alternet--2020-11-26--Warnings of close links between Biden Cabinet picks and corporate power as incoming administration t

Warnings of close links between Biden Cabinet picks and corporate power as incoming administration takes form

President-elect Joe Biden declared `` America is back '' this week as he revealed some of the people who will staff his administration in key national security posts , vowing to roll back Donald Trump 's `` America First '' foreign policy and embrace multilateralism .
Among his picks are longtime adviser Tony Blinken for secretary of state , diplomatic veteran Linda Thomas-Greenfield as ambassador to the United Nations , and former Secretary of State John Kerry for a new Cabinet post as climate czar .
Historian , author and activist Barbara Ransby says Biden 's picks so far mostly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic Party and lack progressive voices .
`` We need people who have compassion , who have accountability to the most vulnerable , who pledge to defend the planet , people who have a clear understanding and commitment to fighting white supremacy and police violence , '' says Ransby .
We also speak with investigative journalist David Sirota , who says Biden 's picks represent `` an attempt to restore the old Washington . ''
Sirota served as an adviser and speechwriter for Senator Bernie Sanders during his presidential campaign .
This is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be in its final form .
AMY GOODMAN : This is Democracy Now !
, democracynow.org , The Quarantine Report .
I 'm Amy Goodman , with Juan González .
We turn now to look at how progressive movements are responding to the Cabinet that President-elect Joe Biden is assembling , as he names a number of establishment figures to key posts .
Biden named longtime adviser Tony Blinken as incoming secretary of state .
Blinken previously served as deputy secretary of state for President Obama .
He spoke Tuesday after his nomination @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Delaware , socially distanced from each of the other nominees , telling the story of how his stepfather was the only one of 900 children at his school in Bialystok , Poland , to survive the Holocaust at the end of the war .
AMY GOODMAN : Tony Blinken grew up both in New York and in Paris with his mother and stepfather .
He speaks fluent French .
That was Biden 's pick for secretary of state .
The president-elect has also named Linda Thomas-Greenfield , a 35-year veteran of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ambassador to the United Nations .
Thomas-Greenfield was an ambassador to Liberia and assistant secretary of state for African affairs under Obama .
She was fired days into the Trump administration .
Linda Thomas-Greenfield 's last job was with Albright Stonebridge Group , which was co-founded by former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright .
This is Thomas-Greenfield speaking Tuesday .
AMY GOODMAN : That was Linda Thomas-Greenfield , President-elect Biden 's pick to be the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations .
She was born in Louisiana , as she talked about `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ diplomacy .
Former secretary of state and presidential candidate John Kerry will serve as Biden 's special climate envoy .
He also spoke in Delaware yesterday .
AMY GOODMAN : John Kerry would serve on the National Security Council as the newly created position of climate envoy .
For more on President-elect Biden 's new team , we 're joined by two guests .
Professor Barbara Ransby , historian , author and activist adviser to the Movement for Black Lives , professor of African American studies , gender and women 's studies and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chicago , she is joining us from Chicago .
And in Denver , Colorado , David Sirota is with us , an investigative journalist , founder of the news website The Daily Poster .
He served as an adviser and speechwriter for Senator Bernie Sanders during his presidential campaign .
We welcome you both to Democracy Now !
Professor Ransby , let 's begin with you .
So , you had that scene yesterday in Wilmington , Delaware .
All of the nominees came out on the stage with President-elect Biden and Vice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
All stood six feet from each other .
And after each person spoke , someone came out and wiped down the podium .
But , Barbara Ransby , the substance of who has been chosen , the beginning of the Cabinet , particularly on national security and foreign policy , your thoughts ?
BARBARA RANSBY : Well , thank you again for having me , Amy , and for the good work that you do every day .
So , yeah , I saw that press conference , too , and I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the CDC protocols for social distancing .
But , as you say , it 's the substance of those appointments that really should concern us .
And I think , listening to Medea Benjamin a few minutes ago talk about this WestExec Advisors that Blinken and Haines are a part of , or were a part of , you know , to look at the absence of some prominent progressives who could have filled some of these positions , people like , say , a Sara Nelson from the flight attendants ' union @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people .
People who have been international solidarity activists certainly could have filled the position of ambassador to the United Nations .
So , it is of concern .
I think it 's an extension of what we 've been hearing from some of this centrist Democrats about the left as being divisive , the need to reach across the aisle .
Look , progressives , Black people helped to put Joe Biden in office .
It certainly was n't his , you know , stellar record as a candidate or his eloquence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be taken into consideration .
And , look , we need people who have competence , but we need people who have compassion , who have accountability to the most vulnerable , who pledge to defend the planet , people who have a clear understanding and commitment to fighting white supremacy and police violence and war .
And so , I do n't see that in this group , and it concerns me .
And I 'll say this : What concerns me also is the presentation of this as a Cabinet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ youngest .
Avril Haines is the first woman in the position she 's appointed to , etc .
You know , I do n't necessarily just want people that look like me .
I want people who are really going to make a difference and who are accountable to the communities that I 'm committed to , that I come from , that progressive organizers have been working to empower .
So , you know , we 've seen diversity .
And diversity is fine .
It 's necessary .
I certainly do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But it is woefully insufficient .
We see that time and again .
We see it with Barack Obama 's administration .
This kind of looks like Obama 2.0 in some respects .
And we see it , you know , with Clarence Thomas in the Supreme Court and a whole list and litany of public officials who offer cosmetic change but not substantive change .
We are in a deep and disturbing set of crises , and we need people who are going to act to curb the greed of billionaires @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but we also need people who are going to speak out and stand up against racism and the resurgence of white nationalism .
I 'm not confident that Biden is heading in that direction , which is why we need to continue to build a movement .
JUAN GONZÁLEZ : Well , Barbara Ransby , I wanted to ask you about one person who 's being talked about who has not yet been named but could be , someone that you — whose record you know well as a Chicagoan .
That 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chicago , who is being talked about , has been mentioned as a possible secretary of transportation .
I 'm wondering your thoughts on that and whether that would be a further mistake by the president-elect , and also that Rahm Emanuel , since he left office , has gone back into the corporate world in terms of advising companies on mergers and acquisitions .
BARBARA RANSBY : Right .
Well , I think you probably know my answer to that , Juan .
You know , Chicagoans , the Chicago movement would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was nominated to a Cabinet position .
Not only the commitment to corporate interests , but the cover-up , the inexcusable cover-up , of the Laquan McDonald murder , a young Black man murdered by police , and Rahm Emanuel , by all indications , participating in a cover-up of that murder ; closing schools in Black and Brown neighborhoods ; closing mental health centers ; having a deaf ear to the demands of progressives in this city .
So , no , I mean , you know , we would n't support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the face to progressives not just in Chicago , but around this country .
So , you know , another Chicagoan who would be quite an alternative to Rahm Emanuel is Congressman Chuy García , who comes out of our movements , has a progressive record .
So , his name has been floated for the transportation post , and certainly that would be a welcome divergence from a Rahm Emanuel-type appointment .
AMY GOODMAN : And , David Sirota , if you can weigh in on those who have been chosen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mayorkas , who would be the first Latinx head or secretary of the Department of Homeland Security .
He talked about his family , he put it as , fleeing communism , fleeing Cuba , and coming to this country .
You have , as Professor Ransby just talked about , among those , Avril Haines and the climate envoy , John Kerry , a new position that clearly President-elect Biden has chosen to say climate change will be front and center .
DAVID SIROTA : Well , look , the nominees , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ represent an effort at restoration , the idea being that we have to bring back familiar faces , Washington careerists , to restore the pre-Trump Washington status quo .
And typically these are people with various corporate ties , ties to the establishment , ties to corporate power .
John Kerry is a good example .
And it 's not to pick him out and say he 's particularly bad or particularly awful , but here 's a guy who was in government .
When he was in government , he was very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in particular .
He left office .
He then got a top position at Bank of America , which is one of the largest financiers of fossil fuel development in the world .
And then he comes back into government as Biden 's at least first climate pick .
And it 's not to say that John Kerry is going to be terrible on climate , but it is to say , as one example of many , that we need to understand where these people come from .
Joe Biden , on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ climate policy , his campaign very early on said it was seeking a , quote , `` middle ground '' on climate policy .
And so , I think what you see in all of these nominees — and you could go through all of them — is that it is an attempt to restore the old Washington .
Ideologically , these are middle-ground picks .
And what that says to me is that it 's going to be more important than ever for movements , activists , people all over this country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Joe Biden , at least rhetorically , promised on the campaign , that the personnel that Joe Biden is appointing so far are not people who are going to necessarily do the right thing on their own .
They are not necessarily people who are going to offer a different kind of path , one that does n't appease corporate interests .
They 're not going to do that alone , unless they are actually pushed and pressured .
And that 's going to be the key .
JUAN GONZÁLEZ : And , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about — you were a speechwriter for Bernie Sanders .
Clearly , Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren represented , to some degree , the more progressive wing of the Democratic Party .
There 's still talk of Bernie Sanders as possible labor secretary , but , clearly , Elizabeth Warren is not going to get any kind of a major position , it appears , at this point , in the Biden administration .
Your sense of how they might still be able to influence these choices , and also the argument that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who he can name that will get confirmation from a Senate that will — could be in Republican hands , but certainly will be very divided ?
DAVID SIROTA : Well , look , I think we need to remember that lawmakers themselves can be independent power centers , that there was a time in this country when there were the so-called giants of the Senate .
And I think people like Bernie Sanders , people like Elizabeth Warren , fit that archetype , or at least potentially do , in the sense @ @ @ @ @ @ @ known in the country .
They have large mass movement followings among them , a very large , grassroots — a set of grassroots supporters .
And they can choose to use that power in the Senate on legislation and on nominations .
I mean , the other way to look at nominations , if we 're just talking about Cabinet nominations , is the progressives in the Senate are also , or also could be , a voting bloc .
If the Republicans are going to oppose Joe Biden nominees , then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senate votes can be the difference between confirmation and not confirmation .
And those progressive senators have the potential power to demand progressive Cabinet appointees .
And we 've seen this happen at certain points .
In the second term , in Obama 's second term , you saw Elizabeth Warren oppose various Obama potential appointees on the grounds that they were too close to Wall Street .
And ultimately , those nominees were not confirmed , because of that opposition .
And we 've seen a new poll that 's come out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — this is a poll from Demand Progress that just came out yesterday , that we reported on at The Daily Poster — 68 % of Americans say that if Biden appoints corporate executives or lobbyists to top positions , that 68 % of Americans want the Senate to vote those nominees down .
So , I would say that those progressives — Bernie Sanders , Elizabeth Warren , others — in the Senate have serious leverage .
But the question is always : Will they actually use that leverage ?
Not to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sanders and Elizabeth Warren have at times used that leverage .
But will the progressive movement and progressive legislators in the Congress use the leverage that they have ?
That 's the open question .
AMY GOODMAN : Congressmembers Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , Ilhan Omar , Rashida Tlaib — you know , members of what 's known as `` The Squad '' — are the first sitting members of Congress to sign a petition launched by the Justice Democrats against a potential nomination of Joe Biden 's former chief of staff , Bruce Reed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Management and Budget .
Reed is considered a `` deficit hawk , '' has supported cuts to Social Security and Medicare .
The petition calls for OMB to , quote , `` be staffed with people who will prioritize working people , not Wall Street deficit scaremongers . ''
Let me put this question to Professor Ransby : In the midst of this serious pandemic-fueled recession , is it possible to build back better with Wall Street-friendly austerity politics ?
And what about these congressmembers speaking out and taking a stand , drawing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Reed ?
BARBARA RANSBY : Yeah , well , I think that 's a welcome and refreshing move by elected officials .
Rashida Tlaib is somebody who is pretty uncompromising in speaking out , so I 'm not surprised that she 's one of the signatories of the petition opposing Bruce Reed .
I mean , we have to be very , very attentive to people being put in positions of power with regard to the economy .
And on one hand , this is not surprising .
On the other hand , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know , somebody like Darrick Hamilton or Stephanie Kelton , people who have bold ideas that really would serve the economic interests of the majority of people , of poor and working people , rather than people who have consulted for corporations , who have been paid by corporations and financial institutions and Wall Street and so forth .
So , obviously , we have to oppose a Reed nomination .
But I think , bigger than that , Amy — you know , I wanted to go back to something David Sirota @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of movements continuing to organize .
I mean , we have all been so obsessed with this election , so fearful that this maniac and aspiring dictator would have retained power for four more years , that I do n't want us to lose sight of the importance of pressure from the street .
We had literally tens of millions of people in the street after the murder of George Floyd .
And it was n't just about the murder of George Floyd ; it was about all the George Floyds who struggle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their interest , who struggle to make ends meet , who are vulnerable to police harassment on the street , partly because of their race and class vulnerabilities .
And so , we have to fight for people in these positions of power that are going to respond to our demands , but we also have to organize to make those demands as loudly , as persistently as possible .
So , you know , the group The Frontline , which was a coalition to defeat Trump , has called for actions on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that , to push for a progressive agenda .
And so , we need to be supporting movements like that , as well .
I mean , we can get a less bad appointment out of Joe Biden in some of these Cabinet positions , and that is important .
I am all about , you know , increasing the margin of possibility in that arena , but also really about the importance of building a movement in this period and not forgetting the neoliberal politics of a Joe Biden — Joe Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iraq and supported the crime bill and all of these things that helped to put us in the position we 're in now .
So there 's a lot of work for movement organizers to do .
Being attentive to these Cabinet posts is one of them , but certainly not the only .
JUAN GONZÁLEZ : And , David Sirota , we only have about a minute or so left , but I wanted to ask you about the speculation on the Department of Justice that Biden could possibly name Preet Bharara @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Southern District of New York — before that , a staff member for Chuck Schumer — as possible head of DOJ or the Securities and Exchange Commission .
I 'm wondering your thoughts about that .
DAVID SIROTA : Well , Preet Bharara got a reputation as being supposedly tough on crime because he prosecuted some insider trading .
He investigated part of the Cuomo administration in New York .
But we have to remember the big thing about Preet Bharara .
Preet Bharara was the head of the most powerful prosecutorial office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crisis : the Southern District of New York , as you said , Juan .
And in that time , there were no prosecutions of top executives at major banks in relation to the financial crisis .
The idea of putting someone in power at the top of the Justice Department who played an active role — an active role — in making sure that Wall Street executives were not prosecuted after the financial crisis would be a complete abomination .
It would be a disturbing promotion of the idea of a lack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say the last thing about all of this , which is that we really are seeing , in a lot of ways , in this whole debate , an effort to pretend that the past crises that we face — the Iraq War , the financial crisis and the like — did n't happen , or if they did happen , that the people who helped lead us into that , there will not be accountability for them .
There will not even be career accountability or job accountability for them in terms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the point about Preet Bharara is , if he is put in there , the implications for what we 're saying about whether Wall Street will ever be held accountable , whether for the financial crisis in the past or crises in the future , they would be deeply , deeply disturbing .
AMY GOODMAN : David Sirota , I want to thank you for being with us , award-winning investigative journalist , founder of the news website The Daily Poster , columnist for The Guardian , editor-at-large for Jacobin , serves as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sanders during his presidential campaign .
And I want to thank Barbara Ransby , historian , author and activist adviser to the Movement for Black Lives , professor of African American studies , gender and women 's studies and history at the University of Illinois , Chicago .
Her latest book , Making All Black Lives Matter : Reimagining Freedom in the 21st Century .
This is Democracy Now !
Next up , we look at the Indigenous-led fight against the Enbridge Line 3 pipeline in northern Minnesota .
The U.S. Army Corps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ permit , but protests continue .
Stay with us .
President-elect Joe Biden declared “ America is back ” this week as he revealed some of the people who will staff his administration in key national security posts , vowing to roll back Donald Trump ’ s “ America First ” foreign policy and embrace multilateralism .
Among his picks are longtime adviser Tony Blinken for secretary of state , diplomatic veteran Linda Thomas-Greenfield as ambassador to the United Nations , and former Secretary of State John Kerry for a new Cabinet post @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and activist Barbara Ransby says Biden ’ s picks so far mostly come from the centrist establishment of the Democratic Party and lack progressive voices .
“ We need people who have compassion , who have accountability to the most vulnerable , who pledge to defend the planet , people who have a clear understanding and commitment to fighting white supremacy and police violence , ” says Ransby .
We also speak with investigative journalist David Sirota , who says Biden ’ s picks represent “ an attempt to restore the old Washington.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ speechwriter for Senator Bernie Sanders during his presidential campaign .

President-elect Joe Biden declared "America is back" this week as he revealed some of the people who will staff his administration in key national security posts, vowing to roll back Donald Trump's "America First" foreign policy and embrace multilateralism. Among his picks are longtime adviser Tony Blinken for secretary of state, diplomatic veteran Linda Thomas-Greenfield as ambassador to the United Nations, and former Secretary of State John Kerry for a new Cabinet post as climate czar. Historian, author and activist Barbara Ransby says Biden's picks so far mostly come from the centrist establishment of the Democratic Party and lack progressive voices. "We need people who have compassion, who have accountability to the most vulnerable, who pledge to defend the planet, people who have a clear understanding and commitment to fighting white supremacy and police violence," says Ransby. We also speak with investigative journalist David Sirota, who says Biden's picks represent "an attempt to restore the old Washington." Sirota served as an adviser and speechwriter for Senator Bernie Sanders during his presidential campaign.
Transcript
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The Quarantine Report. I'm Amy Goodman, with Juan González.
We turn now to look at how progressive movements are responding to the Cabinet that President-elect Joe Biden is assembling, as he names a number of establishment figures to key posts. Biden named longtime adviser Tony Blinken as incoming secretary of state. Blinken previously served as deputy secretary of state for President Obama. He spoke Tuesday after his nomination was announced on the stage in Wilmington, Delaware, socially distanced from each of the other nominees, telling the story of how his stepfather was the only one of 900 children at his school in Bialystok, Poland, to survive the Holocaust at the end of the war.
ANTONY BLINKEN: At the end of the war, he made a break from a death march into the woods in Bavaria. From his hiding place, he heard a deep rumbling sound. It was a tank. But instead of the Iron Cross, he saw painted on its side a five-pointed white star. He ran to the tank. The hatch opened. An African American GI looked down at him. He got down on his knees and said the only three words that he knew in English, that his mother taught him before the war: "God bless America."
AMY GOODMAN: Tony Blinken grew up both in New York and in Paris with his mother and stepfather. He speaks fluent French. That was Biden's pick for secretary of state.
The president-elect has also named Linda Thomas-Greenfield, a 35-year veteran of the Foreign Service, as the new U.S. ambassador to the United Nations. Thomas-Greenfield was an ambassador to Liberia and assistant secretary of state for African affairs under Obama. She was fired days into the Trump administration. Linda Thomas-Greenfield's last job was with Albright Stonebridge Group, which was co-founded by former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright. This is Thomas-Greenfield speaking Tuesday.
LINDA THOMAS-GREENFIELD: On this day, I'm thinking about the American people, my fellow career diplomats and public servants around the world. I want to say to you: America is back. Multilateralism is back. Diplomacy is back. Mr. President-elect, I've often heard you say how all politics is personal, and that's how you build relationships of trust and bridge disagreements and find common ground. And in my 35 years in the Foreign Service across four continents, I put a Cajun spin on it: I called it "gumbo diplomacy." Wherever I was posted around the world, I'd invite people of different backgrounds and beliefs to help me make a roux and chop onions for the Holy Trinity and make homemade gumbo. It was my way of breaking down barriers, connecting with people and starting to see each other on a human level.
AMY GOODMAN: That was Linda Thomas-Greenfield, President-elect Biden's pick to be the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations. She was born in Louisiana, as she talked about "gumbo" rather than "gunboat" diplomacy.
Former secretary of state and presidential candidate John Kerry will serve as Biden's special climate envoy. He also spoke in Delaware yesterday.
JOHN KERRY: Mr. President-elect, you've put forward a bold, transformative climate plan, but you've also underscored that no country alone can solve this challenge. Even the United States, for all of our industrial strength, is responsible for only 13% of global emissions. To end this crisis, the whole world must come together. You're right to rejoin Paris on day one. And you're right to recognize that Paris alone is not enough.
AMY GOODMAN: John Kerry would serve on the National Security Council as the newly created position of climate envoy.
For more on President-elect Biden's new team, we're joined by two guests. Professor Barbara Ransby, historian, author and activist adviser to the Movement for Black Lives, professor of African American studies, gender and women's studies and history at the University of Illinois, Chicago, she is joining us from Chicago. And in Denver, Colorado, David Sirota is with us, an investigative journalist, founder of the news website The Daily Poster. He served as an adviser and speechwriter for Senator Bernie Sanders during his presidential campaign.
We welcome you both to Democracy Now! Professor Ransby, let's begin with you. So, you had that scene yesterday in Wilmington, Delaware. All of the nominees came out on the stage with President-elect Biden and Vice President-elect Kamala Harris. All were masked. All stood six feet from each other. And after each person spoke, someone came out and wiped down the podium. But, Barbara Ransby, the substance of who has been chosen, the beginning of the Cabinet, particularly on national security and foreign policy, your thoughts?
BARBARA RANSBY: Well, thank you again for having me, Amy, and for the good work that you do every day.
So, yeah, I saw that press conference, too, and I'm certainly glad that they're following the CDC protocols for social distancing. But, as you say, it's the substance of those appointments that really should concern us. And I think, listening to Medea Benjamin a few minutes ago talk about this WestExec Advisors that Blinken and Haines are a part of, or were a part of, you know, to look at the absence of some prominent progressives who could have filled some of these positions, people like, say, a Sara Nelson from the flight attendants' union, strong advocate for labor and working people. People who have been international solidarity activists certainly could have filled the position of ambassador to the United Nations. So, it is of concern.
I think it's an extension of what we've been hearing from some of this centrist Democrats about the left as being divisive, the need to reach across the aisle. Look, progressives, Black people helped to put Joe Biden in office. It certainly wasn't his, you know, stellar record as a candidate or his eloquence or anything else. So that has to be taken into consideration. And, look, we need people who have competence, but we need people who have compassion, who have accountability to the most vulnerable, who pledge to defend the planet, people who have a clear understanding and commitment to fighting white supremacy and police violence and war. And so, I don't see that in this group, and it concerns me.
And I'll say this: What concerns me also is the presentation of this as a Cabinet of firsts. Jake Sullivan is the youngest. Avril Haines is the first woman in the position she's appointed to, etc. You know, I don't necessarily just want people that look like me. I want people who are really going to make a difference and who are accountable to the communities that I'm committed to, that I come from, that progressive organizers have been working to empower. So, you know, we've seen diversity. And diversity is fine. It's necessary. I certainly don't want to see an all-white-male Cabinet. But it is woefully insufficient. We see that time and again. We see it with Barack Obama's administration. This kind of looks like Obama 2.0 in some respects. And we see it, you know, with Clarence Thomas in the Supreme Court and a whole list and litany of public officials who offer cosmetic change but not substantive change.
We are in a deep and disturbing set of crises, and we need people who are going to act to curb the greed of billionaires and provide relief to working people, but we also need people who are going to speak out and stand up against racism and the resurgence of white nationalism. I'm not confident that Biden is heading in that direction, which is why we need to continue to build a movement.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, Barbara Ransby, I wanted to ask you about one person who's being talked about who has not yet been named but could be, someone that you — whose record you know well as a Chicagoan. That's Rahm Emanuel, the former mayor of Chicago, who is being talked about, has been mentioned as a possible secretary of transportation. I'm wondering your thoughts on that and whether that would be a further mistake by the president-elect, and also that Rahm Emanuel, since he left office, has gone back into the corporate world in terms of advising companies on mergers and acquisitions.
BARBARA RANSBY: Right. Well, I think you probably know my answer to that, Juan. You know, Chicagoans, the Chicago movement would be in the street of Rahm Emanuel was nominated to a Cabinet position. Not only the commitment to corporate interests, but the cover-up, the inexcusable cover-up, of the Laquan McDonald murder, a young Black man murdered by police, and Rahm Emanuel, by all indications, participating in a cover-up of that murder; closing schools in Black and Brown neighborhoods; closing mental health centers; having a deaf ear to the demands of progressives in this city. So, no, I mean, you know, we wouldn't support that. That would be a slap in the face to progressives not just in Chicago, but around this country.
So, you know, another Chicagoan who would be quite an alternative to Rahm Emanuel is Congressman Chuy García, who comes out of our movements, has a progressive record. So, his name has been floated for the transportation post, and certainly that would be a welcome divergence from a Rahm Emanuel-type appointment.
AMY GOODMAN: And, David Sirota, if you can weigh in on those who have been chosen? I mean, you have Alejandro Mayorkas, who would be the first Latinx head or secretary of the Department of Homeland Security. He talked about his family, he put it as, fleeing communism, fleeing Cuba, and coming to this country. You have, as Professor Ransby just talked about, among those, Avril Haines and the climate envoy, John Kerry, a new position that clearly President-elect Biden has chosen to say climate change will be front and center.
DAVID SIROTA: Well, look, the nominees, as a whole, I think, represent an effort at restoration, the idea being that we have to bring back familiar faces, Washington careerists, to restore the pre-Trump Washington status quo. And typically these are people with various corporate ties, ties to the establishment, ties to corporate power.
John Kerry is a good example. And it's not to pick him out and say he's particularly bad or particularly awful, but here's a guy who was in government. When he was in government, he was very supportive of fossil fuel development, fracking in particular. He left office. He then got a top position at Bank of America, which is one of the largest financiers of fossil fuel development in the world. And then he comes back into government as Biden's at least first climate pick. And it's not to say that John Kerry is going to be terrible on climate, but it is to say, as one example of many, that we need to understand where these people come from. Joe Biden, on the campaign, on climate, on climate policy, his campaign very early on said it was seeking a, quote, "middle ground" on climate policy.
And so, I think what you see in all of these nominees — and you could go through all of them — is that it is an attempt to restore the old Washington. Ideologically, these are middle-ground picks. And what that says to me is that it's going to be more important than ever for movements, activists, people all over this country to demand the kinds of policies that Joe Biden, at least rhetorically, promised on the campaign, that the personnel that Joe Biden is appointing so far are not people who are going to necessarily do the right thing on their own. They are not necessarily people who are going to offer a different kind of path, one that doesn't appease corporate interests. They're not going to do that alone, unless they are actually pushed and pressured. And that's going to be the key.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, David, I wanted to ask you about — you were a speechwriter for Bernie Sanders. Clearly, Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren represented, to some degree, the more progressive wing of the Democratic Party. There's still talk of Bernie Sanders as possible labor secretary, but, clearly, Elizabeth Warren is not going to get any kind of a major position, it appears, at this point, in the Biden administration. Your sense of how they might still be able to influence these choices, and also the argument that Biden may be trying to figure out who he can name that will get confirmation from a Senate that will — could be in Republican hands, but certainly will be very divided?
DAVID SIROTA: Well, look, I think we need to remember that lawmakers themselves can be independent power centers, that there was a time in this country when there were the so-called giants of the Senate. And I think people like Bernie Sanders, people like Elizabeth Warren, fit that archetype, or at least potentially do, in the sense that they have — they're well known in the country. They have large mass movement followings among them, a very large, grassroots — a set of grassroots supporters. And they can choose to use that power in the Senate on legislation and on nominations.
I mean, the other way to look at nominations, if we're just talking about Cabinet nominations, is the progressives in the Senate are also, or also could be, a voting bloc. If the Republicans are going to oppose Joe Biden nominees, then it means that a progressive bloc of Senate votes can be the difference between confirmation and not confirmation. And those progressive senators have the potential power to demand progressive Cabinet appointees. And we've seen this happen at certain points. In the second term, in Obama's second term, you saw Elizabeth Warren oppose various Obama potential appointees on the grounds that they were too close to Wall Street. And ultimately, those nominees were not confirmed, because of that opposition.
And we've seen a new poll that's come out that says about 68% of Americans — this is a poll from Demand Progress that just came out yesterday, that we reported on at The Daily Poster — 68% of Americans say that if Biden appoints corporate executives or lobbyists to top positions, that 68% of Americans want the Senate to vote those nominees down.
So, I would say that those progressives — Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren, others — in the Senate have serious leverage. But the question is always: Will they actually use that leverage? Not to pick on them. I think Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren have at times used that leverage. But will the progressive movement and progressive legislators in the Congress use the leverage that they have? That's the open question.
AMY GOODMAN: Congressmembers Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib — you know, members of what's known as "The Squad" — are the first sitting members of Congress to sign a petition launched by the Justice Democrats against a potential nomination of Joe Biden's former chief of staff, Bruce Reed, as head of the Office of Management and Budget. Reed is considered a "deficit hawk," has supported cuts to Social Security and Medicare. The petition calls for OMB to, quote, "be staffed with people who will prioritize working people, not Wall Street deficit scaremongers." Let me put this question to Professor Ransby: In the midst of this serious pandemic-fueled recession, is it possible to build back better with Wall Street-friendly austerity politics? And what about these congressmembers speaking out and taking a stand, drawing a line in the sand, on Reed?
BARBARA RANSBY: Yeah, well, I think that's a welcome and refreshing move by elected officials. Rashida Tlaib is somebody who is pretty uncompromising in speaking out, so I'm not surprised that she's one of the signatories of the petition opposing Bruce Reed. I mean, we have to be very, very attentive to people being put in positions of power with regard to the economy. And on one hand, this is not surprising. On the other hand, we have to be vigilant. You know, somebody like Darrick Hamilton or Stephanie Kelton, people who have bold ideas that really would serve the economic interests of the majority of people, of poor and working people, rather than people who have consulted for corporations, who have been paid by corporations and financial institutions and Wall Street and so forth. So, obviously, we have to oppose a Reed nomination.
But I think, bigger than that, Amy — you know, I wanted to go back to something David Sirota said, which is about the importance of movements continuing to organize. I mean, we have all been so obsessed with this election, so fearful that this maniac and aspiring dictator would have retained power for four more years, that I don't want us to lose sight of the importance of pressure from the street. We had literally tens of millions of people in the street after the murder of George Floyd. And it wasn't just about the murder of George Floyd; it was about all the George Floyds who struggle in an economy that's not in their interest, who struggle to make ends meet, who are vulnerable to police harassment on the street, partly because of their race and class vulnerabilities.
And so, we have to fight for people in these positions of power that are going to respond to our demands, but we also have to organize to make those demands as loudly, as persistently as possible. So, you know, the group The Frontline, which was a coalition to defeat Trump, has called for actions on Inauguration Day in Washington to do exactly that, to push for a progressive agenda. And so, we need to be supporting movements like that, as well. I mean, we can get a less bad appointment out of Joe Biden in some of these Cabinet positions, and that is important. I am all about, you know, increasing the margin of possibility in that arena, but also really about the importance of building a movement in this period and not forgetting the neoliberal politics of a Joe Biden — Joe Biden who took us into the war in Iraq and supported the crime bill and all of these things that helped to put us in the position we're in now. So there's a lot of work for movement organizers to do. Being attentive to these Cabinet posts is one of them, but certainly not the only.
JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, David Sirota, we only have about a minute or so left, but I wanted to ask you about the speculation on the Department of Justice that Biden could possibly name Preet Bharara, the former U.S. attorney for the Southern District of New York — before that, a staff member for Chuck Schumer — as possible head of DOJ or the Securities and Exchange Commission. I'm wondering your thoughts about that.
DAVID SIROTA: Well, Preet Bharara got a reputation as being supposedly tough on crime because he prosecuted some insider trading. He investigated part of the Cuomo administration in New York. But we have to remember the big thing about Preet Bharara. Preet Bharara was the head of the most powerful prosecutorial office in the United States during the financial crisis: the Southern District of New York, as you said, Juan. And in that time, there were no prosecutions of top executives at major banks in relation to the financial crisis. The idea of putting someone in power at the top of the Justice Department who played an active role — an active role — in making sure that Wall Street executives were not prosecuted after the financial crisis would be a complete abomination. It would be a disturbing promotion of the idea of a lack of accountability.
And I'll just say the last thing about all of this, which is that we really are seeing, in a lot of ways, in this whole debate, an effort to pretend that the past crises that we face — the Iraq War, the financial crisis and the like — didn't happen, or if they did happen, that the people who helped lead us into that, there will not be accountability for them. There will not even be career accountability or job accountability for them in terms of getting promoted later. So, the point about Preet Bharara is, if he is put in there, the implications for what we're saying about whether Wall Street will ever be held accountable, whether for the financial crisis in the past or crises in the future, they would be deeply, deeply disturbing.
AMY GOODMAN: David Sirota, I want to thank you for being with us, award-winning investigative journalist, founder of the news website The Daily Poster, columnist for The Guardian, editor-at-large for Jacobin, serves as an adviser and speechwriter for Senator Bernie Sanders during his presidential campaign. And I want to thank Barbara Ransby, historian, author and activist adviser to the Movement for Black Lives, professor of African American studies, gender and women's studies and history at the University of Illinois, Chicago. Her latest book, Making All Black Lives Matter: Reimagining Freedom in the 21st Century.
This is Democracy Now! Next up, we look at the Indigenous-led fight against the Enbridge Line 3 pipeline in northern Minnesota. The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers has just granted a key permit, but protests continue. Stay with us.
Barbara Ransby & David Sirota Warn of Close Links Between Biden’s Cabinet Picks & Corporate Power
Barbara Ransby & David Sirota Warn of Close Links Between Biden’s Cabinet Picks & Corporate Power www.democracynow.org
President-elect Joe Biden declared “America is back” this week as he revealed some of the people who will staff his administration in key national security posts, vowing to roll back Donald Trump’s “America First” foreign policy and embrace multilateralism. Among his picks are longtime adviser Tony Blinken for secretary of state, diplomatic veteran Linda Thomas-Greenfield as ambassador to the United Nations, and former Secretary of State John Kerry for a new Cabinet post as climate czar. Historian, author and activist Barbara Ransby says Biden’s picks so far mostly come from the centrist establishment of the Democratic Party and lack progressive voices. “We need people who have compassion, who have accountability to the most vulnerable, who pledge to defend the planet, people who have a clear understanding and commitment to fighting white supremacy and police violence,” says Ransby. We also speak with investigative journalist David Sirota, who says Biden’s picks represent “an attempt to restore the old Washington.” Sirota served as an adviser and speechwriter for Senator Bernie Sanders during his presidential campaign.


alternet--2020-11-26--How conservative demands for 'patriotic' history education echo the KKK's culture war fight in the 1

How conservative demands for 'patriotic' history education echo the KKK's culture war fight in the 1920s

During the lead-up to the election , President Trump and other right-wing populists have attacked American historians who question traditional – some would say outdated – narratives of American history , meaning those that stress unthinking patriotism and unquestioning national pride .
Hoping to energize his political base , Trump convened the 1776 Commission , a panel tasked with developing a `` patriotic education '' curriculum that will supplant alleged `` left-wing indoctrination '' of innocent schoolchildren .
His initiative reflects a larger backlash against multiculturalism and historians who expose the darker corners of American history while urging their students @ @ @ @ @ @ @ open-minded inquiry .
One of Congress 's most strident conservative voices , Senator Tom Cotton of Arkansas introduced a bill to strip federal funding from school districts that teach the 1619 Project , an ambitious attempt to reframe American history around issues of slavery , racism and Black contributions to national life .
Rising to this bait , conservative outlets have renewed their longstanding assault on the radical historian Howard Zinn , who died ten years ago , as a symbol of everything wrong with historians who dare question traditional narratives .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unaware that their goals , motivations , and methods recall those used by patriotic groups and such populist , right-wing organizations as the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s .
Peaking in around 1923 , the American Legion , the Sons of the American Revolution , the Klan , and other groups sponsored a wave of bills designed to impose a simplistic , triumphalist vision of American history on students .
Like today 's conservative culture warriors , they insisted that the `` proper teaching '' of American history could reverse the perceived @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appeal of left-wing radicalism , sever immigrants ' attachments to their former countries , and replace multiculturalism with good-old-fashioned Americanism .
This loosely coordinated campaign , like its 2020 counterpart , reflected broader concerns for the future of a country in flux .
As is the case today , many 1920s-era Americans imagined that previous generations were more homogenous , more virtuous , and more patriotic than themselves .
To their minds , divisions , struggles , and persistent inequalities were errant stitches , best ignored , on a broader tapestry of national @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state commissioner of secondary schools , A. C. Olney , in recommending appropriate American history textbooks , warned against assigning authors who treated `` old and dead '' controversies such as the Civil War `` in such a way as to perpetuate animosities . ''
From this perspective , the purpose of studying the past was not to pursue broader truths or to appreciate the contributions of diverse groups , but rather to unify present-day Americans behind celebratory interpretations of historical events .
National unity struck seemed like a matter of national survival @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conservatives .
World War One-era calls for 100 % Americanism , backed by federal laws such as the Espionage and Sedition Acts , silenced dissent and inflated fears of un-American immigrants and heterodox opinions .
The post-World War One dread of communist infiltration sparked a full blown Red Scare marked by harassment , vigilante violence , and deportations .
Fears that multiculturalism would overwhelm traditional American values helped inspire the 1921 Emergency Immigration Act and 1924 National Origins Act , laws that restricted immigration from so-called undesirable ethnic groups .
Militant hyperpatriotism , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anti-diversity campaigns fueled the right-wing backlash against American historians then as well as now .
The Klan , in particular , hoped to exploit education reform ( a term used here in a value-neutral way ) to broaden its popular appeal while undermining perceived threats to white , Protestant dominance .
The 1920s-era Klan was a prominent social organization that claimed a membership of four million , probably an exaggeration but one it could make with a straight face .
Unlike its Reconstruction-era predecessor , it furthered its agenda through political pressure , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rather than naked violence , although violence and threats of violence remained part of its toolkit .
Its anti-Catholic , anti-immigrant , `` pro-American '' program resonated with white Protestants who feared losing social and economic status during a tumultuous time .
KKK Imperial Wizard Hiram Evans advocated the creation of a federal department of education that could oversee `` the re-Americanization of our common Republic . ''
Local Klan chapters marched behind parade floats depicting little red schoolhouses , the symbol of sturdy , old-fashioned Americanism .
Klansmen distributed American flags and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ boards to fire Catholic teachers , and introduced bills requiring public schools to hire public-school graduates as teachers , thereby undercutting Catholic parochial schools .
With limited success , the Klan pushed its influence onto college campuses in an attempt to shape history curricula .
Their most notable victory came in Oregon , which in 1922 passed the Klan-backed Compulsory Education Act .
The law , aimed at destroying parochial schools that the Klan denounced as undemocratic , required all students to attend public schools ( the U.S. Supreme Court later struck down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Klan 's education program , one it shared with other right-wing groups , was stifling American historians whose interpretations clashed with their own .
For California 's A. C. Olney , that meant histories that treated `` any part of the American history in a disloyal or unpatriotic manner '' or minimized `` the best patriotism of American tradition . ''
Olney 's use of `` the '' in `` the American history '' was no accident ; many traditionalists used this defiantly singular construction to imply that there was only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ story .
Today 's culture warriors would recognize and even parrot perspectives from the 1920s , including that of Wisconsin state senator John Cashman , who declared in 1923 that `` un-American professors can do more harm in ten months than a hundred ship loads of reds could do in ten years . ''
That same year , two years before Tennessee 's Butler Act banned the teaching of evolution , Cashman sponsored a bill to ban history textbooks that `` cast aspersions upon the heroes of the American Revolution or the War @ @ @ @ @ @ @ history class , he argued , `` tells the truth from an American point of view , '' thereby driving `` anti-American propaganda '' from the schools and enabling children to mature into patriotic adults .
Cashman 's bill passed easily and was signed into law .
New York , Oregon , and other states considered copycat bills targeting `` anti-American propaganda . ''
California legislators introduced a bill making it a fireable offense for history teachers to criticize the Constitution or the Founding Fathers .
In Arkansas , a Klan-dominated state legislature @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to take a course in American history and government not as a path toward greater enlightenment , but rather as a means of engineering what they saw as the right kind of education : one that instilled blind patriotism .
President Trump and his allies would no doubt applaud these measures , some of which are still on the books .
Like twenty-first-century traditionalists who want only to learn a ( singular ) truth about the past , early twentieth-century critics spread fundamental mistruths about the study of history .
Rather than accept @ @ @ @ @ @ @ documents and events are key to their craft , 1920s-era traditionalists cried for `` strictly unbiased '' texts without ever explaining what those would look like .
While denouncing biased texts , they , much like President Trump 's 1776 Commission , pressured American historians to present positive interpretations of the past .
`` The young of today should be taught that there has been and is more virtue than vice , more strength than weakness , more noble aspirations than ignoble deeds , in the transcending story of American life , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` Our greatest men have had their faults , '' seconded Judge Wallace McCamant of Oregon , national chairman of the Committee on Patriotic Education , `` but why cast the spotlight upon the flaws while , at the same time , leaving the more important features in darkness ? ''
Decades later , the multiculturalist revolution of the 1960s rewrote American history by incorporating a wider range of voices into in increasingly fractured national narrative .
In the ensuring years , Black people , women of all races , and ethnic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both textbooks and classrooms .
Their stories , and the more complex and nuanced views of history they have inspired , banished Judge McCamant 's one-dimensional version to the historical dustbin .
Or so the historians argue .
Beyond the realm of academia exists a yearning to restore that simpler story , along with its message of inevitable progress , ( Protestant ) white male dominance , and traditional American values .
Whether for ideological or political ends , President Trump and other conservative culture warriors are waging this same battle for restoration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1920s-era Klan : intimidation , bullying , and public shaming .
Whereas this harassment once involved boycotts and cross burnings , it now exists on social media and the internet , where armies of outrage , inflamed by such sites as Infowars and such groups as Campus Reform , denounce history teachers whose heterodox interpretations clash with their own .
Honest debate and intellectual freedom are not their aims .
Instead , similar to the past century 's Klansmen and their allies , they seek to either coerce universities into firing supposed radicals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them into silence .
Should they succeed , their victory will strike a blow against diversity , tolerance , and multiculturalism – precisely the goals of a century earlier .
The fate of President Trump 's 1776 Commission hangs in the electoral balance .
What is certain is that , even should the president lose his re-election bid , the right-wing populist campaign that he helped recharge , a movement with deep roots in our past , will keep attacking historians whose professional interpretations clash with their own understandings of American history .

During the lead-up to the election, President Trump and other right-wing populists have attacked American historians who question traditional – some would say outdated – narratives of American history, meaning those that stress unthinking patriotism and unquestioning national pride. Hoping to energize his political base, Trump convened the 1776 Commission, a panel tasked with developing a "patriotic education" curriculum that will supplant alleged "left-wing indoctrination" of innocent schoolchildren. His initiative reflects a larger backlash against multiculturalism and historians who expose the darker corners of American history while urging their students to create their own historical narratives through open-minded inquiry. One of Congress's most strident conservative voices, Senator Tom Cotton of Arkansas introduced a bill to strip federal funding from school districts that teach the 1619 Project, an ambitious attempt to reframe American history around issues of slavery, racism and Black contributions to national life. Rising to this bait, conservative outlets have renewed their longstanding assault on the radical historian Howard Zinn, who died ten years ago, as a symbol of everything wrong with historians who dare question traditional narratives.
The president and his ideological peers are likely unaware that their goals, motivations, and methods recall those used by patriotic groups and such populist, right-wing organizations as the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s.
Peaking in around 1923, the American Legion, the Sons of the American Revolution, the Klan, and other groups sponsored a wave of bills designed to impose a simplistic, triumphalist vision of American history on students. Like today's conservative culture warriors, they insisted that the "proper teaching" of American history could reverse the perceived decline of traditional values, blunt the appeal of left-wing radicalism, sever immigrants' attachments to their former countries, and replace multiculturalism with good-old-fashioned Americanism.
This loosely coordinated campaign, like its 2020 counterpart, reflected broader concerns for the future of a country in flux. As is the case today, many 1920s-era Americans imagined that previous generations were more homogenous, more virtuous, and more patriotic than themselves. To their minds, divisions, struggles, and persistent inequalities were errant stitches, best ignored, on a broader tapestry of national greatness. In 1923, California's state commissioner of secondary schools, A. C. Olney, in recommending appropriate American history textbooks, warned against assigning authors who treated "old and dead" controversies such as the Civil War "in such a way as to perpetuate animosities." From this perspective, the purpose of studying the past was not to pursue broader truths or to appreciate the contributions of diverse groups, but rather to unify present-day Americans behind celebratory interpretations of historical events.
National unity struck seemed like a matter of national survival, as it does for many 2020 conservatives. World War One-era calls for 100% Americanism, backed by federal laws such as the Espionage and Sedition Acts, silenced dissent and inflated fears of un-American immigrants and heterodox opinions. The post-World War One dread of communist infiltration sparked a full blown Red Scare marked by harassment, vigilante violence, and deportations. Fears that multiculturalism would overwhelm traditional American values helped inspire the 1921 Emergency Immigration Act and 1924 National Origins Act, laws that restricted immigration from so-called undesirable ethnic groups.
Militant hyperpatriotism, Red baiting, nativist rhetoric, and anti-diversity campaigns fueled the right-wing backlash against American historians then as well as now. The Klan, in particular, hoped to exploit education reform (a term used here in a value-neutral way) to broaden its popular appeal while undermining perceived threats to white, Protestant dominance. The 1920s-era Klan was a prominent social organization that claimed a membership of four million, probably an exaggeration but one it could make with a straight face. Unlike its Reconstruction-era predecessor, it furthered its agenda through political pressure, economic boycotts, intimidation, and harassment rather than naked violence, although violence and threats of violence remained part of its toolkit. Its anti-Catholic, anti-immigrant, "pro-American" program resonated with white Protestants who feared losing social and economic status during a tumultuous time.
KKK Imperial Wizard Hiram Evans advocated the creation of a federal department of education that could oversee "the re-Americanization of our common Republic." Local Klan chapters marched behind parade floats depicting little red schoolhouses, the symbol of sturdy, old-fashioned Americanism. Klansmen distributed American flags and Bibles to public schools, lobbied school boards to fire Catholic teachers, and introduced bills requiring public schools to hire public-school graduates as teachers, thereby undercutting Catholic parochial schools. With limited success, the Klan pushed its influence onto college campuses in an attempt to shape history curricula. Their most notable victory came in Oregon, which in 1922 passed the Klan-backed Compulsory Education Act. The law, aimed at destroying parochial schools that the Klan denounced as undemocratic, required all students to attend public schools (the U.S. Supreme Court later struck down the law).
A crucial element of the Klan's education program, one it shared with other right-wing groups, was stifling American historians whose interpretations clashed with their own. For California's A. C. Olney, that meant histories that treated "any part of the American history in a disloyal or unpatriotic manner" or minimized "the best patriotism of American tradition." Olney's use of "the" in "the American history" was no accident; many traditionalists used this defiantly singular construction to imply that there was only one correct version of their nation's story.
Today's culture warriors would recognize and even parrot perspectives from the 1920s, including that of Wisconsin state senator John Cashman, who declared in 1923 that "un-American professors can do more harm in ten months than a hundred ship loads of reds could do in ten years." That same year, two years before Tennessee's Butler Act banned the teaching of evolution, Cashman sponsored a bill to ban history textbooks that "cast aspersions upon the heroes of the American Revolution or the War of 1812." A good American history class, he argued, "tells the truth from an American point of view," thereby driving "anti-American propaganda" from the schools and enabling children to mature into patriotic adults. Cashman's bill passed easily and was signed into law.
New York, Oregon, and other states considered copycat bills targeting "anti-American propaganda." California legislators introduced a bill making it a fireable offense for history teachers to criticize the Constitution or the Founding Fathers. In Arkansas, a Klan-dominated state legislature passed a law requiring all college students to take a course in American history and government not as a path toward greater enlightenment, but rather as a means of engineering what they saw as the right kind of education: one that instilled blind patriotism.
President Trump and his allies would no doubt applaud these measures, some of which are still on the books. Like twenty-first-century traditionalists who want only to learn a (singular) truth about the past, early twentieth-century critics spread fundamental mistruths about the study of history. Rather than accept that a historian's individual interpretation of documents and events are key to their craft, 1920s-era traditionalists cried for "strictly unbiased" texts without ever explaining what those would look like. While denouncing biased texts, they, much like President Trump's 1776 Commission, pressured American historians to present positive interpretations of the past. "The young of today should be taught that there has been and is more virtue than vice, more strength than weakness, more noble aspirations than ignoble deeds, in the transcending story of American life," the Marshfield (WI) News-Herald opined. "Our greatest men have had their faults," seconded Judge Wallace McCamant of Oregon, national chairman of the Committee on Patriotic Education, "but why cast the spotlight upon the flaws while, at the same time, leaving the more important features in darkness?"
Decades later, the multiculturalist revolution of the 1960s rewrote American history by incorporating a wider range of voices into in increasingly fractured national narrative. In the ensuring years, Black people, women of all races, and ethnic minorities have assumed ever-more prominent positions in both textbooks and classrooms. Their stories, and the more complex and nuanced views of history they have inspired, banished Judge McCamant's one-dimensional version to the historical dustbin.
Or so the historians argue. Beyond the realm of academia exists a yearning to restore that simpler story, along with its message of inevitable progress, (Protestant) white male dominance, and traditional American values.
Whether for ideological or political ends, President Trump and other conservative culture warriors are waging this same battle for restoration, using the same tools as the 1920s-era Klan: intimidation, bullying, and public shaming. Whereas this harassment once involved boycotts and cross burnings, it now exists on social media and the internet, where armies of outrage, inflamed by such sites as Infowars and such groups as Campus Reform, denounce history teachers whose heterodox interpretations clash with their own. Honest debate and intellectual freedom are not their aims. Instead, similar to the past century's Klansmen and their allies, they seek to either coerce universities into firing supposed radicals or, barring that, to bludgeon them into silence. Should they succeed, their victory will strike a blow against diversity, tolerance, and multiculturalism – precisely the goals of a century earlier.
The fate of President Trump's 1776 Commission hangs in the electoral balance. What is certain is that, even should the president lose his re-election bid, the right-wing populist campaign that he helped recharge, a movement with deep roots in our past, will keep attacking historians whose professional interpretations clash with their own understandings of American history.


alternet--2020-11-26--Pennsylvania’s lieutenant governor: Giuliani's voter fraud event 'like a weird pyramid scheme market

Pennsylvania’s lieutenant governor: Giuliani's voter fraud event 'like a weird pyramid scheme marketing thing'

Democratic Pennsylvania Lt. Gov .
Fetterman and former Pennsylvania Gov .
Tom Ridge , a Republican , come from different areas of the political spectrum .
Fetterman is a liberal/progressive who was endorsed by Sen. Bernie Sanders in 2018 , whereas Ridge is a Never Trump conservative who served as secretary of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security under President George W. Bush .
But one thing Fetterman and Ridge obviously agree on is that President-elect Joe Biden won Pennsylvania fair and square , and Fetterman tore former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani 's bogus claims of widespread voter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appearance on MSNBC 's `` The 11th Hour '' on Wednesday night , November 25 .
Giuliani , President Donald Trump 's personal attorney , has been claiming , without evidence , that Trump really won Pennsylvania 's 20 electoral votes and that Democrats committed widespread voter fraud in the Keystone State .
But Fetterman told `` 11th Hour '' host Brian Williams that there is absolutely no evidence to back up any of Trump and Giuliani 's claims .
This week , the election results were certified in Pennsylvania .
Nonetheless , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ historic Gettysburg , Pennsylvania on November 25 to promote the campaign 's bogus voter fraud claims , and Trump called into that event from the White House .
Fetterman described the event as a `` carnival barking '' and `` snake handling '' and told Williams , `` I do n't take it seriously because no one really takes Mr. Giuliani seriously .
Everyone knows how this movie is going to end .
Like I said , it 's just this sad , you know , like weird pyramid scheme marketing thing at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , this was n't an official function of the Pennsylvania State Senate — I 'm the president of the Pennsylvania State Senate .
There was nothing official about this .
This was simply just some weird rally in a hotel ballroom designed to spread more information , because that 's all it is .
All they have is lies . ''
The 75-year-old Ridge , who served two terms as Pennsylvania governor , was equally scathing in his reaction to Team Trump 's Gettysburg event , tweeting : Fetterman , during his `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Williams , `` They have had over three weeks now to come up with anything concrete , and they have n't .
Where 's the voter fraud ?
Not one single case of voter fraud , aside from the two established cases in Pennsylvania which both involved Republicans trying to vote for Trump with their relatives , whether they were dead or living . ''

Democratic Pennsylvania Lt. Gov. Fetterman and former Pennsylvania Gov. Tom Ridge, a Republican, come from different areas of the political spectrum. Fetterman is a liberal/progressive who was endorsed by Sen. Bernie Sanders in 2018, whereas Ridge is a Never Trump conservative who served as secretary of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security under President George W. Bush. But one thing Fetterman and Ridge obviously agree on is that President-elect Joe Biden won Pennsylvania fair and square, and Fetterman tore former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani's bogus claims of widespread voter fraud in Pennsylvania to pieces during an appearance on MSNBC's "The 11th Hour" on Wednesday night, November 25.
Giuliani, President Donald Trump's personal attorney, has been claiming, without evidence, that Trump really won Pennsylvania's 20 electoral votes and that Democrats committed widespread voter fraud in the Keystone State. But Fetterman told "11th Hour" host Brian Williams that there is absolutely no evidence to back up any of Trump and Giuliani's claims.
This week, the election results were certified in Pennsylvania. Nonetheless, Trump's allies held an event in historic Gettysburg, Pennsylvania on November 25 to promote the campaign's bogus voter fraud claims, and Trump called into that event from the White House. Fetterman described the event as a "carnival barking" and "snake handling" and told Williams, "I don't take it seriously because no one really takes Mr. Giuliani seriously. Everyone knows how this movie is going to end. Like I said, it's just this sad, you know, like weird pyramid scheme marketing thing at a ballroom at the Ramada. Like, this wasn't an official function of the Pennsylvania State Senate — I'm the president of the Pennsylvania State Senate. There was nothing official about this. This was simply just some weird rally in a hotel ballroom designed to spread more information, because that's all it is. All they have is lies."
The 75-year-old Ridge, who served two terms as Pennsylvania governor, was equally scathing in his reaction to Team Trump's Gettysburg event, tweeting:
Fetterman, during his "11th Hour" appearance, also told Williams, "They have had over three weeks now to come up with anything concrete, and they haven't. Where's the voter fraud? Not one single case of voter fraud, aside from the two established cases in Pennsylvania which both involved Republicans trying to vote for Trump with their relatives, whether they were dead or living."
Watch the video below:


alternet--2020-11-26--True confessions of a ‘Trump supporter’ who keeps getting donor-shamed by the president

As one of the patriots receiving the Con-Artist-In-Chief 's daily blizzard of fundraising emails , I am able to offer some rare insight into what it 's like to let Dear Leader down .
It is n't pretty .
Now , you probably are wondering what I 'm doing receiving emails from the dark side , and I do n't blame you .
I do n't recall asking to make this dubious list , but here I am , in a fine position to serve as a treasonous spy .
Sadly , I was just given the bad news that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has not gone unnoticed or unforgiven .
`` Friend , '' the email from `` Trump Donor Record '' begins .
`` Did you see the President 's email ?
`` We pulled the records of his most LOYAL supporters – the ones who have been there for him no matter what .
Unfortunately , your donor record showed up in the BOTTOM 1 % of all Trump Supporters . ''
The use of Trump 's signature CAPS LOCK certainly added to the email 's air of authenticity .
So did the hurtful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1 percent , which I believe to be the polar opposite of the percent that he cares about .
Next , the email laid out my own sad personal box score , listing my email address and the fact that I 've been a donor since `` not available . ''
Add that to my 2020 Campaign Cycle Gifts of $ 0 and my `` Lifetime Total '' of $ 0 and you can see why the big boss ' people might not be pleased .
`` President Trump REALLY needs you right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up ? ''
I was scolded by the email.
`` The truth is , we are pacing BEHIND our Election Defense Fund Goal .
If we do n't so something quick , we risk LOSING America to BIG GOVERNMENT SOCIALISTS . ''
`` If every supporter took action and contributed TODAY , we 'd be back on track and would have what it takes to SAVE AMERICA from Joe Biden and Kamala Harris .
`` Please make your FIRST EVER contribution of $ 10 or more by 11:59 PM TONIGHT to the Official @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump Save America . ''
OK , there 's a lot to unpack there .
As a member of the Fake News media , I 've grown accustomed to snarky comments from Trumpees , but this was the first time I was called out as a disloyal friend .
No one wants that .
The whole `` losing America to big government socialists '' thing would of course be news to the progressive wing of the Democratic Party .
But it was noteworthy that there 's no more nuance in the fund-raising screed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Still , my favorite part of the entire email was the phrase `` if we do n't do something quick . ''
That 's actually probably true .
Trump has no intention to concede–ever–to the guy who crushed him in a 74-electoral vote landslide ( not to mention more than 6 million actual votes ) .
But it appears he is in conceding that the deadline of December 14 to choose electors is real .
Yes , if Trump does n't do `` something quick '' to steal the election , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Joe Biden and Kamala Harris .
I get that .
What I did n't quite get from the email was what my first-ever contribution to the erstwhile proprietor of Trump University had to do with keeping him in power .
What 's the `` Election Defense Fund '' defending again ?
What did they need this new money for ?
To pay Rudy ?
To fix up Mar-A-Largo ?
Maybe for a good divorce attorney ?
I do n't know .
But as a member-in-bottom-1-percent standing of the Trump base , I 've @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about .
Do you want a little insight into what keeps us wayward Trump supporters up at night ?
It 's an email that ends like this : '' We 're sending President Trump a list of ALL Patriots who step up NOW .
Will he see your name ? ''

As one of the patriots receiving the Con-Artist-In-Chief's daily blizzard of fundraising emails, I am able to offer some rare insight into what it's like to let Dear Leader down. It isn't pretty.
Now, you probably are wondering what I'm doing receiving emails from the dark side, and I don't blame you. I don't recall asking to make this dubious list, but here I am, in a fine position to serve as a treasonous spy.
Sadly, I was just given the bad news that my lifetime Trump-giving record of $0 has not gone unnoticed or unforgiven.
"Friend," the email from "Trump Donor Record" begins. "Did you see the President's email? "
We pulled the records of his most LOYAL supporters – the ones who have been there for him no matter what. Unfortunately, your donor record showed up in the BOTTOM 1% of all Trump Supporters."
The use of Trump's signature CAPS LOCK certainly added to the email's air of authenticity. So did the hurtful reference to my being in the bottom 1 percent, which I believe to be the polar opposite of the percent that he cares about.
Next, the email laid out my own sad personal box score, listing my email address and the fact that I've been a donor since "not available." Add that to my 2020 Campaign Cycle Gifts of $0 and my "Lifetime Total" of $0 and you can see why the big boss' people might not be pleased.
"President Trump REALLY needs you right now. Why haven't you stepped up?" I was scolded by the email. " The truth is, we are pacing BEHIND our Election Defense Fund Goal. If we don't so something quick, we risk LOSING America to BIG GOVERNMENT SOCIALISTS."
"If every supporter took action and contributed TODAY, we'd be back on track and would have what it takes to SAVE AMERICA from Joe Biden and Kamala Harris.
"Please make your FIRST EVER contribution of $10 or more by 11:59 PM TONIGHT to the Official Election Defense Fund and to help President Trump Save America."
OK, there's a lot to unpack there. As a member of the Fake News media, I've grown accustomed to snarky comments from Trumpees, but this was the first time I was called out as a disloyal friend. No one wants that.
The whole "losing America to big government socialists" thing would of course be news to the progressive wing of the Democratic Party. But it was noteworthy that there's no more nuance in the fund-raising screed than there is on the Twitter feed.
Still, my favorite part of the entire email was the phrase "if we don't do something quick." That's actually probably true. Trump has no intention to concede–ever–to the guy who crushed him in a 74-electoral vote landslide (not to mention more than 6 million actual votes). But it appears he is in conceding that the deadline of December 14 to choose electors is real.
Yes, if Trump doesn't do "something quick" to steal the election, we will live unsaved under the rule of Joe Biden and Kamala Harris. I get that. What I didn't quite get from the email was what my first-ever contribution to the erstwhile proprietor of Trump University had to do with keeping him in power.
What's the "Election Defense Fund" defending again? What did they need this new money for? To pay Rudy? To fix up Mar-A-Largo? Maybe for a good divorce attorney?
I don't know. But as a member-in-bottom-1-percent standing of the Trump base, I've got more pressing things to be concerned about. Do you want a little insight into what keeps us wayward Trump supporters up at night? It's an email that ends like this:
"We're sending President Trump a list of ALL Patriots who step up NOW. Will he see your name?"


alternet--2020-11-26--A 'Coup for Dummies' guide to the fraudulent GOP 'meeting' in Gettysburg to overturn the election

The partisan meeting , incorrectly characterized as a `` hearing , '' between Pennsylvania Republican State Senators and members of the Trump campaign to address supposed `` irregularities '' in the now-certified Pennsylvania election , has now concluded .
Donald Trump was scheduled to attend but backed out after yet another member of his inner circle , legal team member , investment banker and part-time propagandist Boris Ephsteyn , tested positive for COVID-19 .
In front of what appeared to be a largely maskless audience tightly packed into the ballroom of the Wyndham Hotel Gettysburg , a number of witnesses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spoke before an all-Republican panel of Pennsylvania State Senators , most of whom were , again , not wearing masks .
None of the witnesses were placed under oath .
Rather than appearing personally , Mr. Trump dialed in to the I-Phone of one of his few remaining die-hard lawyers , Jenna Ellis .
Trump repeated his assertions that the election had been `` rigged , '' and that he had won `` by a lot . ''
He then urged the PA. Senate Republican Majority to overturn the election results in Pennsylvania @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( I know , I know -- they did the work and no one else thus far seems to have had the interest ) : As usual , Trump provided absolutely no evidence for his statements .
However he did talk about things he had seen on TV that day .
Trump also channeled his inner mob boss by expressing faith in our judicial system to overturn the election : `` All we need is to have some judge listen to it properly , '' he said .
Jenna Ellis , Trump 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republican Senators to overturn the election by sending their own slate of Electors to vote for Trump .
Objectively speaking , the `` meeting '' featured little more than a parade of charlatans and aggrieved , whining , sometimes misguided partisans and Trump sycophants from Pennsylvania , none of whom provided any direct evidence of fraud in the 2020 election .
There were hearsay statements about the purportedly rude or obstructive conduct of ( implicitly Black ) poll workers in Philadelphia ( no names were supplied ) , and several complaints about the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ permitted to closely observe the tabulation of ballots .
There were plenty of conspiracy-mongering allusions to the `` hackability '' of the vote tabulations , but seemingly no evidence of actual hacking .
What was noticeably missing from the testimony was any direct evidence that they received treatment markedly different than Democratic poll watchers in this regard , or that the treatment they were afforded did not accord with any treatment they would have received in any other election .
Pennsylvania has fairly strict guidelines on conduct that could be construed as harassment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more importantly , again , there was no assertion that could point to any concrete instances fraud or deception on the part of the Commonwealth 's intrepid and beleaguered election workers , many of whom were volunteers .
Without belaboring the issue , if you are within fifteen feet of a person engaged in a task involving concentration , come any closer and you are likely disturbing their work , particularly if you are intrusively staring over their shoulder .
The `` meeting '' reached no formal `` conclusion , '' except a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state senator Doug Mastriano , vowing to `` take our state back , '' to the thunderous ( not really , but I could n't resist the Star Wars allusion ) applause of all present .
The real disgrace here was not the parade of disgruntled Republicans , vehemently mouthing their baseless grievances , or even the fact that few of these people cared enough about their own or others ' health to maintain appropriate distancing or wear mask protection .
The real disgrace is that an elected body of officials felt compelled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ corrosive circus a platform at all .
The entire meeting is available now on C-span .

The partisan meeting, incorrectly characterized as a "hearing," between Pennsylvania Republican State Senators and members of the Trump campaign to address supposed "irregularities" in the now-certified Pennsylvania election, has now concluded. Donald Trump was scheduled to attend but backed out after yet another member of his inner circle, legal team member, investment banker and part-time propagandist Boris Ephsteyn, tested positive for COVID-19.
In front of what appeared to be a largely maskless audience tightly packed into the ballroom of the Wyndham Hotel Gettysburg, a number of witnesses, also mostly not wearing masks, spoke before an all-Republican panel of Pennsylvania State Senators, most of whom were, again, not wearing masks. None of the witnesses were placed under oath.
Rather than appearing personally, Mr. Trump dialed in to the I-Phone of one of his few remaining die-hard lawyers, Jenna Ellis. Trump repeated his assertions that the election had been "rigged," and that he had won "by a lot."
He then urged the PA. Senate Republican Majority to overturn the election results in Pennsylvania. As reported by the Daily Mail (I know, I know-- they did the work and no one else thus far seems to have had the interest):
"Why wouldn't they overturn an election? Certainly overturn it in your state,' he said in his call, which was played for an audience in Pennsylvania and carried on livestreams and on some cable channels.
As usual, Trump provided absolutely no evidence for his statements. However he did talk about things he had seen on TV that day.
He said a 'big energy official was on this morning on an important show' who 'said there's no way trump didn't win Pennsylvania because the energy industry was all for him.
Trump also channeled his inner mob boss by expressing faith in our judicial system to overturn the election: "All we need is to have some judge listen to it properly," he said.
Jenna Ellis, Trump's lawyer, then verbally urged PA's Republican Senators to overturn the election by sending their own slate of Electors to vote for Trump.
Objectively speaking, the "meeting" featured little more than a parade of charlatans and aggrieved, whining, sometimes misguided partisans and Trump sycophants from Pennsylvania, none of whom provided any direct evidence of fraud in the 2020 election.
One witness, Phil Waldron, a retired colonel, got introduced as a statistician, but had to clarify that he wasn't.
'I am not a statistician. I'm a combat officer and didn't do well in math,' he said.
There were hearsay statements about the purportedly rude or obstructive conduct of (implicitly Black) poll workers in Philadelphia (no names were supplied), and several complaints about the fact that Republican poll watchers were not permitted to closely observe the tabulation of ballots. There were plenty of conspiracy-mongering allusions to the "hackability" of the vote tabulations, but seemingly no evidence of actual hacking.
What was noticeably missing from the testimony was any direct evidence that they received treatment markedly different than Democratic poll watchers in this regard, or that the treatment they were afforded did not accord with any treatment they would have received in any other election. Pennsylvania has fairly strict guidelines on conduct that could be construed as harassment or intimidation of poll workers. But more importantly, again, there was no assertion that could point to any concrete instances fraud or deception on the part of the Commonwealth's intrepid and beleaguered election workers, many of whom were volunteers.
Kim Peterson, a Pittsburgh poll watcher, also complained about the distance. 'We were kept in a corral that was at least 15 to 20 feet from any of the representatives,' she said.
Without belaboring the issue, if you are within fifteen feet of a person engaged in a task involving concentration, come any closer and you are likely disturbing their work, particularly if you are intrusively staring over their shoulder.
The "meeting" reached no formal "conclusion," except a rabid and self-serving soliloquy by wingnut Pa state senator Doug Mastriano, vowing to "take our state back," to the thunderous (not really, but I couldn't resist the Star Wars allusion) applause of all present.
The real disgrace here was not the parade of disgruntled Republicans, vehemently mouthing their baseless grievances, or even the fact that few of these people cared enough about their own or others' health to maintain appropriate distancing or wear mask protection.
The real disgrace is that an elected body of officials felt compelled to give this seditious, farcical and corrosive circus a platform at all.
The entire meeting is available now on C-span.


alternet--2020-11-26--'Abject failure of leadership': Kentucky law professor blasts McConnell for refusing to acknowledge

'Abject failure of leadership': Kentucky law professor blasts McConnell for refusing to acknowledge Biden win in blistering op-ed

Although Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell — unlike some other allies of President Donald Trump — has not flat-out accused Democrats of stealing the 2020 presidential election , the Kentucky Republican has not acknowledged Joe Biden as president-elect and has said that Trump is `` 100 % within his rights to look into allegations of irregularities and weigh his legal options . ''
And law professor Stephen B .
Bright , who is originally from Lexington , Kentucky but now teaches at Yale University in New Haven , Connecticut and Georgetown University in Washington , D.C. , slams McConnell for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blistering op-ed published by Kentucky.com the day before Thanksgiving .
Biden , in addition to winning 306 electoral votes , has defeated Trump by at least 6 million in the popular vote .
And McConnell 's refusal to acknowledge Biden 's victory , Bright stresses , is `` an abject failure of leadership that enables a serious threat to democracy . ''
The law professor explains , `` McConnell 's position would be reasonable if there was a legitimate reason to question the outcome of the election in any state that would make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the case .
This is not like the election of 2000 , when there were issues regarding about 500 votes separating George W. Bush and Al Gore in Florida that would determine the outcome of the national election for president . ''
Some Republicans are comparing the lawsuits that Trump 's 2020 campaign has filed in multiple swing states to the Bush v. Gore case that followed the 2000 presidential election .
But that comparison , as Bright points out , is mixing apples and oranges .
In Bush v. Gore , then-Vice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote count in one state , Florida , and he never alleged voter fraud .
Gore eventually conceded to then-Texas Gov .
George W. Bush , whereas Trump and his personal attorney , former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani , obviously have no intention of acknowledging Biden as president-elect .
Bright notes , `` Trump 's lawyers have filed frivolous lawsuits that have been laughed out of one court after another .
He and his lawyers have made wild claims of massive fraud at press conferences , but they have not included @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because they have no evidence to support them .
Pressed by a federal judge in Pennsylvania last week , Rudolph W. Giuliani acknowledged , 'This is not a fraud case . '
The judge threw the case out on Saturday in a scathing opinion saying Trump 's lawyers had presented 'speculative accusations… .
unsupported by evidence ' and 'strained legal arguments ' that were without merit . ''
Moreover , Bright adds , a division of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security has described the 2020 presidential election as `` the most secure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there is n't any `` evidence that any voting system deleted or lost votes , changed votes or was in any way compromised . ''
And McConnell , the law professor argues , is doing his country a huge disservice by refusing to acknowledge that Biden 's victory was legitimate .
`` These times call for leadership , '' Bright writes .
`` One would hope that McConnell , 78 , who has just been elected to another six years in the Senate , would provide it .
But McConnell refuses to recognize @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he has done so often , McConnell has put politics and party ahead of the national interest . ''

Although Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell — unlike some other allies of President Donald Trump — has not flat-out accused Democrats of stealing the 2020 presidential election, the Kentucky Republican has not acknowledged Joe Biden as president-elect and has said that Trump is "100% within his rights to look into allegations of irregularities and weigh his legal options." And law professor Stephen B. Bright, who is originally from Lexington, Kentucky but now teaches at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut and Georgetown University in Washington, D.C., slams McConnell for his naked partisanship and divisiveness in a blistering op-ed published by Kentucky.com the day before Thanksgiving.
Biden, in addition to winning 306 electoral votes, has defeated Trump by at least 6 million in the popular vote. And McConnell's refusal to acknowledge Biden's victory, Bright stresses, is "an abject failure of leadership that enables a serious threat to democracy."
The law professor explains, "McConnell's position would be reasonable if there was a legitimate reason to question the outcome of the election in any state that would make a difference. But that is not the case. This is not like the election of 2000, when there were issues regarding about 500 votes separating George W. Bush and Al Gore in Florida that would determine the outcome of the national election for president."
Some Republicans are comparing the lawsuits that Trump's 2020 campaign has filed in multiple swing states to the Bush v. Gore case that followed the 2000 presidential election. But that comparison, as Bright points out, is mixing apples and oranges. In Bush v. Gore, then-Vice President Al Gore was only questioning the vote count in one state, Florida, and he never alleged voter fraud. Gore eventually conceded to then-Texas Gov. George W. Bush, whereas Trump and his personal attorney, former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani, obviously have no intention of acknowledging Biden as president-elect.
Bright notes, "Trump's lawyers have filed frivolous lawsuits that have been laughed out of one court after another. He and his lawyers have made wild claims of massive fraud at press conferences, but they have not included most of those claims in their lawsuits because they have no evidence to support them. Pressed by a federal judge in Pennsylvania last week, Rudolph W. Giuliani acknowledged, 'This is not a fraud case.' The judge threw the case out on Saturday in a scathing opinion saying Trump's lawyers had presented 'speculative accusations…. unsupported by evidence' and 'strained legal arguments' that were without merit."
Moreover, Bright adds, a division of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security has described the 2020 presidential election as "the most secure in American history" and said that there isn't any "evidence that any voting system deleted or lost votes, changed votes or was in any way compromised." And McConnell, the law professor argues, is doing his country a huge disservice by refusing to acknowledge that Biden's victory was legitimate.
"These times call for leadership," Bright writes. "One would hope that McConnell, 78, who has just been elected to another six years in the Senate, would provide it. But McConnell refuses to recognize the outcome of the election. As he has done so often, McConnell has put politics and party ahead of the national interest."


alternet--2020-11-26--Trump advances far-right GOP congressman's call for multiple pardons — including a self-pardon

On Wednesday afternoon , November 25 , the day before Thanksgiving , President Donald Trump announced he had granted his former national security adviser , Michael Flynn , a presidential pardon .
More pardons of Trump allies are expected during his final months in the White House , and one far-right Republican who is encouraging the president to make maximum use of his ability to pardon allies is Rep. Matt Gaetz of Florida .
Moreover , Gaetz is stressing that Trump should pardon himself before he leaves office .
Gaetz , on November 24 , tweeted , `` President Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and everyone from himself , to his admin , to Joe Exotic if he has to .
The Left has a bloodlust that will only be quenched if they come for those who fought with @ realDonaldTrump to deliver for the American people . ''
And Trump forwarded Gaetz ' tweet .
Trump has n't been charged with any crimes , but after he leaves the White House on January 20 , 2021 — the day of President-elect Joe Biden 's inauguration — he could be the target of multiple investigations at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's finances have been the subject of a criminal investigation by Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance , Jr. , and his ability to grant presidential pardons only exists at the federal level and not at the state level .
Flynn was pardoned for federal offenses he pled guilty to .
Gaetz ' November 24 tweet echoed what he had already said earlier that day during an appearance on Fox News .
The congressman told Fox News , `` President Trump should pardon Michael Flynn .
He should pardon the Thanksgiving turkey .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ administration officials to Joe Exotic if he has to because you see , from the radical left , a bloodlust that will only be quenched if they come after the people who worked so hard to animate the Trump Administration with the policies and the vigor and the effectiveness that delivered for the American people .
So , I think that the president ought to wield that pardon power effectively and robustly . ''
As appalled as Trump 's critics are by the Flynn pardon , they are n't necessarily surprised by it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president is likely to pardon , according to his critics , range from his former 2016 campaign manager , Paul Manafort , to former Breitbart News Chairman Steve Bannon ( who is facing criminal charges ) .

On Wednesday afternoon, November 25, the day before Thanksgiving, President Donald Trump announced he had granted his former national security adviser, Michael Flynn, a presidential pardon. More pardons of Trump allies are expected during his final months in the White House, and one far-right Republican who is encouraging the president to make maximum use of his ability to pardon allies is Rep. Matt Gaetz of Florida. Moreover, Gaetz is stressing that Trump should pardon himself before he leaves office.
Gaetz, on November 24, tweeted, "President Trump should pardon Flynn, the Thanksgiving turkey, and everyone from himself, to his admin, to Joe Exotic if he has to. The Left has a bloodlust that will only be quenched if they come for those who fought with @realDonaldTrump to deliver for the American people." And Trump forwarded Gaetz' tweet.
Trump hasn't been charged with any crimes, but after he leaves the White House on January 20, 2021 — the day of President-elect Joe Biden's inauguration — he could be the target of multiple investigations at the federal and state levels. Trump's finances have been the subject of a criminal investigation by Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance, Jr., and his ability to grant presidential pardons only exists at the federal level and not at the state level. Flynn was pardoned for federal offenses he pled guilty to.
Gaetz' November 24 tweet echoed what he had already said earlier that day during an appearance on Fox News.
The congressman told Fox News, "President Trump should pardon Michael Flynn. He should pardon the Thanksgiving turkey. He should pardon everyone from himself to his administration officials to Joe Exotic if he has to because you see, from the radical left, a bloodlust that will only be quenched if they come after the people who worked so hard to animate the Trump Administration with the policies and the vigor and the effectiveness that delivered for the American people. So, I think that the president ought to wield that pardon power effectively and robustly."
As appalled as Trump's critics are by the Flynn pardon, they aren't necessarily surprised by it. And other Trump allies who the president is likely to pardon, according to his critics, range from his former 2016 campaign manager, Paul Manafort, to former Breitbart News Chairman Steve Bannon (who is facing criminal charges).