alternet--2020-10-28--What Trump doesn't understand about suburbia

President Donald Trump has tweeted up a storm about how his Democratic challenger Joe Biden wants to “ abolish suburbs '' and institute programs that would bring impoverished criminals into the suburbs , where they will destroy the “ suburban lifestyle dream . ''
In the final stages of his campaign , Trump has made an explicit appeal to suburban women : “ So can I ask you to do me a favor ?
Suburban women , will you please like me ?
I saved your damn neighborhood , '' the president said at a rally in Johnstown , Pennsylvania @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political scientist who studies race in America 's suburbs ; my book “ African Americans in White Suburbia : Social Networks and Political Behavior '' was published in 2017 .
I contend that Trump 's tweets are not about the actual suburbs .
Instead , they are meant to evoke an archetypal identity for a place historically rooted in the maintenance of racial segregation and white supremacy .
Trump 's image of the suburbs is filled with white people ; his tweets are aimed at getting them to vote for him .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – African Americans – who may experience his tweets as provocation to participate in the election in a different direction .
My research indicates that Trump 's appeals may spark an unintended countermobilization .
Half of African Americans in the U.S. live in the suburbs .
These voters , typically of higher socioeconomic status when compared with their white neighbors , are more likely to mobilize others who – in the face of Trump 's unsubtle racist signals – may now be motivated to vote for Democrats , particularly in races lower down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to describe the suburbs and they will likely paint a picture of single-family houses , manicured lawns and minivans .
They may also speak of the suburbs as a symbol of socioeconomic achievement .
Those things constitute the mythology of the suburbs .
They 're not the empirical measurements that social scientists use to measure life in the suburbs .
Those include income levels , crime rates and racial makeup .
In practice , the federal government 's definition of a suburb is any place surrounding an urban area that is neither urban @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Census Bureau 's Philadelphia-Camden-Wilmington Metropolitan Statistical Area includes the urban centers of those cities and a suburban area between them that crosses three states – Pennsylvania , New Jersey and Delaware .
Trump 's tweets speak to an imagined and well-to-do stereotypical suburban resident who fears the bogeymen of poverty and crime .
That combination of threats has historically had a Black or Latino face .
Who really is a suburbanite ?
Trump is likely not referring to the actual suburbs in his tweets .
According to data from Pew , while suburban @ @ @ @ @ @ @ share declined between 2000 and 2016 , from 76 % to 68 % of all suburban residents .
Poverty is increasing in the suburbs because of job sprawl .
Trump has charged that low-income people are moving to the suburbs because they 're attracting to its low-income housing .
But he 's wrong : The suburbs are in flux because of the new geography of jobs .
In a 2010 study whose revealing title was “ Job Sprawl and the Suburbanization of Poverty , '' Brookings Institution researchers attributed the rise in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of low-skilled jobs , like service or manufacturing , that have moved to the suburbs .
In findings using data from 1999 to 2015 , urban planning scholar Andrew Schouten notes that the number of suburban residents in poverty is increasing at double the rate of the central cities .
During the period between 1932 and 1964 , the suburbs served as a government-subsidized path to the middle class that was designed to exclude Blacks and other “ minority '' groups such as Irish and Jewish Americans .
At the beginning of suburban @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sign restrictive housing covenants stating that they would not sell their house to a person of color .
At the same time , the federal government would not extend housing loans to citizens who lived in nonwhite neighborhoods and would lower the assessment of a home 's value ( the most valuable asset ) if Black people lived nearby .
So Trump 's invocation of “ suburbs '' as an achievement of the American dream is rooted in the fact that the dream was realized through the explicit racialization of home ownership and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's racially coded tweets may produce a countermobilization from suburban African Americans .
In 2008 and 2016 these voters , who are often of higher socioeconomic status than their white neighbors , were statistically more likely than white suburbanites to get involved in politics , even outside their home communities .
This includes distributing political or interest group information , sharing information on social media , signing petitions and attending protests .
For example , 11 % of suburban African Americans are likely to attend a protest as opposed to 0.07 % of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a unique position compared to their neighbors , co-workers , and even the majority of their coethnics .
Following my book 's publication , I analyzed the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey , focusing on Americans in ZIP codes that are less than 20 % Black , encompassing the very areas that Trump and residents may consider suburbs .
A familiar story emerges .
Most Americans believe political participation is primarily designed to affect their immediate community .
But suburban African Americans do not believe their neighbors share their political views .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ voters are in a position where they are surrounded by people with similar incomes , education and occupations .
Yet on their primary identity , race , they are very different .
Political interests not in their backyard Evidence from 2008 and 2016 shows that suburban African Americans are less likely to vote in their local congressional races , but are more likely to engage in alternative forms of political participation such as donating to minority candidates , writing letters to newspapers and attending protests .
Unlike voting , these behaviors are not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ include donating to legal challenges to statue removal in a state where they do not live or to a PTA in another community that conducts voter registration drives .
Their opinions suggest that they devote their political resources to particular racial interests .
[ Deep knowledge , daily .
Sign up for The Conversation 's newsletter . ]
The data show that these mostly suburban African Americans are in fact more likely to participate in behaviors like distributing political or interest group information , sharing information on social media , signing petitions and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ neighbors .
Trump 's pleas to suburbanites may spur these African American residents to work in swing states and competitive races lower down on the ballot .
So while Trump 's racialized pleas toward “ suburban '' voters could have the desired effect – gaining the support of white women in those communities – they could also spur other suburbanites to mobilize the very people he vilifies .
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

by Ernest B. McGowen III, University of Richmond
President Donald Trump has tweeted up a storm about how his Democratic challenger Joe Biden wants to “abolish suburbs" and institute programs that would bring impoverished criminals into the suburbs, where they will destroy the “suburban lifestyle dream."
In the final stages of his campaign, Trump has made an explicit appeal to suburban women: “So can I ask you to do me a favor? Suburban women, will you please like me? I saved your damn neighborhood," the president said at a rally in Johnstown, Pennsylvania, in mid-October.
I am a political scientist who studies race in America's suburbs; my book “African Americans in White Suburbia: Social Networks and Political Behavior" was published in 2017. I contend that Trump's tweets are not about the actual suburbs.
Instead, they are meant to evoke an archetypal identity for a place historically rooted in the maintenance of racial segregation and white supremacy.
Trump's image of the suburbs is filled with white people; his tweets are aimed at getting them to vote for him. But there is another contingent of suburban residents – African Americans – who may experience his tweets as provocation to participate in the election in a different direction.
My research indicates that Trump's appeals may spark an unintended countermobilization. Half of African Americans in the U.S. live in the suburbs. These voters, typically of higher socioeconomic status when compared with their white neighbors, are more likely to mobilize others who – in the face of Trump's unsubtle racist signals – may now be motivated to vote for Democrats, particularly in races lower down on the ballot.
What is a suburb?
Ask an American to describe the suburbs and they will likely paint a picture of single-family houses, manicured lawns and minivans. They may also speak of the suburbs as a symbol of socioeconomic achievement.
Those things constitute the mythology of the suburbs. They're not the empirical measurements that social scientists use to measure life in the suburbs. Those include income levels, crime rates and racial makeup.
In practice, the federal government's definition of a suburb is any place surrounding an urban area that is neither urban nor rural. For instance, the Census Bureau's Philadelphia-Camden-Wilmington Metropolitan Statistical Area includes the urban centers of those cities and a suburban area between them that crosses three states – Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Delaware.
Trump's tweets speak to an imagined and well-to-do stereotypical suburban resident who fears the bogeymen of poverty and crime. That combination of threats has historically had a Black or Latino face.
Who really is a suburbanite?
Trump is likely not referring to the actual suburbs in his tweets. According to data from Pew, while suburban residents are still predominantly white, their share declined between 2000 and 2016, from 76% to 68% of all suburban residents.
Poverty is increasing in the suburbs because of job sprawl. Trump has charged that low-income people are moving to the suburbs because they're attracting to its low-income housing. But he's wrong: The suburbs are in flux because of the new geography of jobs.
In a 2010 study whose revealing title was “Job Sprawl and the Suburbanization of Poverty," Brookings Institution researchers attributed the rise in the number of poor suburbanites to the availability of low-skilled jobs, like service or manufacturing, that have moved to the suburbs. In findings using data from 1999 to 2015, urban planning scholar Andrew Schouten notes that the number of suburban residents in poverty is increasing at double the rate of the central cities.
The suburbs' racial history
During the period between 1932 and 1964, the suburbs served as a government-subsidized path to the middle class that was designed to exclude Blacks and other “minority" groups such as Irish and Jewish Americans.
At the beginning of suburban development, buyers and sellers had to sign restrictive housing covenants stating that they would not sell their house to a person of color.
At the same time, the federal government would not extend housing loans to citizens who lived in nonwhite neighborhoods and would lower the assessment of a home's value (the most valuable asset) if Black people lived nearby.
So Trump's invocation of “suburbs" as an achievement of the American dream is rooted in the fact that the dream was realized through the explicit racialization of home ownership and opportunity.
Suburban African American countermobilization
My research suggests that Trump's racially coded tweets may produce a countermobilization from suburban African Americans.
In 2008 and 2016 these voters, who are often of higher socioeconomic status than their white neighbors, were statistically more likely than white suburbanites to get involved in politics, even outside their home communities. This includes distributing political or interest group information, sharing information on social media, signing petitions and attending protests. For example, 11% of suburban African Americans are likely to attend a protest as opposed to 0.07% of their white neighbors.
Suburban Blacks are in a unique position compared to their neighbors, co-workers, and even the majority of their coethnics. Following my book's publication, I analyzed the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey, focusing on Americans in ZIP codes that are less than 20% Black, encompassing the very areas that Trump and residents may consider suburbs.
A familiar story emerges. Most Americans believe political participation is primarily designed to affect their immediate community.
But suburban African Americans do not believe their neighbors share their political views. Politically, this means these African American voters are in a position where they are surrounded by people with similar incomes, education and occupations. Yet on their primary identity, race, they are very different.
Political interests not in their backyard
Evidence from 2008 and 2016 shows that suburban African Americans are less likely to vote in their local congressional races, but are more likely to engage in alternative forms of political participation such as donating to minority candidates, writing letters to newspapers and attending protests.
Unlike voting, these behaviors are not tied to a geographic jurisdiction. They include donating to legal challenges to statue removal in a state where they do not live or to a PTA in another community that conducts voter registration drives. Their opinions suggest that they devote their political resources to particular racial interests.
[Deep knowledge, daily.Sign up for The Conversation's newsletter.]
The data show that these mostly suburban African Americans are in fact more likely to participate in behaviors like distributing political or interest group information, sharing information on social media, signing petitions and attending protests when compared with their white neighbors.
Trump's pleas to suburbanites may spur these African American residents to work in swing states and competitive races lower down on the ballot.
So while Trump's racialized pleas toward “suburban" voters could have the desired effect – gaining the support of white women in those communities – they could also spur other suburbanites to mobilize the very people he vilifies.
Ernest B. McGowen III, Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Richmond
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


alternet--2020-10-28--Top election official immediately debunks Trump's attacks on counting ballots

Countering President Donald Trump 's false suggestion Tuesday that tallying votes after Election Day is unlawful , a top official at the U.S. Federal Election Commission said that in fact `` counting ballots—all of 'em—is the appropriate , proper , and very legal way to determine who won . ''
`` An election is not a reality show with a big reveal at the end , '' Ellen Weintraub , an election attorney and a Democratic commissioner at the FEC , tweeted in response to Trump 's insistence that a winner be officially declared on the night of November 3 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Night are projections from TV networks , '' Weintraub noted .
`` We never have official results on Election Night . ''
Trump 's comments Tuesday came amid growing fears that the president could attempt to take advantage of slower-than-usual vote counting—which is expected due to the unprecedented surge in mail-in voting amid the pandemic—to falsely declare victory on Election Night and dismiss as illegitimate legally submitted ballots counted after November 3 .
Those concerns were intensified by Trump-nominated Justice Brett Kavanaugh 's falsehood-riddled concurring opinion in the Supreme Court 's late Monday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wisconsin from extending its absentee ballot deadline .
The decision means that ballots received by Wisconsin officials after Election Day can not be counted , even if they are postmarked by November 3 .
In his opinion , Kavanaugh declared that absentee ballots arriving after Election Day—which is allowed in more than a dozen states—could `` flip the results of the election . ''
But as Justice Elena Kagan noted in her dissent ( pdf ) , `` there are no results to 'flip ' until all valid votes are counted . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ us ] ' or 'improp [ er ] ' than refusing to tally votes once the clock strikes 12 on Election Night , '' Kagan added .
`` To suggest otherwise , especially in these fractious times , is to disserve the electoral process . ''
Slate 's Mark Joseph Stern warned late Tuesday that `` by deploying so many falsehoods in his 18-page opinion , Kavanaugh sent a signal to lower court judges : Uphold voter suppression at all costs , even if you have to ignore or contort the factual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump 's dozens of hackish judicial nominees will hear this message loud and clear , '' Stern wrote .
`` At least one member of the Supreme Court is willing to construct a fantasy world that is utterly detached from our grim reality of mass disenfranchisement .
If we can not trust the justices to tell the truth now , why should we believe them if they decide the election next week ? ''

Countering President Donald Trump's false suggestion Tuesday that tallying votes after Election Day is unlawful, a top official at the U.S. Federal Election Commission said that in fact "counting ballots—all of 'em—is the appropriate, proper, and very legal way to determine who won."
"An election is not a reality show with a big reveal at the end," Ellen Weintraub, an election attorney and a Democratic commissioner at the FEC, tweeted in response to Trump's insistence that a winner be officially declared on the night of November 3.
"All we get on Election Night are projections from TV networks," Weintraub noted. "We never have official results on Election Night."
Trump's comments Tuesday came amid growing fears that the president could attempt to take advantage of slower-than-usual vote counting—which is expected due to the unprecedented surge in mail-in voting amid the pandemic—to falsely declare victory on Election Night and dismiss as illegitimate legally submitted ballots counted after November 3.
Those concerns were intensified by Trump-nominated Justice Brett Kavanaugh's falsehood-riddled concurring opinion in the Supreme Court's late Monday ruling that barred the battleground state of Wisconsin from extending its absentee ballot deadline. The decision means that ballots received by Wisconsin officials after Election Day cannot be counted, even if they are postmarked by November 3.
In his opinion, Kavanaugh declared that absentee ballots arriving after Election Day—which is allowed in more than a dozen states—could "flip the results of the election." But as Justice Elena Kagan noted in her dissent (pdf), "there are no results to 'flip' until all valid votes are counted."
"And nothing could be more 'suspicio[us]' or 'improp[er]' than refusing to tally votes once the clock strikes 12 on Election Night," Kagan added. "To suggest otherwise, especially in these fractious times, is to disserve the electoral process."
Slate's Mark Joseph Stern warned late Tuesday that "by deploying so many falsehoods in his 18-page opinion, Kavanaugh sent a signal to lower court judges: Uphold voter suppression at all costs, even if you have to ignore or contort the factual record to do it."
"Trump's dozens of hackish judicial nominees will hear this message loud and clear," Stern wrote. "At least one member of the Supreme Court is willing to construct a fantasy world that is utterly detached from our grim reality of mass disenfranchisement. If we cannot trust the justices to tell the truth now, why should we believe them if they decide the election next week?"


alternet--2020-10-28--Why beating Trump is just the beginning

Why beating Trump is just the beginning

After seeing the spectacle this week of a Supreme Court justice installed just before an election for the express purpose of tilting the result in Donald Trump 's favor — and watching Justice Brett Kavanaugh 's evil threat of `` what goes around comes around '' take shape — it 's clear that the political battles we 've been fighting for these past few years wo n't be over once the election is decided even if Trump is defeated .
The fight is just going to continue on new terrain .
The question then , is how the left and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , they 've just spent the last four years focusing their energy on taking back the Congress in 2018 and then removing Donald Trump from office in 2020 .
The entire center-left , and a fair amount of the center-right , has unified behind this common purpose and it 's brought some impressive results .
We 'll soon see whether that streak continues .
The grassroots organizing in this cycle is remarkable .
For instance , according to The Connector Newsletter on democracy , organizing , movements and tech , Get Out the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the 2018 election — and that was unprecedented .
`` Resistance '' groups , operating outside the Democratic party apparatus , have been active all over the country .
The question , of course , is what happens to all that if they win .
You 'll recall that there was a ton of grassroots energy in the center left organized around Barack Obama 's campaign in 2008 , which was promptly squelched by a combination of top-down direction from the administration and a foolish belief among many of the faithful that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just trust Obama .
That 's the natural consequence of a `` movement '' that 's based upon a charismatic leader .
That 's not going to be an issue this time .
Joe Biden is not a charismatic leader , and while people are enthusiastic about ousting the worst president in American history , they are also primed for change in a substantive way .
Trump and the Republicans have exposed the rot in our system in a way nothing else could have done .
Salon 's Andrew O'Hehir wrote a thoughtful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which he makes the case that merely voting is a tepid form of activism anyway , particularly in America , where it often becomes `` a bizarre form of symbolic theater or public therapy . ''
He suggests that direct action is necessary to move the country forward and cites the civil rights movement , the in-your-face ACT UP AIDS activism of the 1980s and the anti-globalization protests of the late '90s as movements that were considered far outside the mainstream at the time but pushed their agendas much more quickly than they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politics .
He points out that the post-Parkland student movement , Greta Thunberg 's climate strikers and the Black Lives Matter protesters , among others , are the rumblings of a new generation getting ready to push the envelope beyond anything we 've seen .
I completely agree with this , but I will add that I think electoral grassroots organizing ( carried on more by the older generation , and mostly by women ) is still vital .
I 'm reminded of this interview with leftist organizer Norman Solomon from a few @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , progressive political ecosystem : If nothing else , Donald Trump has revealed just how much state power matters in this country .
With no more ambition than to be worshipped by his followers and treated like a king , Trump — with the help of his conniving Republican henchmen — has managed in four short years to turn the federal government into his personal fiefdom , enrich himself and his friends , twist the rule of law for his own purposes and upend American alliances and institutions , simply because he did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump also finally laid bare the true nature of the Republican Party .
It sees politics as war , and many or most Republicans are willing to win by any means necessary .
If Trump ultimately loses the election and leaves office in January , that will only be a momentary pause in the conflict .
The last four years of establishment GOP collaboration with his lawless administration , along with Mitch McConnell 's manipulation of Senate rules to stack the federal judiciary with youthful , far-right extremists , shows what an exercise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ With or without control of Congress or the White House , Republicans will hold tremendous power to impact the lives of everyday Americans for a generation .
We do n't know if this upcoming election will provide a close enough result for the courts to decide the outcome , but we can already see considerable willingness to use the judicial system for crude partisan gain .
Kavanaugh echoed his benefactor Donald Trump in his concurrence in the Wisconsin voting case this week , suggesting that election results should be decided on election night @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that when the networks call an election result , it 's official .
TV is God to him .
But in reality , elections are never certified on election night .
Kavanaugh knows this .
He was one of the Bush v. Gore lawyers who argued that absentee ballots should be accepted as late as Thanksgiving .
He was acting as a partisan hack then , just as he is now .
( And doing a sloppy job of it . )
This is a preview of what we can expect Republicans to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ When Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , D-N.Y. , endorsed Bernie Sanders in the Democratic primary campaign , she said it was because she wanted to be part of a movement .
And so she is .
She is one of the new generation of progressive leaders who is also , as Norman Solomon said in that interview I quoted above , `` occupying '' a seat in Congress .
She has learned very quickly that if the movement is to accomplish anything , state power is essential .
AOC is both inside and outside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ progressives in Congress , most of them women and several of the most prominent women of color .
They will need the passion and numbers of outside movements to help them leverage their power on the inside .
If they can do that effectively they may end up showing the Republicans , and the world , what a government that 's actually responsive to the people looks like .

After seeing the spectacle this week of a Supreme Court justice installed just before an election for the express purpose of tilting the result in Donald Trump's favor — and watching Justice Brett Kavanaugh's evil threat of "what goes around comes around" take shape — it's clear that the political battles we've been fighting for these past few years won't be over once the election is decided even if Trump is defeated. The fight is just going to continue on new terrain.
The question then, is how the left and the Democrats will respond. After all, they've just spent the last four years focusing their energy on taking back the Congress in 2018 and then removing Donald Trump from office in 2020. The entire center-left, and a fair amount of the center-right, has unified behind this common purpose and it's brought some impressive results. We'll soon see whether that streak continues.
The grassroots organizing in this cycle is remarkable. For instance, according to The Connector Newsletter on democracy, organizing, movements and tech, Get Out the Vote activism since August dwarfs even that of the 2018 election — and that was unprecedented. "Resistance" groups, operating outside the Democratic party apparatus, have been active all over the country.
The question, of course, is what happens to all that if they win. You'll recall that there was a ton of grassroots energy in the center left organized around Barack Obama's campaign in 2008, which was promptly squelched by a combination of top-down direction from the administration and a foolish belief among many of the faithful that their work was done and they could just trust Obama. That's the natural consequence of a "movement" that's based upon a charismatic leader.
That's not going to be an issue this time. Joe Biden is not a charismatic leader, and while people are enthusiastic about ousting the worst president in American history, they are also primed for change in a substantive way. Trump and the Republicans have exposed the rot in our system in a way nothing else could have done.
Salon's Andrew O'Hehir wrote a thoughtful piece this week about political engagement in which he makes the case that merely voting is a tepid form of activism anyway, particularly in America, where it often becomes "a bizarre form of symbolic theater or public therapy." He suggests that direct action is necessary to move the country forward and cites the civil rights movement, the in-your-face ACT UP AIDS activism of the 1980s and the anti-globalization protests of the late '90s as movements that were considered far outside the mainstream at the time but pushed their agendas much more quickly than they could have through traditional lobbying or partisan politics. He points out that the post-Parkland student movement, Greta Thunberg's climate strikers and the Black Lives Matter protesters, among others, are the rumblings of a new generation getting ready to push the envelope beyond anything we've seen.
I completely agree with this, but I will add that I think electoral grassroots organizing (carried on more by the older generation, and mostly by women) is still vital. I'm reminded of this interview with leftist organizer Norman Solomon from a few years back discussing what makes a healthy, progressive political ecosystem:
We need to occupy — literally and figuratively — congressional seats for the 99 percent. Social movements need a healthy ecology, which means a wide array of activities and manifestations of grassroots power. That includes progressives in Congress. I say on the campaign trail that we need our feet on the ground and our eyes on the stars of our ideals.
It's not good enough to have one or the other. State power matters — we've seen that from county and state offices to Washington, D.C. And as somebody who has written literally thousands of articles, 12 books, gone to hundreds of demonstrations and probably organized hundreds of demonstrations, I believe we always have to be protesting; we always have to be in the streets. It's not either-or. I want our feet on the ground to include change for government policies. Laws matter. Whether or how they are enforced matters.
If nothing else, Donald Trump has revealed just how much state power matters in this country. With no more ambition than to be worshipped by his followers and treated like a king, Trump — with the help of his conniving Republican henchmen — has managed in four short years to turn the federal government into his personal fiefdom, enrich himself and his friends, twist the rule of law for his own purposes and upend American alliances and institutions, simply because he didn't know what else to do.
Trump also finally laid bare the true nature of the Republican Party. It sees politics as war, and many or most Republicans are willing to win by any means necessary. If Trump ultimately loses the election and leaves office in January, that will only be a momentary pause in the conflict. The last four years of establishment GOP collaboration with his lawless administration, along with Mitch McConnell's manipulation of Senate rules to stack the federal judiciary with youthful, far-right extremists, shows what an exercise of raw political power can accomplish. With or without control of Congress or the White House, Republicans will hold tremendous power to impact the lives of everyday Americans for a generation.
We don't know if this upcoming election will provide a close enough result for the courts to decide the outcome, but we can already see considerable willingness to use the judicial system for crude partisan gain. Kavanaugh echoed his benefactor Donald Trump in his concurrence in the Wisconsin voting case this week, suggesting that election results should be decided on election night.
Trump is ignorant enough to think that when the networks call an election result, it's official. TV is God to him. But in reality, elections are never certified on election night. Kavanaugh knows this. He was one of the Bush v. Gore lawyers who argued that absentee ballots should be accepted as late as Thanksgiving. He was acting as a partisan hack then, just as he is now. (And doing a sloppy job of it.) This is a preview of what we can expect Republicans to do whenever they get the chance.
When Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., endorsed Bernie Sanders in the Democratic primary campaign, she said it was because she wanted to be part of a movement. And so she is. She is one of the new generation of progressive leaders who is also, as Norman Solomon said in that interview I quoted above, "occupying" a seat in Congress. She has learned very quickly that if the movement is to accomplish anything, state power is essential.
AOC is both inside and outside, as are many of the new progressives in Congress, most of them women and several of the most prominent women of color. They will need the passion and numbers of outside movements to help them leverage their power on the inside. If they can do that effectively they may end up showing the Republicans, and the world, what a government that's actually responsive to the people looks like.


alternet--2020-10-28--Justice Anthony Kennedy’s son helped Trump get Deutsche Bank loans: report

During Justice Anthony Kennedy 's 31 years on the U.S. Supreme Court , liberals and progressives had a love/hate relationship with the Reagan appointee — praising him for his rulings on gay rights and abortion rights while slamming his economic rulings as beneficial to unchecked corporate power .
And those who viewed Kennedy as being too quick to side with big business are likely to have similar views on his son , Justin Kennedy , who according to the New York Times , has been very close to Trumpworld and helped Donald Trump secure almost $ 700 million in loans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In an article published this week , Times journalists David Enrich , Russ Buettner , Mike McIntire and Susanne Craig report that the financial crash of September 2008 `` was in full swing '' when Trump visited Chicago `` to mark the near-completion of his 92-floor skyscraper . ''
But the project did not go smoothly .
`` How Mr. Trump found trouble in Chicago and maneuvered his way out of it is a case study in doing business the Trump way , '' the Times reporters explain .
`` When the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ walk away from his huge debts .
For most individuals or businesses , that would have been a recipe for ruin .
But tax-return data , other records and interviews show that rather than warring with a notoriously litigious and headline-seeking client , lenders cut Mr. Trump slack — exactly what he seemed to have been counting on . ''
According to the Times , Trump went to Deutsche Bank to borrow `` the bulk of the money '' he would need for the skyscraper project — and he `` assured Deutsche Bank @ @ @ @ @ @ @ son of the now-retired Supreme Court justice Anthony Kennedy , that the Chicago development was a guaranteed moneymaker .
In a sign of the Trump family 's commitment to the project , Mr. Trump told his bankers that his daughter Ivanka would be in charge . ''
In an article published in Law & Crime following the Times ' article , reporter Jerry Lambe examines the relationship between Justin Kennedy and Trumpworld .
Lambe points out that Justin Kennedy was close to Ivanka Trump and her husband , Jared Kushner — both of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Trump 's administration — and `` was willing to overlook Trump 's shoddy history as a debtor . ''
Lambe notes , `` Justin Kennedy 's role in helping to breathe life into Trump 's business empire before he was president has continued to breed rumors and conspiracies about the alleged 'White House charm offensive ' carried out by the Trump family to help convince Justice Kennedy to retire and make way for Justice Brett Kavanaugh 's appointment to the bench . ''
David Enrich , finance editor for the New York @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the Kennedy family in his book `` Dark Towers : Deutsche Bank , Donald Trump and an Epic Trail of Destruction . ''
Enrich wrote that Justin Kennedy was `` drawn to Trump 's risk-taking and glamour '' and said , `` Trump 's flattery was part of a coordinated White House charm offensive designed to persuade the ageing justice — for years , the Court 's pivotal swing vote — that it was safe to retire , even with an unpredictable man in the Oval Office . ''
Lambe explains , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only member of the Kennedy family with the White House 's ear .
Washington Post deputy editorial page editor and columnist Ruth Marcus wrote , in her 2019 book 'Supreme Ambition : Brett Kavanaugh and the Conservative Takeover , ' about a suspicious scene in which Kennedy 's other son , Gregory Kennedy , allegedly met with White House Counselor Kellyanne Conway during a dinner just days after the president 's inauguration .
No one was happier about the outcome of the election than his father , Gregory Kennedy said , according to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now 84 , was most definitely a swing vote during his 31 years on the Supreme Court .
Before his retirement in 2018 , the fiscally conservative but socially liberal justice was the closest thing the High Court had to a libertarian — and he ruled with the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg on abortion and gay rights decisions but often ruled with Justice Clarence Thomas and Justice Antonin Scalia on economic matters .
Far-right culture warriors hated Kennedy for his rulings in Lawrence v. Texas ( which struck down a Texas sodomy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hodges ( which legalized same-sex marriage nationwide ) , while liberals and progressives generally liked him on social issues but were furious over his ruling in the Citizens United case .
And when Trump nominated Justice Brett Kavanaugh in 2018 , he obviously wanted to replace Justice Kennedy with a social conservative who would appeal to the president 's far-right white evangelical allies such as Jerry Falwell , Jr. , Franklin Graham and Pat Robertson .

During Justice Anthony Kennedy's 31 years on the U.S. Supreme Court, liberals and progressives had a love/hate relationship with the Reagan appointee — praising him for his rulings on gay rights and abortion rights while slamming his economic rulings as beneficial to unchecked corporate power. And those who viewed Kennedy as being too quick to side with big business are likely to have similar views on his son, Justin Kennedy, who according to the New York Times, has been very close to Trumpworld and helped Donald Trump secure almost $700 million in loans for a real estate project in Chicago.
In an article published this week, Times journalists David Enrich, Russ Buettner, Mike McIntire and Susanne Craig report that the financial crash of September 2008 "was in full swing" when Trump visited Chicago "to mark the near-completion of his 92-floor skyscraper." But the project did not go smoothly.
"How Mr. Trump found trouble in Chicago and maneuvered his way out of it is a case study in doing business the Trump way," the Times reporters explain. "When the project encountered problems, he tried to walk away from his huge debts. For most individuals or businesses, that would have been a recipe for ruin. But tax-return data, other records and interviews show that rather than warring with a notoriously litigious and headline-seeking client, lenders cut Mr. Trump slack — exactly what he seemed to have been counting on."
According to the Times, Trump went to Deutsche Bank to borrow "the bulk of the money" he would need for the skyscraper project — and he "assured Deutsche Bank officials, including Justin Kennedy, the son of the now-retired Supreme Court justice Anthony Kennedy, that the Chicago development was a guaranteed moneymaker. In a sign of the Trump family's commitment to the project, Mr. Trump told his bankers that his daughter Ivanka would be in charge."
In an article published in Law & Crime following the Times' article, reporter Jerry Lambe examines the relationship between Justin Kennedy and Trumpworld. Lambe points out that Justin Kennedy was close to Ivanka Trump and her husband, Jared Kushner — both of whom are now White House senior advisers in Trump's administration — and "was willing to overlook Trump's shoddy history as a debtor."
Lambe notes, "Justin Kennedy's role in helping to breathe life into Trump's business empire before he was president has continued to breed rumors and conspiracies about the alleged 'White House charm offensive' carried out by the Trump family to help convince Justice Kennedy to retire and make way for Justice Brett Kavanaugh's appointment to the bench."
David Enrich, finance editor for the New York Times, discussed the relationship between Trumpworld and the Kennedy family in his book "Dark Towers: Deutsche Bank, Donald Trump and an Epic Trail of Destruction." Enrich wrote that Justin Kennedy was "drawn to Trump's risk-taking and glamour" and said, "Trump's flattery was part of a coordinated White House charm offensive designed to persuade the ageing justice — for years, the Court's pivotal swing vote — that it was safe to retire, even with an unpredictable man in the Oval Office."
Lambe explains, "Justin Kennedy was apparently not the only member of the Kennedy family with the White House's ear. Washington Post deputy editorial page editor and columnist Ruth Marcus wrote, in her 2019 book 'Supreme Ambition: Brett Kavanaugh and the Conservative Takeover,' about a suspicious scene in which Kennedy's other son, Gregory Kennedy, allegedly met with White House Counselor Kellyanne Conway during a dinner just days after the president's inauguration. No one was happier about the outcome of the election than his father, Gregory Kennedy said, according to the book."
Anthony Kennedy, now 84, was most definitely a swing vote during his 31 years on the Supreme Court. Before his retirement in 2018, the fiscally conservative but socially liberal justice was the closest thing the High Court had to a libertarian — and he ruled with the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg on abortion and gay rights decisions but often ruled with Justice Clarence Thomas and Justice Antonin Scalia on economic matters. Far-right culture warriors hated Kennedy for his rulings in Lawrence v. Texas (which struck down a Texas sodomy law as unconstitutional) and Obergefell v. Hodges (which legalized same-sex marriage nationwide), while liberals and progressives generally liked him on social issues but were furious over his ruling in the Citizens United case. And when Trump nominated Justice Brett Kavanaugh in 2018, he obviously wanted to replace Justice Kennedy with a social conservative who would appeal to the president's far-right white evangelical allies such as Jerry Falwell, Jr., Franklin Graham and Pat Robertson.


alternet--2020-10-28--Here's why some of Trump's evangelical supporters find it harder to vote for him in 2020

It has long been taken for granted that the majority of evangelical Christians in the United States will vote for Donald Trump .
That may well be the case .
But there are recent signs that fewer evangelicals will support Trump this time around than in 2016 .
In an August 2020 poll for Fox News , Trump registered a 38-point advantage over Joe Biden among among white evangelical voters .
That is impressive , but it pales in comparison with his 61-point advantage over Hillary Clinton among evangelicals in the 2016 election .
Meanwhile , a Pew survey on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Trump had slipped since August , from 83 % to 78 % .
Among those who plan to vote to reelect the current president , “ a majority are excited to get behind Trump , rather than being primarily motivated by a distaste for his opponent , '' according to a write-up of the Pew survey in the prominent evangelical publication Christianity Today .
To me , this suggests not so much a softening among evangelical voters an intensification of their feelings about Trump .
I believe we are witnessing a growing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those who increasingly question whether he is fit for office .
Unlike in 2016 , evangelical voters who can not get excited about Trump are seemingly finding it more difficult to vote for him .
There has n't been a lot of research into what is behind this trend .
But as a moral theologian , I 'm interested in the moral reasoning that some prominent evangelical Christians have put forward in recent months explaining why they wo n't be voting for Trump .
It seems that at least some are reconsidering the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the change of heart ?
When Trump was campaigning in 2016 , many Christians conceded that while they did n't approve of his crude personality or his “ immoral '' lifestyle , they believed his policies – such as his promises to protect religious freedom and his commitment to overturning Roe v. Wade – were more in line with their religious beliefs than those of Hillary Clinton .
Evangelical Christians in the U.S. are not a monolithic voting bloc that supports conservative candidates .
There has always been a politically progressive contingent among @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the left-leaning evangelical magazine Sojourners , for example , served as a member of President Obama 's Advisory Council on Faith-Based and Community Partnerships .
Unsurprisingly , progressive evangelical voters have been critical of the president 's character as well as his policies .
But what appears to have changed of late is that some politically conservative evangelicals – those who prioritize abortion restrictions , opposition to same-sex marriage and religious freedom – agree less than they did in 2016 that Trump deserves their vote .
While President Trump may not be “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reminding their fellow Christians that they should not view the office of president as somehow exempt from what they perceive as biblical standards of leadership .
As Christian business leader Sid Jansma Jr. explained in a recent article : “ The Bible routinely associates good leadership anywhere with character , including such traits as justice , patience , compassion , humility , integrity , honesty , wisdom , courage and discipline . ''
Citing the Apostle Paul 's second letter to Timothy in the Bible , Jansma concludes , “ On every Biblical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ above , Trump fails . ''
Prominent evangelical pastor and author John Piper has likewise drawn on several biblical texts when writing about the choice facing voters : “ There is a character connection between rulers and subjects .
When the Bible describes a king by saying , 'He sinned and made Israel to sin ' … it does not mean he twisted their arm .
It means his influence shaped the people .
That 's the calling of a leader .
Take the lead in giving shape to the character of your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ good or for ill. '' In this reading , the Bible does not have a category for a good leader with bad personal character .
Nor does it seem to imagine that a nation can remain untainted by the perceived moral failures of its leaders .
[ Deep knowledge , daily .
Sign up for The Conversation 's newsletter . ]
The lesser of two evils ?
In 2016 , a considerable number of evangelicals strongly disapproved of Trump 's behavior but could not imagine voting for a Democrat .
For these voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ positions on abortion and LGBTQ rights was sufficient to render Trump the lesser of two evils .
Explaining this position in 2016 , Wayne Grudem , a popular evangelical author and seminary professor , conceded in The Christian Post that the candidate was “ egotistical , bombastic , and brash '' but that he represented an “ unusual opportunity '' to defeat the “ pro-abortion , pro-gender-confusion , anti-religious liberty , tax-and-spend , big government liberalism '' that he associated with Hillary Clinton .
More recently , concern over Trump 's perceived exploitation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the minds of some voters .
Some theologians have argued that he appropriates Christianity for purposes that are contrary to its teachings .
Southern Methodist University 's D. Stephen Long went as far as to ponder in one article : “ Should we call Donald Trump 'antichrist ' ? ''
So even for Christian voters who rely on a lesser-of-two-evils calculus , it 's not obvious that Trump deserves their backing .
As Piper writes , “ I find it bewildering that Christians can be so sure that greater damage will be done @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bad policies than is being done by the culture-infecting spread of the gangrene of sinful self-exaltation , and boasting and strife-stirring . ''
Even from a conservative evangelical perspective , the gains of a Trump presidency are increasingly being weighed against the losses .
As the editor in chief of Christianity Today put it in an article calling for Trump to be removed from office : “ If we do n't reverse course now , will anyone take anything we say about justice and righteousness with any seriousness for decades to come ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ beliefs behind closed doors , Trump is seen by many evangelicals as God 's chosen candidate .
The data , however , suggest a growing divide among evangelicals , with reluctant Trump voters becoming a thing of the past .
Most conservative evangelicals will vote for Trump and will do so enthusiastically .
But a significant minority have seemingly concluded that he is in fact the worse of two evils , and they will either not vote or vote for a candidate who is not a Republican – perhaps for the first time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

by Stewart Clem, Aquinas Institute of Theology
It has long been taken for granted that the majority of evangelical Christians in the United States will vote for Donald Trump.
That may well be the case. But there are recent signs that fewer evangelicals will support Trump this time around than in 2016.
In an August 2020 poll for Fox News, Trump registered a 38-point advantage over Joe Biden among among white evangelical voters. That is impressive, but it pales in comparison with his 61-point advantage over Hillary Clinton among evangelicals in the 2016 election.
Meanwhile, a Pew survey on Oct. 13 found that white evangelical support for Trump had slipped since August, from 83% to 78%.
Moral motivation
Among those who plan to vote to reelect the current president, “a majority are excited to get behind Trump, rather than being primarily motivated by a distaste for his opponent," according to a write-up of the Pew survey in the prominent evangelical publication Christianity Today.
To me, this suggests not so much a softening among evangelical voters an intensification of their feelings about Trump. I believe we are witnessing a growing divide between those who love him and those who increasingly question whether he is fit for office. Unlike in 2016, evangelical voters who cannot get excited about Trump are seemingly finding it more difficult to vote for him.
There hasn't been a lot of research into what is behind this trend. But as a moral theologian, I'm interested in the moral reasoning that some prominent evangelical Christians have put forward in recent months explaining why they won't be voting for Trump. It seems that at least some are reconsidering the relationship between leadership and character.
Why the change of heart?
When Trump was campaigning in 2016, many Christians conceded that while they didn't approve of his crude personality or his “immoral" lifestyle, they believed his policies – such as his promises to protect religious freedom and his commitment to overturning Roe v. Wade – were more in line with their religious beliefs than those of Hillary Clinton.
“We're electing a president, not a pastor," was a common refrain.
Evangelical Christians in the U.S. are not a monolithic voting bloc that supports conservative candidates. There has always been a politically progressive contingent among evangelicalism. Jim Wallis, founder of the left-leaning evangelical magazine Sojourners, for example, served as a member of President Obama's Advisory Council on Faith-Based and Community Partnerships. Unsurprisingly, progressive evangelical voters have been critical of the president's character as well as his policies.
But what appears to have changed of late is that some politically conservative evangelicals – those who prioritize abortion restrictions, opposition to same-sex marriage and religious freedom – agree less than they did in 2016 that Trump deserves their vote.
While President Trump may not be “pastor-in-chief," many evangelical leaders are reminding their fellow Christians that they should not view the office of president as somehow exempt from what they perceive as biblical standards of leadership. As Christian business leader Sid Jansma Jr. explained in a recent article: “The Bible routinely associates good leadership anywhere with character, including such traits as justice, patience, compassion, humility, integrity, honesty, wisdom, courage and discipline." Citing the Apostle Paul's second letter to Timothy in the Bible, Jansma concludes, “On every Biblical count of leadership, all of the above, Trump fails."
Prominent evangelical pastor and author John Piper has likewise drawn on several biblical texts when writing about the choice facing voters: “There is a character connection between rulers and subjects. When the Bible describes a king by saying, 'He sinned and made Israel to sin' … it does not mean he twisted their arm. It means his influence shaped the people. That's the calling of a leader. Take the lead in giving shape to the character of your people. So it happens. For good or for ill."
In this reading, the Bible does not have a category for a good leader with bad personal character. Nor does it seem to imagine that a nation can remain untainted by the perceived moral failures of its leaders.
[Deep knowledge, daily.Sign up for The Conversation's newsletter.]
The lesser of two evils?
In 2016, a considerable number of evangelicals strongly disapproved of Trump's behavior but could not imagine voting for a Democrat. For these voters, the Democratic Party platform and its positions on abortion and LGBTQ rights was sufficient to render Trump the lesser of two evils.
Explaining this position in 2016, Wayne Grudem, a popular evangelical author and seminary professor, conceded in The Christian Post that the candidate was “egotistical, bombastic, and brash" but that he represented an “unusual opportunity" to defeat the “pro-abortion, pro-gender-confusion, anti-religious liberty, tax-and-spend, big government liberalism" that he associated with Hillary Clinton.
More recently, concern over Trump's perceived exploitation of Christianity has been enough to change the minds of some voters. Some theologians have argued that he appropriates Christianity for purposes that are contrary to its teachings. Southern Methodist University's D. Stephen Long went as far as to ponder in one article: “Should we call Donald Trump 'antichrist'?"
So even for Christian voters who rely on a lesser-of-two-evils calculus, it's not obvious that Trump deserves their backing. As Piper writes, “I find it bewildering that Christians can be so sure that greater damage will be done by bad judges, bad laws and bad policies than is being done by the culture-infecting spread of the gangrene of sinful self-exaltation, and boasting and strife-stirring."
Even from a conservative evangelical perspective, the gains of a Trump presidency are increasingly being weighed against the losses. As the editor in chief of Christianity Today put it in an article calling for Trump to be removed from office: “If we don't reverse course now, will anyone take anything we say about justice and righteousness with any seriousness for decades to come?"
Despite reportedly mocking Christians and their beliefs behind closed doors, Trump is seen by many evangelicals as God's chosen candidate. The data, however, suggest a growing divide among evangelicals, with reluctant Trump voters becoming a thing of the past.
Most conservative evangelicals will vote for Trump and will do so enthusiastically. But a significant minority have seemingly concluded that he is in fact the worse of two evils, and they will either not vote or vote for a candidate who is not a Republican – perhaps for the first time in their lives.
Aquinas Institute of Theology is a member of the Association of Theological Schools. The ATS is a funding partner of The Conversation US. The ATS is a funding partner of The Conversation US.
Stewart Clem, Assistant Professor of Moral Theology, Aquinas Institute of Theology
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


alternet--2020-10-28--White House praises Trump for 'ending' the pandemic — and even his own spokesman can't defend it

Donald Trump 's stalwart belief that he can make the coronavirus pandemic disappear through the magic of bullshit has permeated all levels of his administration .
Even so , it was a bit of a shock to see the White House Office of Science and Technology put out a press release on Tuesday giving credit to Trump for `` ending the COVID-19 pandemic . ''
Meanwhile , in the real world , hospitalizations are up 46 % from a month ago .
A reported 983 people died of the disease on the same day the White House crowed about `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , according to the Johns Hopkins University COVID-19 Dashboard , the U.S. will pass 8.8 million cases and 227,000 deaths .
It remains unclear how this language about `` ending '' the pandemic even got into an official White House press release , since the report it 's announcing does n't say anything the end of this disaster , even though it features a lot of hilarious puffery of Trump for signing a couple of bills that were passed by Congress to provide money for research .
That 's certainly proof that federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's massive ego , but nothing more .
All signs point to this being yet another situation where the White House is pressuring formerly-apolitical federal offices to serve as propaganda outlets for Trump 's disinformation machine .
For instance , the press release quotes Ivanka Trump gushing about how her father 's `` investments in science and technology ensure America stands ready to solve today 's most pressing challenges . ''
The language in the press release also reflects Trump 's own campaign rhetoric , in which he continues to act as if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pretending that it 's not real and insisting that anyone who says it 's serious is just faking their concern in order to score political points against him .
`` It 's ending anyway .
We are rounding the turn .
It 's ending anyway , '' Trump said at a Monday campaign appearance in Allentown , Pennsylvania .
At a packed and largely mask-free rally in Omaha , Nebraska , on Tuesday night , Trump called it `` fake news '' when the media covers `` COVID COVID COVID COVID , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a `` Brady Bunch '' joke from the 1970s .
There is , of course , nothing fake about the pandemic news .
On the contrary , the transmission rate is hitting record highs , often above the peaks from the first two waves of the spring and summer .
The transmission rate is 39 % above where it was two weeks ago .
There were 500,000 new cases just in the past week , and the national case count is swiftly approaching 9 million people .
As Dr. Anthony Fauci of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said in a discussion hosted by Yale on Tuesday , `` We 're not even close to being finished with it yet . ''
Trump no doubt thinks he 's a supergenius for not just denying the seriousness of the coronavirus , but forcing his underlings to echo his nakedly preposterous claims about how it 's all over and behind us .
This has been commented on to death , but this tendency springs from Trump 's history as a reality TV host , which unfortunately reinforced his desire to believe that you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that a repeatedly failed businessman is a success — as long as you insist on it loudly enough on camera .
But I suspect this tendency goes back further than that , to Trump 's career in real estate , where lying about the value of his investments to defraud banks was the backbone of his business model .
But while the Eeyores of Twitter have , in a PTSD-style spiral , convinced themselves Trump is a Machiavellian political mastermind , the reality is that all this over-the-top lying about the coronavirus may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attention to Trump 's failures and reminds people of his sociopathic lack of concern for who gets hurts or even dies in his naked and desperate struggle to hang onto power .
On Wednesday morning , CNN commentator John Berman called the Office of Science and Technology press release `` Orwellian '' and `` laughable , '' pointing out that `` it is the literal opposite of true . ''
Later in the morning , CNN 's Alisyn Camerota confronted Trump campaign flack Hogan Gidley , who was clearly rattled at having to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the pandemic .
First , Gidley tried to pivot by falsely blaming the World Health Organization for the pandemic , but Camerota would n't let him wriggle off the hook , insisting he answer her on the question of whether the pandemic has `` ended . ''
Then he tried to rationalize this odious lie by claiming the country is `` moving in the right direction , '' which is blatantly untrue , as Camerota pointed out before asking him again if he thinks Trump is telling the truth about the pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cracked and said , `` I did n't write the document ! ''
Trump 's loyal supporters certainly do n't stick by him because they think he 's doing a good job on the pandemic .
They 're voting for Trump because they harbor bigoted beliefs or because they want to stick it to the liberals , and usually some combination of both .
Insofar as Trump voters have fallen into the habit of minimizing the virus , refusing to wear masks or rejecting social distancing , it 's out of a misguided @ @ @ @ @ @ @ admit that the despised liberals could ever be right about anything , not out of any sincere conviction that things are going well .
But if anyone is wavering on who to vote for — and we had better hope those people exist , as the outcome of the election may depend on them choosing correctly — Trump blatantly lying about something as dangerous as this is not likely to lock down their votes , None of that matters compared to Trump 's black hole of an ego .
Ultimately , the real @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being so bullheaded in lying about the coronavirus is that Trump , as a terminal narcissist , can not admit he 's failed at anything .
These lies and delusions about the pandemic ending are n't as much campaign messaging as Trumpian ego-fluffing , feeding the childish president pretty falsehoods he can use to feel better about himself .
That does n't mean he 'll lose — his voters really are that hateful , and ready to turn out to prove it — but it does show that he 's less a political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leading a movement of determined bigots .

Donald Trump's stalwart belief that he can make the coronavirus pandemic disappear through the magic of bullshit has permeated all levels of his administration. Even so, it was a bit of a shock to see the White House Office of Science and Technology put out a press release on Tuesday giving credit to Trump for "ending the COVID-19 pandemic."
Meanwhile, in the real world, hospitalizations are up 46% from a month ago. A reported 983 people died of the disease on the same day the White House crowed about "ending" the pandemic. On Wednesday, according to the Johns Hopkins University COVID-19 Dashboard, the U.S. will pass 8.8 million cases and 227,000 deaths.
It remains unclear how this language about "ending" the pandemic even got into an official White House press release, since the report it's announcing doesn't say anything the end of this disaster, even though it features a lot of hilarious puffery of Trump for signing a couple of bills that were passed by Congress to provide money for research. That's certainly proof that federal bureaucrats know the importance of flattering Trump's massive ego, but nothing more.
All signs point to this being yet another situation where the White House is pressuring formerly-apolitical federal offices to serve as propaganda outlets for Trump's disinformation machine.
For instance, the press release quotes Ivanka Trump gushing about how her father's "investments in science and technology ensure America stands ready to solve today's most pressing challenges."
The language in the press release also reflects Trump's own campaign rhetoric, in which he continues to act as if he can make the pandemic disappear by pretending that it's not real and insisting that anyone who says it's serious is just faking their concern in order to score political points against him.
"It's ending anyway. We are rounding the turn. It's ending anyway," Trump said at a Monday campaign appearance in Allentown, Pennsylvania.
At a packed and largely mask-free rally in Omaha, Nebraska, on Tuesday night, Trump called it "fake news" when the media covers "COVID COVID COVID COVID," continuing his ongoing and bizarre reprisal of a "Brady Bunch" joke from the 1970s.
There is, of course, nothing fake about the pandemic news. On the contrary, the transmission rate is hitting record highs, often above the peaks from the first two waves of the spring and summer. The transmission rate is 39% above where it was two weeks ago. There were 500,000 new cases just in the past week, and the national case count is swiftly approaching 9 million people.
As Dr. Anthony Fauci of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases said in a discussion hosted by Yale on Tuesday, "We're not even close to being finished with it yet."
Trump no doubt thinks he's a supergenius for not just denying the seriousness of the coronavirus, but forcing his underlings to echo his nakedly preposterous claims about how it's all over and behind us. This has been commented on to death, but this tendency springs from Trump's history as a reality TV host, which unfortunately reinforced his desire to believe that you can convince people of anything — including that a repeatedly failed businessman is a success — as long as you insist on it loudly enough on camera. But I suspect this tendency goes back further than that, to Trump's career in real estate, where lying about the value of his investments to defraud banks was the backbone of his business model.
But while the Eeyores of Twitter have, in a PTSD-style spiral, convinced themselves Trump is a Machiavellian political mastermind, the reality is that all this over-the-top lying about the coronavirus may be backfiring. It draws even more attention to Trump's failures and reminds people of his sociopathic lack of concern for who gets hurts or even dies in his naked and desperate struggle to hang onto power.
On Wednesday morning, CNN commentator John Berman called the Office of Science and Technology press release "Orwellian" and "laughable," pointing out that "it is the literal opposite of true."
Later in the morning, CNN's Alisyn Camerota confronted Trump campaign flack Hogan Gidley, who was clearly rattled at having to defend such an obnoxious and obvious lie about the pandemic.
First, Gidley tried to pivot by falsely blaming the World Health Organization for the pandemic, but Camerota wouldn't let him wriggle off the hook, insisting he answer her on the question of whether the pandemic has "ended." Then he tried to rationalize this odious lie by claiming the country is "moving in the right direction," which is blatantly untrue, as Camerota pointed out before asking him again if he thinks Trump is telling the truth about the pandemic "ending".
Finally, Gidley cracked and said, "I didn't write the document!"
Trump's loyal supporters certainly don't stick by him because they think he's doing a good job on the pandemic. They're voting for Trump because they harbor bigoted beliefs or because they want to stick it to the liberals, and usually some combination of both. Insofar as Trump voters have fallen into the habit of minimizing the virus, refusing to wear masks or rejecting social distancing, it's out of a misguided loyalty to Trump and an unwillingness to admit that the despised liberals could ever be right about anything, not out of any sincere conviction that things are going well.
But if anyone is wavering on who to vote for — and we had better hope those people exist, as the outcome of the election may depend on them choosing correctly — Trump blatantly lying about something as dangerous as this is not likely to lock down their votes,
None of that matters compared to Trump's black hole of an ego. Ultimately, the real reason the Trump administration and campaign are being so bullheaded in lying about the coronavirus is that Trump, as a terminal narcissist, cannot admit he's failed at anything. These lies and delusions about the pandemic ending aren't as much campaign messaging as Trumpian ego-fluffing, feeding the childish president pretty falsehoods he can use to feel better about himself. That doesn't mean he'll lose — his voters really are that hateful, and ready to turn out to prove it — but it does show that he's less a political supergenius than a moron who lucked into leading a movement of determined bigots.


alternet--2020-10-28--A rape joke scandal and a QAnon challenger create real danger for a GOP congressman

In Florida 's 18th Congressional District , Democrat Pam Keith is running against two very undesirable alternatives : a far-right Republican incumbent who has joked about rape and a QAnon supporter who is a registered Republican but is running as an independent .
And thanks to the congressman 's rape joke , journalist Ryan Grim notes in The Intercept , the QAnon supporter stands to pick up some votes .
The GOP incumbent is Rep. Brian Mast .
On August 27 , the South Florida Sun Sentinel 's Skyler Swisher reported that the congressman had `` joked about rape and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Facebook comments to a friend who is now his campaign manager . ''
And Grim notes that Mast `` apologized for the remarks this summer , saying he was ashamed of them and was striving to be a better man . ''
`` Unfortunately for Mast , '' Grim explains , `` an independent candidate on the ballot , K.W .
Miller , is publicly associated with QAnon , and Mast 's remarks could hardly have been better tuned to send the movement 's supporters fleeing from him and toward Miller .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ call for him to resign from Congress in the wake of the news of the comments , noted Sabra Ingeman , a spokesperson for Miller 's campaign . ''
According to Ingeman , `` As soon as the Sun Sentinel article came out , that night K.W .
put up a video calling for his resignation — and then , a bunch of other groups piled on to that . ''
Miller has made no secret of his devotion to the QAnon conspiracy theory , which claims that the federal government has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sex traffickers , Satanists and cannibals and that President Donald Trump was put in the White House to combat the cabal .
According to QAnon , an anonymous figure named Q is providing online updates about Trump 's battle against the cabal .
QAnon also believes that R & B superstar Beyoncé , who rose to fame in the 1990s as a member of the female vocal group Destiny 's Child before launching a solo career , is part of the conspiracy and that she is n't really African-American , but rather , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Marie Lastrassi .
Beyoncé , QAnon claims , is working closely with billionaire Democrat George Soros .
And on July 4 , Miller posted , `` Beyoncé is not even African American .
She is faking this for exposure .
Her real name is Ann Marie Lastrassi .
She is Italian .
This is all part of the Soros Deep State agenda for the Black Lives Matter movement .
BEYONCÉ YOU ARE ON NOTICE ! ''
Miller 's critics have rightly dismissed him as a kook .
But as Grim notes , his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mast 's rape joke .
And in Florida 's 18th Congressional District , Grim notes , Republicans typically `` have the upper hand . ''
Keith , like Miller , has slammed Mast for his rape joke .
Grim explains , `` Mast 's Democratic opponent , veteran Pam Keith , has also hammered Mast on the comments , running a 30-second ad that displays his Facebook posts next to an image of the late Jeffrey Epstein , the infamous former Palm Beach resident at the center of a global child sex-trafficking ring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ words of this convicted sexual predator , ' the ad intones .
'They 're the words of disgraced Congressman Brian Mast .
Disgusting .
Dishonorable . '
'' If Miller takes enough votes away from Mast , could he become enough of a spoiler to give Keith a victory ?
If the alternatives are someone who tells rape jokes or an unhinged QAnon conspiracy theorist , could a Democrat pull off a victory in a GOP-leaning district ?
Grim observes , `` Polls have ( former Vice President Joe ) Biden and Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ though Hillary Clinton lost it in 2016 to Trump by 9 percentage points… .
A poll in mid-September found Mast up 8 points over Keith .
A recent internal poll released by Keith posited a 2-point lead for the Democrat , with Miller drawing 4 % . ''

In Florida's 18th Congressional District, Democrat Pam Keith is running against two very undesirable alternatives: a far-right Republican incumbent who has joked about rape and a QAnon supporter who is a registered Republican but is running as an independent. And thanks to the congressman's rape joke, journalist Ryan Grim notes in The Intercept, the QAnon supporter stands to pick up some votes.
The GOP incumbent is Rep. Brian Mast. On August 27, the South Florida Sun Sentinel's Skyler Swisher reported that the congressman had "joked about rape and referenced sex with 15-year-old girls in old Facebook comments to a friend who is now his campaign manager." And Grim notes that Mast "apologized for the remarks this summer, saying he was ashamed of them and was striving to be a better man."
"Unfortunately for Mast," Grim explains, "an independent candidate on the ballot, K.W. Miller, is publicly associated with QAnon, and Mast's remarks could hardly have been better tuned to send the movement's supporters fleeing from him and toward Miller. In fact, Miller was the first to call for him to resign from Congress in the wake of the news of the comments, noted Sabra Ingeman, a spokesperson for Miller's campaign."
According to Ingeman, "As soon as the Sun Sentinel article came out, that night K.W. put up a video calling for his resignation — and then, a bunch of other groups piled on to that."
Miller has made no secret of his devotion to the QAnon conspiracy theory, which claims that the federal government has been infiltrated by an international cabal of child sex traffickers, Satanists and cannibals and that President Donald Trump was put in the White House to combat the cabal. According to QAnon, an anonymous figure named Q is providing online updates about Trump's battle against the cabal.
QAnon also believes that R&B superstar Beyoncé, who rose to fame in the 1990s as a member of the female vocal group Destiny's Child before launching a solo career, is part of the conspiracy and that she isn't really African-American, but rather, is really an Italian woman named Ann Marie Lastrassi. Beyoncé, QAnon claims, is working closely with billionaire Democrat George Soros. And on July 4, Miller posted, "Beyoncé is not even African American. She is faking this for exposure. Her real name is Ann Marie Lastrassi. She is Italian. This is all part of the Soros Deep State agenda for the Black Lives Matter movement. BEYONCÉ YOU ARE ON NOTICE!"
Miller's critics have rightly dismissed him as a kook. But as Grim notes, his campaign is benefitting from the controversy over Mast's rape joke. And in Florida's 18th Congressional District, Grim notes, Republicans typically "have the upper hand."
Keith, like Miller, has slammed Mast for his rape joke. Grim explains, "Mast's Democratic opponent, veteran Pam Keith, has also hammered Mast on the comments, running a 30-second ad that displays his Facebook posts next to an image of the late Jeffrey Epstein, the infamous former Palm Beach resident at the center of a global child sex-trafficking ring. 'No. Those aren't the words of this convicted sexual predator,' the ad intones. 'They're the words of disgraced Congressman Brian Mast. Disgusting. Dishonorable.'"
If Miller takes enough votes away from Mast, could he become enough of a spoiler to give Keith a victory? If the alternatives are someone who tells rape jokes or an unhinged QAnon conspiracy theorist, could a Democrat pull off a victory in a GOP-leaning district?
Grim observes, "Polls have (former Vice President Joe) Biden and Trump neck and neck in the district, though Hillary Clinton lost it in 2016 to Trump by 9 percentage points…. A poll in mid-September found Mast up 8 points over Keith. A recent internal poll released by Keith posited a 2-point lead for the Democrat, with Miller drawing 4%."


alternet--2020-10-28--Trump called military personnel 'suckers' and 'losers'--and now he's fighting to disenfranchise them

During the tumultuous fight for Florida in 2000 , Mark Herron , an attorney for Al Gore 's campaign , sent a memo to the team 's recount observers urging them to challenge arriving absentee ballots that were n't properly postmarked .
The race for Florida , and the White House , was separated by around 300 ballots at the time , and many of those mail-in votes were from overseas service-members who leaned toward George W. Bush .
The Bush campaign got ahold of Herron 's memo and screamed bloody murder .
CNN reported at the time that `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ retired Persian Gulf war commander Norman Schwarzkopf , have blasted their Democratic rivals for having more than 1,400 overseas absentee ballots disqualified in Florida counties . ''
Rep. John Sweeney ( R-NY ) , accused Democrats of `` actively and directly attempting to disenfranchise the brave men and women who are defending freedom . ''
Democrats moved into a defensive crouch , deploying then-Senator Bob Kerrey , a decorated veteran of the Vietnam War , `` to call on Republicans to retract those 'unfair and irresponsible ' claims . ''
Gore 's Florida @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials , `` no man or woman in military service to this nation should have his or her vote rejected solely due to the absence of a postmark . ''
Bush spokesperson Ari Fleischer 's response : `` They accomplished their mission and now they 're running for cover .
They never should have targeted our nation 's servicemen and women in the first place . ''
Of course , everyone knew they were n't all military ballots .
While military service members have been voting absentee since the Civil War , The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of 1986 guaranteed that military personnel , civilians working for the US government abroad and all other `` overseas voters who no longer maintain a residence in the United States '' could register and vote by absentee ballot in all elections for federal office .
And all of those ballots , whether military or civilian , were to be treated the same .
But the GOP 's messaging elided that fact , and it was effective .
Now , 20 years later , demonizing voting-by-mail is central to Donald Trump 's strategy to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ historically unpopular and presiding over a public health catastrophe .
This week , he suggested that counting ballots after November 3 would be `` totally inappropriate '' and , in his eyes , illegal .
Meanwhile , Republicans across the country have filed a flurry of lawsuits asking courts to limit absentee ballot counts on various grounds , and in a much-derided opinion issued this week , Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh wrote that Election Day mail-in deadlines are devised `` to avoid the chaos and suspicions of impropriety that can ensue if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election day and potentially flip the results of an election . ''
But according to a report by a military voting rights group , 29 states and the District of Columbia `` accept mailed military absentee ballots after election day , if the ballots are sent before the close of polls . ''
According to the report , `` more than 75 percent of the available votes in the Electoral College will come from states that will count military ballots after election day . ''
Millions of Americans will vote absentee because of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be hundreds of thousands of ballots cast by service members .
( Most military personnel vote by mail , whether stationed at home or abroad . )
It is n't clear why Democrats , having been vilified for `` actively and directly attempting to disenfranchise the brave men and women who are defending freedom '' 20 years ago are n't making this a major issue today .
Trump is vulnerable to these charges after reportedly calling military personnel `` suckers '' and `` losers , '' and attacking a number of his top @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in late August found that he was trailing Joe Biden by four percentage points among active-duty service men and women .
And they have families .
Trump and his party are fighting tooth-and-nail to prevent military ballots from being counted after November 3 .
That should be an easy layup for Democrats .

During the tumultuous fight for Florida in 2000, Mark Herron, an attorney for Al Gore's campaign, sent a memo to the team's recount observers urging them to challenge arriving absentee ballots that weren't properly postmarked. The race for Florida, and the White House, was separated by around 300 ballots at the time, and many of those mail-in votes were from overseas service-members who leaned toward George W. Bush.
The Bush campaign got ahold of Herron's memo and screamed bloody murder. CNN reported at the time that "Bush aides and Republican surrogates, including retired Persian Gulf war commander Norman Schwarzkopf, have blasted their Democratic rivals for having more than 1,400 overseas absentee ballots disqualified in Florida counties." Rep. John Sweeney (R-NY), accused Democrats of "actively and directly attempting to disenfranchise the brave men and women who are defending freedom."
Democrats moved into a defensive crouch, deploying then-Senator Bob Kerrey, a decorated veteran of the Vietnam War, "to call on Republicans to retract those 'unfair and irresponsible' claims." Gore's Florida campaign chief reversed course, telling election officials, "no man or woman in military service to this nation should have his or her vote rejected solely due to the absence of a postmark." Bush spokesperson Ari Fleischer's response: "They accomplished their mission and now they're running for cover. They never should have targeted our nation's servicemen and women in the first place."
Of course, everyone knew they weren't all military ballots. While military service members have been voting absentee since the Civil War, The Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act of 1986 guaranteed that military personnel, civilians working for the US government abroad and all other "overseas voters who no longer maintain a residence in the United States" could register and vote by absentee ballot in all elections for federal office. And all of those ballots, whether military or civilian, were to be treated the same.
But the GOP's messaging elided that fact, and it was effective.
Now, 20 years later, demonizing voting-by-mail is central to Donald Trump's strategy to eke out a second term despite being historically unpopular and presiding over a public health catastrophe. This week, he suggested that counting ballots after November 3 would be "totally inappropriate" and, in his eyes, illegal. Meanwhile, Republicans across the country have filed a flurry of lawsuits asking courts to limit absentee ballot counts on various grounds, and in a much-derided opinion issued this week, Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh wrote that Election Day mail-in deadlines are devised "to avoid the chaos and suspicions of impropriety that can ensue if thousands of absentee ballots flow in after election day and potentially flip the results of an election."
But according to a report by a military voting rights group, 29 states and the District of Columbia "accept mailed military absentee ballots after election day, if the ballots are sent before the close of polls." According to the report, "more than 75 percent of the available votes in the Electoral College will come from states that will count military ballots after election day."
Millions of Americans will vote absentee because of the pandemic, and among them will be hundreds of thousands of ballots cast by service members. (Most military personnel vote by mail, whether stationed at home or abroad.) It isn't clear why Democrats, having been vilified for "actively and directly attempting to disenfranchise the brave men and women who are defending freedom" 20 years ago aren't making this a major issue today.
Trump is vulnerable to these charges after reportedly calling military personnel "suckers" and "losers," and attacking a number of his top generals. A Military Times poll conducted in late August found that he was trailing Joe Biden by four percentage points among active-duty service men and women. And they have families.
Trump and his party are fighting tooth-and-nail to prevent military ballots from being counted after November 3. That should be an easy layup for Democrats.


alternet--2020-10-28--WH COVID testing czar breaks from Trump — admits US is far from 'rounding the curve' on COVID

Admiral Brett Giroir , Assistant Secretary for Health at the Department of Health and Human Services ( HHS ) pushed back against President Donald Trump on the coronavirus pandemic as he warned about the current uptick in cases .
During a Wednesday appearance on `` The Today Show , '' Giroir refuted Trump 's claim about the United States `` rounding the curve '' on coronavirus .
He offered a clear breakdown as he noted that the increase in cases is more than just `` a function of testing . ''
`` It 's not just a function of testing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` Yes we 're getting more cases identified , but the cases are actually going up , and we know that too because hospitalizations are going up [ … ] Those are real .
And we do know deaths are increasing , unfortunately . ''
`` So we do assess that the cases are actually going up , '' he added .
Giroir 's latest remarks come amid Trump 's repeated attempts to downplay the severity of the coronavirus outbreak .
Even after being caught on tape admitting to investigative journalist Bob @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and contracting COVID himself , the president is still spreading lies on the pandemic .
In fact , Trump on Monday tweeted a false claim he has made on multiple occasions .
Once again , the president claims cases are on the rise because of increased testing .
Trump also attempted to blame the media .
`` Cases up because we TEST , TEST , TEST .
A Fake News Media Conspiracy .
Many young people who heal very fast .
99.9 % .
Corrupt Media conspiracy at all time high , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , topic will totally change .
VOTE ! ''
As Trump continues his ploy to spread coronavirus disinformation , more than 45 states are faced with upticks in coronavirus cases .
On Friday , October 23 , the United States reported its highest day of COVID cases in a single day 83,000 .
As of Wednesday , October 28 , there are more than 9 million cases in the United States .

Admiral Brett Giroir, Assistant Secretary for Health at the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) pushed back against President Donald Trump on the coronavirus pandemic as he warned about the current uptick in cases.
During a Wednesday appearance on "The Today Show," Giroir refuted Trump's claim about the United States "rounding the curve" on coronavirus. He offered a clear breakdown as he noted that the increase in cases is more than just "a function of testing."
"It's not just a function of testing," Giroir told host Savannah Guthrie. "Yes we're getting more cases identified, but the cases are actually going up, and we know that too because hospitalizations are going up[…]Those are real. And we do know deaths are increasing, unfortunately."
"So we do assess that the cases are actually going up," he added.
Giroir's latest remarks come amid Trump's repeated attempts to downplay the severity of the coronavirus outbreak. Even after being caught on tape admitting to investigative journalist Bob Woodward that he purposely downplayed the virus and contracting COVID himself, the president is still spreading lies on the pandemic.
In fact, Trump on Monday tweeted a false claim he has made on multiple occasions. Once again, the president claims cases are on the rise because of increased testing. Trump also attempted to blame the media.
"Cases up because we TEST, TEST, TEST. A Fake News Media Conspiracy. Many young people who heal very fast. 99.9%. Corrupt Media conspiracy at all time high," he tweeted. "On November 4th., topic will totally change. VOTE!"
As Trump continues his ploy to spread coronavirus disinformation, more than 45 states are faced with upticks in coronavirus cases. On Friday, October 23, the United States reported its highest day of COVID cases in a single day 83,000. As of Wednesday, October 28, there are more than 9 million cases in the United States.