alternet--2020-10-08--Trump gave his blessing for right-wing groups to threaten the election — and voting advocates are wo

Trump gave his blessing for right-wing groups to threaten the election — and voting advocates are worried

For weeks police and private intelligence circles have predicted `` coming violence '' from right-wing vigilantes at some polling places in presidential battleground states .
But President Trump 's debate message to a white power group to `` stand back and stand by , '' despite his retraction , has turned online chatter among extremists into organizing actions targeting Election Day , according to the FBI 's former counterintelligence director Frank Figliuzzi .
`` What we are seeing include calls for civil war , race-based conflict , and for increased acquisition of weapons , '' said Figliuzzi , speaking at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law on voter intimidation threats and responses .
`` Right-wing extremist groups , including QAnon , Proud Boys , Boogaloo Boys and violent militia groups , are all using the language of violent conflict in both their public and in their private communications online . ''
`` They are also calling for a physical response and presence at the polling places , '' he said .
`` The specter of people who are violent in nature and have violent agendas , and often come armed with long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ possibility . ''
The Lawyers ' Committee briefing suggested that recent incidents where Trump supporters have badgered voters and election officials in blue epicenters may be signs of bigger trouble as Election Day nears .
Both parties have stepped up recruitment of partisan poll watchers and , in Trump 's case , voting vigilantes .
While the committee 's briefing emphasized there were laws protecting voters from last-minute electioneering and intimidation , as well as rules that regulate what partisan observers can and can not do at election sites , its message was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forcefully to reject voter intimidation at polls or in the streets , and say how authorities would respond should it occur .
`` One step that election officials can make is to make clear the campaign-free zone that applies in their states , '' Kristen Clarke , the Lawyers ' Committee 's president and executive director , said , referring to the buffer zone that surrounds polling places or buildings with voting sites inside , where supporters of candidates and causes can not campaign .
`` In every state there is a certain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and [ in ] which intimidating activity would also be prohibited . ''
`` Officials often do a good job promoting the time and date for elections , and what 's on the ballot , '' Clarke said , referring to the public information campaigns that have increased since Labor Day .
`` Going one step further to make clear that no intimidation is allowed within a certain zone outside the doors of a polling site would be one small step . ''
Local and state prosecutors should take strong stances condemning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ added , especially since the U.S. Department of Justice has abdicated that role under Trump .
`` This may be a moment where we lean on state and local law enforcement to step into those gaps . ''
`` There is also a tremendous role to play for law enforcement leaders in terms of messaging , '' agreed Kenneth Polite , former U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of Louisiana , speaking at the same briefing .
His recommendation included `` making public statements that emphasize… their commitment to protecting these constitutional rights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against ] , evaluating and prosecuting this type of intimidation . ''
The week after the Lawyers ' Committee 's briefing saw some officials beginning to speak out .
On October 6 , the attorneys general of Michigan , Wisconsin and Nevada , all Democrats , held a video press conference where they condemned Trump 's call for unofficial poll watchers and vowed to prosecute voter intimidation .
Other recent news reports have noted that local election administrators and police have been reevaluating their security plans .
There were many reasons behind today @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2020 apart from threats of election violence in the recent past , the committee 's experts said .
Foremost was Trump 's role as an `` instigator or radicalizer '' with his attacks on the voting process and calls for supporters to confront what Trump said would be cheating by Democrats .
Another factor was in 2018 the Republican National Committee was freed from a decades-old federal consent decree that barred it from using voter suppression tactics .
And another was scenes from Midwestern states where right-wing zealots brought military-style guns into statehouses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most likely targets for voter intimidation were not polling places randomly chosen from the 100,000-plus voting sites that will be open on Election Day , November 3 , the experts said .
The targets would likely be polling places in communities of color in swing states , they said , especially in locales where anti-police brutality protests and Black Lives Matter rallies have occurred .
The fact that these settings have residents who distrust the police adds a complicating layer when it comes to how authorities will intervene should legal electioneering cross the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the peace or criminal violence .
Police have more authority than election officials to respond if threatening behavior or violence arises at polls or in the streets , but many voters in communities of color do n't want to ask the police for help—or believe that the police will protect them—voting rights advocates said .
`` It 's one thing to say we need folks [ waiting to vote ] to be tougher .
It 's another thing to say , 'Who is going to protect you ? '
'' said Jorge Vasquez @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the nonprofit civil rights law firm Advancement Project .
`` [ If ] you 're a Black or a Brown voter , and you see how Black or Brown people are being treated by law enforcement , you would understand that you 're really talking about [ a situation in which your ] … life may be on the line in a way that it has n't been in the past . ''
Vasquez has been meeting with local police in six swing states—Arizona , Michigan , Pennsylvania , Virginia , Georgia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rules in communities of color before Election Day .
His efforts to get police to negotiate and sign memorandums of understanding about how they will engage with voters this fall had similarities to those of protest organizers engaging with law enforcement before holding rallies and demonstrations .
The problem facing both voting rights advocates and officials is not people respectfully exercising their First Amendment rights , but rather with dealing with provocateurs who disrupt events and seek to provoke a police response that interrupts others from exercising those rights , Edward Maguire , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Arizona State University , recently told NPR .
`` Police know how to handle peaceful protests .
The harder part is when you have that gray zone in between , where you have protests that are largely peaceful , but you have people who are behaving in a violent or destructive manner . ''
When it comes to campaigning and voting on Election Day , there can be several gray zones .
The first is where one person 's actions in support of a cause—called electioneering—are legal but may be intimidating to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or ideology .
Then there are clearly intimidating actions that likely violate election or criminal codes , if those actions were being monitored and those laws were being enforced .
But people in opposing political parties and local authorities may not see or judge the same actions the same way .
There are a series of state and federal laws that protect voters .
The most obvious are buffer zones around the entrances to polls where electioneering is not allowed .
These distances are specified in state law and vary , from 10 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Virginia , to 100 feet in Wisconsin and Michigan , to 150 feet in Florida and Georgia .
There are state and federal laws barring voter intimidation , rules governing the conduct of partisan observers in election sites , and laws outlawing any election-related violence .
( On the other hand , it is legal to bring guns into polls in Michigan , North Carolina , Pennsylvania , Virginia and Wisconsin , gun control groups have reported . )
There were two recent widely reported instances of Trump supporters badgering voters and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and ambiguities that arise as voters and authorities respond to loud but legal electioneering , and to what one seasoned observer concluded was illegal voter intimidation .
A clear line was seen in Philadelphia , where Trump supporters demanded to observe the start of early voting at a satellite voting center just before 2020 's first televised presidential debate .
Perhaps the gambit was a stunt to give Trump fodder to smear the city 's elections , which he did .
But local election officials told the Trump supporters that they could not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ process to become credentialed partisan observers .
A blurrier line emerged during the first weekend of early voting in Fairfax County , Virginia .
In that diverse Washington , D.C. , suburb , a caravan of Trump supporters drove into the parking lot where voters were lined up at the county 's government center , some revving their engines , which upset some voters .
A small band of Trump supporters got out of their cars and trucks and converged at a plaza near the entrance , where they waved banners and cheered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ intimidated alerted officials , who came out , spoke to the campaigners , and then opened the government center so voters could wait inside in the hallways .
`` There are two factors that go on that you should be thinking about , '' said Kevin Kennedy , who was Wisconsin 's top statewide election official from 1982 to 2016 and a lawyer .
`` There 's the electioneering factor , which is trying to influence voting .
'Do n't vote for that jerk , ' 'Vote for this party , ' or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ electioneering ] stops 100 feet from the entrance of any building containing a polling place with the exception of a sign on private property . ''
`` The second factor is you can not interfere with the orderly conduct of the election , '' he said .
`` The general definition of disorderly conduct is something that tends to disturb the peace or create an issue… I would say that driving a truck through a parking lot [ to disrupt waiting voters ] , even if you are more than 100 feet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ intimidation ] .
The question then is resource allocation for law enforcement . ''
Kennedy 's last point highlights another gray zone that affects when and where police might step in—if they were present or were called upon to do so .
Election officials have narrower authority than the police to deal with bad behavior as it moves from the polls to the street .
Kennedy concluded that Trump supporters toying with Fairfax County voters outside of Virginia 's 40-foot electioneering boundary was illegal voter intimidation , but it did not prompt arrests @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are seeking to extend the buffer zone to 150 feet .
`` We need individuals to use their discretion in a way that promotes democracy , '' said the Advancement Project 's Vasquez .
`` I 've seen in 2018 in Florida , voters come with horses waving an American flag where there are people with long lines , similar to the pickup trucks [ in Fairfax County ] .
It is fact-specific and looking at the totality of the circumstances . ''
How visible police should be at polls , especially in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ question .
`` The polling station has historically been a militarized space for Black voters , '' said Jeralyn Cave , Vasquez 's colleague and Advancement Project spokeswoman , citing America 's history of white vigilantes , segregation , Jim Crow and recent partisan voter suppression .
`` So many people [ police ] do n't want to use their discretion as it relates to elections , '' Vasquez said .
`` But any other time , they are willing to use their discretion .
Most recently , I think what we could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of people storming the street to practice their First Amendment right to peaceful [ ly ] protest [ police brutality ] .
And we have some police officers who are deciding that , 'You know what , you guys are in a group during a pandemic , and we 're going to use our discretion to either charge you with something or not charge you with something . '
'' The question , then , becomes one of nuance .
What can government officials do now to assure voters in battleground states that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Vasquez has been trying to negotiate ground rules with police in communities of color in swing states .
But as of October 2 , Cave said that no law enforcement agency had signed any memorandum of understanding .
Other voting rights advocates , such as the Lawyers ' Committee 's Clarke , did not want to see more police at polling places .
`` In no uncertain terms , we object to the presence of law enforcement at the polls , '' she said at the same briefing where Figliuzzi described the growing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ observed in Wisconsin , officials resorting to using the National Guard to fill in gaps as they worked with insufficient numbers of poll workers .
Many of them were in plain clothes .
We 're very concerned about any further efforts to activate law enforcement in any further fashion at polling sites , particularly in the communities with large numbers of voters of color . ''
Figliuzzi replied by listing some `` warning signs and indicators '' to look out for .
`` One would be the presence of federal agents of any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might , as you heard , be a specific violation of law , '' he said .
( Armed federal agents and military personnel are not permitted at polls , despite Trump 's claims . )
`` Secondly , I would be particularly vigilant for any reports that off-duty police officers have been hired by any private organization , or an organization that may be linked to a particular campaign , to conduct some kind of so-called security or monitoring , '' he said .
`` That would be very troubling , particularly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ departments are canceling all off-duty work , or other duty work , because of the concerns about the polling place [ on Election Day ] . ''
But there were low-key roles that police could play to keep poll settings orderly .
`` We do n't want to call out [ oppose ] perimeter security , parking lot traffic management type things that will get people in and out safely , '' Figliuzzi said .
`` But [ we ] want to watch for the warning signs that would tell us that something @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enforcement . ''
The Lawyers ' Committee briefing ended by imploring government officials , not just election administrators , not only to be more vocal about protecting the health of voters during a pandemic , but also to publicly state their commitment to voter safety in swing states .
Journalists , too , should pressure state and local officials , they said .
The panel 's experts did not trust the federal Department of Justice 's efforts to protect voters .
`` Reporters should feel free to ask their law enforcement leaders— [ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials—will you be setting up a command post or joint operation unit with law enforcement and federal partners for the election ? ''
Figliuzzi said .
`` Will you be issuing press releases that remind people what the law is and what is permitted ?
Will you be engaging in proactive dialogue through your intelligence officers with known leaders of activists or groups ?
Will you be considering designated protest areas away from the polling place ? ''
What should voters do if they face intimidating actions at the polls or in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be confrontational .
And do document what is happening , '' Vasquez said .
`` Know who to contact .
Certainly , contact Advancement Project 's national office with any questions you have .
Reach out to us on social media .
We 'll help you assess the situation and find a plan through it .
But at this point , the best thing you can tell anyone is 'Do n't be confrontational . '
'' `` It 's not your place to necessarily be confrontational , '' he emphasized .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ able to safely cast a ballot . ''
Steven Rosenfeld is the editor and chief correspondent of Voting Booth , a project of the Independent Media Institute .
He has reported for National Public Radio , Marketplace , and Christian Science Monitor Radio , as well as a wide range of progressive publications including Salon , AlterNet , the American Prospect , and many other

For weeks police and private intelligence circles have predicted "coming violence" from right-wing vigilantes at some polling places in presidential battleground states. But President Trump's debate message to a white power group to "stand back and stand by," despite his retraction, has turned online chatter among extremists into organizing actions targeting Election Day, according to the FBI's former counterintelligence director Frank Figliuzzi.
"What we are seeing include calls for civil war, race-based conflict, and for increased acquisition of weapons," said Figliuzzi, speaking at an October 2 briefing by the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law on voter intimidation threats and responses. "Right-wing extremist groups, including QAnon, Proud Boys, Boogaloo Boys and violent militia groups, are all using the language of violent conflict in both their public and in their private communications online."
"They are also calling for a physical response and presence at the polling places," he said. "The specter of people who are violent in nature and have violent agendas, and often come armed with long guns, is becoming a very real possibility."
The Lawyers' Committee briefing suggested that recent incidents where Trump supporters have badgered voters and election officials in blue epicenters may be signs of bigger trouble as Election Day nears. Both parties have stepped up recruitment of partisan poll watchers and, in Trump's case, voting vigilantes.
While the committee's briefing emphasized there were laws protecting voters from last-minute electioneering and intimidation, as well as rules that regulate what partisan observers can and cannot do at election sites, its message was that public officials must speak out more forcefully to reject voter intimidation at polls or in the streets, and say how authorities would respond should it occur.
"One step that election officials can make is to make clear the campaign-free zone that applies in their states," Kristen Clarke, the Lawyers' Committee's president and executive director, said, referring to the buffer zone that surrounds polling places or buildings with voting sites inside, where supporters of candidates and causes cannot campaign. "In every state there is a certain perimeter in which electioneering activity is prohibited, and [in] which intimidating activity would also be prohibited."
"Officials often do a good job promoting the time and date for elections, and what's on the ballot," Clarke said, referring to the public information campaigns that have increased since Labor Day. "Going one step further to make clear that no intimidation is allowed within a certain zone outside the doors of a polling site would be one small step."
Local and state prosecutors should take strong stances condemning any menacing presence at polls, she added, especially since the U.S. Department of Justice has abdicated that role under Trump. "This may be a moment where we lean on state and local law enforcement to step into those gaps."
"There is also a tremendous role to play for law enforcement leaders in terms of messaging," agreed Kenneth Polite, former U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of Louisiana, speaking at the same briefing. His recommendation included "making public statements that emphasize… their commitment to protecting these constitutional rights, including their roles of protecting [against], evaluating and prosecuting this type of intimidation."
The week after the Lawyers' Committee's briefing saw some officials beginning to speak out. On October 6, the attorneys general of Michigan, Wisconsin and Nevada, all Democrats, held a video press conference where they condemned Trump's call for unofficial poll watchers and vowed to prosecute voter intimidation. Other recent news reports have noted that local election administrators and police have been reevaluating their security plans.
Not a Normal Election
There were many reasons behind today's worries about voter intimidation that set 2020 apart from threats of election violence in the recent past, the committee's experts said. Foremost was Trump's role as an "instigator or radicalizer" with his attacks on the voting process and calls for supporters to confront what Trump said would be cheating by Democrats. Another factor was in 2018 the Republican National Committee was freed from a decades-old federal consent decree that barred it from using voter suppression tactics. And another was scenes from Midwestern states where right-wing zealots brought military-style guns into statehouses while protesting government-ordered COVID-19 precautions.
The most likely targets for voter intimidation were not polling places randomly chosen from the 100,000-plus voting sites that will be open on Election Day, November 3, the experts said. The targets would likely be polling places in communities of color in swing states, they said, especially in locales where anti-police brutality protests and Black Lives Matter rallies have occurred.
The fact that these settings have residents who distrust the police adds a complicating layer when it comes to how authorities will intervene should legal electioneering cross the line into illegal voter intimidation, disturbing the peace or criminal violence. Police have more authority than election officials to respond if threatening behavior or violence arises at polls or in the streets, but many voters in communities of color don't want to ask the police for help—or believe that the police will protect them—voting rights advocates said.
"It's one thing to say we need folks [waiting to vote] to be tougher. It's another thing to say, 'Who is going to protect you?'" said Jorge Vasquez Jr., Power and Democracy Program director for the nonprofit civil rights law firm Advancement Project. "[If] you're a Black or a Brown voter, and you see how Black or Brown people are being treated by law enforcement, you would understand that you're really talking about [a situation in which your]… life may be on the line in a way that it hasn't been in the past."
Gray Zones
Vasquez has been meeting with local police in six swing states—Arizona, Michigan, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Georgia and Florida—to try to set some ground rules in communities of color before Election Day. His efforts to get police to negotiate and sign memorandums of understanding about how they will engage with voters this fall had similarities to those of protest organizers engaging with law enforcement before holding rallies and demonstrations.
The problem facing both voting rights advocates and officials is not people respectfully exercising their First Amendment rights, but rather with dealing with provocateurs who disrupt events and seek to provoke a police response that interrupts others from exercising those rights, Edward Maguire, a professor of criminology and criminal justice at Arizona State University, recently told NPR. "Police know how to handle peaceful protests. The harder part is when you have that gray zone in between, where you have protests that are largely peaceful, but you have people who are behaving in a violent or destructive manner."
When it comes to campaigning and voting on Election Day, there can be several gray zones. The first is where one person's actions in support of a cause—called electioneering—are legal but may be intimidating to others who don't share their views or ideology. Then there are clearly intimidating actions that likely violate election or criminal codes, if those actions were being monitored and those laws were being enforced. But people in opposing political parties and local authorities may not see or judge the same actions the same way.
There are a series of state and federal laws that protect voters. The most obvious are buffer zones around the entrances to polls where electioneering is not allowed. These distances are specified in state law and vary, from 10 feet in Pennsylvania, to 40 feet in Virginia, to 100 feet in Wisconsin and Michigan, to 150 feet in Florida and Georgia. There are state and federal laws barring voter intimidation, rules governing the conduct of partisan observers in election sites, and laws outlawing any election-related violence. (On the other hand, it is legal to bring guns into polls in Michigan, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Virginia and Wisconsin, gun control groups have reported.)
There were two recent widely reported instances of Trump supporters badgering voters and election officials that illustrate the clear lines and ambiguities that arise as voters and authorities respond to loud but legal electioneering, and to what one seasoned observer concluded was illegal voter intimidation.
A clear line was seen in Philadelphia, where Trump supporters demanded to observe the start of early voting at a satellite voting center just before 2020's first televised presidential debate. Perhaps the gambit was a stunt to give Trump fodder to smear the city's elections, which he did. But local election officials told the Trump supporters that they could not stay because they had not followed the process to become credentialed partisan observers.
A blurrier line emerged during the first weekend of early voting in Fairfax County, Virginia. In that diverse Washington, D.C., suburb, a caravan of Trump supporters drove into the parking lot where voters were lined up at the county's government center, some revving their engines, which upset some voters. A small band of Trump supporters got out of their cars and trucks and converged at a plaza near the entrance, where they waved banners and cheered for Trump. Some voters who felt intimidated alerted officials, who came out, spoke to the campaigners, and then opened the government center so voters could wait inside in the hallways.
"There are two factors that go on that you should be thinking about," said Kevin Kennedy, who was Wisconsin's top statewide election official from 1982 to 2016 and a lawyer. "There's the electioneering factor, which is trying to influence voting. 'Don't vote for that jerk,' 'Vote for this party,' or whatever. And in Wisconsin, that [electioneering] stops 100 feet from the entrance of any building containing a polling place with the exception of a sign on private property."
"The second factor is you cannot interfere with the orderly conduct of the election," he said. "The general definition of disorderly conduct is something that tends to disturb the peace or create an issue… I would say that driving a truck through a parking lot [to disrupt waiting voters], even if you are more than 100 feet away, would probably qualify [as intimidation]. The question then is resource allocation for law enforcement."
Kennedy's last point highlights another gray zone that affects when and where police might step in—if they were present or were called upon to do so.
Election officials have narrower authority than the police to deal with bad behavior as it moves from the polls to the street. Kennedy concluded that Trump supporters toying with Fairfax County voters outside of Virginia's 40-foot electioneering boundary was illegal voter intimidation, but it did not prompt arrests. Since the incident, county officials are seeking to extend the buffer zone to 150 feet.
"We need individuals to use their discretion in a way that promotes democracy," said the Advancement Project's Vasquez. "I've seen in 2018 in Florida, voters come with horses waving an American flag where there are people with long lines, similar to the pickup trucks [in Fairfax County]. It is fact-specific and looking at the totality of the circumstances."
What Kind of Police Presence?
How visible police should be at polls, especially in communities in color, is a complicated question.
"The polling station has historically been a militarized space for Black voters," said Jeralyn Cave, Vasquez's colleague and Advancement Project spokeswoman, citing America's history of white vigilantes, segregation, Jim Crow and recent partisan voter suppression.
"So many people [police] don't want to use their discretion as it relates to elections," Vasquez said. "But any other time, they are willing to use their discretion. Most recently, I think what we could compare it to is we have millions of people storming the street to practice their First Amendment right to peaceful[ly] protest [police brutality]. And we have some police officers who are deciding that, 'You know what, you guys are in a group during a pandemic, and we're going to use our discretion to either charge you with something or not charge you with something.'"
The question, then, becomes one of nuance. What can government officials do now to assure voters in battleground states that voting this fall will be safe? Vasquez has been trying to negotiate ground rules with police in communities of color in swing states. But as of October 2, Cave said that no law enforcement agency had signed any memorandum of understanding.
Other voting rights advocates, such as the Lawyers' Committee's Clarke, did not want to see more police at polling places.
"In no uncertain terms, we object to the presence of law enforcement at the polls," she said at the same briefing where Figliuzzi described the growing threats from right-wing militants. "We observed in Wisconsin, officials resorting to using the National Guard to fill in gaps as they worked with insufficient numbers of poll workers. Many of them were in plain clothes. We're very concerned about any further efforts to activate law enforcement in any further fashion at polling sites, particularly in the communities with large numbers of voters of color."
Figliuzzi replied by listing some "warning signs and indicators" to look out for.
"One would be the presence of federal agents of any kind deployed to polling sites, which might, as you heard, be a specific violation of law," he said. (Armed federal agents and military personnel are not permitted at polls, despite Trump's claims.)
"Secondly, I would be particularly vigilant for any reports that off-duty police officers have been hired by any private organization, or an organization that may be linked to a particular campaign, to conduct some kind of so-called security or monitoring," he said. "That would be very troubling, particularly since many [police and sheriff] departments are canceling all off-duty work, or other duty work, because of the concerns about the polling place [on Election Day]."
But there were low-key roles that police could play to keep poll settings orderly.
"We don't want to call out [oppose] perimeter security, parking lot traffic management type things that will get people in and out safely," Figliuzzi said. "But [we] want to watch for the warning signs that would tell us that something is amiss with the presence of law enforcement."
The Lawyers' Committee briefing ended by imploring government officials, not just election administrators, not only to be more vocal about protecting the health of voters during a pandemic, but also to publicly state their commitment to voter safety in swing states. Journalists, too, should pressure state and local officials, they said. The panel's experts did not trust the federal Department of Justice's efforts to protect voters.
"Reporters should feel free to ask their law enforcement leaders—[police] chiefs, sheriffs, state officials—will you be setting up a command post or joint operation unit with law enforcement and federal partners for the election?" Figliuzzi said. "Will you be issuing press releases that remind people what the law is and what is permitted? Will you be engaging in proactive dialogue through your intelligence officers with known leaders of activists or groups? Will you be considering designated protest areas away from the polling place?"
What should voters do if they face intimidating actions at the polls or in the street?
"You never want anyone to be confrontational. And do document what is happening," Vasquez said. "Know who to contact. Certainly, contact Advancement Project's national office with any questions you have. Reach out to us on social media. We'll help you assess the situation and find a plan through it. But at this point, the best thing you can tell anyone is 'Don't be confrontational.'"
"It's not your place to necessarily be confrontational," he emphasized. "But it is your place in being able to safely cast a ballot."
Steven Rosenfeld is the editor and chief correspondent of Voting Booth, a project of the Independent Media Institute. He has reported for National Public Radio, Marketplace, and Christian Science Monitor Radio, as well as a wide range of progressive publications including Salon, AlterNet, the American Prospect, and many other
This article was produced by Voting Booth, a project of the Independent Media Institute.


alternet--2020-10-07--How online learning companies are using the pandemic to take over the classroom

This article was produced by Our Schools .
Opening schools during a pandemic in an underfunded urban district like Providence , Rhode Island , where buildings are in miserable physical conditions , is already a huge undertaking , but the situation is made worse when district leaders bring in private contractors who know nothing about the community and make no effort to collaborate with public school teachers .
That 's what 's happening in Providence , according to Maribeth Calabro , the president of the Providence Teachers Union , who spoke to me in a Zoom call .
As part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school year with a gradual opening for in-person learning and an online option for all students , the district announced the creation of a new Virtual Learning Academy operated by Scottsdale , Arizona-based company Edgenuity .
When Calabro looked into Edgenuity , she found out the parent company , Weld North Education , was owned by a private equity firm , which had recently acquired Odysseyware .
She recalled that when Providence had used Odysseyware for a high school credit recovery program there were problems with students cheating .
`` Students were quickly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weeks or months , '' she remembered .
Calabro is also concerned the Edgenuity platform requires little to no human instruction from Providence teachers and will instead rely on learning coaches , who are expected to be the parent , guardian , or someone else in the household of each child .
She feels most parents signing up for the program may not realize this because the district 's description of the program largely relegates the complete explanation of the responsibilities of a learning coach to a list of bullet points parents have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Calabro is also miffed at the process in which Edgenuity was hired .
Since the district was taken over by the state in 2019 , local officials have no clear authority in decision making , and a state commissioner appointed by the governor has complete control of budget , program , and personnel .
Contract terms for the Edgenuity deal have yet to be made public as of this writing .
`` They issued a plan that had no input from teachers , '' she said .
`` We should be using @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on what we did in the spring . ''
She accuses district leaders—both the state commissioner and the superintendent—of picking `` an off-the-shelf , canned product without any rigorous review '' by teachers .
Also interesting , the sign-up deadline for the Virtual Learning Academy was before parents would know whether their home schools were opening with in-person or remote learning , giving it a head start for parents wanting to secure an early option for their children .
Despite Calabro 's concerns , 6,200 students have enrolled in the Virtual Learning Academy—more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the district .
The rush to outsource teaching to online learning companies is happening in school districts across the country .
Douglas County , Colorado , a relatively affluent and mostly white school district near Denver , is very different from Providence , but teachers there have similar complaints about having Edgenuity take over the district 's online learning .
`` Teachers had no formal role '' in choosing the program , Kallie Leyba told me in a phone call .
`` It was very top-down . ''
Leyba is president of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Teachers .
Also , the process was very rushed , Leyba said .
The first public mention of the deal with Edgenuity was at an August 4 school board meeting , according to Leyba , when teachers were scheduled to report to work on August 10 .
The start of the online learning program was eventually delayed to August 31 , the Douglas County News-Press reported .
Further , when principals were told that instead of following a districtwide implementation plan , each school would need to develop its own plan , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how to employ the platform , Leyba said .
As school districts across the nation faced the daunting task of opening the new school year with online learning or a blend of online and in-person , many contracted the work to private companies , and there 's widespread evidence these arrangements are rush jobs that give teachers and parents no say in the adoption process as taxpayer funds are wasted on products of questionable quality .
`` With the pandemic , districts have struggled and made hasty decisions , and some have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ online providers , '' writes Gary Miron , a professor of evaluation , measurement , and research at Western Michigan University , in an email .
`` These companies can say all kinds of things about their awesome platforms and curricula , but the evidence shows that students [ who use the platforms ] fail , and taxpayers are ripped off . ''
One of the most prominent examples of a failed attempt to outsource teaching to a private , online firm during the pandemic comes from Florida , where the Miami-Dade school @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and fourth largest in the nation , abruptly fired online learning company K12 Inc. just two weeks into the beginning of the 2020-2021 school year .
From the opening day of school , NBC Miami reported , parents described the online platform as `` a disaster '' and `` an absolute mess , '' referring to what the district superintendent said was a `` software connectivity switch problem . ''
The deal with K12 was `` rushed , '' reports Wired , with the board approving a $ 15 million no-bid contract the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Miami report on the contract termination places the failure of the program on a rushed implementation , a misplaced trust in a private provider , and the lack of involvement of teachers in the decision to adopt the platform .
Adding to those problems , an inspector general for Miami-Dade County schools is looking into another aspect of K12 's involvement there , CBS Miami reports , because of a donation of nearly $ 1.6 million K12 made to a nonprofit linked to the Miami-Dade school superintendent the day before the school board @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the online system .
In another high-profile controversy involving an online learning provider , the New York Times reported teachers and parents in several school districts had complained about racists and sexist lessons in curriculum provided by Acellus Academy based in Kansas City , Missouri .
`` In one lesson , students are asked whether Osama bin Laden led the Islamic Jihad Union , Al Qaeda , the Muslim Brotherhood , or 'Towelban , ' '' the New York Times reported .
`` In another , they are shown two images—one of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shoulder and one of a robber in disguise with a large sack over his shoulder—and asked which best depicts Harriet Tubman 's escape from slavery . ''
As the 2020-2021 school year opened , controversies with `` racist , sexist , or inappropriate '' lesson material in the Acellus curriculum surfaced in school districts in California , Illinois , and Hawaii , according to EdSurge .
According to Honolulu Civil Beat reporter Eric Stinton , the program 's creator Roger Billings `` left or was excommunicated from the Mormon church '' for his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ research is from the Institute of Science and Technology , an unaccredited institution he co-founded , Stinton reports .
In a video Billings posted on his blog on April 14 , 2020—the same day New York City added 3,778 probable COVID-19 fatalities , the city 's highest daily total—Billings called the `` garden-variety flu… so much worse than this COVID virus , so far , '' and he mocked mask-wearing by fashioning his own , clearly inadequate , strapless version .
Controversy and dropped contracts have dogged Edgenuity too .
The Fort Worth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contracted with Edgenuity when schools had to pivot to online learning in the spring due to the virus outbreak reversed that decision for the new school year , Star-Telegram reporter Silas Allen wrote .
The district made the switch to give teachers more control of the curriculum .
Allen reported that according to a local teacher , `` not many teachers or students liked [ Edgenuity ] , '' and the `` biggest problem was that the platform did n't give teachers much flexibility . ''
An adoption of Edgenuity in Auburn , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students and parents , including technical problems and a lack of communication from the company .
The contract is shrouded in controversy over the recent conviction of the state 's former Speaker of the House for a $ 210,000 payout Edgenuity made to him while he was in office .
The Edgenuity platform has long been accused of allowing students to cheat , especially in high school credit recovery programs that allow students to retake courses they failed but need for graduation .
A 2017 report from Voice of San Diego found that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ district 's high school credit recovery program were `` shockingly easy to cheat . ''
The reporter wrote that one student he spoke to said that `` finding answers to test and quiz questions is as simple as opening a second computer browser and looking up answers . ''
Problems with cheating and gaming online courses emerged in Douglas County during Edgenuity 's first month of use .
A teacher who said that the district has asked teachers not to talk to the media and was willing to be interviewed on the condition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ student was caught cheating in an Edgenuity course , and teachers had resorted to using programs created to detect plagiarism for reviewing student work on the platform .
In an eight-part series for Slate in 2017 , reporters Zoe Kirsch , Sarah Carr , Francesca Berardi , and Stephen Smiley found that virtual courses used for high school credit recovery , including Edgenuity , `` are subpar substitutes for traditional classroom instruction . ''
A report by Smiley on problems with cheating found that online quizzes and tests on Edgenuity and other platforms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Google or game in some other way .
Berardi and Kirsch examined the Odysseyware Calabro later said was easy for students to game and found test questions `` remain identical each time students take the tests—making them easy to memorize and pass on subsequent tries . ''
Slate reporters blamed the flaws of online learning programs on `` the push to rank schools based on measures like graduation rates—codified by the No Child Left Behind Act , '' but experts warn problems with virtual learning programs go far beyond cheating on tests @ @ @ @ @ @ @ written numerous research studies critical of online learning providers , particularly companies , such as K12 Inc. , that operate as education management organizations and contract with states and school districts to operate virtual charter schools , license their platforms to schools , or deliver individual courses .
Other online learning providers , such as Edgenuity , do n't operate virtual charter schools but instead offer a platform , with preloaded curricula and assessments , that requires the district to support and manage it .
In both business models , Miron argues , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ designed for profit , not learning . ''
A significant source of profit , Miron explained , is that when online providers assume students learn at their own pace and parents ( or another adult in the household ) take on the role of learning coach , the parents are essentially providing a volunteer labor force from their homes .
`` The models these companies use is glorified , publicly funded homeschooling , '' said Michael Barbour in a phone call .
Barbour , a professor at the College of Education and Health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an expert on design and support of K-12 online learning , particularly for students in rural schools .
In a research brief he contributed to for the National Education Policy Center in 2019 , Barbour noted `` the role of the parent , or learning coach , is critical to the instructional model used by these virtual schools , '' and he cited examples of online learning programs in which parents were required to spend four to five hours a day assisting students .
There 's also profit when teachers employed in this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number of students per teacher can balloon to 100 or more , according to Miron .
In Providence , for instance , the class size for students getting face-to-face instruction in the school is capped at 26 , according to Calabro , but the class size for teachers overseeing a virtual classroom is 52 .
In his research brief , Barbour cited a study finding that some teachers in online programs `` had nearly three times as many students per teacher than the national average . ''
`` In the corporate model , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` every student is a widget , and if I 'm a corporate operator , I know my job is to maximize profit per widget . ''
Also key to the corporate model is removing teachers from the education process .
In the corporate model , at every essential step of schooling—from selecting learning content , designing curricula , delivering instruction , and assessing results—teachers are relegated to spectator status and expected to simply carry out what others up the line have determined .
Distancing teachers from the day-to-day functions of schools will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Miron and Barbour maintain .
`` The corporate model narrowly assumes curriculum can be uploaded to modules , and students will learn the content through self-study , '' Miron explained , `` but curriculum is much more than knowledge content that can be uploaded . ''
Miron 's concern is also that relegating the teaching process to a computer neglects `` very important 21st-century skills '' —such as communication , critical thinking , problem solving , and creativity—that teachers convey through face-to-face classroom learning .
`` District teachers have advantages because they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the communities , '' he explained .
Letting a computer algorithm make instructional decisions and relegating students to work solely on their own eliminates teachers ' abilities to meaningfully interact with students through teaching activities and skills-building .
A more complicated problem is the corporate model 's tendency to limit transparency , Barbour said .
Because these companies are private , they can more easily shroud their business deals with the district and their vendor networks .
And because students using the platforms often stay officially enrolled in their home schools , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , course completions , and graduation numbers of the online students are mixed in with the students who received in-person instruction .
The lack of transparency has serious consequences not only because taxpayers may be sequestered from seeing how public funds are being spent and the results of those expenditures , but also because it poses risks to democratic governance .
As Slate 's Kirsch and Smiley reported in 2017 , online learning companies benefit from lax regulation partially as a result of intense lobbying efforts .
Kirsch and Smiley found online learning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` collectively spent millions of dollars donating to state-level officials '' in the 10 years prior to their report .
The bottom-line analysis of the corporate model for online learning is that , according to Barbour , `` What 's good for business and what 's good for education will always be at odds . ''
The problems and consequences of moving students to online platforms operated by for-profit companies are `` not a pandemic thing , '' Barbour said .
`` It 's how they 've always operated . ''
But there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ constraints .
Barbour pointed to ambitious alternatives created not by private businesses but by the government .
In Ontario , Canada , the Ministry of Education provides providence-wide access to teacher-created courses that help students learn from home and give teachers a base upon which they can build their own online lessons , according to Barbour .
In South Korea , the government has developed a cyber home learning system that provides students studying at home with access to every course in the national curriculum with online tutor support .
In both examples @ @ @ @ @ @ @ teachers , not supplant them , said Barbour .
Miron noted there are established platforms that are not preloaded with curriculum but instead allow teachers to upload course materials and use the various tools to teach , including discussion boards , drop boxes , and video conferencing .
In his own teaching , Miron uses a learning platform to conduct weekly synchronous classes with small discussion activities .
He uploads his own content , and the university provides assistance from a course designer from the tech unit .
It 's noteworthy , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ maximum number of students for fully online classes at the graduate level lower than the face-to-face classes—18 students versus 25 .
`` Although I am seen as a critic of virtual schooling , I am actually a believer , '' he said .
`` I am only a critic of the corporate model . ''
Jeff Bryant is a writing fellow and chief correspondent for Our Schools .
He is a communications consultant , freelance writer , advocacy journalist , and director of the Education Opportunity Network , a strategy and messaging center @ @ @ @ @ @ @ commentary and reporting routinely appear in prominent online news outlets , and he speaks frequently at national events about public education policy .
Follow him on Twitter @ jeffbcdm .

This article was produced by Our Schools.
Opening schools during a pandemic in an underfunded urban district like Providence, Rhode Island, where buildings are in miserable physical conditions, is already a huge undertaking, but the situation is made worse when district leaders bring in private contractors who know nothing about the community and make no effort to collaborate with public school teachers. That's what's happening in Providence, according to Maribeth Calabro, the president of the Providence Teachers Union, who spoke to me in a Zoom call.
As part of its plan to start the new school year with a gradual opening for in-person learning and an online option for all students, the district announced the creation of a new Virtual Learning Academy operated by Scottsdale, Arizona-based company Edgenuity.
When Calabro looked into Edgenuity, she found out the parent company, Weld North Education, was owned by a private equity firm, which had recently acquired Odysseyware. She recalled that when Providence had used Odysseyware for a high school credit recovery program there were problems with students cheating. "Students were quickly flying through courses that should have taken weeks or months," she remembered.
Calabro is also concerned the Edgenuity platform requires little to no human instruction from Providence teachers and will instead rely on learning coaches, who are expected to be the parent, guardian, or someone else in the household of each child. She feels most parents signing up for the program may not realize this because the district's description of the program largely relegates the complete explanation of the responsibilities of a learning coach to a list of bullet points parents have to click a link to get to.
Calabro is also miffed at the process in which Edgenuity was hired. Since the district was taken over by the state in 2019, local officials have no clear authority in decision making, and a state commissioner appointed by the governor has complete control of budget, program, and personnel. Contract terms for the Edgenuity deal have yet to be made public as of this writing.
"They issued a plan that had no input from teachers," she said. "We should be using the expertise we have here—our teachers—to improve on what we did in the spring." She accuses district leaders—both the state commissioner and the superintendent—of picking "an off-the-shelf, canned product without any rigorous review" by teachers.
Also interesting, the sign-up deadline for the Virtual Learning Academy was before parents would know whether their home schools were opening with in-person or remote learning, giving it a head start for parents wanting to secure an early option for their children.
Despite Calabro's concerns, 6,200 students have enrolled in the Virtual Learning Academy—more than one in every four students in the district.
The rush to outsource teaching to online learning companies is happening in school districts across the country.
Douglas County, Colorado, a relatively affluent and mostly white school district near Denver, is very different from Providence, but teachers there have similar complaints about having Edgenuity take over the district's online learning.
"Teachers had no formal role" in choosing the program, Kallie Leyba told me in a phone call. "It was very top-down." Leyba is president of the local affiliate of the American Federation of Teachers.
Also, the process was very rushed, Leyba said. The first public mention of the deal with Edgenuity was at an August 4 school board meeting, according to Leyba, when teachers were scheduled to report to work on August 10. The start of the online learning program was eventually delayed to August 31, the Douglas County News-Press reported.
Further, when principals were told that instead of following a districtwide implementation plan, each school would need to develop its own plan, they had only one week to figure out how to employ the platform, Leyba said.
As school districts across the nation faced the daunting task of opening the new school year with online learning or a blend of online and in-person, many contracted the work to private companies, and there's widespread evidence these arrangements are rush jobs that give teachers and parents no say in the adoption process as taxpayer funds are wasted on products of questionable quality.
"With the pandemic, districts have struggled and made hasty decisions, and some have been enticed by the promises of the established online providers," writes Gary Miron, a professor of evaluation, measurement, and research at Western Michigan University, in an email. "These companies can say all kinds of things about their awesome platforms and curricula, but the evidence shows that students [who use the platforms] fail, and taxpayers are ripped off."
'A Disaster' and 'a Mess'
One of the most prominent examples of a failed attempt to outsource teaching to a private, online firm during the pandemic comes from Florida, where the Miami-Dade school district, the largest in the state and fourth largest in the nation, abruptly fired online learning company K12 Inc. just two weeks into the beginning of the 2020-2021 school year. From the opening day of school, NBC Miami reported, parents described the online platform as "a disaster" and "an absolute mess," referring to what the district superintendent said was a "software connectivity switch problem."
The deal with K12 was "rushed," reports Wired, with the board approving a $15 million no-bid contract the district ultimately never signed. A CBS Miami report on the contract termination places the failure of the program on a rushed implementation, a misplaced trust in a private provider, and the lack of involvement of teachers in the decision to adopt the platform.
Adding to those problems, an inspector general for Miami-Dade County schools is looking into another aspect of K12's involvement there, CBS Miami reports, because of a donation of nearly $1.6 million K12 made to a nonprofit linked to the Miami-Dade school superintendent the day before the school board was to vote on whether to keep the online system.
In another high-profile controversy involving an online learning provider, the New York Times reported teachers and parents in several school districts had complained about racists and sexist lessons in curriculum provided by Acellus Academy based in Kansas City, Missouri.
"In one lesson, students are asked whether Osama bin Laden led the Islamic Jihad Union, Al Qaeda, the Muslim Brotherhood, or 'Towelban,'" the New York Times reported. "In another, they are shown two images—one of a woman holding a small bag over her shoulder and one of a robber in disguise with a large sack over his shoulder—and asked which best depicts Harriet Tubman's escape from slavery."
As the 2020-2021 school year opened, controversies with "racist, sexist, or inappropriate" lesson material in the Acellus curriculum surfaced in school districts in California, Illinois, and Hawaii, according to EdSurge.
According to Honolulu Civil Beat reporter Eric Stinton, the program's creator Roger Billings "left or was excommunicated from the Mormon church" for his extreme polygamist views. His PhD in research is from the Institute of Science and Technology, an unaccredited institution he co-founded, Stinton reports.
In a video Billings posted on his blog on April 14, 2020—the same day New York City added 3,778 probable COVID-19 fatalities, the city's highest daily total—Billings called the "garden-variety flu… so much worse than this COVID virus, so far," and he mocked mask-wearing by fashioning his own, clearly inadequate, strapless version.
Controversy and dropped contracts have dogged Edgenuity too.
The Fort Worth, Texas, school district that had contracted with Edgenuity when schools had to pivot to online learning in the spring due to the virus outbreak reversed that decision for the new school year, Star-Telegram reporter Silas Allen wrote. The district made the switch to give teachers more control of the curriculum. Allen reported that according to a local teacher, "not many teachers or students liked [Edgenuity]," and the "biggest problem was that the platform didn't give teachers much flexibility."
An adoption of Edgenuity in Auburn, Alabama, has drawn numerous complaints from students and parents, including technical problems and a lack of communication from the company. The contract is shrouded in controversy over the recent conviction of the state's former Speaker of the House for a $210,000 payout Edgenuity made to him while he was in office.
The Edgenuity platform has long been accused of allowing students to cheat, especially in high school credit recovery programs that allow students to retake courses they failed but need for graduation.
A 2017 report from Voice of San Diego found that online courses provided by Edgenuity for the district's high school credit recovery program were "shockingly easy to cheat." The reporter wrote that one student he spoke to said that "finding answers to test and quiz questions is as simple as opening a second computer browser and looking up answers."
Problems with cheating and gaming online courses emerged in Douglas County during Edgenuity's first month of use. A teacher who said that the district has asked teachers not to talk to the media and was willing to be interviewed on the condition of anonymity said that at least one student was caught cheating in an Edgenuity course, and teachers had resorted to using programs created to detect plagiarism for reviewing student work on the platform.
In an eight-part series for Slate in 2017, reporters Zoe Kirsch, Sarah Carr, Francesca Berardi, and Stephen Smiley found that virtual courses used for high school credit recovery, including Edgenuity, "are subpar substitutes for traditional classroom instruction." A report by Smiley on problems with cheating found that online quizzes and tests on Edgenuity and other platforms would repeat questions, making them easier to Google or game in some other way. Berardi and Kirsch examined the Odysseyware Calabro later said was easy for students to game and found test questions "remain identical each time students take the tests—making them easy to memorize and pass on subsequent tries."
Slate reporters blamed the flaws of online learning programs on "the push to rank schools based on measures like graduation rates—codified by the No Child Left Behind Act," but experts warn problems with virtual learning programs go far beyond cheating on tests and gaming graduation numbers.
'Every Student Is a Widget'
Miron has written numerous research studies critical of online learning providers, particularly companies, such as K12 Inc., that operate as education management organizations and contract with states and school districts to operate virtual charter schools, license their platforms to schools, or deliver individual courses.
Other online learning providers, such as Edgenuity, don't operate virtual charter schools but instead offer a platform, with preloaded curricula and assessments, that requires the district to support and manage it.
In both business models, Miron argues, online providers follow a "corporate model designed for profit, not learning."
A significant source of profit, Miron explained, is that when online providers assume students learn at their own pace and parents (or another adult in the household) take on the role of learning coach, the parents are essentially providing a volunteer labor force from their homes.
"The models these companies use is glorified, publicly funded homeschooling," said Michael Barbour in a phone call. Barbour, a professor at the College of Education and Health Sciences in Touro University California, is an expert on design and support of K-12 online learning, particularly for students in rural schools.
In a research brief he contributed to for the National Education Policy Center in 2019, Barbour noted "the role of the parent, or learning coach, is critical to the instructional model used by these virtual schools," and he cited examples of online learning programs in which parents were required to spend four to five hours a day assisting students.
There's also profit when teachers employed in this model are more like monitors and the number of students per teacher can balloon to 100 or more, according to Miron.
In Providence, for instance, the class size for students getting face-to-face instruction in the school is capped at 26, according to Calabro, but the class size for teachers overseeing a virtual classroom is 52.
In his research brief, Barbour cited a study finding that some teachers in online programs "had nearly three times as many students per teacher than the national average."
"In the corporate model," Barbour explained over the phone, "every student is a widget, and if I'm a corporate operator, I know my job is to maximize profit per widget."
Bad for Students, Teachers, and Taxpayers
Also key to the corporate model is removing teachers from the education process.
In the corporate model, at every essential step of schooling—from selecting learning content, designing curricula, delivering instruction, and assessing results—teachers are relegated to spectator status and expected to simply carry out what others up the line have determined.
Distancing teachers from the day-to-day functions of schools will quite likely have negative consequences for students, Miron and Barbour maintain.
"The corporate model narrowly assumes curriculum can be uploaded to modules, and students will learn the content through self-study," Miron explained, "but curriculum is much more than knowledge content that can be uploaded."
Miron's concern is also that relegating the teaching process to a computer neglects "very important 21st-century skills"—such as communication, critical thinking, problem solving, and creativity—that teachers convey through face-to-face classroom learning.
"District teachers have advantages because they know the students, the families, and the communities," he explained. Letting a computer algorithm make instructional decisions and relegating students to work solely on their own eliminates teachers' abilities to meaningfully interact with students through teaching activities and skills-building.
A more complicated problem is the corporate model's tendency to limit transparency, Barbour said.
Because these companies are private, they can more easily shroud their business deals with the district and their vendor networks. And because students using the platforms often stay officially enrolled in their home schools, academic results are masked when test scores, course completions, and graduation numbers of the online students are mixed in with the students who received in-person instruction.
The lack of transparency has serious consequences not only because taxpayers may be sequestered from seeing how public funds are being spent and the results of those expenditures, but also because it poses risks to democratic governance.
As Slate's Kirsch and Smiley reported in 2017, online learning companies benefit from lax regulation partially as a result of intense lobbying efforts. Kirsch and Smiley found online learning companies, including Edgenuity and K12, "collectively spent millions of dollars donating to state-level officials" in the 10 years prior to their report.
The bottom-line analysis of the corporate model for online learning is that, according to Barbour, "What's good for business and what's good for education will always be at odds."
There Are Alternatives
The problems and consequences of moving students to online platforms operated by for-profit companies are "not a pandemic thing," Barbour said. "It's how they've always operated."
But there are alternatives, even under the current constraints.
Barbour pointed to ambitious alternatives created not by private businesses but by the government.
In Ontario, Canada, the Ministry of Education provides providence-wide access to teacher-created courses that help students learn from home and give teachers a base upon which they can build their own online lessons, according to Barbour. In South Korea, the government has developed a cyber home learning system that provides students studying at home with access to every course in the national curriculum with online tutor support.
In both examples, the desired goal is to supplement teachers, not supplant them, said Barbour.
Miron noted there are established platforms that are not preloaded with curriculum but instead allow teachers to upload course materials and use the various tools to teach, including discussion boards, drop boxes, and video conferencing.
In his own teaching, Miron uses a learning platform to conduct weekly synchronous classes with small discussion activities. He uploads his own content, and the university provides assistance from a course designer from the tech unit.
It's noteworthy, he says, that his university caps the maximum number of students for fully online classes at the graduate level lower than the face-to-face classes—18 students versus 25.
"Although I am seen as a critic of virtual schooling, I am actually a believer," he said. "I am only a critic of the corporate model."
Jeff Bryant is a writing fellow and chief correspondent for Our Schools. He is a communications consultant, freelance writer, advocacy journalist, and director of the Education Opportunity Network, a strategy and messaging center for progressive education policy. His award-winning commentary and reporting routinely appear in prominent online news outlets, and he speaks frequently at national events about public education policy. Follow him on Twitter @jeffbcdm.


alternet--2020-10-07--The GOP is pursuing a strategy of public slaughter

People are acting shocked—shocked , I tell you !
—that the Trump/GOP strategy on coronavirus is essentially one of promoting herd immunity with the possible downside of as many as 2.5 million dead Americans .
We should n't be surprised .
It 's simply the logical extension of conservative policies on pretty much everything for the past 90 years—policies that have killed a hell of a lot more than just 2.5 million people .
Republicans simply do n't believe it 's part of the job of government to provide for the `` general welfare '' of the American people ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the police and the military , while maintaining a stable currency so business can function .
Here are some other beliefs driving Republican policies : • Government should n't help the elderly avoid poverty—Social Security should only go to those who set aside money during their working years , and be run by private insurance companies , as George W. Bush told us in 2005 .
Republicans have tried to cripple , privatize or destroy Social Security year after year ever since the 1930s when it was created .
• Government should n't @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because that should come out of people 's own pockets .
If they want protection from serious illness or accidents , they can buy private insurance .
Republicans have tried to cripple , privatize or destroy Medicare and Medicaid since the 1960s when these programs were created .
• Government should n't protect citizens from being poisoned by industrial pollution or protect our rivers , lakes , oceans or air ; these are all the jobs of private industry .
Since 1920 when Republican Warren Harding successfully ran for president on the platform @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more business in government , '' GOP politicians have championed deregulation and privatization as the solution to almost all problems .
• Government should n't provide education , according to conservative theology .
As the late billionaire David Koch put into his platform when he ran for vice president in 1980 on the Libertarian ticket , `` We advocate the complete separation of education and State .
Government schools lead to the indoctrination of children and interfere with the free choice of individuals .
Government ownership , operation , regulation , and subsidy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
Today , billionaire Education Secretary Betsy DeVos continues Koch 's work .
• Reflecting conservative philosophy dating back to the 1920s , Koch even called for `` the abolition of the governmental Postal Service , '' `` the abolition of the Environmental Protection Agency , '' and `` the abolition of the Food and Drug Administration . ''
After the Republican Great Depression struck in 1929 and about a third of Americans lost their jobs , homeless exploded , and hunger stalked the land , Republican President Herbert Hoover 's treasury @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that saving the economy and American workers was the duty of the private sector , not government .
Instead of helping out working people , Mellon 's advice was just to let everything crash , and the very , very rich ( like himself ) would eventually pick up the pieces and start over .
`` Liquidate labor , liquidate stocks , liquidate the farmers , liquidate real estate , '' Mellon said .
`` Purge the rottenness out of the system .
High costs of living and high living will come down… @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from less competent people . ''
Back in 2000 , when Mike Pence was running for Congress , he laid out clearly a more modern version of the same philosophy .
About 340,000 Americans died that year from smoking-related illness , but , Pence wrote , `` Despite the hysteria from the political class and the media , smoking does n't kill . ''
Instead , much like Trump saying that most people who get COVID-19 do n't die from it and that lots of Americans die from the flu , Pence added @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of every three smokers does not die from a smoking related illness and 9 out of ten smokers do not contract lung cancer . ''
Instead , Pence—the man who today is heading up our coronavirus effort—said we should be wary of `` Government big enough to protect us from our own stubborn wills . ''
After all , Pence pointed out , `` [ A ] government of such plenary power , once conceived will hardly stop at tobacco .
Surely the scourge of fatty foods and their attendant cost to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ How about the role of caffeine in fomenting greater stress in the lives of working Americans ?
Do n't get me started about the dangers of sports utility vehicles ! ''
Which should remind us that Republicans even fought against seat belt laws and other car safety regulations , as well as nutrition labeling on children 's cereals and baby food , and country-of-origin labeling on any foods .
And they continue to block action on climate change , which is killing Americans from coast to coast via floods , hurricanes , wildfires @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pence was just fine with hundreds of thousands of Americans dying from an entirely preventable tobacco addiction , why would he fret about a mere quarter-million who have died so far from a novel virus ?
Republicans simply do n't believe that protecting the people of America is a legitimate function of government .
And they 're strengthened and disciplined in that belief by the hundreds of millions of dollars industry and hard-right billionaires shower on them every year at every level of elected politics .
We 're literally the only developed country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is held by about half of the nation 's politicians , and much of that can be traced to the influence of Libertarian billionaires like the Kochs and their network , but it is what it is .
So let 's stop being `` amazed '' that Trump , Pence and their GOP allies refuse to mandate or even federally facilitate widespread testing and contact tracing , or have the Postal Service deliver five masks to every American , or pick up the medical or burial costs of people infected because of this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is nothing new ; it 's what Republicans always do .
Thom Hartmann is America 's number one progressive talk-show host and the New York Times bestselling author of The Hidden History of American Oligarchy and more than 30 other books in print .
He is a writing fellow at the Independent Media Institute .
This article was produced by Economy for All , a project of the Independent Media Institute .

People are acting shocked—shocked, I tell you!—that the Trump/GOP strategy on coronavirus is essentially one of promoting herd immunity with the possible downside of as many as 2.5 million dead Americans.
We shouldn't be surprised. It's simply the logical extension of conservative policies on pretty much everything for the past 90 years—policies that have killed a hell of a lot more than just 2.5 million people.
Republicans simply don't believe it's part of the job of government to provide for the "general welfare" of the American people; instead, government—in their minds—should only run the police and the military, while maintaining a stable currency so business can function. Here are some other beliefs driving Republican policies:
Government shouldn't help the elderly avoid poverty—Social Security should only go to those who set aside money during their working years, and be run by private insurance companies, as George W. Bush told us in 2005. Republicans have tried to cripple, privatize or destroy Social Security year after year ever since the 1930s when it was created.
Government shouldn't pay for health care anywhere, anytime because that should come out of people's own pockets. If they want protection from serious illness or accidents, they can buy private insurance. Republicans have tried to cripple, privatize or destroy Medicare and Medicaid since the 1960s when these programs were created.
Government shouldn't protect citizens from being poisoned by industrial pollution or protect our rivers, lakes, oceans or air; these are all the jobs of private industry. Since 1920 when Republican Warren Harding successfully ran for president on the platform of "Less government in business and more business in government," GOP politicians have championed deregulation and privatization as the solution to almost all problems.
Government shouldn't provide education, according to conservative theology. As the late billionaire David Koch put into his platform when he ran for vice president in 1980 on the Libertarian ticket, "We advocate the complete separation of education and State. Government schools lead to the indoctrination of children and interfere with the free choice of individuals. Government ownership, operation, regulation, and subsidy of schools and colleges should be ended." Today, billionaire Education Secretary Betsy DeVos continues Koch's work.
Reflecting conservative philosophy dating back to the 1920s, Koch even called for "the abolition of the governmental Postal Service," "the abolition of the Environmental Protection Agency," and "the abolition of the Food and Drug Administration."
After the Republican Great Depression struck in 1929 and about a third of Americans lost their jobs, homeless exploded, and hunger stalked the land, Republican President Herbert Hoover's treasury secretary, Andrew Mellon, famously argued that saving the economy and American workers was the duty of the private sector, not government. Instead of helping out working people, Mellon's advice was just to let everything crash, and the very, very rich (like himself) would eventually pick up the pieces and start over.
"Liquidate labor, liquidate stocks, liquidate the farmers, liquidate real estate," Mellon said. "Purge the rottenness out of the system. High costs of living and high living will come down… enterprising people will pick up the wrecks from less competent people."
Back in 2000, when Mike Pence was running for Congress, he laid out clearly a more modern version of the same philosophy. About 340,000 Americans died that year from smoking-related illness, but, Pence wrote, "Despite the hysteria from the political class and the media, smoking doesn't kill."
Instead, much like Trump saying that most people who get COVID-19 don't die from it and that lots of Americans die from the flu, Pence added, "In fact, 2 out of every three smokers does not die from a smoking related illness and 9 out of ten smokers do not contract lung cancer."
Instead, Pence—the man who today is heading up our coronavirus effort—said we should be wary of "Government big enough to protect us from our own stubborn wills."
After all, Pence pointed out, "[A] government of such plenary power, once conceived will hardly stop at tobacco. Surely the scourge of fatty foods and their attendant cost to the health care economy bears some consideration. How about the role of caffeine in fomenting greater stress in the lives of working Americans? Don't get me started about the dangers of sports utility vehicles!"
Which should remind us that Republicans even fought against seat belt laws and other car safety regulations, as well as nutrition labeling on children's cereals and baby food, and country-of-origin labeling on any foods. And they continue to block action on climate change, which is killing Americans from coast to coast via floods, hurricanes, wildfires, tornadoes and heatstroke.
If Mike Pence was just fine with hundreds of thousands of Americans dying from an entirely preventable tobacco addiction, why would he fret about a mere quarter-million who have died so far from a novel virus?
Republicans simply don't believe that protecting the people of America is a legitimate function of government. And they're strengthened and disciplined in that belief by the hundreds of millions of dollars industry and hard-right billionaires shower on them every year at every level of elected politics.
We're literally the only developed country in the world where this bizarre belief is held by about half of the nation's politicians, and much of that can be traced to the influence of Libertarian billionaires like the Kochs and their network, but it is what it is.
So let's stop being "amazed" that Trump, Pence and their GOP allies refuse to mandate or even federally facilitate widespread testing and contact tracing, or have the Postal Service deliver five masks to every American, or pick up the medical or burial costs of people infected because of this administration's lack of action.
This is nothing new; it's what Republicans always do.
Thom Hartmann is America's number one progressive talk-show host and the New York Times bestselling author of The Hidden History of American Oligarchy and more than 30 other books in print. He is a writing fellow at the Independent Media Institute.


alternet--2020-10-07--Trump calls his case of COVID-19 a 'blessing from God' in baffling new video

In a new video of Twitter , President Donald Trump claimed that getting COVID-19 was a `` blessing from God '' and seemed to pivot away from his focus on getting a vaccine approved before the election .
Instead , he tried to encourage viewers to think a therapeutic treatment for the disease is actually a cure .
At a base level , the video served one fundamental purpose : To show that Trump , who is still at risk of a resurgence of symptoms , currently appears relatively healthy and to be functioning normally .
It was essentially a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's not clear how representative the video was of his condition throughout the day .
But the content itself was baffling .
Aside from his comment that contracting the virus was a divine gift , Trump largely focused on the antibody treatment he received from Regeneron Pharmaceuticals .
He was able to receive the drug on a compassionate use basis , not through the FDA 's typical approval process or even through an Emergency Use Authorization .
And he claimed these antibodies in particular were the cause of his improvement , and he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` I went in , I was n't feeling so hot , '' he said .
`` And within a very short period of time , they gave me Regeneron , it 's called Regeneron [ it 's actually not called that — that 's the name of the drug company ] .
And other things too , but I think this was the key .
But they gave me Regeneron .
And it was like , unbelievable .
I felt good immediately . ''
He said `` we 've authorized it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ though it 's not clear what actual steps have actually been taken in the treatment 's approval process .
He seemed to be suggesting that because he deemed the drug successful in his case , it should be approved for everybody .
Of course , this is n't how drug approval should work .
And he has also taken remdesivir and the steroid dexamethasone , the latter of which may be causing his current decline of symptoms .
And despite his claim that he felt immediately better after taking the antibody cocktail , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that his condition had worsened and improved several times since he first took the treatment .
Overall , the most natural reading of the video and the claims he made is that Trump is trying to spin his hospitalization , which some data suggests have hurt his standing in the polls , as a positive .
He wants voters to think he has now found the magic bullet for the pandemic so they can stop worrying about it .
But the truth is that the best treatments for the infection remain unclear , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ illness remains unpredictable .

In a new video of Twitter, President Donald Trump claimed that getting COVID-19 was a "blessing from God" and seemed to pivot away from his focus on getting a vaccine approved before the election. Instead, he tried to encourage viewers to think a therapeutic treatment for the disease is actually a cure.
At a base level, the video served one fundamental purpose: To show that Trump, who is still at risk of a resurgence of symptoms, currently appears relatively healthy and to be functioning normally. It was essentially a success on that front, though it's not clear how representative the video was of his condition throughout the day.
But the content itself was baffling. Aside from his comment that contracting the virus was a divine gift, Trump largely focused on the antibody treatment he received from Regeneron Pharmaceuticals. He was able to receive the drug on a compassionate use basis, not through the FDA's typical approval process or even through an Emergency Use Authorization. And he claimed these antibodies in particular were the cause of his improvement, and he wants everyone to have access to them.
"I went in, I wasn't feeling so hot," he said. "And within a very short period of time, they gave me Regeneron, it's called Regeneron [it's actually not called that — that's the name of the drug company]. And other things too, but I think this was the key. But they gave me Regeneron. And it was like, unbelievable. I felt good immediately."
He said "we've authorized it, I've authorized it," though it's not clear what actual steps have actually been taken in the treatment's approval process. He seemed to be suggesting that because he deemed the drug successful in his case , it should be approved for everybody. Of course, this isn't how drug approval should work. And he has also taken remdesivir and the steroid dexamethasone, the latter of which may be causing his current decline of symptoms. And despite his claim that he felt immediately better after taking the antibody cocktail, his doctor's reports have made clear that his condition had worsened and improved several times since he first took the treatment.
Overall, the most natural reading of the video and the claims he made is that Trump is trying to spin his hospitalization, which some data suggests have hurt his standing in the polls, as a positive. He wants voters to think he has now found the magic bullet for the pandemic so they can stop worrying about it. But the truth is that the best treatments for the infection remain unclear, and the course of Trump's own illness remains unpredictable.
Watch the video below:


alternet--2020-10-07--Trump is flying off the handle — even more than usual

Still suffering from an infection of SARS-CoV-2 , the coronavirus that causes COVID-19 , President Donald Trump unleashed an extended and aggressive tirade on Twitter following a period of relative radio silence while he was hospitalized .
He seemed to have returned from Walter Reed Medical Center with a vengeance .
His furious tweeting , often in all caps , targeted his favorite subjects , including the Russia investigation , the media , Hillary Clinton , and former Vice President Joe Biden .
He called for `` arrests '' out of the Justice Department 's review of the handling of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reporting of selectively declassified documents from his own administration that showed no evidence of any clear crimes : Attorney General Bill Barr , who has previously denigrated the administration 's predecessors and whipped up hopes that the investigation would punish the president 's enemies , appears to be disappointing Trump as it is many of his fans .
Barr has previously said that the president 's tweeting about ongoing investigations make it `` impossible '' for him to do his job , but that has n't deterred Trump .
Trump also called on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lose — to vote for him , and retweeted a vile smear comparing New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio to Nazis .
The day before , Trump tweeted that he was ending negotiations with Democrats on a new round of pandemic relief funds , criticizing the high dollar figures House Speaker Nancy Pelosi asked for .
But then , he baffled observers by echoing Fed Chair Jerome Powell 's remarks that Congress should pass more stimulus without worrying about `` overdoing it . ''
That alone made people question his mental stability @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demands for a narrow stimulus bill , seemingly completely reneging on his declaration that negotiations were over .
He also tweeted excessively about declassifying documents in the Russia investigation .
However , it was unclear how serious these tweets were ; Trump has previously made similar claims on Twitter , only for the Justice Department to reject the idea that his tweets constituted official declassification orders .
He ended up reversing himself , saying he had already made the declassifications , though he also continued to tout reports that claimed his declassification was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president 's tweets seized on random user 's conspiratorial tweet for more than two and a half years ago , demanding that something must be done about : Who should do something about it ?
It 's not clear .
It also should be noted that claiming Biden should n't be allowed to run , based on completely bogus and frequently debunked allegations , is not exactly a sign of confidence in the president 's 2020 campaign .
The day-long run of tweets and retweets marked the most frantic stretch of Trump 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suite at Walter Reed Medical Center and returned to treatment at the White House .
They also underscored the degree to which Trump remains fixated on his grievances over the Russia probe , and often on obscure aspects of that investigation that are unintelligible to all but its most careful followers .
There were several possible explanations for Trump 's erratic behavior .
Many seized on the fact that the president has been prescribed Dexamethasone for his COVID-19 infection , a steroid that can reportedly effect mood and cause agitation and aggression .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ seriousness of the president 's infection and the medications he 's on , the 25th Amendment should be invoked , and Vice President Mike Pence should act as president until Trump has recovered .
It 's certainly possible that the drugs are affecting the president 's behavior .
But there are other possible explanations as well .
Trump may just be making up for lost time when he was n't tweeting much in the hospital .
He may be trying to distract from the fact that he 's been infected as the result @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He may be terrified about the polls that increasing show Biden with a formidable lead over him in the election .
And he could have fewer tasks and people to keep him busy , given that he 's likely in some kind of isolation at the White House .
( He reportedly went to the Oval Office on Monday , but it 's not clear if he actually had any work to do . )
He may just be bored .
But the cause of his extreme behavior is n't all that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we 've seen the president act in disturbing ways before .
This level of frenzy and disorder should not be acceptable in a president for any reason or amount of time .

Still suffering from an infection of SARS-CoV-2, the coronavirus that causes COVID-19, President Donald Trump unleashed an extended and aggressive tirade on Twitter following a period of relative radio silence while he was hospitalized.
He seemed to have returned from Walter Reed Medical Center with a vengeance. His furious tweeting, often in all caps, targeted his favorite subjects, including the Russia investigation, the media, Hillary Clinton, and former Vice President Joe Biden.
He called for "arrests" out of the Justice Department's review of the handling of the Russia investigation, based on dubious reporting of selectively declassified documents from his own administration that showed no evidence of any clear crimes:
Attorney General Bill Barr, who has previously denigrated the administration's predecessors and whipped up hopes that the investigation would punish the president's enemies, appears to be disappointing Trump as it is many of his fans. Barr has previously said that the president's tweeting about ongoing investigations make it "impossible" for him to do his job, but that hasn't deterred Trump.
Trump also called on California — a state he'll certainly lose — to vote for him, and retweeted a vile smear comparing New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio to Nazis.
The day before, Trump tweeted that he was ending negotiations with Democrats on a new round of pandemic relief funds, criticizing the high dollar figures House Speaker Nancy Pelosi asked for. But then, he baffled observers by echoing Fed Chair Jerome Powell's remarks that Congress should pass more stimulus without worrying about "overdoing it." That alone made people question his mental stability. He then abruptly shifted to new demands for a narrow stimulus bill, seemingly completely reneging on his declaration that negotiations were over.
He also tweeted excessively about declassifying documents in the Russia investigation. However, it was unclear how serious these tweets were; Trump has previously made similar claims on Twitter, only for the Justice Department to reject the idea that his tweets constituted official declassification orders. He ended up reversing himself, saying he had already made the declassifications, though he also continued to tout reports that claimed his declassification was a new event.
One of the president's tweets seized on random user's conspiratorial tweet for more than two and a half years ago, demanding that something must be done about:
Who should do something about it? It's not clear.
It also should be noted that claiming Biden shouldn't be allowed to run, based on completely bogus and frequently debunked allegations, is not exactly a sign of confidence in the president's 2020 campaign.
Politico observed of the tirade:
The day-long run of tweets and retweets marked the most frantic stretch of Trump's public activity since he left the presidential suite at Walter Reed Medical Center and returned to treatment at the White House. They also underscored the degree to which Trump remains fixated on his grievances over the Russia probe, and often on obscure aspects of that investigation that are unintelligible to all but its most careful followers.
There were several possible explanations for Trump's erratic behavior. Many seized on the fact that the president has been prescribed Dexamethasone for his COVID-19 infection, a steroid that can reportedly effect mood and cause agitation and aggression. Some have argued that, given the seriousness of the president's infection and the medications he's on, the 25th Amendment should be invoked, and Vice President Mike Pence should act as president until Trump has recovered.
It's certainly possible that the drugs are affecting the president's behavior. But there are other possible explanations as well.
Trump may just be making up for lost time when he wasn't tweeting much in the hospital. He may be trying to distract from the fact that he's been infected as the result of a pandemic he can't control. He may be terrified about the polls that increasing show Biden with a formidable lead over him in the election. And he could have fewer tasks and people to keep him busy, given that he's likely in some kind of isolation at the White House. (He reportedly went to the Oval Office on Monday, but it's not clear if he actually had any work to do.) He may just be bored.
But the cause of his extreme behavior isn't all that important, nor is the fact that we've seen the president act in disturbing ways before. This level of frenzy and disorder should not be acceptable in a president for any reason or amount of time.


alternet--2020-10-07--Medical expert warns Trump still has 'more than a 1 in 10' chance of dying

Even after being hospitalized with COVID-19 , President Donald Trump has continued to downplay the severity of the novel coronavirus .
But when Dr. Robert Wachter — chairman of the Department of Medicine at the University of California , San Francisco — appeared on CNN on Wednesday , he warned that the president still has `` more than a one in ten '' chance of dying from his illness .
Wachter told CNN 's Brianna Keillar , `` He 's doing well , that 's great .
He is not out of the woods .
It wo n't really be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ getting to the end of the period during which we worry about a significant deterioration and compromise of his breathing . ''
The medical expert noted that with COVID-19 , a patient who appears to be doing relatively well can suddenly take a turn for the worse .
`` At this point , you 'd still say : if you took the overall numbers of patients with COVID — as severe as he had with the risk factors he had — he still has a significant chance , probably more than one in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' Wachter explained .
`` So , it 's nothing to be taken lightly . ''
Keillar responded , `` Oh , OK , I mean that 's a considerable number , right ? ''
But the CNN host quickly added , `` The reverse of that would be nine of ten have not . ''
Wachter stressed that Trump , who is back in the White House after leaving Walter Reed Military Medical Center in Bethesda , Maryland , is still capable of infecting others with COVID-19 .
Wachter told Keillar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it .
He is almost certainly still contagious and will be , on average , until about ten days after his symptoms have gone away .
So , he 's still on the contagious period .
He 's not at the peak of its contagiousness , which was probably on Wednesday or Thursday . ''

Even after being hospitalized with COVID-19, President Donald Trump has continued to downplay the severity of the novel coronavirus. But when Dr. Robert Wachter — chairman of the Department of Medicine at the University of California, San Francisco — appeared on CNN on Wednesday, he warned that the president still has "more than a one in ten" chance of dying from his illness.
Wachter told CNN's Brianna Keillar, "He's doing well, that's great. He is not out of the woods. It won't really be until next week that he would be getting to the end of the period during which we worry about a significant deterioration and compromise of his breathing."
The medical expert noted that with COVID-19, a patient who appears to be doing relatively well can suddenly take a turn for the worse.
"At this point, you'd still say: if you took the overall numbers of patients with COVID — as severe as he had with the risk factors he had — he still has a significant chance, probably more than one in ten, of dying of this episode," Wachter explained. "So, it's nothing to be taken lightly."
Keillar responded, "Oh, OK, I mean that's a considerable number, right?" But the CNN host quickly added, "The reverse of that would be nine of ten have not."
Wachter stressed that Trump, who is back in the White House after leaving Walter Reed Military Medical Center in Bethesda, Maryland, is still capable of infecting others with COVID-19.
Wachter told Keillar, "He's six days into it. He is almost certainly still contagious and will be, on average, until about ten days after his symptoms have gone away. So, he's still on the contagious period. He's not at the peak of its contagiousness, which was probably on Wednesday or Thursday."
Watch the clip below: