alternet--2020-12-02--How a Rahm Emanuel appointment would hurt Biden and the Democrats

The skies above Washington D.C. are restricted airspace for low-flying aircraft , with one major exception .
The inception of a new presidential administration fills the air with trial balloons , as job seekers and administration officials test the public reaction to possible appointments .
One trial balloon has progressives around the country reaching for balloon-popping pins : that of Rahm Emanuel , Barack Obama 's White House Chief of Staff and the ex-mayor of Chicago .
Axios increased the speculation this weekend when it reported that the president-elect is `` strongly considering '' Emanuel , who has long battled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health care to policing , for Secretary of Transportation .
But our analysis shows that an appointment for the notoriously abrasive Emanuel should be of even more concern to the new administration and the Democratic Party than it is to the left .
Research at Data for Progress , as well as survey data from other sources , places Emanuel on the wrong side of many critical issues that Democratic voters ( and , in many cases , the electorate as a whole ) care deeply about .
It would be a deeply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ implications for the administration 's political and policy future .
As a side note , Emanuel is well-known for his harsh language .
As White House Chief of Staff , Emanuel told progressives that they were `` f**king retards '' for mounting primaries against conservative Democrats .
That language insults the Democratic base , which holds strong progressive views .
We condemn his choice of words .
Oh , we do n't mean the `` f-bombs , '' although the abuse reflects a politically untenable attitude toward the progressives that make up the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reflects a harmful attitude toward the disability community—an attitude that would later be reflected in his actions as mayor of Chicago .
More broadly , our review shows that Emanuel 's record stands in stark contrast to the values and opinions of the American electorate .
Let 's start with the case that represents Emanuel 's worst moment in public life : The murder of Lacquan McDonald , a 14-year-old Black child .
That video proved that police lied about the killing .
When forced to choose between a murdered Black child and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ directed city attorneys to suppress video evidence .
The video was only released after Rahm was safely re-elected mayor .
He went on to serve his second term .
After its release , the police officer began serving a term , too—a prison term for second-degree murder .
Chicago Police tactics under Emanuel were like Trump 's , and were arguably much worse .
Under Emanuel , Chicago police also operated a secretive , so-called `` black site '' that foreshadowed the Trump Administration 's tactics against Black Lives Matter demonstrators .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ practices at a `` nondescript warehouse on Chicago 's west side '' allegedly included beatings , shackling for prolonged periods , denying attorneys access to their clients , detaining arrestees without recording them in official databases .
Ackerman reports that at least one man was found unresponsive in an `` interview room '' there and later died .
Emanuel 's record on policing runs strongly against voter opinion .
Our polling shows that 73 percent of likely voters , including two-thirds ( 67 percent ) of Republicans , believe that `` the public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officers in the community have records of excessive force , sexual assault , racism , or dishonesty . ''
More than two-thirds ( 69 percent ) of likely voters , including 63 percent of Republicans , also support `` allowing people to ... use public records requests to learn whether police officers in the community have records of excessive force , sexual assault , racism , or dishonesty . ''
Emanuel 's record on policing clashes sharply with this public consensus on police violence .
Voters support public schools and schoolteachers .
A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Boards Action Center ( NSBAC ) found that 73 percent of voters were concerned about inadequate funding and resources for public education and 64 percent thought that funding for public schools should be increased .
Only 6 percent thought their funding should be decreased .
Rahm Emanuel 's record as mayor runs sharply against public opinion .
Chicago shuttered 50 schools during his tenure .
When Emanuel closed those schools , the lives of nearly 12,000 schoolchildren—most of whom were Black or Brown—were disrupted .
The resulting `` school deserts '' deprived urban @ @ @ @ @ @ @ part of the community for generations .
Emanuel promised affected communities that they would have a voice in determining how the abandoned buildings would be used .
But , as Kalyn Belsha reports , In 2017 , 28 vacant schools were put on the market for sale .
Despite the public 's support for public education , some of the buildings were purchased by private schools .
Jesse Sharkey , an official with the Chicago Teachers ' Union , told the Chicago Reporter that this move undermines public institutions .
`` I think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ schools and turn buildings over to essentially what are competitors to the public school system , '' said Sharkey .
Other buildings remained empty , as boarded-up reminders of the Emanuel Administration 's indifference to the future of these communities .
The question remains : Why were these particular schools targeted ?
Chicago activist Eve Ewing addresses that question in a Guardian op-ed entitled , `` What led Chicago to shutter dozens of majority-black schools ?
Racism . ''
Emanuel said the schools were underperforming .
But , as Ewing writes , `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ why did people ( in the Black community ) fight for them so adamantly ?
Why do people care so much about schools that the world has deemed to be 'failing ' '' ?
Emanuel 's school closures are closely linked to the issue of racial injustice in education .
Voters understand that the US educational system is plagued by institutional racism .
As might be expected , Black voters are especially aware of this problem .
The Lowell Center for Public Opinion at the University of Massachusetts conducted a national poll in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( 34 percent ) of Americans said they believe the educational playing field is equal .
81 percent of Black respondents said they see education as unequal .
Black voters are an essential part of the Democratic voting bloc , without whom most Democratic electoral victories would become impossible .
Only one Black voter in ten ( 10 percent ) percent said their children have the same opportunity as white children .
Emanuel 's educational record will not sit well with voters .
As Kalyn Belsha also reports : You do n't have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of segregation .
All you need to do is pretend it does n't exist .
As the report cited above suggests , Emanuel has frequently given preference to corporate , financial , and real estate interests .
Data for Progress research shows that voters believe the economic order is rigged against them .
A majority of those we polled agreed with statements that included : • The economic system favors the wealthy and powerful • The wealthy take advantage of workers • People are poor because the economic system is unfair • Business @ @ @ @ @ @ @ low Emanuel 's record is closely tied to corporate and financial interests in real estate , banking , and other bulwarks of the current financial system .
He was highly successful raising money from these sectors , transforming the Democratic Party in the process .
After serving in the Clinton Administration , Emanuel himself became Managing Director of a Chicago investment bank , Dresdner Kleinwort Wasserstein , a banking corporation that specializes in commercial real estate , despite having no previous banking experience .
That gig netted him more than $ 18 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
His mayoralty was closely linked to these interests as well .
When Emanuel assumed office , he expanded an finalized a pre-existing deal to privatize the city 's parking meters .
That contract transferred hundreds of millions of dollars in income from the city to private corporations .
It also robbed Chicago voters of the ability to control parking law—so much so that the corporations overruled the city and said it could not suspend alternate side of the street parking for a religious holiday .
Rahm claimed the city was `` stuck @ @ @ @ @ @ @ office .
That was n't true .
His actions locked the deal in place for more than 70 years .
He also claimed he `` reformed '' the parking meter deal—but , again , it was n't true .
He expanded it , giving the corporate world even more of a chance to earn back billions on its $ 1.2 billion investment—funds that would otherwise have gone to the city and its people .
These trends reflect a key characteristic of Rahm Emanuel 's career : his first and foremost claim to fame @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expert at extracting large amounts of money from wealthy and powerful interests—money that has shifted the Democratic Party sharply to the right .
This , too , runs directly against public opinion .
As Data for Progress reports , Our polling shows that voters support spending trillions of dollars to address climate change , believe as move to 100 percent clean energy is worth the cost , and support federal aid for communities – such as poor , Black , and Brown communities – that have been disproportionately affected by climate change , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , as Curtis Black explains in The Intercept , Emanuel shut down Chicago 's Department of the Environment as an austerity measure .
He said every department would prioritize the environment , but the results showed he lied .
Writes Black : Black quotes researchers BGA and Medill as saying , `` Hazardous material inspections fell by more than 90 percent between 2010 and 2018 ; air quality inspections plunged almost 70 percent ; and solid waste inspections dropped by more than 60 percent . ''
The rate of environmental citations issued during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one-third of what it had been during the previous seven years .
A recent Reuters poll found that 64 % of Americans support Medicare-for-All , with only with only one in four voters ( 26 percent ) opposing .
While other polls have resulted in slightly different numbers , voters consistently support an expanded role for government in health care .
Emanuel himself confessed , however , that he `` begged '' President Obama not to pursue the Affordable Care Act—which , for all its flaws , has aided millions .
As mayor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clinics in Chicago .
Although the City Council headed off many of his planned closings , he was able to push many others through .
This move harmed many members of Chicago 's disabled community .
The Collaborative for Community Wellness , a local group , later found that Chicago 's Southwest Side had 0.17 licensed mental health clinicians per 1,000 residents—a tiny fraction of the 4.45 per 1,000 available in the upper-class Near North Side .
Voters support unions .
In September , Gallup reported that public support for organized labor remained @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decades , with two-thirds of voters ( 65 percent ) saying they `` approved '' of unions .
Rahm Emanuel is not one of those voters .
During negotiations over the auto bailout , Rahm had this to say : `` F**k the UAW ! ''
He was talking about the United Auto Workers .
As mayor of Chicago , Emanuel unilaterally cancelled a negotiated raise for the city 's teachers , triggering its first strike in 25 years .
He did n't even pick up the phone and call the union president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was Chicago 's first teachers ' strike in a quarter century .
Data for Progress studied the electorate 's views on deficit spending .
In that research , likely voters were given pro- and anti-deficit messaging .
The anti-deficit-spending message compared the government 's finances to a household 's need to balance its books .
This was the pro-deficit-spending message : We found that , among all likely voters , 54 percent were persuaded by the pro-deficit messaging ( only 35 percent agreed with the anti-deficit austerity message saying the government should balance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats preferred the pro-deficit message .
A plurality ( 49 percent ) of likely voters that self-identify as Republicans also preferred the pro-deficit message , while only 45 percent of self-identified Republicans supported the austerity message ) .
Emanuel 's record as an austerity-minded `` budget hawk '' is n't limited to his tenure as mayor .
His federal record also shows a predictable chumminess toward the wholesale budget-slashing advocated by billionaires like the late Peter G. Peterson .
One example : In 2010 , at the height of an economic crisis that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , people urgently needed the federal government 's help to survive the recession—a recession caused by Wall Street .
Instead of stepping up services to beleaguered working people—or providing the kinds of bailouts his Wall Street allies received—Emanuel ordered federal agencies to enact 5 percent budget cuts across the board .
Voters will not be happy with that record , either .
This , then , is the career of Rahm Emanuel .
His life and work stand against the values most voters embrace .
He must not serve in the new administration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ members of the left ( although we are ) , but as analysts who see a record that is likely to do serious political harm to the Biden administration .
More importantly , the policies he 's likely to promote would also do serious harm to the nation itself .
Richard ( RJ ) Eskow is Senior Advisor for Health and Economic Justice at Social Security Works and the host of The Zero Hour with RJ Eskow on Free Speech TV .
Follow him on Twitter : @ rjeskow Sean McElwee is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him on Twitter : @ SeanMcElwee

The skies above Washington D.C. are restricted airspace for low-flying aircraft, with one major exception. The inception of a new presidential administration fills the air with trial balloons, as job seekers and administration officials test the public reaction to possible appointments.
One trial balloon has progressives around the country reaching for balloon-popping pins: that of Rahm Emanuel, Barack Obama's White House Chief of Staff and the ex-mayor of Chicago. Axios increased the speculation this weekend when it reported that the president-elect is "strongly considering" Emanuel, who has long battled the left on policies that range from health care to policing, for Secretary of Transportation. But our analysis shows that an appointment for the notoriously abrasive Emanuel should be of even more concern to the new administration and the Democratic Party than it is to the left.
Research at Data for Progress, as well as survey data from other sources, places Emanuel on the wrong side of many critical issues that Democratic voters (and, in many cases, the electorate as a whole) care deeply about. It would be a deeply divisive and unpopular choice, with serious implications for the administration's political and policy future.
As a side note, Emanuel is well-known for his harsh language. As White House Chief of Staff, Emanuel told progressives that they were "f**king retards" for mounting primaries against conservative Democrats. That language insults the Democratic base, which holds strong progressive views. We condemn his choice of words. Oh, we don't mean the "f-bombs," although the abuse reflects a politically untenable attitude toward the progressives that make up the party's base. The ableist language reflects a harmful attitude toward the disability community—an attitude that would later be reflected in his actions as mayor of Chicago.
More broadly, our review shows that Emanuel's record stands in stark contrast to the values and opinions of the American electorate.
Policing and Justice
Let's start with the case that represents Emanuel's worst moment in public life: The murder of Lacquan McDonald, a 14-year-old Black child. That video proved that police lied about the killing. When forced to choose between a murdered Black child and the cop who killed him, Rahm directed city attorneys to suppress video evidence. The video was only released after Rahm was safely re-elected mayor. He went on to serve his second term. After its release, the police officer began serving a term, too—a prison term for second-degree murder.
Chicago Police tactics under Emanuel were like Trump's, and were arguably much worse. Under Emanuel, Chicago police also operated a secretive, so-called "black site" that foreshadowed the Trump Administration's tactics against Black Lives Matter demonstrators.
As journalist Spencer Ackerman reported in 2015, practices at a "nondescript warehouse on Chicago's west side" allegedly included beatings, shackling for prolonged periods, denying attorneys access to their clients, detaining arrestees without recording them in official databases. Ackerman reports that at least one man was found unresponsive in an "interview room" there and later died.
Emanuel's record on policing runs strongly against voter opinion. Our polling shows that 73 percent of likely voters, including two-thirds (67 percent) of Republicans, believe that "the public has a right to know which police officers in the community have records of excessive force, sexual assault, racism, or dishonesty."
More than two-thirds (69 percent) of likely voters, including 63 percent of Republicans, also support "allowing people to ... use public records requests to learn whether police officers in the community have records of excessive force, sexual assault, racism, or dishonesty." Emanuel's record on policing clashes sharply with this public consensus on police violence.
Public Schools
Voters support public schools and schoolteachers. A February 2020 poll by the National School Boards Action Center (NSBAC) found that 73 percent of voters were concerned about inadequate funding and resources for public education and 64 percent thought that funding for public schools should be increased. Only 6 percent thought their funding should be decreased.
Rahm Emanuel's record as mayor runs sharply against public opinion. Chicago shuttered 50 schools during his tenure. When Emanuel closed those schools, the lives of nearly 12,000 schoolchildren—most of whom were Black or Brown—were disrupted. The resulting "school deserts" deprived urban neighborhoods of public institutions that had been part of the community for generations.
Emanuel promised affected communities that they would have a voice in determining how the abandoned buildings would be used. But, as Kalyn Belsha reports,
… four years later, two-thirds of the buildings are still vacant. There are no common standards for community involvement in determining their reuse. And aldermen, who until recently oversaw the process, have not held public meetings to discuss the future of about half of the schools …
In 2017, 28 vacant schools were put on the market for sale. Despite the public's support for public education, some of the buildings were purchased by private schools. Jesse Sharkey, an official with the Chicago Teachers' Union, told the Chicago Reporter that this move undermines public institutions. "I think it's extremely problematic to close public schools and turn buildings over to essentially what are competitors to the public school system," said Sharkey.
Other buildings remained empty, as boarded-up reminders of the Emanuel Administration's indifference to the future of these communities. The question remains: Why were these particular schools targeted? Chicago activist Eve Ewing addresses that question in a Guardian op-ed entitled, "What led Chicago to shutter dozens of majority-black schools? Racism."
Emanuel said the schools were underperforming. But, as Ewing writes, "if the schools were so terrible, why did people (in the Black community) fight for them so adamantly? Why do people care so much about schools that the world has deemed to be 'failing'"?
Racial Justice in Education
Emanuel's school closures are closely linked to the issue of racial injustice in education. Voters understand that the US educational system is plagued by institutional racism. As might be expected, Black voters are especially aware of this problem. The Lowell Center for Public Opinion at the University of Massachusetts conducted a national poll in September 2020 which found that only one-third (34 percent) of Americans said they believe the educational playing field is equal. 81 percent of Black respondents said they see education as unequal.
Black voters are an essential part of the Democratic voting bloc, without whom most Democratic electoral victories would become impossible. Only one Black voter in ten (10 percent) percent said their children have the same opportunity as white children.
Emanuel's educational record will not sit well with voters. As Kalyn Belsha also reports:
A new study released by the Great Cities Institute at the University of Illinois at Chicago that looked at school closures and turnarounds between 2000 and 2013 found that race, not simply enrollment or academic performance, was a recurring factor. Schools that were predominantly black and located within six miles of the city's center, where there is more redevelopment potential, were more likely to be turned around or closed … Although the school district chose "race-neutral" metrics to justify the restructurings, the report argues that they interacted with "institutionalized racial inequities" and had outcomes that disproportionately affected black students.
The report concluded:
Legacies of racism—from the broader interactive effects between de jure and de facto residential segregation and labor market discrimination to prior CPS plans and practices like the fact that the district often built new schools rather than redraw boundaries that would put black and white students in the same schools—shape contemporary capital investment policies in Chicago.
You don't have to be racist to perpetuate a legacy of segregation. All you need to do is pretend it doesn't exist.
Corporations, Banks, and Real Estate Interests
As the report cited above suggests, Emanuel has frequently given preference to corporate, financial, and real estate interests.
Data for Progress research shows that voters believe the economic order is rigged against them. A majority of those we polled agreed with statements that included:
The economic system favors the wealthy and powerful
The wealthy take advantage of workers
People are poor because the economic system is unfair
Business executives use their power to keep wages low
Emanuel's record is closely tied to corporate and financial interests in real estate, banking, and other bulwarks of the current financial system. He was highly successful raising money from these sectors, transforming the Democratic Party in the process.
After serving in the Clinton Administration, Emanuel himself became Managing Director of a Chicago investment bank, Dresdner Kleinwort Wasserstein, a banking corporation that specializes in commercial real estate, despite having no previous banking experience. That gig netted him more than $18 million in just two and a half years.
His mayoralty was closely linked to these interests as well. When Emanuel assumed office, he expanded an finalized a pre-existing deal to privatize the city's parking meters. That contract transferred hundreds of millions of dollars in income from the city to private corporations. It also robbed Chicago voters of the ability to control parking law—so much so that the corporations overruled the city and said it could not suspend alternate side of the street parking for a religious holiday.
Rahm claimed the city was "stuck with the contract" when he took office. That wasn't true. His actions locked the deal in place for more than 70 years. He also claimed he "reformed" the parking meter deal—but, again, it wasn't true. He expanded it, giving the corporate world even more of a chance to earn back billions on its $1.2 billion investment—funds that would otherwise have gone to the city and its people.
Money in Politics
These trends reflect a key characteristic of Rahm Emanuel's career: his first and foremost claim to fame has been fundraising. He is an expert at extracting large amounts of money from wealthy and powerful interests—money that has shifted the Democratic Party sharply to the right.
This, too, runs directly against public opinion. As Data for Progress reports,
… recent studies found that more than 75% of Americans want to limit campaign spending, and a majority of Americans of all political stripes support a constitutional amendment to overturn Citizens United. That number included 66% of Republican voters.
Climate Change and the Environment
Our polling shows that voters support spending trillions of dollars to address climate change, believe as move to 100 percent clean energy is worth the cost, and support federal aid for communities – such as poor, Black, and Brown communities – that have been disproportionately affected by climate change, pollution, and the coronavirus.
Unfortunately, as Curtis Black explains in The Intercept, Emanuel shut down Chicago's Department of the Environment as an austerity measure. He said every department would prioritize the environment, but the results showed he lied. Writes Black:
Chicago's recycling rate has remained abysmally low. In February, an analysis by the Better Government Association and the Medill School of Journalism at Northwestern University revealed that the city now has half the number of environmental inspectors that it had eight years ago, and the number of annual inspections, not surprisingly, also fell by more than half.
Black quotes researchers BGA and Medill as saying, "Hazardous material inspections fell by more than 90 percent between 2010 and 2018; air quality inspections plunged almost 70 percent; and solid waste inspections dropped by more than 60 percent."
The rate of environmental citations issued during Emanuel's administration fell to less than one-third of what it had been during the previous seven years.
Public Health Care
A recent Reuters poll found that 64% of Americans support Medicare-for-All, with only with only one in four voters (26 percent) opposing. While other polls have resulted in slightly different numbers, voters consistently support an expanded role for government in health care.
Emanuel himself confessed, however, that he "begged" President Obama not to pursue the Affordable Care Act—which, for all its flaws, has aided millions. As mayor, he moved to close mental health clinics in Chicago. Although the City Council headed off many of his planned closings, he was able to push many others through.
This move harmed many members of Chicago's disabled community. The Collaborative for Community Wellness, a local group, later found that Chicago's Southwest Side had 0.17 licensed mental health clinicians per 1,000 residents—a tiny fraction of the 4.45 per 1,000 available in the upper-class Near North Side.
Unions
Voters support unions. In September, Gallup reported that public support for organized labor remained at its highest point in nearly two decades, with two-thirds of voters (65 percent) saying they "approved" of unions.
Rahm Emanuel is not one of those voters. During negotiations over the auto bailout, Rahm had this to say: "F**k the UAW!" He was talking about the United Auto Workers. As mayor of Chicago, Emanuel unilaterally cancelled a negotiated raise for the city's teachers, triggering its first strike in 25 years. He didn't even pick up the phone and call the union president before making his move.
The result was Chicago's first teachers' strike in a quarter century.
Deficit Spending
Data for Progress studied the electorate's views on deficit spending. In that research, likely voters were given pro- and anti-deficit messaging. The anti-deficit-spending message compared the government's finances to a household's need to balance its books. This was the pro-deficit-spending message:
To put our financial house in order, we need to invest money in the American people. In the short term, this may mean increasing the debt but in the long term these investments will pay for themselves by growing the economy and creating jobs.
We found that, among all likely voters, 54 percent were persuaded by the pro-deficit messaging (only 35 percent agreed with the anti-deficit austerity message saying the government should balance its books). Two-thirds of self-identified Democrats preferred the pro-deficit message. A plurality (49 percent) of likely voters that self-identify as Republicans also preferred the pro-deficit message, while only 45 percent of self-identified Republicans supported the austerity message).
Emanuel's record as an austerity-minded "budget hawk" isn't limited to his tenure as mayor. His federal record also shows a predictable chumminess toward the wholesale budget-slashing advocated by billionaires like the late Peter G. Peterson. One example: In 2010, at the height of an economic crisis that was harming tens of millions of Americans, people urgently needed the federal government's help to survive the recession—a recession caused by Wall Street.
Instead of stepping up services to beleaguered working people—or providing the kinds of bailouts his Wall Street allies received—Emanuel ordered federal agencies to enact 5 percent budget cuts across the board. Voters will not be happy with that record, either.
Conclusion
This, then, is the career of Rahm Emanuel. His life and work stand against the values most voters embrace. He must not serve in the new administration. We say that, not as members of the left (although we are), but as analysts who see a record that is likely to do serious political harm to the Biden administration. More importantly, the policies he's likely to promote would also do serious harm to the nation itself.
Richard (RJ) Eskow is Senior Advisor for Health and Economic Justice at Social Security Works and the host of The Zero Hour with RJ Eskow on Free Speech TV. Follow him on Twitter: @rjeskow
Sean McElwee is a co-founder of Data for Progress. Follow him on Twitter: @SeanMcElwee


alternet--2020-12-02--New report finds Trump may pardon his eldest children and Jared Kushner

Donald Trump Jr. , Eric Trump , Ivanka Trump , and Jared Kushner could all be the beneficiaries of a pre-emptive presidential pardon , a kind of `` get out of jail free card '' that would absolve them of any actions during the Trump presidency .
Rudy Giuliani is reportedly also on the list of potential pardons .
`` Mr. Trump has told others that he is concerned that a Biden Justice Department might seek retribution against the president by targeting the oldest three of his five children — Donald Trump Jr. , Eric Trump and Ivanka Trump — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Jared Kushner , a White House senior adviser , '' The New York Times reports .
President Donald Trump and Donald Trump , Jr. are the kings of `` lock her up , '' insisting that former U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton should be jailed despite having committed no crime .
But the Times also reminds that `` Donald Trump Jr. had been under investigation by Robert S. Mueller III , the special counsel , for contacts that the younger Mr. Trump had had with Russians offering damaging information on Hillary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he was never charged .
Mr. Kushner provided false information to federal authorities about his contacts with foreigners for his security clearance , but was given one anyway by the president . ''
The Times adds that `` an investigation by the Manhattan district attorney into the Trump Organization has expanded to include tax write-offs on millions of dollars in consulting fees by the company , some of which appear to have gone to Ms .
Trump . ''
It 's not `` retribution '' when actual crimes have been committed .
It @ @ @ @ @

Donald Trump Jr., Eric Trump, Ivanka Trump, and Jared Kushner could all be the beneficiaries of a pre-emptive presidential pardon, a kind of "get out of jail free card" that would absolve them of any actions during the Trump presidency. Rudy Giuliani is reportedly also on the list of potential pardons.
"Mr. Trump has told others that he is concerned that a Biden Justice Department might seek retribution against the president by targeting the oldest three of his five children — Donald Trump Jr., Eric Trump and Ivanka Trump — as well as Ms. Trump's husband, Jared Kushner, a White House senior adviser," The New York Times reports.
President Donald Trump and Donald Trump, Jr. are the kings of "lock her up," insisting that former U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton should be jailed despite having committed no crime.
But the Times also reminds that "Donald Trump Jr. had been under investigation by Robert S. Mueller III, the special counsel, for contacts that the younger Mr. Trump had had with Russians offering damaging information on Hillary Clinton during the 2016 campaign, but he was never charged. Mr. Kushner provided false information to federal authorities about his contacts with foreigners for his security clearance, but was given one anyway by the president."
The Times adds that "an investigation by the Manhattan district attorney into the Trump Organization has expanded to include tax write-offs on millions of dollars in consulting fees by the company, some of which appear to have gone to Ms. Trump."
It's not "retribution" when actual crimes have been committed. It's enforcing the law.


alternet--2020-12-03--Here are 6 things to look in COVID-19 vaccine trials results

As the second wave of COVID-19 escalates in Canada and around the world , pharmaceutical companies have been announcing vaccine trial results that promise to help ease restrictions and return us to pre-pandemic routines next year .
However , there is also a lot of vaccine skepticism , as well as questions about how much confidence should be placed in these announcements .
Hesitation about taking a COVID-19 vaccine decreases as people learn more about vaccine safety testing , so these conversations are important to make informed choices about public health .
Here are some questions to keep in mind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
What did the study look for ?
The 11 different Phase 3 clinical trials for COVID-19 vaccine candidates each involve thousands of people getting either a vaccine or a placebo , but not knowing which they received .
When some of the participants get COVID-19 , researchers compare the number of sick people who had received the vaccine to the number who received the placebo .
The first results announced came from Pfizer/BioNtech and Moderna , companies that produced vaccines based on a new technology that uses a piece of genetic instructions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cells .
Cells use a snippet of the SARS-CoV-2 spike protein as a blueprint to make virus fragments the immune system learns to destroy .
If approved , these will be the first licenced mRNA vaccines .
2. Who participated in the study ?
An effective vaccine needs to reduce the risk of infection in populations who are most vulnerable .
COVID-19 has shown higher rates of complications and death in racialized groups , particularly Indigenous , Black and Latinx populations , people older than 65 and people with medical conditions such as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lack of representation in clinical trials has been an issue for years , particularly for historically marginalized and exploited groups .
In the Pfizer/BioNTech vaccine study of 43,000 participants in six countries , 42 per cent of participants are Asian , Black , Hispanic/Latinx or Native American .
Of the 30,000 participants in the Moderna trial , 37 per cent are from racialized and ethnic minority groups , and the study included significant representation of people over 65 and people with higher risk medical conditions .
The best vaccines protect against infection in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as vaccines for measles .
Influenza vaccine reduces the risk of infection by about 50 per cent , which is the threshold the United States FDA set to consider licensing a vaccine .
Pfizer/BioNTech announced a 90 per cent reduction after the first 94 cases .
The trial finished after 170 cases with a 95 per cent reduction for people who received the vaccine , including 94 per cent in people over the age of 65 .
The Moderna vaccine showed 94.5 per cent reduction .
Of their 95 symptomatic cases , only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vaccinated .
Like the Pfizer/BioNTech and Moderna vaccines , the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine uses an initial dose and a booster .
There were 23,000 participants expected to get either a non-COVID control vaccine or a COVID vaccine and booster .
Due to a miscalculation , one-quarter of participants who received the COVID vaccine got a half dose followed by a full-dose booster .
Participants who got two full doses showed 62 per cent reduction in COVID cases , while participants who received a half dose before the booster showed a 90 per cent reduction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and was a bit younger , this number may not be an accurate reflection of how effective the vaccine is .
Of the 131 cases observed in the Oxford/AstraZeneca trial , there was a 70 per cent reduction in people who received either quantity of the COVID vaccine .
The Pfizer/BioNTech and Moderna studies relied on participants having symptoms and getting tested for the virus .
The Oxford/AstraZeneca trial had some participants regularly screened for asymptomatic infection .
The different study design means it is not entirely fair to compare the percentages between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we can say anything about how these vaccines affect asymptomatic infections or transmission .
It is difficult for a COVID-19 clinical trial to demonstrate a reduction in severe illness because severe cases are less common and participants in clinical trials are generally healthy .
Pfizer/BioNTech have not yet reported any information about the severity of cases .
There were 11 serious infections during the Moderna trial which occurred in people who had not received the vaccine .
In the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine , none of the 131 reported cases was severe .
Even once @ @ @ @ @ @ @ remain too small to absolutely say if any of the vaccines prevent severe complications .
Any vaccine that caused severe side-effects in more than 10 per cent of the hundreds of Phase 2 participants would not be allowed to progress to Phase 3 .
This means that the most common severe side effects , such as allergic reactions that require hospitalization , are unlikely .
Most vaccines , including many COVID-19 vaccine candidates , include additives called adjuvants that produce a stronger immune response linked to more effective , longer-lasting protection .
However @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vaccines containing adjuvants may be more likely to induce reactions like swelling at the injection site and fever .
6 .
What are the other practical considerations ?
If several vaccines are safe and effective , we can consider other factors affecting distribution and vaccination access .
The clinical trials reporting results use two doses per person , requiring more vaccine production and follow-up appointments , creating further barriers for the economically disadvantaged .
Some vaccines have different requirements for shipping and storage .
The Pfizer/BioNTech vaccine must be kept at -70 C @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clinics and pharmacies have .
It lasts up to five days in a refrigerator .
The Moderna vaccine is stable for six months at -20 C , a month in a refrigerator and up to 12 hours at room temperature .
The Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine , a modified common cold adenovirus , is stable in a refrigerator for at least six months .
What we still wo n't know A six-month study can not tell us how long a vaccine will provide protection from the virus .
This would be a question with any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a new technology , creating more uncertainty .
The Pfizer/BioNTech trial was the largest , with 43,000 participants , but we can not know about side-effects occurring as infrequently as one in 100,000 people .
Based on the severity of side-effects , that could change whether the vaccine benefits are worth the risks .
These trials also can not tell us how willing people will be to accept a vaccine once it is approved .
A vaccine 's effectiveness in improving public health depends on people taking it , which they are more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vaccine trial process .
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

by Alan McGreevy, University of Winnipeg
As the second wave of COVID-19 escalates in Canada and around the world, pharmaceutical companies have been announcing vaccine trial results that promise to help ease restrictions and return us to pre-pandemic routines next year.
However, there is also a lot of vaccine skepticism, as well as questions about how much confidence should be placed in these announcements. Hesitation about taking a COVID-19 vaccine decreases as people learn more about vaccine safety testing, so these conversations are important to make informed choices about public health. Here are some questions to keep in mind about these vaccine study announcements.
1. What did the study look for?
The 11 different Phase 3 clinical trials for COVID-19 vaccine candidates each involve thousands of people getting either a vaccine or a placebo, but not knowing which they received. When some of the participants get COVID-19, researchers compare the number of sick people who had received the vaccine to the number who received the placebo.
The first results announced came from Pfizer/BioNtech and Moderna, companies that produced vaccines based on a new technology that uses a piece of genetic instructions in a fatty nanoparticle to infiltrate living cells. Cells use a snippet of the SARS-CoV-2 spike protein as a blueprint to make virus fragments the immune system learns to destroy. If approved, these will be the first licenced mRNA vaccines.
2. Who participated in the study?
An effective vaccine needs to reduce the risk of infection in populations who are most vulnerable. COVID-19 has shown higher rates of complications and death in racialized groups, particularly Indigenous, Black and Latinx populations, people older than 65 and people with medical conditions such as diabetes, kidney disease and obesity. Lack of representation in clinical trials has been an issue for years, particularly for historically marginalized and exploited groups.
In the Pfizer/BioNTech vaccine study of 43,000 participants in six countries, 42 per cent of participants are Asian, Black, Hispanic/Latinx or Native American. Of the 30,000 participants in the Moderna trial, 37 per cent are from racialized and ethnic minority groups, and the study included significant representation of people over 65 and people with higher risk medical conditions.
3. Did the vaccine reduce infections?
The best vaccines protect against infection in 95 per cent of people, such as vaccines for measles. Influenza vaccine reduces the risk of infection by about 50 per cent, which is the threshold the United States FDA set to consider licensing a vaccine.
Pfizer/BioNTech announced a 90 per cent reduction after the first 94 cases. The trial finished after 170 cases with a 95 per cent reduction for people who received the vaccine, including 94 per cent in people over the age of 65. The Moderna vaccine showed 94.5 per cent reduction. Of their 95 symptomatic cases, only five occurred in participants who had been vaccinated.
Like the Pfizer/BioNTech and Moderna vaccines, the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine uses an initial dose and a booster. There were 23,000 participants expected to get either a non-COVID control vaccine or a COVID vaccine and booster. Due to a miscalculation, one-quarter of participants who received the COVID vaccine got a half dose followed by a full-dose booster. Participants who got two full doses showed 62 per cent reduction in COVID cases, while participants who received a half dose before the booster showed a 90 per cent reduction.
Because this accidental group is smaller and was a bit younger, this number may not be an accurate reflection of how effective the vaccine is. Of the 131 cases observed in the Oxford/AstraZeneca trial, there was a 70 per cent reduction in people who received either quantity of the COVID vaccine.
The Pfizer/BioNTech and Moderna studies relied on participants having symptoms and getting tested for the virus. The Oxford/AstraZeneca trial had some participants regularly screened for asymptomatic infection. The different study design means it is not entirely fair to compare the percentages between trials. More information is needed before we can say anything about how these vaccines affect asymptomatic infections or transmission.
4. Did the vaccine reduce severe infections?
It is difficult for a COVID-19 clinical trial to demonstrate a reduction in severe illness because severe cases are less common and participants in clinical trials are generally healthy. Pfizer/BioNTech have not yet reported any information about the severity of cases. There were 11 serious infections during the Moderna trial which occurred in people who had not received the vaccine. In the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine, none of the 131 reported cases was severe. Even once these trials are complete, the numbers remain too small to absolutely say if any of the vaccines prevent severe complications.
5. Is the vaccine safe?
Any vaccine that caused severe side-effects in more than 10 per cent of the hundreds of Phase 2 participants would not be allowed to progress to Phase 3. This means that the most common severe side effects, such as allergic reactions that require hospitalization, are unlikely.
Most vaccines, including many COVID-19 vaccine candidates, include additives called adjuvants that produce a stronger immune response linked to more effective, longer-lasting protection. However, their stronger immune response also means vaccines containing adjuvants may be more likely to induce reactions like swelling at the injection site and fever.
6. What are the other practical considerations?
If several vaccines are safe and effective, we can consider other factors affecting distribution and vaccination access. The clinical trials reporting results use two doses per person, requiring more vaccine production and follow-up appointments, creating further barriers for the economically disadvantaged.
Some vaccines have different requirements for shipping and storage. The Pfizer/BioNTech vaccine must be kept at -70 C, which is colder storage than most clinics and pharmacies have. It lasts up to five days in a refrigerator. The Moderna vaccine is stable for six months at -20 C, a month in a refrigerator and up to 12 hours at room temperature. The Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine, a modified common cold adenovirus, is stable in a refrigerator for at least six months.
What we still won't know
A six-month study cannot tell us how long a vaccine will provide protection from the virus. This would be a question with any new vaccine, but mRNA vaccines are a new technology, creating more uncertainty. The Pfizer/BioNTech trial was the largest, with 43,000 participants, but we cannot know about side-effects occurring as infrequently as one in 100,000 people. Based on the severity of side-effects, that could change whether the vaccine benefits are worth the risks.
These trials also cannot tell us how willing people will be to accept a vaccine once it is approved. A vaccine's effectiveness in improving public health depends on people taking it, which they are more likely to do when they understand the vaccine trial process.
Alan McGreevy, Instructor in Biology, University of Winnipeg
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


alternet--2020-12-03--There's a real debate about socialism going on behind the screaming and bickering

by Robert Kozinets , USC Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism The word “ socialism '' has become a trigger word in U.S. politics , with both positive and negative perceptions of it split along party lines .
But what does socialism actually mean to Americans ?
Although surveys can ask individuals for responses to questions , they do n't reveal what people are saying when they talk among themselves .
As a social media scholar , I study conversations “ in the wild '' in order to find out what people are actually saying to one another .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it treats online posts as discourse – a continuing dialogue between real people – rather than as quantifiable data .
As part of an ongoing study on technology and utopia , I read through more than 14,000 social media comments posted on Facebook , Twitter , Reddit and YouTube in 2018 and 2019 .
They came from 9,155 uniquely named posters .
What I found was both shocking and heartening .
Both support for socialism and attacks on it appear to be on the rise .
Socialism can mean different things to people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that institutionalizes fairness and citizen rights , bringing higher levels of social solidarity ; others focus on heavy-handed government control of free markets that work more effectively when left alone .
U.S .
Senator Bernie Sanders , a self-described democratic socialist , emphasized the right to quality health care , education , a good job with a living wage , affordable housing and a clean environment in a 2019 speech .
A 2019 Gallup Poll found that 39 % of Americans have a favorable opinion of socialism – up from about 20 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ negatively .
Prominent elected “ democratic socialist '' officials include six Chicago City Council members , U.S. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Sanders .
These and other advocates point to a version of socialism called the “ Nordic model , '' seen in countries like Denmark , which provide high-quality social services such as health care and education while fostering a strong economy .
Critics call socialism anti-American and charge that it undermines free enterprise and leads to disaster , often using the unrealistically extreme example of Venezuela .
President Trump has portrayed socialists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
His son , Donald Trump Jr. , has posted tweets ridiculing socialism .
During the 2020 election season , Republican Senator Majority Leader Mitch McConnell advised that his party could win by being a firewall against socialism .
He was on point : Fear of socialism may have been a reason why the Republicans gained seats in the U.S. House of Representatives in 2020 .
Although I was n't initially looking for posts on socialism or capitalism , I found plenty of them in my online investigation .
Many were what I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in which people asserted which system was better .
People from opposite ends of the political spectrum made pithy observations , posted one-liners or launched strong , emotionally worded broadsides .
There was often little dialogue – those who posted were shouting at each other as if using a megaphone .
I also found a large number of short , nonconversational , megaphone-like posts on visual social media like Instagram and Pinterest .
But some people were more circumspect .
While they were often reactive or one-sided , they raised questions .
For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , grants , lobbying or special tax treatment showed that capitalism 's “ free markets '' were n't actually all that free .
And some considered what “ socialism '' actually means to people , linking that meaning to race , nationality and class .
Amid all the sound and fury of people shouting from their virtual soapboxes , there were also the calmer voices of those engaging in deeper discussions .
These people debated socialism , capitalism and free markets in relation to health care , child care , minimum wage and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ One YouTube discussion explored the notion that we should stop viewing everything “ through the primitive lens of the nonsensical 'isms ' – capitalism , socialism , communism – which have no relevance in a sustainable or socially just and peaceful world . ''
Other discussions united both left and right by asserting that the real problem was corruption in the system , not the system itself .
Some used social media to try to overcome the ideological blinders of partisan politics .
For example , they argued that raising the minimum wage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strategies that could help the economy and working Americans at the same time .
As America 's post-election divisions fester , my work gives me reason for hope .
It shows that some Americans – still a small minority , mind you – are thoughtfully using popular social media platforms to have meaningful discussions .
What I have provided here is just a small sample of the many thoughtful conversations I encountered .
My analysis of social media does n't deny that many people are angry and polarized over social systems .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of people recognize that labels like socialism , free markets and capitalism have become emotional triggers , used by some journalists and politicians to manipulate , incite and divide .
[ Deep knowledge , daily .
Sign up for The Conversation 's newsletter . ]
To unify and move forward together , we may need to better understand the sites and discussion formats that facilitate this kind of thoughtful discourse .
If partisans retreat to echo chamber platforms like Parler and Rumble , will these kinds of intelligent conversations between people with diverse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ financial challenges of a pandemic , automation , precarious employment and globalization , providing forums where we can discuss divergent ideas in an open-minded rather than an ideological way may make a critical difference to the solutions we choose .
Many Americans are already using digital platforms to discuss options , rather than being frightened away by – or attacking – the tired old socialist bogeyman .
Robert Kozinets , Jayne and Hans Hufschmid Chair in Strategic Public Relations and Business Communication , USC Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism This article is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Commons license .
Read the original article .

by Robert Kozinets, USC Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism
The word “socialism" has become a trigger word in U.S. politics, with both positive and negative perceptions of it split along party lines.
But what does socialism actually mean to Americans? Although surveys can ask individuals for responses to questions, they don't reveal what people are saying when they talk among themselves.
As a social media scholar, I study conversations “in the wild" in order to find out what people are actually saying to one another. The method I developed is called netnography and it treats online posts as discourse – a continuing dialogue between real people – rather than as quantifiable data.
As part of an ongoing study on technology and utopia, I read through more than 14,000 social media comments posted on Facebook, Twitter, Reddit and YouTube in 2018 and 2019. They came from 9,155 uniquely named posters.
What I found was both shocking and heartening.
Loyalty and fear
Both support for socialism and attacks on it appear to be on the rise.
Socialism can mean different things to people. Some see it as a system that institutionalizes fairness and citizen rights, bringing higher levels of social solidarity; others focus on heavy-handed government control of free markets that work more effectively when left alone. U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders, a self-described democratic socialist, emphasized the right to quality health care, education, a good job with a living wage, affordable housing and a clean environment in a 2019 speech.
A 2019 Gallup Poll found that 39% of Americans have a favorable opinion of socialism – up from about 20% in 2010; 57% view it negatively.
Prominent elected “democratic socialist" officials include six Chicago City Council members, U.S. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Sanders.
These and other advocates point to a version of socialism called the “Nordic model," seen in countries like Denmark, which provide high-quality social services such as health care and education while fostering a strong economy.
Critics call socialism anti-American and charge that it undermines free enterprise and leads to disaster, often using the unrealistically extreme example of Venezuela.
President Trump has portrayed socialists as radical, lazy, America-hating communists. His son, Donald Trump Jr., has posted tweets ridiculing socialism.
During the 2020 election season, Republican Senator Majority Leader Mitch McConnell advised that his party could win by being a firewall against socialism. He was on point: Fear of socialism may have been a reason why the Republicans gained seats in the U.S. House of Representatives in 2020.
A 'tug of words'
Although I wasn't initially looking for posts on socialism or capitalism, I found plenty of them in my online investigation. Many were what I call a “tug of words" in which people asserted which system was better. People from opposite ends of the political spectrum made pithy observations, posted one-liners or launched strong, emotionally worded broadsides. There was often little dialogue – those who posted were shouting at each other as if using a megaphone.
I also found a large number of short, nonconversational, megaphone-like posts on visual social media like Instagram and Pinterest.
But some people were more circumspect. While they were often reactive or one-sided, they raised questions. For example, people questioned whether business bailouts, grants, lobbying or special tax treatment showed that capitalism's “free markets" weren't actually all that free.
And some considered what “socialism" actually means to people, linking that meaning to race, nationality and class.
Overcoming primitive 'isms'
Amid all the sound and fury of people shouting from their virtual soapboxes, there were also the calmer voices of those engaging in deeper discussions. These people debated socialism, capitalism and free markets in relation to health care, child care, minimum wage and other issues that affected their lives.
One YouTube discussion explored the notion that we should stop viewing everything “through the primitive lens of the nonsensical 'isms' – capitalism, socialism, communism – which have no relevance in a sustainable or socially just and peaceful world."
Other discussions united both left and right by asserting that the real problem was corruption in the system, not the system itself. Some used social media to try to overcome the ideological blinders of partisan politics. For example, they argued that raising the minimum wage or improving education might be sensible management strategies that could help the economy and working Americans at the same time.
New forum for discussions
As America's post-election divisions fester, my work gives me reason for hope. It shows that some Americans – still a small minority, mind you – are thoughtfully using popular social media platforms to have meaningful discussions. What I have provided here is just a small sample of the many thoughtful conversations I encountered.
My analysis of social media doesn't deny that many people are angry and polarized over social systems. But it has revealed that a significant number of people recognize that labels like socialism, free markets and capitalism have become emotional triggers, used by some journalists and politicians to manipulate, incite and divide.
[Deep knowledge, daily.Sign up for The Conversation's newsletter.]
To unify and move forward together, we may need to better understand the sites and discussion formats that facilitate this kind of thoughtful discourse. If partisans retreat to echo chamber platforms like Parler and Rumble, will these kinds of intelligent conversations between people with diverse viewpoints cease?
As Americans confront the financial challenges of a pandemic, automation, precarious employment and globalization, providing forums where we can discuss divergent ideas in an open-minded rather than an ideological way may make a critical difference to the solutions we choose. Many Americans are already using digital platforms to discuss options, rather than being frightened away by – or attacking – the tired old socialist bogeyman.
Robert Kozinets, Jayne and Hans Hufschmid Chair in Strategic Public Relations and Business Communication, USC Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


alternet--2020-12-03--An ethicist untangles the morality of canceling student debt

President-elect Joe Biden promised to forgive at least some student debt during his campaign , and he now supports immediately canceling US $ 10,000 per borrower as part of COVID-19 relief measures .
Such proposals are likely to be quite popular .
A poll from 2019 found that 58 % of voters support canceling all federal student debt .
But there are those who question the idea of debt forgiveness and call it unfair to those who never took out student debt or already paid it off .
As an ethicist who studies the morality of debt , I see @ @ @ @ @ @ @ debt be canceled ?
Educational debt is often regarded as an investment in one 's future .
Millennials with a B.A.
, for instance , typically earn $ 25,000 more than those with a high school diploma .
College education is also generally correlated with a variety of positive life outcomes , including physical and mental health , family stability and career satisfaction .
Given the benefits of college education , canceling student debt appears to some as a giveaway for those who are already on their way to becoming well-off .
Canceling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ principle of following through on one 's promises .
Borrowers have a moral duty to fulfill their loan agreements , the philosopher Immanuel Kant argued , because reneging on promises is disrespectful to oneself and others .
Once people have promised to do something , he noted , others rely upon that promise and expect them to follow through .
In the case of federal student loans , a borrower signs a promissory note agreeing to pay back the government and , ultimately , the taxpayers .
And so student borrowers seem to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ debts unless mitigating circumstances like injury or illness arise .
Fairness and respect , however , also demand that society addresses the magnitude of student debt today , and especially the burdens it imposes on low-income , first-generation and Black borrowers .
Young people today start their adult lives burdened with much more student debt than previous generations .
Almost 70 % of college students now borrow to attend college , and the average size of their debt has risen since the mid-90s from less than $ 13,000 to about $ 30,000 today @ @ @ @ @ @ @ student debt has jumped to over $ 1.5 trillion , making it the second largest form of debt in the U.S. after mortgages .
This explosion in student debt raises two significant moral concerns , as my student Justin Lewiston and I argue in an article published last month by The Journal of Value Inquiry .
The first concern is that the distribution of costs and benefits is very unequal .
Fairness requires equal opportunity , as the philosopher John Rawls argued .
Yet , while borrowing for education is supposed to create @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those opportunities often fail to materialize due to educational challenges and wage gaps in the labor market .
Data show that low-income students , first-generation students and Black students face much greater struggles in repaying their loans .
About 70 % of those in default are first-generation students , and 40 % come from low-income backgrounds .
Twenty years after college , when white borrowers have repaid 94 % of their loans , the typical Black student has been able to repay only 5 % .
These repayment and default rates reflect significantly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ groups , who typically need to work long hours while also in school and hence engage less with both the academic and nonacademic aspects of college .
But they also reflect significantly lower post-graduation incomes for such students , due in no small part to continuing social and racial wage gaps in the labor market .
Black men with a bachelor 's degree make , on average , more than 20 % less than white men with the same education and experience , though that wage gap is smaller for women .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than students whose parents graduated from college .
A second moral concern is that student debt is increasingly causing widespread distress and constraining life choices in significant ways .
Consider that even before the pandemic , 20 % of student borrowers were behind on their payments , and first-generation borrowers and borrowers of color are struggling even more .
The financial distress indicated by this high rate of delinquency is undermining both the physical and mental health of young adults .
It prevents young adults from starting families , purchasing cars , renting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ starting new businesses .
Unsurprisingly , these negative effects are disproportionately experienced by first-generation , low-income and Black student borrowers , whose life choices are especially restricted by the need to make loan payments .
Some analysts have argued , however , that canceling student debt will create a problem of moral hazard .
A moral hazard arises when people no longer feel the need to make careful choices because they expect others to cover the risk for them .
For example , a bank that expects to be bailed out by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crisis thereby has an incentive to engage in riskier behavior .
Moral hazard can be avoided by combining student debt cancellation with programs that reduce the need for future borrowing , especially for first-generation students , low-income students and students of color .
One success story is the Tennessee Promise , a program enacted in 2015 to make tuition and fees at community and technical colleges free to state residents .
This program has increased enrollment , retention and completion rates , while reducing borrowing by over 25 % .
Ultimately , morality @ @ @ @ @ @ @ backward-looking approach to debt cancellation .
Looking backward at initial promises to repay can explain why people are generally required to pay their debts .
But looking forward will enable policymakers to imagine how canceling student debt could help create a fairer society .
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license .
Read the original article .

by Kate Padgett Walsh, Iowa State University
President-elect Joe Biden promised to forgive at least some student debt during his campaign, and he now supports immediately canceling US$10,000 per borrower as part of COVID-19 relief measures.
Such proposals are likely to be quite popular. A poll from 2019 found that 58% of voters support canceling all federal student debt.
But there are those who question the idea of debt forgiveness and call it unfair to those who never took out student debt or already paid it off.
As an ethicist who studies the morality of debt, I see merit in the question: Should student debt be canceled?
The moral case against canceling
Educational debt is often regarded as an investment in one's future. Millennials with a B.A., for instance, typically earn $25,000 more than those with a high school diploma. College education is also generally correlated with a variety of positive life outcomes, including physical and mental health, family stability and career satisfaction.
Given the benefits of college education, canceling student debt appears to some as a giveaway for those who are already on their way to becoming well-off.
Canceling debt also seems to violate the moral principle of following through on one's promises. Borrowers have a moral duty to fulfill their loan agreements, the philosopher Immanuel Kant argued, because reneging on promises is disrespectful to oneself and others. Once people have promised to do something, he noted, others rely upon that promise and expect them to follow through.
In the case of federal student loans, a borrower signs a promissory note agreeing to pay back the government and, ultimately, the taxpayers. And so student borrowers seem to have a moral duty to pay their debts unless mitigating circumstances like injury or illness arise.
The moral case for canceling
Fairness and respect, however, also demand that society addresses the magnitude of student debt today, and especially the burdens it imposes on low-income, first-generation and Black borrowers.
Young people today start their adult lives burdened with much more student debt than previous generations. Almost 70% of college students now borrow to attend college, and the average size of their debt has risen since the mid-90s from less than $13,000 to about $30,000 today.
As a result, total outstanding student debt has jumped to over $1.5 trillion, making it the second largest form of debt in the U.S. after mortgages.
This explosion in student debt raises two significant moral concerns, as my student Justin Lewiston and I argue in an article published last month by The Journal of Value Inquiry.
The first concern is that the distribution of costs and benefits is very unequal. Fairness requires equal opportunity, as the philosopher John Rawls argued. Yet, while borrowing for education is supposed to create opportunities for students from disadvantaged backgrounds, those opportunities often fail to materialize due to educational challenges and wage gaps in the labor market.
Data show that low-income students, first-generation students and Black students face much greater struggles in repaying their loans. About 70% of those in default are first-generation students, and 40% come from low-income backgrounds. Twenty years after college, when white borrowers have repaid 94% of their loans, the typical Black student has been able to repay only 5%.
These repayment and default rates reflect significantly lower graduation rates for students in those groups, who typically need to work long hours while also in school and hence engage less with both the academic and nonacademic aspects of college.
But they also reflect significantly lower post-graduation incomes for such students, due in no small part to continuing social and racial wage gaps in the labor market. Black men with a bachelor's degree make, on average, more than 20% less than white men with the same education and experience, though that wage gap is smaller for women. And first-generation graduates typically make 10% less than students whose parents graduated from college.
A second moral concern is that student debt is increasingly causing widespread distress and constraining life choices in significant ways. Consider that even before the pandemic, 20% of student borrowers were behind on their payments, and first-generation borrowers and borrowers of color are struggling even more.
The financial distress indicated by this high rate of delinquency is undermining both the physical and mental health of young adults. It prevents young adults from starting families, purchasing cars, renting or buying their own homes and even starting new businesses.
Unsurprisingly, these negative effects are disproportionately experienced by first-generation, low-income and Black student borrowers, whose life choices are especially restricted by the need to make loan payments.
Avoiding moral hazard
Some analysts have argued, however, that canceling student debt will create a problem of moral hazard. A moral hazard arises when people no longer feel the need to make careful choices because they expect others to cover the risk for them.
For example, a bank that expects to be bailed out by the government in the event of a financial crisis thereby has an incentive to engage in riskier behavior.
Moral hazard can be avoided by combining student debt cancellation with programs that reduce the need for future borrowing, especially for first-generation students, low-income students and students of color.
One success story is the Tennessee Promise, a program enacted in 2015 to make tuition and fees at community and technical colleges free to state residents. This program has increased enrollment, retention and completion rates, while reducing borrowing by over 25%.
Ultimately, morality requires a forward-looking as well as a backward-looking approach to debt cancellation.
Looking backward at initial promises to repay can explain why people are generally required to pay their debts. But looking forward will enable policymakers to imagine how canceling student debt could help create a fairer society.
Kate Padgett Walsh, Associate Professor of Philosophy, Iowa State University
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


alternet--2020-12-03--The White House is trying to give Trump credit for the COVID vaccines in the most shameless way

Kayleigh McEnany , in a rare appearance at the White House podium in her official capacity as press secretary , is working to improve President Donald Trump 's legacy .
It is now administration policy , apparently , that coronavirus vaccines , even those like Pfizer 's – developed without support from the White House 's Operation Warp Speed – should be named after President Trump .
Calling the development of the vaccine ( actually , there are several , not one ) a `` tremendous achievement , '' McEnany on Wednesday credited not the government scientists and researchers , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not the private drug and biotech companies , not the CDC , not the FDA , not even the Trump administration 's coronavirus task force or its Operation Warp Speed , but President Trump himself .
President Trump not only had little to do with any or all of those entities – providing little to no oversight or input , attending few meetings , not speaking with key players for months at a time – he regularly attacked and belittled them , as he daily downplayed the deadly virus that to date has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump even pushed herd immunity behavior and policies , and it 's safe to say he is responsible for countless coronavirus deaths .
Trump bears more responsibility for those coronavirus deaths than he does for the vaccines .
No vaccine has ever been named for a sitting U.S. president .
`` It 's having a businessman as president , '' McEnany decreed .
`` It 's the Trump vaccine . ''

Kayleigh McEnany, in a rare appearance at the White House podium in her official capacity as press secretary, is working to improve President Donald Trump's legacy.
It is now administration policy, apparently, that coronavirus vaccines, even those like Pfizer's – developed without support from the White House's Operation Warp Speed – should be named after President Trump.
Calling the development of the vaccine (actually, there are several, not one) a "tremendous achievement," McEnany on Wednesday credited not the government scientists and researchers, not the private scientists and researchers, not the private drug and biotech companies, not the CDC, not the FDA, not even the Trump administration's coronavirus task force or its Operation Warp Speed, but President Trump himself.
President Trump not only had little to do with any or all of those entities – providing little to no oversight or input, attending few meetings, not speaking with key players for months at a time – he regularly attacked and belittled them, as he daily downplayed the deadly virus that to date has taken nearly 270,000 lives in the U.S.
Trump even pushed herd immunity behavior and policies, and it's safe to say he is responsible for countless coronavirus deaths. Trump bears more responsibility for those coronavirus deaths than he does for the vaccines. No vaccine has ever been named for a sitting U.S. president.
"It's having a businessman as president," McEnany decreed. "It's the Trump vaccine."
Watch:


alternet--2020-12-02--Trump gets ridiculed for giving 'one of his most dishonest speeches' with a deluge of lies at the Wh

Trump gets ridiculed for giving 'one of his most dishonest speeches' with a deluge of lies at the White House

President Donald Trump Wednesday afternoon released a 46-minute campaign speech , recorded inside the White House , likely written , filmed , and produced by White House aides .
He said it was `` may be the most important speech I 've ever made , '' and then proceeded to attack the integrity of the U.S. elections system , President-elect Joe Biden , and the Democrats , with lies .
Trump posted a short clip to Twitter , which immediately flagged it .
He posted the full video to Facebook , which appended this warning to it : Given the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ embed it here .
In addition to his lies about the 2020 election , Trump complained that his past four as president have been like `` living in hell . ''
HuffPost White House correspondent S.V .
Dáte , who in August famously asked Trump , `` do you regret at all , all the lying that you 've done to the American people ? ''
offered this in response : '' The president is lying and lying and lying , '' he tweeted .
`` This is an abomination — shot in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support of taxpayer-paid employees — all designed to delegitimize an election that Trump LOST BY 7 MILLION VOTES . ''
Washington Post national correspondent Philip Bump points out Trump 's lies have already been debunked : '' The full 46-minute version of the president 's statement leaves no mystery as to why this was posted on social media , '' Dallas News Washington Bureau Chief Todd Gillman notes .
`` Networks would have cut away to protect from being hijacked by a torrent of falsehood . ''
And MSNBC senior producer Kyle Griffin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so desperate :

President Donald Trump Wednesday afternoon released a 46-minute campaign speech, recorded inside the White House, likely written, filmed, and produced by White House aides. He said it was "may be the most important speech I've ever made," and then proceeded to attack the integrity of the U.S. elections system, President-elect Joe Biden, and the Democrats, with lies.
Trump posted a short clip to Twitter, which immediately flagged it. He posted the full video to Facebook, which appended this warning to it:
Given the extreme lies and disinformation NCRM will not embed it here.
In addition to his lies about the 2020 election, Trump complained that his past four as president have been like "living in hell."
CNN White House correspondent John Harwood called Trump's speech an "utterly dishonest statement."
HuffPost White House correspondent S.V. Dáte, who in August famously asked Trump, "do you regret at all, all the lying that you've done to the American people?" offered this in response:
"The president is lying and lying and lying," he tweeted. "This is an abomination — shot in the White House, presumably with the support of taxpayer-paid employees — all designed to delegitimize an election that Trump LOST BY 7 MILLION VOTES."
Washington Post national correspondent Philip Bump points out Trump's lies have already been debunked:
"The full 46-minute version of the president's statement leaves no mystery as to why this was posted on social media," Dallas News Washington Bureau Chief Todd Gillman notes. "Networks would have cut away to protect from being hijacked by a torrent of falsehood."
PBS NewsHour White House correspondent Yamiche Alcindor spares no words:
CNN chief White House correspondent Jim Acosta:
CNN anchor and chief national security correspondent Jim Sciutto:
And MSNBC senior producer Kyle Griffin point out the real reason Trump is so desperate:


alternet--2020-12-02--How 800 families descended from slaves could be pushed out by a deal between Brazil and the U.S.

Antonio Marcos Diniz was only 13 years old when his family was forced to leave their home near Brazil 's Atlantic coast in 1983 .
Along with 311 other families , they had to move 60 kilometers west to Agrovila Peru so that the government could build the Alcântara Launch Center ( CLA ) , in Maranhão , in northeastern Brazil .
Today , at the age of 50 , Diniz 's life may again be turned upside down by the expansion of the same launch center .
The Movement of People Affected by the Launch Base ( MABE ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such as that of Diniz , will be expelled if the expansion of the base takes place .
( The term quilombola refers to descendants of African and Afro-Brazilian people who escaped from slave plantations . )
The Alcântara base has one of the most strategic locations in the world for launching satellites .
It was built in 1983 in the state of Maranhão , which has the second-worst Municipal Human Development Index in the country .
One of the reasons for choosing the location is the proximity to the equator , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in fuel .
In March 2019 , an agreement between the governments of Brazil and the United States provided for the expansion of the base and authorized U.S. `` launches from a Brazilian spaceport '' while opening doors for further `` aerospace cooperation between the two nations , '' according to SpaceNews .
The U.S.-Brazil Technology Safeguards Agreement limits foreign use of the base `` for peaceful purposes . ''
However , according to an article written in Brasil de Fato by Brazilian diplomat Samuel Pinheiro Guimarães , Alcântara 's location is `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ angle of its political-military operations in South America and Africa and of its global strategy , in confrontation with Russia and China . ''
The United States intends to use the CLA—operated by the Brazilian Air Force—by 2021 .
Guimarães further states that the U.S. has sufficient rocket launch bases , so the main objective of the agreement for the United States is to `` exercise their sovereignty , outside the scope of the laws and surveillance of Brazilian authorities . ''
Before Brazil abolished slavery in 1888 , slave ships brought enslaved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and coffee plantations .
Those who escaped these plantations formed secret and independent communities , which led to the establishment of the quilombo settlements .
Such settlements are currently being uprooted to build and expand the CLA .
The quilombolas , who are the residents of these settlements , are not migrants : they are refugees in their own land .
Agrovila Peru , where Diniz now works as a peasant farmer , is not part of the initial plan for expanding the base .
If this plan is allowed to be implemented @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be affected .
The fish he eats , for example , comes from neighboring quilombola communities on the edge of the Atlantic Ocean , which are the target of imminent removal .
The cassava he plants , likewise , is sold to the quilombolas who occupy the coast on the other side of the base .
One of these neighboring communities is Canelatiua , which is home to Neta Serejo .
She was one of the founders of MABE in 1999 .
`` We can not trust the United States .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enter another country , '' says Serejo .
Brazil was one of six countries in South America that had military dictatorships supported by the United States in the second half of the 20th century .
The foreign policy of Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro has been criticized for its submission to and alignment with Donald Trump and the U.S. government .
In an interview with Brasil de Fato , former Foreign Minister Celso Amorim says that the armed forces are more subordinate to the United States and the government today than during the military @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Technology Safeguards Agreement has also found support with the Alcântara municipal government and the Maranhão state government .
The argument used by both is that the agreement will add to the prospect of economic development in the region .
However , MABE asserts that the quilombolas never had access to research or official documents that prove the expansion of the base or its use by the United States will generate income for the current residents .
The removal of quilombolas from Alcântara , for now , has been suspended by an injunction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , MABE 's legal adviser , says the decision can be reversed at any time—even if the 1988 Constitution guarantees quilombola communities the right to own their land .
The two arguments for suspending evictions were the coronavirus pandemic and the need for a `` prior , free and informed consultation process of the affected communities . ''
Such consultation is provided for in the International Labour Organization Convention 169 .
Danilo Serejo adds that this prerogative has already been violated : `` Prior consent means it should be guaranteed before the agreement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ afterward . ''
Residents around the Alcântara base describe the struggle to stay in the territory as `` a battle between David and Goliath . ''
Quilombola families depend on agriculture and fishing for subsistence , and most of them receive social security benefits , which are their main source of income .
Their houses are simple , improvised , and could be destroyed in a single day .
On the other side is the largest economic power on the planet , with a carte blanche from the Brazilian government .
`` It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk , but the whole country 's sovereignty , '' says Diniz .
The market for satellites and rockets generates $ 550 million per year .
About 80 percent of space equipment has some component produced in North America .
The threat to sovereignty lies precisely in the lack of transparency about the agreement and the expansion project .
Diniz considers this gap to be revealing : if quilombolas were seen by both governments as people of rights , they would be `` deserving '' of this information , he says .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
According to Diniz , they have n't been offered the chance to give input on the project , and yet they are expected to accept whatever has been decided on the `` top floor , '' with no say on decisions that significantly affect their lives—the same condition their ancestors were subjected to for 300 years .
Danilo Serejo adds that the Brazilian government is racist and has no respect for descendants of slaves .
In 2017 , Bolsonaro declared that he visited a quilombo and `` they do nothing , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were any `` better for breeding . ''
The governments of Brazil and the United States have never commented on the possibility of removing the quilombolas families as a result of the expansion of the Alcântara base .
Neta Serejo says MABE will keep the struggle alive `` in all possible instances '' to ensure the quilombolas continue to live in their territory .
This article was produced by Globetrotter .
Daniel Giovanaz is a journalist and has a master 's in history from the Federal University of Santa Catarina ( UFSC ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and was a correspondent for Brasil de Fato in India in 2020 .
Giovanaz is a Globetrotter/Peoples Dispatch fellow .

Antonio Marcos Diniz was only 13 years old when his family was forced to leave their home near Brazil's Atlantic coast in 1983. Along with 311 other families, they had to move 60 kilometers west to Agrovila Peru so that the government could build the Alcântara Launch Center (CLA), in Maranhão, in northeastern Brazil. Today, at the age of 50, Diniz's life may again be turned upside down by the expansion of the same launch center.
The Movement of People Affected by the Launch Base (MABE) estimates that about 800 quilombola families, such as that of Diniz, will be expelled if the expansion of the base takes place. (The term quilombola refers to descendants of African and Afro-Brazilian people who escaped from slave plantations.)
The Alcântara base has one of the most strategic locations in the world for launching satellites. It was built in 1983 in the state of Maranhão, which has the second-worst Municipal Human Development Index in the country. One of the reasons for choosing the location is the proximity to the equator, which allows savings of up to 30 percent in fuel.
In March 2019, an agreement between the governments of Brazil and the United States provided for the expansion of the base and authorized U.S. "launches from a Brazilian spaceport" while opening doors for further "aerospace cooperation between the two nations," according to SpaceNews.
The U.S.-Brazil Technology Safeguards Agreement limits foreign use of the base "for peaceful purposes." However, according to an article written in Brasil de Fato by Brazilian diplomat Samuel Pinheiro Guimarães, Alcântara's location is "ideal for the United States from the angle of its political-military operations in South America and Africa and of its global strategy, in confrontation with Russia and China."
The United States intends to use the CLA—operated by the Brazilian Air Force—by 2021. Guimarães further states that the U.S. has sufficient rocket launch bases, so the main objective of the agreement for the United States is to "exercise their sovereignty, outside the scope of the laws and surveillance of Brazilian authorities."
Expansion Impacts
Before Brazil abolished slavery in 1888, slave ships brought enslaved people from Africa to Brazil's sugar and coffee plantations. Those who escaped these plantations formed secret and independent communities, which led to the establishment of the quilombo settlements. Such settlements are currently being uprooted to build and expand the CLA. The quilombolas, who are the residents of these settlements, are not migrants: they are refugees in their own land.
Agrovila Peru, where Diniz now works as a peasant farmer, is not part of the initial plan for expanding the base. If this plan is allowed to be implemented, the entire makeup of the region will be affected. The fish he eats, for example, comes from neighboring quilombola communities on the edge of the Atlantic Ocean, which are the target of imminent removal. The cassava he plants, likewise, is sold to the quilombolas who occupy the coast on the other side of the base.
One of these neighboring communities is Canelatiua, which is home to Neta Serejo. She was one of the founders of MABE in 1999.
"We cannot trust the United States. We know what happens when they decide to enter another country," says Serejo. Brazil was one of six countries in South America that had military dictatorships supported by the United States in the second half of the 20th century.
The foreign policy of Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro has been criticized for its submission to and alignment with Donald Trump and the U.S. government. In an interview with Brasil de Fato, former Foreign Minister Celso Amorim says that the armed forces are more subordinate to the United States and the government today than during the military dictatorship (1964-1985). Meanwhile, the Technology Safeguards Agreement has also found support with the Alcântara municipal government and the Maranhão state government. The argument used by both is that the agreement will add to the prospect of economic development in the region. However, MABE asserts that the quilombolas never had access to research or official documents that prove the expansion of the base or its use by the United States will generate income for the current residents.
The removal of quilombolas from Alcântara, for now, has been suspended by an injunction since May 2020. But Danilo Serejo, MABE's legal adviser, says the decision can be reversed at any time—even if the 1988 Constitution guarantees quilombola communities the right to own their land.
The two arguments for suspending evictions were the coronavirus pandemic and the need for a "prior, free and informed consultation process of the affected communities." Such consultation is provided for in the International Labour Organization Convention 169.
Danilo Serejo adds that this prerogative has already been violated: "Prior consent means it should be guaranteed before the agreement with the United States, and not afterward."
David and Goliath
Residents around the Alcântara base describe the struggle to stay in the territory as "a battle between David and Goliath." Quilombola families depend on agriculture and fishing for subsistence, and most of them receive social security benefits, which are their main source of income. Their houses are simple, improvised, and could be destroyed in a single day. On the other side is the largest economic power on the planet, with a carte blanche from the Brazilian government.
"It is not only Alcântara that is at risk, but the whole country's sovereignty," says Diniz.
The market for satellites and rockets generates $550 million per year. About 80 percent of space equipment has some component produced in North America.
The threat to sovereignty lies precisely in the lack of transparency about the agreement and the expansion project. Diniz considers this gap to be revealing: if quilombolas were seen by both governments as people of rights, they would be "deserving" of this information, he says. It does not seem to be the case. According to Diniz, they haven't been offered the chance to give input on the project, and yet they are expected to accept whatever has been decided on the "top floor," with no say on decisions that significantly affect their lives—the same condition their ancestors were subjected to for 300 years.
Danilo Serejo adds that the Brazilian government is racist and has no respect for descendants of slaves. In 2017, Bolsonaro declared that he visited a quilombo and "they do nothing," adding that he didn't think they were any "better for breeding."
The governments of Brazil and the United States have never commented on the possibility of removing the quilombolas families as a result of the expansion of the Alcântara base. Neta Serejo says MABE will keep the struggle alive "in all possible instances" to ensure the quilombolas continue to live in their territory.
This article was produced by Globetrotter. Daniel Giovanaz is a journalist and has a master's in history from the Federal University of Santa Catarina (UFSC). He covered the 2019 Bolivian elections and was a correspondent for Brasil de Fato in India in 2020. Giovanaz is a Globetrotter/Peoples Dispatch fellow.