undoubtedly played a role, scientists affirm. The fires this summer resulted from a confluence of factors, including a severe drought that California began experiencing in 2012 and this year's unprecedented heat waves, in August and early September, Lenya Quinn-Davidson, a University of California wildfire expert, said, adding that, together, these factors produced 'a condition in California where our fuels are basically drier than they've ever been. … Then we get this slightly unprecedented lightning storm' with thousands of strikes 'within thirty-six hours.'"
In Santa Cruz, the smoke grew so thick over the city that daytime passed for night. Residents were ordered to evacuate amidst the COVID-19 pandemic, and local aid workers and volunteers rushed to piece together emergency shelters that would allow for social distancing.
Shalen, a Santa Cruz resident of 17 years, recalls having to turn on the headlights of her car to see in the middle of the afternoon. She says having the emergency resilience group helped the neighborhood to navigate weeks on end of unbreathable air, darkness and encroaching fires.
"One piece of feedback people kept giving me was that before we started doing this they were feeling really anxious and alone about the pandemic, about what's happening in the country," she says. "They realized once they started participating [in the emergency preparedness effort] that they were feeling a sense of well-being, feeling connected, feeling empowered."
How to Start
While Shalen had no community organizing experience and wasn't sure how the idea would be met by her neighbors—many of whom she had never spoken with before—she decided to take action. She began by distributing flyers in the neighborhood and inviting people interested in the project to email her. She says it's important to note that she, along with her husband, framed the initial outreach as an invitation to people to enter into a mutual aid agreement and bring their best selves to the project.
"All this happened organically, as people just wanted to find a sense of purpose," Shalen says. "I didn't really know these people and it was a lot to ask of strangers, so my husband and I wrote this email introducing the idea of mutual aid. This turned out to be very important, it's what distinguishes what we're doing from other neighborhoods," she says. "We explained that mutual aid is based on an ethic of mutuality, care and resourcefulness, and attending to the most vulnerable. I really wanted to start off with a certain mindset rather than saying, 'This is scary.' It was about introducing the idea with an expectation of agency and capability in the face of disruption."
In the email, she linked to an article predicting that the 2020 fire season would be worse than the previous year and explained that because the pandemic was already impacting the city and county emergency budgets, in a widespread emergency, those emergency services were likely to be overwhelmed and residents faced the possibility of having to be their own first responders.
"I mentioned [in the email] that if we approach these preparedness exercises [prior to an emergency], we will make a giant leap in our ability to respond or to have a resilient outcome; and if we choose to go it alone, we will all be weakened," she says. "If [we recognize] that we are each other's immune system, and we prepare, it will strengthen each of us individually and make us all more resilient. I also said that if we have a clear plan, it helps our chances of being able to think clearly and calmly as a group."
Then, a small coalition of interested neighbors began to hold meetings online, then in socially distanced ways outside. The group quickly grew into a structured one, with each person working together to come up with a plan to tackle any given emergency and assist neighbors in need. While not every household was interested or able to participate, those involved took stock of what resources and skills they collectively had to offer by filling out shared Google Document questionnaires. They shared specifics about their professional skills, adjunct skills, medications and/or special needs during a given emergency. The group discovered that the few blocks of residents who had responded to the survey had all the requisite qualifications needed to form an emergency preparedness team: they ranged from doctors, nurses and EMT workers willing to become emergency medics, to mental health professionals, firefighters and many others who offered a range of additional skills. From there on, they began to form teams based on specific skill sets.
In an initial Zoom call, they reviewed their basic emergency prep plan, agreed on an emergency meeting place, and one family offered their home as a care shelter for seniors and/or families with small children that might be vulnerable during a disaster. Another person offered their home as a place for anyone experiencing emotional or physical trauma.
"If you can have some basic clarity, [decide on] practical steps and roles, it makes a big difference," Shalen says. "We all know where to meet and have a place where we can go if we're injured. If you're elderly, you have a place to go where you will not be alone and there will be someone to help you."
Among the group's many Google Documents is a personal preparation sheet, which includes a checklist of items to include in an emergency grab-and-go bag, how to prepare for fires or an earthquake, how to prepare for a three-day emergency or a month-long emergency, and so on.
Shalen says that because the Santa Cruz neighbors prepared themselves for a number of potentially dangerous scenarios—from earthquakes to water shortages—prior to the fires, the group was able to mitigate feelings of panic or helplessness when the fires hit. Her hope is that their neighborhood collaboration can serve as a replicable model for how any community in any part of the country might become better prepared.
Mapping the Neighborhood
One of the resources the Santa Cruz group used is a program offered by the Emergency Management Division of the state of Washington called Map Your Neighborhood (MYN). This program offers step-by-step guidance to improve emergency preparedness in small neighborhood communities. According to the MYN website, the idea is "to improve disaster readiness at the neighborhood level, 15-20 homes or a defined area that you can canvas in 1 hour."
The group also looked to Community Emergency Response Team (CERT) programs, and two members completed an online CERT training through the University of Utah, followed by a COVID-compliant in-person CERT training in Santa Cruz.
Richard Roullard, one of the members who completed the training, says CERT has been a key resource. "Much of what we were trying to create [in our neighborhood] already exists," he says.
Once the group had formed and agreed to participate, Shalen sent each member a bright yellow folder including the MYN program's nine crucial steps to take immediately following a disaster. The folders also included an emergency contact list the neighbors had filled out online and a map of the street, as well as a laminated sign to indicate whether anyone needed assistance with one side reading "HELP" and the opposite side that said "OKAY," which the MYN program recommends placing on the front door or in a window visible from the street during an emergency.
The neighbors also masked up to meet in person and walk around the neighborhood, physically mapping out the locations of potentially dangerous utilities, like gas and water mains, electrical lines, etc., in their surrounding blocks, as recommended by MYN.
"We all put on our masks, and we brought our folders, we showed up at our meeting place and then we went from house to house and carefully marked and took note of where the gas and water turn-offs were," Shalen says. "What was really amazing is that everybody had a blast. People were talking to each other, everybody was getting to know each other. And in the end, we put a portable speaker at the center of the street and we had a little dance party and raffle to celebrate."
Next, the group formed action teams within the larger group.
"Everybody was so energized by the in-person MYN event that during the next Zoom call we started thinking about our different skill sets," she adds. "It turns out, we have two retired surgical nurses, a firefighter and a paramedic [along the street]. There are several neighbors with wilderness survival skills training… We have people who know CPR or have emergency first responder training."
The group created an emergency medical responders' team, an emergency radio communications team, and a team dedicated to going door-to-door to check on seniors, differently abled individuals, or those with little kids. Several neighbors with professional water resources expertise became dedicated to a water resilience information team. One member created a Google Drive folder dedicated to water, which includes a dynamic FAQ where neighbors can post questions for the member to respond to.
Another group, made up of trauma survivors and mental health experts, formed as an emotional resilience team dedicated to helping those experiencing a fight-flight-freeze trauma response or other mental health impacts during a given emergency. Shalen, who joined the emotional resilience team, says it's been critical to offer this kind of support throughout the fires and pandemic.
"The emotional resilience team is what distinguishes our group from other neighborhood disaster approaches that focus on known impacts of natural disasters and are often motivated by fear," Shalen says. "Our approach is more proactive. The emotional resilience team has emotional first aid tools for emergencies, but we also have practices for strengthening trauma resilience in advance of an emergency. My hope is that this will create the conditions for our street being an island of sanity and stability as things unravel in unpredictable ways following the election."
Plan in Action
Not long after the emotional resilience group was formed, the skies darkened, the air outside became unhealthy to breathe and emergency evacuation orders began to take effect as the wildfires began to threaten Santa Cruz. While Shalen's neighborhood is located closer to the ocean, and most of the fire devastation happened up in the forested hills, she says she and her neighbors were aware of the fires that had spread to destroy entire towns in Northern California recently so they were on alert. She adds that rather than panicking or adopting an "every house for themselves" attitude, Shalen's neighborhood put their plans into place.
"It was really good that we had a system in place," she says. "We all had roles. We had clarity about a lot of things, and mostly we had the trust and communication, and that was what we relied on the most."
The team assigned to check on neighbors who were elderly and/or differently abled began to go door-to-door every day. Neighbors stayed in communication and took advantage of the support system.
"We knew who the vulnerable people were," Shalen says. "We went to their doors and asked 'Are you doing okay? Can we do anything for you? Do you have any concerns?' A lot of the seniors really just wanted to talk because they felt alone, [since] they don't go online as often or stay in constant communication in the same way."
Since the fires, more neighbors have joined the resilience group.
"We had a resilient response and it actually made us feel closer," she says. "What's really nice is I now have some very good friends on the street, which was kind of a happy accident… it's been deepening the trust among us, and there's a lot of appreciation. All of us are so glad we had this in place."
She adds that looking toward the future, with the election and the uncertainty that lies ahead, she is especially glad the resiliency group is in place.
"I'm glad we started with the mindset of collaboration, care for the vulnerable, and coming to it with our best self and a sense of inner resourcefulness and agency," she says. "I think what lies ahead is going to come down to your capacity for self-regulation. And I think we really do need each other. Even if it's just a few neighbors, our capacity to endure what lies ahead will be much more enhanced if we have a foundational mindset that we are in this together. It creates a better chance of group and individual emotional resilience. It helps our capacity to remain clear, calm, connected, flexible, compassionate and collaborative. It ensures a much more resilient response to whatever comes at us—whether it's social unrest or even violence, or overlapping things that we can't anticipate."
*Name has been changed to protect their identity.
April M. Short is an editor, journalist and documentary editor and producer. She is a writing fellow at Local Peace Economy, a project of the Independent Media Institute. Previously, she served as a managing editor at AlterNet as well as an award-winning senior staff writer for Santa Cruz, California's weekly newspaper. Her work has been published with the San Francisco Chronicle, In These Times, Salon and many others.
This article was produced by Local Peace Economy, a project of the Independent Media Institute.


alternet--2020-11-11--Trump is in survival mode — and caught in a pardon dilemma with no good alternatives

Donald Trump is becoming more fearful and anxious by the day .
Above everything else , he desperately wants to save his own skin and avoid spending his remaining days outfitted in an orange prison jumpsuit .
This is why , as the legal challenges to his humiliating defeat at the polls fail one by one , he will eventually shed his phony tough-guy facade and seek refuge in a presidential pardon for the myriad of federal felonies he may have committed .
The question is not whether Trump will pursue the pardon remedy , but precisely when and how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a presidential pardon would apply only to federal offenses and leave him exposed to charges under New York law arising from the ongoing probe conducted by Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance , he has no other viable choice .
One of the few things Trump understands about the Constitution is the plenary nature of the pardon power granted to presidents .
The pardon power is the ultimate get-out-of-jail-free card .
To date , Trump has used his authority to pardon or commute the sentences of 44 individuals convicted of federal crimes .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the unhinged radical right as Joe Arpaio , the notoriously racist former sheriff of Maricopa County , Arizona ; and Dinesh D'Souza , the prominent author , documentary filmmaker and conspiracy theorist .
Trump also understands that with the loss of the presidency , he will lose the immunity he currently enjoys from federal prosecution .
I have written before and often of the federal charges Trump could face once he leaves office .
They include : • Obstruction of justice and perjury in connection with the investigation conducted by former special @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the 2016 election .
• Obstruction of Congress , extortion and bribery in connection with his efforts to pressure Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky to dig up political dirt on Joe and Hunter Biden in exchange for the release of U.S. military aid previously approved by Congress .
• Income tax and financial fraud for underreporting the revenue earned from his real estate ventures , and misrepresenting the value of his assets on loan applications .
• Involuntary manslaughter for his grossly negligent handling of the COVID-19 pandemic , resulting in thousands of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ finance laws for conspiring with his former lawyer Michael Cohen to pay hush money to pornographic film star Stephanie Clifford , aka `` Stormy Daniels , '' and former Playboy model Karen McDougal in the summer and fall of 2016 .
All of the above crimes fall within the general five-year federal statute of limitations .
When the decision hour arrives , Trump will have two basic options : he could resign and accept a pardon from Mike Pence , who would become acting president during the lame-duck interregnum before Joe Biden 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pardon himself .
Both sorts of pardons would be prospective , or preemptive , in nature , as they would be issued prior to the filing of any federal indictments .
A prospective pardon from Pence would mirror the one conferred on Richard Nixon by Gerald Ford in 1974 , which gave Nixon `` a full , free , and absolute pardon… for all offenses against the United States '' that Nixon had or `` may have committed '' during his time in office .
Given the Nixon precedent and the broad nature @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pardon would be all but impossible to overturn in court .
It remains to be seen whether Pence , who likely has ambitions to run for president in 2024 , would want to risk tarnishing whatever remains of his public brand with a pardon of the most corrupt chief executive in American history .
On the other hand , Pence may come to view a pardon for Trump as a gesture of fealty that would forever endear him to Trump 's strong and loyal electoral base .
A self-pardon , however , would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ image as a rogue and trendsetting norm-breaker , and would allow him to avoid any indebtedness to Pence .
In 2018 , in the midst of the Mueller investigation , Trump tweeted , `` I have the absolute right to PARDON myself . ''
Although Nixon reportedly toyed with the idea of pardoning himself , no president has ever attempted the feat .
It 's also by no means clear that a self-pardon would be upheld should the issue ever reach the Supreme Court .
In a memorandum drafted four days before Nixon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Office of Legal Counsel advised that a self-pardon would be illegal `` Under the fundamental rule that no one may be a judge in his own case . ''
Whatever path Trump chooses , a pardon would be seen by many as a moral , if not legal , admission of guilt .
Worse still , a federal pardon might only incentivize Cyrus Vance to go for the maximum punishment in his investigation of Trump for tax and business fraud under New York law .
Clearly , Trump is in survival mode .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ he is running out of time .
He is caught in what the ancient Greeks called a `` dilemma , '' a predicament with no good alternatives .

Donald Trump is becoming more fearful and anxious by the day. Above everything else, he desperately wants to save his own skin and avoid spending his remaining days outfitted in an orange prison jumpsuit. This is why, as the legal challenges to his humiliating defeat at the polls fail one by one, he will eventually shed his phony tough-guy facade and seek refuge in a presidential pardon for the myriad of federal felonies he may have committed.
The question is not whether Trump will pursue the pardon remedy, but precisely when and how he will do so. Even though a presidential pardon would apply only to federal offenses and leave him exposed to charges under New York law arising from the ongoing probe conducted by Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance, he has no other viable choice.
One of the few things Trump understands about the Constitution is the plenary nature of the pardon power granted to presidents. The pardon power is the ultimate get-out-of-jail-free card. To date, Trump has used his authority to pardon or commute the sentences of 44 individuals convicted of federal crimes. The recipients of his beneficence include such darlings of the unhinged radical right as Joe Arpaio, the notoriously racist former sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona; and Dinesh D'Souza, the prominent author, documentary filmmaker and conspiracy theorist.
Trump also understands that with the loss of the presidency, he will lose the immunity he currently enjoys from federal prosecution. I have written before and often of the federal charges Trump could face once he leaves office. They include:
All of the above crimes fall within the general five-year federal statute of limitations.
When the decision hour arrives, Trump will have two basic options: he could resign and accept a pardon from Mike Pence, who would become acting president during the lame-duck interregnum before Joe Biden's inauguration; or he could decide to pardon himself.
Both sorts of pardons would be prospective, or preemptive, in nature, as they would be issued prior to the filing of any federal indictments.
A prospective pardon from Pence would mirror the one conferred on Richard Nixon by Gerald Ford in 1974, which gave Nixon "a full, free, and absolute pardon… for all offenses against the United States" that Nixon had or "may have committed" during his time in office. Given the Nixon precedent and the broad nature of the pardon power, a Pence pardon would be all but impossible to overturn in court.
It remains to be seen whether Pence, who likely has ambitions to run for president in 2024, would want to risk tarnishing whatever remains of his public brand with a pardon of the most corrupt chief executive in American history. On the other hand, Pence may come to view a pardon for Trump as a gesture of fealty that would forever endear him to Trump's strong and loyal electoral base.
A self-pardon, however, would be more in keeping with Trump's image as a rogue and trendsetting norm-breaker, and would allow him to avoid any indebtedness to Pence. In 2018, in the midst of the Mueller investigation, Trump tweeted, "I have the absolute right to PARDON myself."
Although Nixon reportedly toyed with the idea of pardoning himself, no president has ever attempted the feat. It's also by no means clear that a self-pardon would be upheld should the issue ever reach the Supreme Court. In a memorandum drafted four days before Nixon's resignation, the Justice Department's Office of Legal Counsel advised that a self-pardon would be illegal "Under the fundamental rule that no one may be a judge in his own case."
Whatever path Trump chooses, a pardon would be seen by many as a moral, if not legal, admission of guilt. Worse still, a federal pardon might only incentivize Cyrus Vance to go for the maximum punishment in his investigation of Trump for tax and business fraud under New York law.
Clearly, Trump is in survival mode. He has no escape route, and he is running out of time. He is caught in what the ancient Greeks called a "dilemma," a predicament with no good alternatives.


alternet--2020-11-10--'The brink of a constitutional crisis': Trump is escalating the effort to overturn Biden's win

Republicans have aligned behind President Trump as he continues to make baseless accusations of widespread voter fraud and refuses to concede that he lost the presidential election to Joe Biden .
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell defended President Trump 's decision not to concede , and Attorney General William Barr upended long-standing Justice Department policy by announcing federal prosecutors could investigate `` specific allegations '' of voter fraud , a move that led to the resignation of Richard Pilger , the director of the Justice Department 's Election Crimes Branch .
The Trump campaign has launched a barrage of lawsuits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ results , including one in Pennsylvania attempting to block state officials from certifying Joe Biden 's election victory .
So far no evidence has emerged of voter fraud as alleged by the Trump campaign .
`` This is an unprecedented attack on democracy , '' says Kristen Clarke , president and executive director of the Lawyers ' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law .
`` The voters have spoken , and what we 're seeing is a president who refuses to recognize and embrace the will of the people . ''
This is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : This is Democracy Now !
The Quarantine Report .
I 'm Amy Goodman , with Juan González .
Attorney General William Barr upended long-standing Justice Department policy Monday by announcing federal prosecutors could investigate , quote , `` specific allegations '' of voter fraud in last week 's election , though did n't suggest any .
In response , the Justice Department 's chief elections crime prosecutor Richard Pilger resigned in protest .
This comes as Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and other top @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concede to President-elect Joe Biden .
AMY GOODMAN : The Trump campaign has so far filed suits in Pennsylvania , Georgia , Wisconsin , Michigan , Arizona and Nevada .
Many of them have been thrown out , but no evidence of widespread voter fraud has emerged .
In Pennsylvania , a group of Republican legislators are demanding the state not certify the election or seat electors until a legislative-led audit of the 2020 election is completed .
We 're joined now by Kristen Clarke , president and executive director of the Lawyers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Kristen , welcome back to Democracy Now !
Can you talk about the significance of what 's taking place right now ?
KRISTEN CLARKE : This is an unprecedented attack on democracy .
The voters have spoken , and what we 're seeing is a president who refuses to recognize and embrace the will of the people .
There are a number of lawsuits , as you have observed , that have been filed in a handful of states across the country .
Many of these cases are dead on arrival , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they are filed .
They are quietly withdrawn .
None of these cases have borne out .
And many of these cases are filed without proof , without documentation to substantiate these claims of fraud .
In Arizona , we saw a case a few days ago that was filed alleging that the use of a Sharpie pen by voters should disqualify a ballot cast by an eligible voter .
That case was quickly withdrawn , repackaged and filed in another court .
We saw a case filed in federal court yesterday in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case cherry-picks a few counties and alleges that things like the curing of ballots , where voters may have made minor errors on an absentee ballot envelope , for example , should disqualify the voices of eligible voters , again , in these cherry-picked counties .
We 're kind of nearing very close to the brink of a constitutional crisis .
The Bush v. Gore situation was very different .
There , we were focused on one state where there was a differential of just a few hundred ballots .
But here we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ popular vote margin nationally is widening by the day .
So , at this point , we 're really standing in the way of a smooth transfer of power , because each day that these baseless and unsubstantiated claims of fraud are allowed to go forward , it stands in the way of President-elect Biden being able to move forward with his transition , which we know is incredibly important given the current state of crises that we face in the country with respect to the pandemic , the economic crisis and more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I wanted to ask you in particular about Pennsylvania , which was the state , obviously , that put Joe Biden over the top in terms of Electoral College votes .
A coalition of 10 Republican attorneys general filed an amicus brief Monday asking the Supreme Court to hear the case regarding the dispute over the deadline of mail-in ballots .
And the Supreme Court had previously sort of kicked this down the road , because it was tied 4-4 at the time in terms of whether they would actually hear the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's questions as to whether there are even , in the mail-in ballots , sufficient numbers to actually affect the results .
Could you talk about the specifics of that case ?
KRISTEN CLARKE : Yes .
Justice Alito and the Supreme Court seem to have left the door just slightly cracked to entertain the claims in this case .
And my sense was that the court — Justice Alito , Justice Kavanaugh and others — would only be inclined to do so if there was some sense that the interjection of their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what we 're seeing is that that 's not the case .
And what we 're seeing is that there is no evidence of fraud in the way that Pennsylvania or in the way in which any state carried out its elections .
My organization , the Lawyers ' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law , runs a nationwide , nonpartisan election protection program .
We have been following and observing the way that this election has been carried out from day one .
And not a single instance — not one , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has come forward .
And it 's remarkable , because what we have seen are documented instances of voter suppression , voters who could not access the one drop box per county in Pennsylvania .
What we saw were voters who could n't vote because of lines that stretched for hours , particularly during the primary season in Philadelphia — and silence , deafening silence , from our federal government , from the Justice Department .
So , this is , you know , again , theater , being used to delay the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And we know that we have President-elect Biden who has prevailed .
And it really is time for these lawsuits to be put to rest .
JUAN GONZÁLEZ : And your reaction to the decision by Attorney General Barr , to his memo authorizing federal prosecutors to begin to pursue substantial investigations of voting and vote tabulation irregularities prior to the certification of elections ?
It caused Richard Pilger , the career official in charge of voter fraud , to resign — of investigating voter fraud .
This is unprecedented , is n't @ @ @ @ @ @ @ act even before votes are fully tabulated ?
KRISTEN CLARKE : It certainly is unprecedented .
The Justice Department has long abided by cardinal rules of not taking action that could be perceived to be in favor of a particular political party or a particular candidate — or , here , a particular former candidate .
And we have seen Attorney General Barr ignore these rules at every step of the way .
Several weeks ago , he publicly announced an investigation into a handful of ballots in Pennsylvania , and it was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ put his thumb on the scales in favor of President Trump , to breathe life into these false , baseless claims of widespread vote fraud .
And this directive issued to prosecutors all across our country last night is breathtaking .
It 's unprecedented and deeply troubling , because it 's intended to incite prosecutors , criminal prosecutors , across our country to now go on a fishing expedition , leading nowhere .
But what the impact will be is that it will cast doubt , sow confusion and chaos in our electoral @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has good standing .
There are people all across the globe who are watching this fiasco that 's playing out in these United States .
And we are becoming the laughingstock for the world .
And so , to have an attorney general , who should be neutral and independent and fair , kind of weighing in to this kind of chaotic strategy that 's underway by President Trump of using litigation to delay the inevitable , to suggest that the outcome is not right or fair , is deeply , deeply troubling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , you know , we are weighing in on some of these cases , where we deem appropriate .
When we look at the pattern , the kind of cherry-picked pattern where these suits are being filed , we 're finding that these suits are being filed in places that are home to large numbers of voters of color .
And so , we are weighing in on these cases when appropriate , but we expect that they will all fail at the end of the day , and that — KRISTEN CLARKE @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is time for a smooth transition .
AMY GOODMAN : We have to leave it there .
I thank you for being with us , president and executive director of the Lawyers ' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law .
That does it for our show .
I 'm Amy Goodman , with Juan González .
Be safe .
Save lives .
Wear a mask .

Republicans have aligned behind President Trump as he continues to make baseless accusations of widespread voter fraud and refuses to concede that he lost the presidential election to Joe Biden. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell defended President Trump's decision not to concede, and Attorney General William Barr upended long-standing Justice Department policy by announcing federal prosecutors could investigate "specific allegations" of voter fraud, a move that led to the resignation of Richard Pilger, the director of the Justice Department's Election Crimes Branch. The Trump campaign has launched a barrage of lawsuits seeking to invalidate last week's election results, including one in Pennsylvania attempting to block state officials from certifying Joe Biden's election victory. So far no evidence has emerged of voter fraud as alleged by the Trump campaign. "This is an unprecedented attack on democracy," says Kristen Clarke, president and executive director of the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law. "The voters have spoken, and what we're seeing is a president who refuses to recognize and embrace the will of the people."
Transcript
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now! The Quarantine Report. I'm Amy Goodman, with Juan González.
Attorney General William Barr upended long-standing Justice Department policy Monday by announcing federal prosecutors could investigate, quote, "specific allegations" of voter fraud in last week's election, though didn't suggest any. In response, the Justice Department's chief elections crime prosecutor Richard Pilger resigned in protest. This comes as Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and other top Republicans defend President Trump's refusal to concede to President-elect Joe Biden.
MAJORITY LEADER MITCH McCONNELL: And President Trump is 100% within his rights to look into allegations of irregularities and weigh his legal options.
AMY GOODMAN: The Trump campaign has so far filed suits in Pennsylvania, Georgia, Wisconsin, Michigan, Arizona and Nevada. Many of them have been thrown out, but no evidence of widespread voter fraud has emerged. In Pennsylvania, a group of Republican legislators are demanding the state not certify the election or seat electors until a legislative-led audit of the 2020 election is completed.
We're joined now by Kristen Clarke, president and executive director of the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law.
Kristen, welcome back to Democracy Now! Can you talk about the significance of what's taking place right now?
KRISTEN CLARKE: This is an unprecedented attack on democracy. The voters have spoken, and what we're seeing is a president who refuses to recognize and embrace the will of the people.
There are a number of lawsuits, as you have observed, that have been filed in a handful of states across the country. Many of these cases are dead on arrival, meaning they are dismissed as quickly as they are filed. They are quietly withdrawn. None of these cases have borne out. And many of these cases are filed without proof, without documentation to substantiate these claims of fraud. In Arizona, we saw a case a few days ago that was filed alleging that the use of a Sharpie pen by voters should disqualify a ballot cast by an eligible voter. That case was quickly withdrawn, repackaged and filed in another court. We saw a case filed in federal court yesterday in the Middle District of Pennsylvania. This case cherry-picks a few counties and alleges that things like the curing of ballots, where voters may have made minor errors on an absentee ballot envelope, for example, should disqualify the voices of eligible voters, again, in these cherry-picked counties.
We're kind of nearing very close to the brink of a constitutional crisis. The Bush v. Gore situation was very different. There, we were focused on one state where there was a differential of just a few hundred ballots. But here we're talking about several states where the popular vote margin nationally is widening by the day. So, at this point, we're really standing in the way of a smooth transfer of power, because each day that these baseless and unsubstantiated claims of fraud are allowed to go forward, it stands in the way of President-elect Biden being able to move forward with his transition, which we know is incredibly important given the current state of crises that we face in the country with respect to the pandemic, the economic crisis and more.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, Kristen, I wanted to ask you in particular about Pennsylvania, which was the state, obviously, that put Joe Biden over the top in terms of Electoral College votes. A coalition of 10 Republican attorneys general filed an amicus brief Monday asking the Supreme Court to hear the case regarding the dispute over the deadline of mail-in ballots. And the Supreme Court had previously sort of kicked this down the road, because it was tied 4-4 at the time in terms of whether they would actually hear the merits of this case. But there's questions as to whether there are even, in the mail-in ballots, sufficient numbers to actually affect the results. Could you talk about the specifics of that case?
KRISTEN CLARKE: Yes. Justice Alito and the Supreme Court seem to have left the door just slightly cracked to entertain the claims in this case. And my sense was that the court — Justice Alito, Justice Kavanaugh and others — would only be inclined to do so if there was some sense that the interjection of their voice would change the outcome. But what we're seeing is that that's not the case. And what we're seeing is that there is no evidence of fraud in the way that Pennsylvania or in the way in which any state carried out its elections. My organization, the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, runs a nationwide, nonpartisan election protection program. We have been following and observing the way that this election has been carried out from day one. And not a single instance — not one, not a single instance — of fraud has come forward.
And it's remarkable, because what we have seen are documented instances of voter suppression, voters who could not access the one drop box per county in Pennsylvania. What we saw were voters who couldn't vote because of lines that stretched for hours, particularly during the primary season in Philadelphia — and silence, deafening silence, from our federal government, from the Justice Department. So, this is, you know, again, theater, being used to delay the inevitable. The voters have spoken. And we know that we have President-elect Biden who has prevailed. And it really is time for these lawsuits to be put to rest.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And your reaction to the decision by Attorney General Barr, to his memo authorizing federal prosecutors to begin to pursue substantial investigations of voting and vote tabulation irregularities prior to the certification of elections? It caused Richard Pilger, the career official in charge of voter fraud, to resign — of investigating voter fraud. This is unprecedented, isn't it, for an attorney general to act even before votes are fully tabulated?
KRISTEN CLARKE: It certainly is unprecedented. The Justice Department has long abided by cardinal rules of not taking action that could be perceived to be in favor of a particular political party or a particular candidate — or, here, a particular former candidate. And we have seen Attorney General Barr ignore these rules at every step of the way. Several weeks ago, he publicly announced an investigation into a handful of ballots in Pennsylvania, and it was clear that this intervention was designed to put his thumb on the scales in favor of President Trump, to breathe life into these false, baseless claims of widespread vote fraud. And this directive issued to prosecutors all across our country last night is breathtaking. It's unprecedented and deeply troubling, because it's intended to incite prosecutors, criminal prosecutors, across our country to now go on a fishing expedition, leading nowhere.
But what the impact will be is that it will cast doubt, sow confusion and chaos in our electoral process. We want a democracy that has good standing. There are people all across the globe who are watching this fiasco that's playing out in these United States. And we are becoming the laughingstock for the world. And so, to have an attorney general, who should be neutral and independent and fair, kind of weighing in to this kind of chaotic strategy that's underway by President Trump of using litigation to delay the inevitable, to suggest that the outcome is not right or fair, is deeply, deeply troubling.
At the end of the day, you know, we are weighing in on some of these cases, where we deem appropriate. When we look at the pattern, the kind of cherry-picked pattern where these suits are being filed, we're finding that these suits are being filed in places that are home to large numbers of voters of color. And so, we are weighing in on these cases when appropriate, but we expect that they will all fail at the end of the day, and that —
AMY GOODMAN: Kristen Clarke —
KRISTEN CLARKE: — what we would have lost is time for a smooth transition.
AMY GOODMAN: We have to leave it there. I thank you for being with us, president and executive director of the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law.
That does it for our show. I'm Amy Goodman, with Juan González. Be safe. Save lives. Wear a mask.


alternet--2020-11-10--Here's a winning message Democrats could use to clinch the Senate in Georgia runoffs

For Democrats to win both runoff races planned for January 5 in Georgia and secure a Senate majority , they 're going to need a winning campaign message .
Sen. Bernie Sanders ( I-Vt. ) shared a suggestion on social media : `` If Democrats take back the Senate , '' he said on Monday afternoon , `` we will increase the minimum wage from a starvation wage of $ 7.25 an hour to a living wage of at least $ 15 an hour . ''
Sanders ' tweet implied that vocally fighting for a higher minimum wage could be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ossoff and Raphael Warnock in Georgia , where 47 % of workers make less than $ 15 an hour and 71 % of voters support increasing the federal minimum wage .
As Common Dreams reported last week , voters in Florida—despite casting roughly 370,000 more ballots for outgoing President Donald Trump than President-elect Joe Biden—approved a ballot measure to establish a $ 15 minimum wage with support from nearly two-thirds of the state 's electorate .
After Floridians passed a minimum wage increase by a margin of 61 % to 39 % while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 47.8 % of the vote compared to Trump 's 51.2 % , progressives criticized the Democratic Party for what some characterized as an inadequate embrace of progressive positions , ineffective communication , or both .
After all , critics noted , it is Biden , not Trump , who actually supports the $ 15 minimum wage policy that will give nearly 2.5 million low-income workers in Florida a much-needed raise .
With a major potential victory for progressives in sight , Sanders offered a campaign message for candidates Ossoff and Warnock that could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Georgia and handing Senate control to the Republicans .
His messaging idea , which seeks to excite people about the possibility of a Democratic-led Senate delivering a minimum wage hike , reflects his desire to see Ossoff and Warnock champion a living wage policy that can generate enthusiasm amongst voters and spark a strong turnout for the special Senate elections in Georgia .
As TIME reported last week , Atlanta 's above-average turnout among young voters ( 18-29 years old ) , and particularly young Black voters , 90 % of whom @ @ @ @ @ @ @ securing victory for the president-elect .
If Democrats are to win a Senate majority , replicating a high turnout of voters who oppose the GOP 's reactionary agenda will be crucial .
Data from Oxfam America and the Economic Policy Institute suggests that strongly advocating for a living wage , which researchers have pointed out would substantially reduce racial inequality , could propel a high turnout among working class populations that are electorally significant but often underrepresented at the polls .
In Georgia , 69.4 % of Hispanic , 59.4 % of Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and 39.9 % of white workers make less than $ 15 an hour .
Furthermore , of the workers in the state who make less than $ 15 an hour , 24 % are under 25 years old while 36 % are between the ages of 25 and 39 .
In other words , Sanders is suggesting that many of the same Atlanta residents and other people around the state in young and nonwhite demographic categories who voted overwhelmingly for Biden are probably more likely to support Ossoff and Warnock in January 2021 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clear that low-income workers in Georgia stand to benefit from a Democratic Senate majority .
As HuffPost reported last week , organized labor played a key role in successfully rejecting Trump at the ballot box in 2020 , with union leaders encouraging members and other working class households , particularly Black and Hispanic voters in urban areas of swing states , to get to the polls to support a Biden administration , which organizers said `` would protect their healthcare and do more to raise their wages . ''
Sanders is now highlighting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 15 minimum wage and advocating for the party to make the case to Georgians that they 'll benefit from helping to defeat the Republican Party and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell .

For Democrats to win both runoff races planned for January 5 in Georgia and secure a Senate majority, they're going to need a winning campaign message.
Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) shared a suggestion on social media: "If Democrats take back the Senate," he said on Monday afternoon, "we will increase the minimum wage from a starvation wage of $7.25 an hour to a living wage of at least $15 an hour."
Sanders' tweet implied that vocally fighting for a higher minimum wage could be the key to victory for candidates Jon Ossoff and Raphael Warnock in Georgia, where 47% of workers make less than $15 an hour and 71% of voters support increasing the federal minimum wage.
As Common Dreamsreported last week, voters in Florida—despite casting roughly 370,000 more ballots for outgoing President Donald Trump than President-elect Joe Biden—approved a ballot measure to establish a $15 minimum wage with support from nearly two-thirds of the state's electorate.
After Floridians passed a minimum wage increase by a margin of 61% to 39% while Biden lost the state by capturing only 47.8% of the vote compared to Trump's 51.2%, progressives criticized the Democratic Party for what some characterized as an inadequate embrace of progressive positions, ineffective communication, or both.
After all, critics noted, it is Biden, not Trump, who actually supports the $15 minimum wage policy that will give nearly 2.5 million low-income workers in Florida a much-needed raise.
With a major potential victory for progressives in sight, Sanders offered a campaign message for candidates Ossoff and Warnock that could prevent the Democrats from coming up short in Georgia and handing Senate control to the Republicans.
His messaging idea, which seeks to excite people about the possibility of a Democratic-led Senate delivering a minimum wage hike, reflects his desire to see Ossoff and Warnock champion a living wage policy that can generate enthusiasm amongst voters and spark a strong turnout for the special Senate elections in Georgia.
As TIME reported last week, Atlanta's above-average turnout among young voters (18-29 years old), and particularly young Black voters, 90% of whom voted for Biden, was instrumental in securing victory for the president-elect. If Democrats are to win a Senate majority, replicating a high turnout of voters who oppose the GOP's reactionary agenda will be crucial.
Data from Oxfam America and the Economic Policy Institute suggests that strongly advocating for a living wage, which researchers have pointed out would substantially reduce racial inequality, could propel a high turnout among working class populations that are electorally significant but often underrepresented at the polls.
In Georgia, 69.4% of Hispanic, 59.4% of Black, 41.9% of Asian American, and 39.9% of white workers make less than $15 an hour. Furthermore, of the workers in the state who make less than $15 an hour, 24% are under 25 years old while 36% are between the ages of 25 and 39.
In other words, Sanders is suggesting that many of the same Atlanta residents and other people around the state in young and nonwhite demographic categories who voted overwhelmingly for Biden are probably more likely to support Ossoff and Warnock in January 2021 if the candidates' campaigns make it clear that low-income workers in Georgia stand to benefit from a Democratic Senate majority.
As HuffPostreported last week, organized labor played a key role in successfully rejecting Trump at the ballot box in 2020, with union leaders encouraging members and other working class households, particularly Black and Hispanic voters in urban areas of swing states, to get to the polls to support a Biden administration, which organizers said "would protect their healthcare and do more to raise their wages."
Sanders is now highlighting how a Democratic-led Senate could pass a $15 minimum wage and advocating for the party to make the case to Georgians that they'll benefit from helping to defeat the Republican Party and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell.


alternet--2020-11-10--Is Joe Biden ready for the urgency of the climate crisis?

During his campaign , president-elect Joe Biden declared climate change the `` number one issue facing humanity '' and vowed a national transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy that he said would create millions of new jobs .
Now the question is : Will he follow through ?
The last Democratic president , Barack Obama , had a mixed environmental record .
He signed the Paris climate accord and gave a modest boost to clean energy production .
His administration gets credit for issuing higher standards for automobile fuel emissions , and to reduce electricity in appliances , from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Obama , the Environmental Protection Agency dragged its feet against imposing CO2 standards for power plants and oil refineries , and wasted precious time pushing an ineffective cap and trade system , rather than a badly needed carbon tax .
Certainly , Obama was miles better than Trump , but if we have any hope of really tackling this global challenge , Biden will have to be miles better than Obama .
Obama 2.0 will not be enough .
The good news is that the candidate Joe Biden had the most ambitious plan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a major party nominee for president .
His infrastructure and clean energy proposals included a pledge to achieve 100 percent clean electricity by 2035 .
To a number of observers , setting 2035 as the target appears unrealistic , but it 's what the science tells us we must do .
And a recent analysis by Professor Sonia Aggarwal from the University of California Berkeley School of Public Policy shows that 100 percent carbon-free electricity is achievable by 2035 due to plummeting solar , wind and battery costs .
Candidate Biden also has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trillion price tag over four years , because he proposes the climate crisis as an opportunity to create millions of jobs , address systemic inequities , and correct environmental problems in communities most heavily affected by climate impacts .
But it 's easy to make campaign promises .
Now candidate Biden has to pivot to become President Biden .
How feasible is it to achieve these goals ?
And what does it mean for those living in frontline communities ?
It 's an uphill climb , to be sure .
To achieve his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' means doubling the best rate of solar and wind deployment each year from 2020 to 2029—then tripling it each year from 2030 to 2035 .
This will need to go hand-in-hand with building a new energy grid , which is a key part of the plan to create half a million jobs annually , which can not be shipped overseas .
He will also need to eliminate emissions from the energy-producing sector , which would result in substantial health and environmental benefits .
A second pillar of his campaign 's climate plan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ higher efficiency standards for cars , buildings and appliances .
This focus on efficiency is key , since the more energy we save , the less we need to produce with the new renewable sources .
Increased efficiency involves energy audits , building upgrades and weatherization , and his climate plan calls for retrofitting four million buildings .
It also proposes constructing 1.5 million energy-efficient new homes to help address the affordable housing crisis , all of which would create many jobs .
A third pillar , Biden 's plan for increasing automobile @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vehicles for more efficient US-made cars .
His plan also calls for transitioning to electric vehicles by installing a half a million EV charging stations .
He proposed an environmental justice initiative that directs 40 percent of his investment in clean energy directly toward `` fenceline '' communities populated mainly by minorities and Indigenous communities that are disproportionately harmed by the impacts of climate change .
His plan includes a pledge to plug abandoned oil and gas wells and reclaim abandoned mines that pollute the air or water near tribal communities .
When @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the balance sheet , a clean energy grid turns out to be a lower-cost option compared to burning fossil fuels , so it could potentially save money .
Certainly , the Biden administration will rejoin the Paris climate pact to resume leadership in securing other nations ' commitments .
Even though Biden 's plan may not be as ambitious or as comprehensive as the Green New Deal , it is more practical and very much in line with climate scientists ' priorities .
If enacted fully , it would result in transformational change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right `` to do '' items , and he will have a mostly cooperative House majority , how can he make progress given the Senate will likely remain in GOP hands ?
For starters , Biden can sign a series of executive orders to achieve a number of important objectives , including 100 percent clean energy .
He could declare a climate emergency , stop all new fossil fuel mining and drilling leases , and strengthen automobile efficiency and power plant emission standards initiated during Obama 's tenure .
Some Democrats from gas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jon Tester and Pennsylvania 's Bob Casey who resisted Obama 's climate policy efforts , have softened their stances recently , as the impacts of climate change have become more obvious .
But others , such as Democratic Senator Joe Manchin from the big coal state of West Virginia , and currently ranking member of the Senate Energy Committee , might stall progress .
As a former longtime senator , Joe Biden has a deep understanding of the arcane ways of the Senate 's process .
He will need all of his political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this antiquated legislative body .
And President Biden will have public opinion on his side .
According to a recent Pew Research Center study , almost 70 percent of registered voters said that climate change is a very ( 42 percent ) or somewhat ( 26 percent ) important issue in deciding how to cast their vote for president .
Given the wildfires that have raged across the West , and a vicious hurricane season that pummeled the Atlantic coast and Gulf of Mexico , the impacts of climate change are no longer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ science says that we have perhaps ten years left to prevent catastrophic damage , including extreme heat , floods , drought , and poverty .
Candidate Biden seemed to understand both the urgency and the opportunity in the climate crisis .
Now it is up to President Biden to deliver .
Much is at stake .
This article was produced by Earth | Food | Life , a project of the Independent Media Institute .

by David Hastings
During his campaign, president-elect Joe Biden declared climate change the "number one issue facing humanity" and vowed a national transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy that he said would create millions of new jobs. Now the question is: Will he follow through?
The last Democratic president, Barack Obama, had a mixed environmental record. He signed the Paris climate accord and gave a modest boost to clean energy production. His administration gets credit for issuing higher standards for automobile fuel emissions, and to reduce electricity in appliances, from dishwashers to walk-in freezers. But under Obama, the Environmental Protection Agency dragged its feet against imposing CO2 standards for power plants and oil refineries, and wasted precious time pushing an ineffective cap and trade system, rather than a badly needed carbon tax.
Certainly, Obama was miles better than Trump, but if we have any hope of really tackling this global challenge, Biden will have to be miles better than Obama. Obama 2.0 will not be enough.
The good news is that the candidate Joe Biden had the most ambitious plan addressing the climate crisis ever proposed by a major party nominee for president. His infrastructure and clean energy proposals included a pledge to achieve 100 percent clean electricity by 2035. To a number of observers, setting 2035 as the target appears unrealistic, but it's what the science tells us we must do. And a recent analysis by Professor Sonia Aggarwal from the University of California Berkeley School of Public Policy shows that 100 percent carbon-free electricity is achievable by 2035 due to plummeting solar, wind and battery costs.
Candidate Biden also has been seemingly undeterred by the $2 trillion price tag over four years, because he proposes the climate crisis as an opportunity to create millions of jobs, address systemic inequities, and correct environmental problems in communities most heavily affected by climate impacts.
But it's easy to make campaign promises. Now candidate Biden has to pivot to become President Biden. How feasible is it to achieve these goals? And what does it mean for those living in frontline communities?
It's an uphill climb, to be sure. To achieve his ambitious pillar for a "clean-energy revolution" means doubling the best rate of solar and wind deployment each year from 2020 to 2029—then tripling it each year from 2030 to 2035. This will need to go hand-in-hand with building a new energy grid, which is a key part of the plan to create half a million jobs annually, which cannot be shipped overseas. He will also need to eliminate emissions from the energy-producing sector, which would result in substantial health and environmental benefits.
A second pillar of his campaign's climate plan relies on reducing greenhouse emissions by setting higher efficiency standards for cars, buildings and appliances. This focus on efficiency is key, since the more energy we save, the less we need to produce with the new renewable sources. Increased efficiency involves energy audits, building upgrades and weatherization, and his climate plan calls for retrofitting four million buildings. It also proposes constructing 1.5 million energy-efficient new homes to help address the affordable housing crisis, all of which would create many jobs.
A third pillar, Biden's plan for increasing automobile efficiency involves rebates to trade in gas-guzzling vehicles for more efficient US-made cars. His plan also calls for transitioning to electric vehicles by installing a half a million EV charging stations. He proposed an environmental justice initiative that directs 40 percent of his investment in clean energy directly toward "fenceline" communities populated mainly by minorities and Indigenous communities that are disproportionately harmed by the impacts of climate change. His plan includes a pledge to plug abandoned oil and gas wells and reclaim abandoned mines that pollute the air or water near tribal communities. When environmental and health costs are added to the balance sheet, a clean energy grid turns out to be a lower-cost option compared to burning fossil fuels, so it could potentially save money.
Certainly, the Biden administration will rejoin the Paris climate pact to resume leadership in securing other nations' commitments. Even though Biden's plan may not be as ambitious or as comprehensive as the Green New Deal, it is more practical and very much in line with climate scientists' priorities. If enacted fully, it would result in transformational change.
But while his plan has the right "to do" items, and he will have a mostly cooperative House majority, how can he make progress given the Senate will likely remain in GOP hands?
For starters, Biden can sign a series of executive orders to achieve a number of important objectives, including 100 percent clean energy. He could declare a climate emergency, stop all new fossil fuel mining and drilling leases, and strengthen automobile efficiency and power plant emission standards initiated during Obama's tenure. Some Democrats from gas and coal states, like Montana's Jon Tester and Pennsylvania's Bob Casey who resisted Obama's climate policy efforts, have softened their stances recently, as the impacts of climate change have become more obvious. But others, such as Democratic Senator Joe Manchin from the big coal state of West Virginia, and currently ranking member of the Senate Energy Committee, might stall progress.
As a former longtime senator, Joe Biden has a deep understanding of the arcane ways of the Senate's process. He will need all of his political skill to wring something good out of this antiquated legislative body.
And President Biden will have public opinion on his side. According to a recent Pew Research Center study, almost 70 percent of registered voters said that climate change is a very (42 percent) or somewhat (26 percent) important issue in deciding how to cast their vote for president. Given the wildfires that have raged across the West, and a vicious hurricane season that pummeled the Atlantic coast and Gulf of Mexico, the impacts of climate change are no longer possible to ignore.
The best climate science says that we have perhaps ten years left to prevent catastrophic damage, including extreme heat, floods, drought, and poverty. Candidate Biden seemed to understand both the urgency and the opportunity in the climate crisis. Now it is up to President Biden to deliver. Much is at stake.
This article was produced by Earth | Food | Life, a project of the Independent Media Institute.
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alternet--2020-11-10--Here's what Joe Biden's win reveals about American voters

A refrain of American politics is the lack of representation of women , Blacks and Hispanics in the political arena .
But almost as striking in 2020 is the exclusion of young people .
Those at the highest levels of the American government have never been older : Joe Biden , the next president , is currently 77 and will celebrate a birthday later this month .
Nancy Pelosi , speaker of the House of Representatives , is 80 .
Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell is 78 .
Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts is young by comparison at 65 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are older than him .
It has n't always been this way .
John F. Kennedy , Bill Clinton and Barack Obama began their terms of office while in their 40s .
In contrast , Donald Trump was 70 when he assumed power in 2016 and Biden will be 78 .
The age of those holding executive , legislative and judicial power in Washington , D.C. , sends a warning .
American politicians are much more generous to the old than they are to the young .
After all , the country does @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for those 65 and older .
Social Security retirement benefits are the third rail of politics that few politicians dare touch .
Among the most feared , fierce and well-funded lobby groups in Washington is the American Association for Retired Persons , known as AARP , which advocates for the interests of those 50 and over .
The aging of the political class illustrates how ( old ) age is now accepted in workplaces and more generally in the public domain .
The U.S. was the first country to ban mandatory retirement at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are judged not on their chronological age but , rather , on their performance .
Like politicians , the vast majority of Americans now work in the services sector where most jobs place a premium on social competencies , knowledge and the ability to continue learning , rather than on physical strength .
Whether in politics or outside it , long careers also mean more experience , connections and opportunities to call in favours .
Biden ran for president in 1988 and 2008 , served for 36 years in the Senate and was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ McConnell was first elected to the Senate in 1984 , and Pelosi to the House of Representatives in 1987 .
Older politicians have an advantage at the polls because their fellow older citizens are much more likely to cast a ballot than the young .
For presidential elections , more than 70 per cent of the electorate age 60 and older casts a vote , but less than 50 per cent of those 18 to 29 .
This pattern did not change in 2020 .
Although youth turnout was higher for the 2020 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ estimated that only half of those aged 18 to 29 cast a vote .
Not only are older citizens more likely to vote , but there are more of them in the United States than ever before .
Half of those who vote in elections are over 50 .
As such , the abundance of powerful older politicians in Washington comes as no surprise .
Perhaps because older people have been so successful in politics , ageist stereotypes were largely absent from the recent presidential election .
Although Trump sought to portray Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ never gained traction among most of the electorate .
If 65 is the new 55 , then in politics , 75 seems the new 65 .
The very notion of “ old , '' in fact , is under revision and reconstruction .
After all , women regularly give birth in their 40s and in some cases even later .
But intergenerational conflict may nonetheless grow in America in the post-pandemic era when difficult decisions and trade-offs will have to be made .
Older voters will fight to protect Social Security and Medicare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ well-being and safety they have earned .
Reforms that older voters demand are typically gradual in nature .
Younger voters have different political interests and are less loyal to established traditions .
Young people are much more affected by political decisions surrounding drug use , abortion and crime and want to see rapid reforms .
America 's young adults will demand action on creating and protecting jobs , ensuring educational opportunities and dealing with injustice .
It remains to be seen if Washington 's gerontocracy , headed by Biden , will be able @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with those of the old .
The president-elect has successfully enticed more young people to participate in politics , but it 's far from certain that he 'll serve their interests .
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

by Thomas Klassen, York University, Canada
A refrain of American politics is the lack of representation of women, Blacks and Hispanics in the political arena. But almost as striking in 2020 is the exclusion of young people.
Those at the highest levels of the American government have never been older: Joe Biden, the next president, is currently 77 and will celebrate a birthday later this month. Nancy Pelosi, speaker of the House of Representatives, is 80. Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell is 78. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts is young by comparison at 65, but four of his eight colleagues are older than him.
It hasn't always been this way. John F. Kennedy, Bill Clinton and Barack Obama began their terms of office while in their 40s. In contrast, Donald Trump was 70 when he assumed power in 2016 and Biden will be 78.
The age of those holding executive, legislative and judicial power in Washington, D.C., sends a warning. American politicians are much more generous to the old than they are to the young. After all, the country does have public health care, but only for those 65 and older.
Social Security retirement benefits are the third rail of politics that few politicians dare touch. Among the most feared, fierce and well-funded lobby groups in Washington is the American Association for Retired Persons, known as AARP, which advocates for the interests of those 50 and over.
Banned mandatory retirement
The aging of the political class illustrates how (old) age is now accepted in workplaces and more generally in the public domain. The U.S. was the first country to ban mandatory retirement at age 65. This ensures that workers are judged not on their chronological age but, rather, on their performance.
Like politicians, the vast majority of Americans now work in the services sector where most jobs place a premium on social competencies, knowledge and the ability to continue learning, rather than on physical strength.
Whether in politics or outside it, long careers also mean more experience, connections and opportunities to call in favours. Biden ran for president in 1988 and 2008, served for 36 years in the Senate and was Obama's vice-president for two terms. McConnell was first elected to the Senate in 1984, and Pelosi to the House of Representatives in 1987.
Older politicians have an advantage at the polls because their fellow older citizens are much more likely to cast a ballot than the young. For presidential elections, more than 70 per cent of the electorate age 60 and older casts a vote, but less than 50 per cent of those 18 to 29. This pattern did not change in 2020. Although youth turnout was higher for the 2020 election than in 2016, it is estimated that only half of those aged 18 to 29 cast a vote.
Not only are older citizens more likely to vote, but there are more of them in the United States than ever before. Half of those who vote in elections are over 50.
As such, the abundance of powerful older politicians in Washington comes as no surprise.
'Sleepy Joe' slur failed to take hold
Perhaps because older people have been so successful in politics, ageist stereotypes were largely absent from the recent presidential election. Although Trump sought to portray Biden as “Sleepy Joe," this never gained traction among most of the electorate.
If 65 is the new 55, then in politics, 75 seems the new 65. The very notion of “old," in fact, is under revision and reconstruction. After all, women regularly give birth in their 40s and in some cases even later.
But intergenerational conflict may nonetheless grow in America in the post-pandemic era when difficult decisions and trade-offs will have to be made. Older voters will fight to protect Social Security and Medicare entitlements, and more generally, the well-being and safety they have earned. Reforms that older voters demand are typically gradual in nature.
Younger voters have different political interests and are less loyal to established traditions. Young people are much more affected by political decisions surrounding drug use, abortion and crime and want to see rapid reforms. America's young adults will demand action on creating and protecting jobs, ensuring educational opportunities and dealing with injustice.
It remains to be seen if Washington's gerontocracy, headed by Biden, will be able to reconcile the priorities of the young with those of the old. The president-elect has successfully enticed more young people to participate in politics, but it's far from certain that he'll serve their interests.
Thomas Klassen, Professor, School of Public Policy and Administration, York University, Canada
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.