usatoday--2020-10-19--3 out of 10 Wisconsin communities voted for Obama then Trump. How will they swing this time?

MILWAUKEE — In the small , bellwether city of Reedsburg , Wisconsin , one bar owner has been interviewed by CNN , Reuters , Agence France-Presse and French TV .
`` It 's hilarious , '' said Kari Walker , whose city and county ( Sauk ) typify the swingiest tendencies of this battleground state at the forefront of the 2020 election .
`` I think all the journalists are hoping that somebody in an interview is going to help them break the code , crack the puzzle , and they 're going to figure out why Sauk County has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and 'Who is Sauk County going to pick this time ? '
'' said Walker , co-owner of Beastro & Barley , a downtown tavern and restaurant .
What explains the big pendulum swings in some communities at a time when the American electorate has never seemed so dug in and entrenched ?
And what role will these places play in next month 's election ?
Wisconsin 's `` Obama-Trump communities '' offer some hints .
These are places that voted for Democrat Barack Obama in 2012 and Republican Donald Trump in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Wisconsin , and 24 in Sauk County alone .
They represent almost 30 % of the state 's municipalities .
They are overwhelmingly white .
They are mostly small .
Only 10 of them have more than 10,000 people ( the biggest is the city of Fond du Lac ) .
They are mostly found in Wisconsin ’ s more lightly populated western half .
And by definition , they are places where partisan loyalties and ideology are weaker than they are in the reddest and bluest corners of the state .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of them .
It voted Democratic for president in 2008 and 2012 , U.S. Senate in 2012 and 2018 and governor in 2018 .
It voted Republican for president in 2016 , governor in 2010 , 2012 and 2014 , and Senate in 2010 and 2016 .
It chose the winning candidate each time .
'We 're in the eye of the storm' About an hour ’ s drive northwest of the state capital of Madison , Reedsburg sits in a county that was decided by 109 votes in the 2016 presidential race @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Driftless Area '' ) that produced some of the largest shifts in the country four years ago .
`` We 're in the eye of the storm , '' said Scott Frostman , the Republican chair in Sauk County , which has also seen political swings at the local level , with conservatives taking over the county board this year .
Obama-Trump communities were key to Trump 's 2016 victory in Wisconsin .
And their voting history points to what a massive wild card they could be in 2020 .
Collectively , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2012 and for Trump by 12 points in 2016 .
That 21-point swing was three times larger than the shift in the statewide vote .
It produced a net gain of about 85,000 votes for the GOP , far bigger than Trump ’ s statewide margin ( 22,748 ) .
“ Wisconsin is , in the purest sense , a swing state , ” says Rich Gorka , spokesman for the Trump campaign .
“ You don ’ t have to look further than the ( recent ) electoral past to understand there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wisconsin.
” In fact , two years after swinging to Trump , many of these cities , towns and villages swung back to the Democrats in 2018 .
The mid-term election underscored a key point about these communities : they are not marching ( or swinging ) in lockstep .
The 2018 political map “ shows movement in multiple directions simultaneously , '' said political scientist Barry Burden of the University of Wisconsin-Madison .
Almost a quarter of Wisconsin ’ s Obama-Trump communities voted Democratic for governor and Senate in 2018 .
About @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senate but Republican for governor .
And a third voted Republican in both races .
More : Facing fire from the right and left , Sen. Susan Collins beckons voters to political center Some communities voted for the GOP by even larger margins than they had in 2014 or 2016 .
That suggests those places are part of a broader rural realignment toward Republicans ( and that Obama 's strength in these communities was a bit of an aberration ) .
But others snapped back to the Democrats , consistent with a zig-zag @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In 2004 , these same Obama-Trump communities voted collectively for Republican George W. Bush by a single point .
Four years later , they voted for Democrat Obama by 17 points .
The lurch to the left in 2008 was almost as big as the lurch to the right in 2016 .
In the coming years , Wisconsin 's status as a swing state will rest heavily on how competitive Democrats are with the state 's huge pool of rural and blue-collar white voters .
That means that the political course these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ question for the future of Wisconsin politics , '' Burden said .
One message of the 2018 mid-terms is that Trump may do even better this fall in some of the places where he enjoyed his biggest surge of support four years ago .
But in others , his remarkable 2016 success may be very hard to replicate .
`` If the final tide runs pro-Biden , as it currently seems to be , then I would expect that those communities will swing back further than the average statewide swing — not just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wall , '' said Princeton political scientist Christopher Achen , who has analyzed Trump 's 2016 surge in the `` Blue Wall '' states of Wisconsin , Michigan and Pennsylvania .
The Obama-Trump communities also shed light on a recurring debate over how to interpret election swings at the local , state and national level .
Do they mostly reflect changes in how people are voting — or changes in who is voting ?
Reedsburg voted Democratic for president by 20 points in 2008 , Republican for governor by 8 points in 2010 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2012 , Republican for governor by 2 points in 2014 , Republican for president by 8 points in 2016 and Democratic for governor by 7 points in 2018 .
That looks like a lot of voters are doing somersaults , flipping back and forth between the parties .
But the makeup of the electorate is changing a great deal over the course of these election cycles .
The state ’ s voter file shows that in Reedsburg , almost a quarter of the 4,120 people that voted in 2012 didn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by an almost equal number of new voters ) .
More than a quarter of the people who voted in 2016 didn ’ t vote in 2018 .
A large fraction of the electorate in this small , politically purple city is turning over from one cycle to another , as a result of people dying , moving , becoming old enough to vote for the first time or skipping some elections while turning out for others .
“ We know that Wisconsin is the land of the ticket splitter and zigzagger ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ changes in who actually turns out to vote from election to election , ” said Ben Wikler , state chairman of the Democratic Party of Wisconsin .
“ Very often the swing from 2012 to 2016 is more about who voted than about how individual people changed their… vote.
” But Wikler is not suggesting it ’ s entirely about turnout , either .
Changes in who turned out can ’ t explain the magnitude of the 2016 shift in many places .
Take the city of Boscobel in the southwestern corner of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and against Republican Mitt Romney ) by 33 points in 2012 .
Then it voted for Trump ( and against Democrat Hillary Clinton ) by 6 points in 2016 .
The voter file tells us that about a quarter of the Boscobel electorate changed between those two elections .
More : Who 's undecided ?
Donald Trump 's toughest hurdle to pull off a win : Most minds are made up That may seem like a lot .
But it 's not nearly enough to plausibly explain the city ’ s 39-point swing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or immigration or hated Clinton or loved Trump or just wanted a change , there were lots of Obama-Trump voters in places like Boscobel .
In 200 of the state 's 500-plus Obama-Trump communities , the swing in the presidential margin from 2012 to 2016 was greater than 30 points .
Based on voter files and statistical models , the progressive analytics firm Catalist estimated that at least half the presidential shift in Wisconsin four years ago came from voters switching from Obama to Trump ( as opposed to changes in who turned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Achen and Jeremy Darrington of Princeton contends that vote-switching played an even bigger role than that .
The study dissects Trump 's gains four years ago in Wisconsin , Michigan and Pennsylvania .
It concludes that in Michigan and Pennsylvania , changes in turnout ( especially Trump 's mobilization of habitual nonvoters ) and vote-switching ( voters converting from Obama to Trump ) both played an important role .
But in Wisconsin , Trump 's gains from mobilizing nonvoters were offset by the fact that many 2012 Romney voters stayed home or voted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) was the dominant factor in Trump 's Wisconsin victory , according to this analysis .
“ Some people keep thinking it ’ s all about turnout .
And yes , that is important .
But persuasion is still a part of it .
There are still more ‘ persuadables ’ out there than either side wants to admit , ” Mark Jefferson , executive director of the Republican Party of Wisconsin , said in an interview earlier this year .
“ You simply have to do both turnout and persuasion to have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wikler , the state Democratic chair .
`` There are a lot of conflicted voters in Wisconsin who powerfully identify with issues and values on both sides of the political aisle .
Democrats can ’ t write off anyone or take anyone for granted.
” Or any community , no matter how small .
Because of their size , the average Republican gain in Wisconsin 's Obama-Trump communities in 2016 was only about 160 votes .
But those small cities , towns and villages added up in a way that was crucial to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Reedsburg 's `` Beastro & Barley , '' is one of those swing voters contributing to her state 's twists and turns .
She 's `` pro-life '' and was a longtime Republican , voting for Romney in 2012 .
But she ca n't abide Trump and thinks the GOP has abandoned fiscal responsibility .
`` I do feel like there 's no party for me , '' she said .
Walker voted for third-party candidate Evan McMullin in 2016 .
But this time she 'll vote for Democrat Joe Biden , partly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time .
She sees it as a reminder to make her vote count .
This reporter first interviewed Walker in 2017 and again in 2018 , when her bar was called the Touchdown Tavern .
Reuters visited her tavern two years ago .
Then CNN showed up in 2019 to discuss the Trump impeachment fight .
`` I say it to every single journalist .
At any given time , half the people sitting up there at the counter are Republicans and half of them are Democrats , '' Walker said .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ She was interviewed by Agence France-Presse , the global news agency headquartered in Paris .
Then came La Chaine Info , a French news channel .
`` In a million years I just could never have imagined anything like it , '' she says of the ongoing attention and interest that traces back to the tantalizing political track record — and clout — of towns and cities like Reedsburg scattered around Wisconsin .

Craig Gilbert, Milwaukee Journal Sentinel

3 out of 10 Wisconsin communities voted for Obama then Trump. How will they swing this time?
Show Caption Hide Caption Reedsburg voters pick the winners of presidential elections Reedsburg has a history of swinging back and forth and routinely voting for the winner of every major election, whichever party it is. Mark Hoffman, Milwaukee Journal Sentinel
MILWAUKEE — In the small, bellwether city of Reedsburg, Wisconsin, one bar owner has been interviewed by CNN, Reuters, Agence France-Presse and French TV.
"It's hilarious," said Kari Walker, whose city and county (Sauk) typify the swingiest tendencies of this battleground state at the forefront of the 2020 election.
"I think all the journalists are hoping that somebody in an interview is going to help them break the code, crack the puzzle, and they're going to figure out why Sauk County has picked the winner (so often), and 'Who is Sauk County going to pick this time?'" said Walker, co-owner of Beastro & Barley, a downtown tavern and restaurant.
What explains the big pendulum swings in some communities at a time when the American electorate has never seemed so dug in and entrenched?
And what role will these places play in next month's election?
Wisconsin's "Obama-Trump communities" offer some hints. These are places that voted for Democrat Barack Obama in 2012 and Republican Donald Trump in 2016.
There are 536 of them in Wisconsin, and 24 in Sauk County alone. They represent almost 30% of the state's municipalities. They are overwhelmingly white. They are mostly small. Only 10 of them have more than 10,000 people (the biggest is the city of Fond du Lac). They are mostly found in Wisconsin’s more lightly populated western half. And by definition, they are places where partisan loyalties and ideology are weaker than they are in the reddest and bluest corners of the state.
Reedsburg (population 9,639) is one of them.
It voted Democratic for president in 2008 and 2012, U.S. Senate in 2012 and 2018 and governor in 2018.
It voted Republican for president in 2016, governor in 2010, 2012 and 2014, and Senate in 2010 and 2016.
It chose the winning candidate each time.
'We're in the eye of the storm'
About an hour’s drive northwest of the state capital of Madison, Reedsburg sits in a county that was decided by 109 votes in the 2016 presidential race, in a region (the "Driftless Area") that produced some of the largest shifts in the country four years ago.
"We're in the eye of the storm," said Scott Frostman, the Republican chair in Sauk County, which has also seen political swings at the local level, with conservatives taking over the county board this year.
Obama-Trump communities were key to Trump's 2016 victory in Wisconsin.
And their voting history points to what a massive wild card they could be in 2020.
Collectively, they voted for Obama by 9 points in 2012 and for Trump by 12 points in 2016. That 21-point swing was three times larger than the shift in the statewide vote. It produced a net gain of about 85,000 votes for the GOP, far bigger than Trump’s statewide margin (22,748).
“Wisconsin is, in the purest sense, a swing state,” says Rich Gorka, spokesman for the Trump campaign. “You don’t have to look further than the (recent) electoral past to understand there are swing voters in the state of Wisconsin.”
In fact, two years after swinging to Trump, many of these cities, towns and villages swung back to the Democrats in 2018.
The mid-term election underscored a key point about these communities: they are not marching (or swinging) in lockstep.
The 2018 political map “shows movement in multiple directions simultaneously," said political scientist Barry Burden of the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
Almost a quarter of Wisconsin’s Obama-Trump communities voted Democratic for governor and Senate in 2018. About 40% of them voted Democratic for Senate but Republican for governor. And a third voted Republican in both races.
More: Facing fire from the right and left, Sen. Susan Collins beckons voters to political center
Some communities voted for the GOP by even larger margins than they had in 2014 or 2016. That suggests those places are part of a broader rural realignment toward Republicans (and that Obama's strength in these communities was a bit of an aberration).
But others snapped back to the Democrats, consistent with a zig-zag history of rejecting the party in power. In 2004, these same Obama-Trump communities voted collectively for Republican George W. Bush by a single point. Four years later, they voted for Democrat Obama by 17 points. The lurch to the left in 2008 was almost as big as the lurch to the right in 2016.
In the coming years, Wisconsin's status as a swing state will rest heavily on how competitive Democrats are with the state's huge pool of rural and blue-collar white voters. That means that the political course these communities follow will be a "key question for the future of Wisconsin politics," Burden said.
One message of the 2018 mid-terms is that Trump may do even better this fall in some of the places where he enjoyed his biggest surge of support four years ago.
But in others, his remarkable 2016 success may be very hard to replicate.
"If the final tide runs pro-Biden, as it currently seems to be, then I would expect that those communities will swing back further than the average statewide swing — not just in Wisconsin, but across the Blue Wall," said Princeton political scientist Christopher Achen, who has analyzed Trump's 2016 surge in the "Blue Wall" states of Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania.
The Obama-Trump communities also shed light on a recurring debate over how to interpret election swings at the local, state and national level. Do they mostly reflect changes in how people are voting — or changes in who is voting?
Reedsburg voted Democratic for president by 20 points in 2008, Republican for governor by 8 points in 2010, Democratic for president by 15 points in 2012, Republican for governor by 2 points in 2014, Republican for president by 8 points in 2016 and Democratic for governor by 7 points in 2018.
Somersaults and back flips
That looks like a lot of voters are doing somersaults, flipping back and forth between the parties.
But the makeup of the electorate is changing a great deal over the course of these election cycles. The state’s voter file shows that in Reedsburg, almost a quarter of the 4,120 people that voted in 2012 didn’t vote in 2016 (and were replaced by an almost equal number of new voters). More than a quarter of the people who voted in 2016 didn’t vote in 2018.
A large fraction of the electorate in this small, politically purple city is turning over from one cycle to another, as a result of people dying, moving, becoming old enough to vote for the first time or skipping some elections while turning out for others.
“We know that Wisconsin is the land of the ticket splitter and zigzagger (but) our analysis also finds big changes in who actually turns out to vote from election to election,” said Ben Wikler, state chairman of the Democratic Party of Wisconsin. “Very often the swing from 2012 to 2016 is more about who voted than about how individual people changed their… vote.”
But Wikler is not suggesting it’s entirely about turnout, either. Changes in who turned out can’t explain the magnitude of the 2016 shift in many places.
Take the city of Boscobel in the southwestern corner of Wisconsin. It voted for Obama (and against Republican Mitt Romney) by 33 points in 2012. Then it voted for Trump (and against Democrat Hillary Clinton) by 6 points in 2016. The voter file tells us that about a quarter of the Boscobel electorate changed between those two elections.
More: Who's undecided? Donald Trump's toughest hurdle to pull off a win: Most minds are made up
That may seem like a lot. But it's not nearly enough to plausibly explain the city’s 39-point swing. Whether they were voting on economics or immigration or hated Clinton or loved Trump or just wanted a change, there were lots of Obama-Trump voters in places like Boscobel. In 200 of the state's 500-plus Obama-Trump communities, the swing in the presidential margin from 2012 to 2016 was greater than 30 points.
Based on voter files and statistical models, the progressive analytics firm Catalist estimated that at least half the presidential shift in Wisconsin four years ago came from voters switching from Obama to Trump (as opposed to changes in who turned out).
A forthcoming study by Achen and Jeremy Darrington of Princeton contends that vote-switching played an even bigger role than that. The study dissects Trump's gains four years ago in Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania.
It concludes that in Michigan and Pennsylvania, changes in turnout (especially Trump's mobilization of habitual nonvoters) and vote-switching (voters converting from Obama to Trump) both played an important role.
But in Wisconsin, Trump's gains from mobilizing nonvoters were offset by the fact that many 2012 Romney voters stayed home or voted third-party in 2016.
Vote-switching (Obama-to-Trump) was the dominant factor in Trump's Wisconsin victory, according to this analysis.
“Some people keep thinking it’s all about turnout. And yes, that is important. But persuasion is still a part of it. There are still more ‘persuadables’ out there than either side wants to admit,” Mark Jefferson, executive director of the Republican Party of Wisconsin, said in an interview earlier this year.
“You simply have to do both turnout and persuasion to have a shot in 2020," said Wikler, the state Democratic chair. "There are a lot of conflicted voters in Wisconsin who powerfully identify with issues and values on both sides of the political aisle. Democrats can’t write off anyone or take anyone for granted.”
Or any community, no matter how small. Because of their size, the average Republican gain in Wisconsin's Obama-Trump communities in 2016 was only about 160 votes. But those small cities, towns and villages added up in a way that was crucial to the outcome.
Walker, co-owner of Reedsburg's "Beastro & Barley," is one of those swing voters contributing to her state's twists and turns.
She's "pro-life" and was a longtime Republican, voting for Romney in 2012. But she can't abide Trump and thinks the GOP has abandoned fiscal responsibility.
"I do feel like there's no party for me," she said.
Walker voted for third-party candidate Evan McMullin in 2016. But this time she'll vote for Democrat Joe Biden, partly because Sauk County was so close last time. She sees it as a reminder to make her vote count.
This reporter first interviewed Walker in 2017 and again in 2018, when her bar was called the Touchdown Tavern.
Reuters visited her tavern two years ago. Then CNN showed up in 2019 to discuss the Trump impeachment fight.
"I say it to every single journalist. At any given time, half the people sitting up there at the counter are Republicans and half of them are Democrats," Walker said.
This summer, her bar went international. She was interviewed by Agence France-Presse, the global news agency headquartered in Paris. Then came La Chaine Info, a French news channel.
"In a million years I just could never have imagined anything like it," she says of the ongoing attention and interest that traces back to the tantalizing political track record — and clout — of towns and cities like Reedsburg scattered around Wisconsin.


usatoday--2020-10-19--Democrats, Republicans and Trump can't agree on a new stimulus deal

Democrats , Republicans and Trump ca n't agree on a new stimulus deal A new coronavirus stimulus deal is still @ @ @ @ @ and Republicans , bu they ca n't agree on a conclusion .

COVID stimulus deal: What Democrats, Republicans and Trump want
A new coronavirus stimulus deal is still in the works between Democrats and Republicans, bu they can't agree on a conclusion.
USA TODAY


usatoday--2020-10-19--Now hosting a presidential debate, Belmont's president got into politics through a homeroom election

• When he was a boy , Belmont University President Bob Fisher became obsessed with politics • His first race happened senior year of high school when he ran for homeroom rep • A teacher broke a tie in that election , giving the win to homeroom rival Claudette Thompson • Funny thing is , Fisher could 've won outright had he voted for himself — but he didn't NASHVILLE — He was a political junkie by age 8 .
On Sunday mornings in his youth , Bob Fisher hopped out of bed , ran outside to get the newspaper @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He got caught up in the 1956 race pitting President Dwight D. Eisenhower against Democrat Adlai Stevenson II .
After that , he sat glued to the television for `` Face the Nation '' in his family 's two-bedroom home .
He and his buddy Ricky Carson made campaign signs for both candidates and planted them all over their tiny town of Blytheville in the northeast corner of Arkansas .
`` I remember admiring Dwight Eisenhower for his military skills , '' Fisher said .
`` But I also admired Adlai Stevenson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We were just excited , '' Fisher added , smiling .
The pint-sized political enthusiast grew up to be president of the Nashville university set to host the Oct. 22 debate between President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden .
As a teenager , Fisher , now 72 and president of Belmont University , lost an election in a tie-breaker , which served as a wake-up call , a turning point that launched him onto a successful path .
Fisher lost the race for homeroom rep for student government his senior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ named Claudette Thompson .
And he 's really glad he did .
As a boy , Fisher did n't spend all of his time with his nose in a newspaper or a book .
He rode his bike , played with friends , went swimming , raised homing pigeons , went to First Baptist Church and used an earpiece in bed at night to listen to St. Louis Cardinals baseball games on a transistor radio .
The boy , with help from his folks , even built treehouses in the yard .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school – until the family moved across the state his sophomore year of high school .
Fisher said he had a hard time adjusting to his new school and his new town of Arkadelphia .
He felt like he did n't fit in because all the kids at his new school already had friends .
His grades slipped a little and he did n't really care .
`` I had a bad attitude , and I did n't try very hard , '' Fisher said .
Something changed when he started senior year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the semester , his homeroom teacher asked the class whether any of them wanted to be a representative for student council .
Fisher 's hand shot up .
The only other hand in the air belonged to Claudette Thompson , a class leader and , according to Fisher , `` an amazing person . ''
No time to campaign – the teacher handed out slips of paper right away and told students to write down their pick .
After tallying the votes , the teacher called the two candidates into the hallway @ @ @ @ @ @ @ got the same number of votes .
The teacher said she would break the tie .
`` We all know Claudette would make the better representative , '' the teacher said .
But he did care .
Deeply .
Fisher had put himself out there in a school where he did n't feel like he belonged , and he got rejected .
By a teacher .
And that lit a fire , Fisher said .
`` Honestly , it was good for me , '' he said .
`` I thought , ' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And he did .
When Fisher went to Hendersonville State University the next year , he ran for freshman class president and won .
Fisher also served as president of his sophomore and junior classes , and he got elected student body president his senior year .
That last year , the school appointed him to the search committee for a new leader after the university president died .
And that 's when Fisher discovered what he wanted to do with his life .
He wanted to lead a college .
`` I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and I remember how much I respected him .
He was a remarkable man , stern , but I know he loved and cared about the students , '' Fisher said .
He also liked the idea of running what seemed to be a small town , which he thought would be challenging but a lot of fun .
`` You get to be in college your whole life .
And I loved college .
It transformed me , showed me so much about myself , what I can do and how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
`` It ’ s like flipping a switch .
I was that kid in grade school again . ''
Fisher earned advanced degrees , taught some classes , became an administrator and was named Belmont University president in 2000 .
In twenty years , Fisher has more than doubled the student body , created a renowned law school , grown the size of the campus and landed a U.S. presidential debate there in 2008 .
On Thursday , the university announced plans to launch a college of medicine in partnership with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hospital chains in the country .
Tri Star hospitals Centennial , Skyline and Southern Hills are part of the chain .
In the larger community off campus , Fisher has served as chairman of the Greater Nashville Area Chamber of Commerce , co-chair of the Mayor 's Task Force on Public Education and sat on boards for United Way , the Country Music Hall of Fame and several other nonprofits .
And later this month Belmont will host its second presidential debate .
It all started with an election he lost in his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stinging disappointment that inspired him to be a better student and a leader .
Funny thing is , Fisher would 've won that election if he had n't voted for Claudette Thompson .
`` Back in those days I was taught to be humble , so you didn ’ t vote for yourself , '' he said .
`` I voted for her . ''
Reach Brad Schmitt at brad @ tennessean.com or 615-259-8384 or on Twitter @ bradschmitt .

Now hosting a presidential debate, Belmont's president got into politics through a homeroom election Bob Fisher — set to host the second and final Trump-Biden debate Thursday at the university's Curb Event Center — lost a super close race when he was in high school. And Fisher's happy he lost
Show Caption Hide Caption Belmont President Bob Fisher talks about the high school election he lost Belmont President Bob Fisher talks about the high school election he lost Brad Schmitt, USA TODAY NETWORK – Tennessee
When he was a boy, Belmont University President Bob Fisher became obsessed with politics
His first race happened senior year of high school when he ran for homeroom rep
A teacher broke a tie in that election, giving the win to homeroom rival Claudette Thompson
Funny thing is, Fisher could've won outright had he voted for himself — but he didn't
NASHVILLE — He was a political junkie by age 8.
On Sunday mornings in his youth, Bob Fisher hopped out of bed, ran outside to get the newspaper and read all the editorials and stories. He got caught up in the 1956 race pitting President Dwight D. Eisenhower against Democrat Adlai Stevenson II.
After that, he sat glued to the television for "Face the Nation" in his family's two-bedroom home.
He and his buddy Ricky Carson made campaign signs for both candidates and planted them all over their tiny town of Blytheville in the northeast corner of Arkansas.
"I remember admiring Dwight Eisenhower for his military skills," Fisher said. "But I also admired Adlai Stevenson for his peacemaking and ambassadorship.
"We were just excited," Fisher added, smiling.
The pint-sized political enthusiast grew up to be president of the Nashville university set to host the Oct. 22 debate between President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden.
As a teenager, Fisher, now 72 and president of Belmont University, lost an election in a tie-breaker, which served as a wake-up call, a turning point that launched him onto a successful path.
Fisher lost the race for homeroom rep for student government his senior year to a smart, popular classmate named Claudette Thompson. And he's really glad he did.
A bad attitude
As a boy, Fisher didn't spend all of his time with his nose in a newspaper or a book.
He rode his bike, played with friends, went swimming, raised homing pigeons, went to First Baptist Church and used an earpiece in bed at night to listen to St. Louis Cardinals baseball games on a transistor radio.
The boy, with help from his folks, even built treehouses in the yard.
And he always got straight A's in school – until the family moved across the state his sophomore year of high school.
Fisher said he had a hard time adjusting to his new school and his new town of Arkadelphia. He felt like he didn't fit in because all the kids at his new school already had friends.
His grades slipped a little and he didn't really care. "I had a bad attitude, and I didn't try very hard," Fisher said.
Something changed when he started senior year, though.
In the first days of the semester, his homeroom teacher asked the class whether any of them wanted to be a representative for student council. Fisher's hand shot up. The only other hand in the air belonged to Claudette Thompson, a class leader and, according to Fisher, "an amazing person."
No time to campaign – the teacher handed out slips of paper right away and told students to write down their pick.
After tallying the votes, the teacher called the two candidates into the hallway, where she told them they each got the same number of votes. The teacher said she would break the tie.
"We all know Claudette would make the better representative," the teacher said.
"I don't care," Fisher shot back.
But he did care. Deeply.
Fisher had put himself out there in a school where he didn't feel like he belonged, and he got rejected. By a teacher.
And that lit a fire, Fisher said.
"Honestly, it was good for me," he said. "I thought, 'I'll show you!'"
And he did.
When Fisher went to Hendersonville State University the next year, he ran for freshman class president and won.
Fisher also served as president of his sophomore and junior classes, and he got elected student body president his senior year.
That last year, the school appointed him to the search committee for a new leader after the university president died.
And that's when Fisher discovered what he wanted to do with his life. He wanted to lead a college.
"I had been interacting with the university president, and I remember how much I respected him. He was a remarkable man, stern, but I know he loved and cared about the students," Fisher said.
He also liked the idea of running what seemed to be a small town, which he thought would be challenging but a lot of fun.
"You get to be in college your whole life. And I loved college. It transformed me, showed me so much about myself, what I can do and how I can serve others," Fisher said.
"It’s like flipping a switch. I was that kid in grade school again."
Fisher earned advanced degrees, taught some classes, became an administrator and was named Belmont University president in 2000.
In twenty years, Fisher has more than doubled the student body, created a renowned law school, grown the size of the campus and landed a U.S. presidential debate there in 2008.
On Thursday, the university announced plans to launch a college of medicine in partnership with HCA Healthcare, one of the largest hospital chains in the country. Tri Star hospitals Centennial, Skyline and Southern Hills are part of the chain.
In the larger community off campus, Fisher has served as chairman of the Greater Nashville Area Chamber of Commerce, co-chair of the Mayor's Task Force on Public Education and sat on boards for United Way, the Country Music Hall of Fame and several other nonprofits.
And later this month Belmont will host its second presidential debate.
It all started with an election he lost in his senior year of high school, a stinging disappointment that inspired him to be a better student and a leader.
Funny thing is, Fisher would've won that election if he hadn't voted for Claudette Thompson.
"Back in those days I was taught to be humble, so you didn’t vote for yourself," he said. "I voted for her."
Reach Brad Schmitt at brad@tennessean.com or 615-259-8384 or on Twitter @bradschmitt.


usatoday--2020-10-19--Facing fire from the right and left, Sen. Susan Collins beckons voters to political center

As the last Republican representing any of the six New England states in either chamber of Congress , Sen. Susan Collins of Maine isn ’ t fighting only for her reelection to a fifth term .
Collins , who has garnered a reputation as someone who regularly reaches across the aisle to work with her Democratic counterparts on shared priorities , said she ’ s also fighting for an ethos of moderate leadership , like that of Maine ’ s former GOP senators Margaret Chase Smith and Olympia Snowe , to rebalance the divisive political dynamics in Washington .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be as energized as those on the extremes , ” Collins told members of the Seacoast Media Group , part of the USA TODAY Network , editorial board Wednesday .
Collins acknowledged her party ’ s current standard-bearer , President Donald Trump , has reshaped the GOP to some extent .
His style doesn ’ t align with her style , she said .
But she expressed optimism about the future of her party and its representation from the Northeast .
“ I ’ m comfortable with the New England brand of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ personal responsibility , individual freedom , smaller government , lower taxes generally , economic growth , small business and most of all providing opportunity to people , ” she said .
More : GOP senators try to further distance themselves from Trump , but it may be too late to save their majority In much the same way that former President Bill Clinton reined in the Democratic Party ’ s leftward tilt in the 1990s by touting the so-called “ Third Way , ” there ’ s now an opportunity for GOP leaders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ I think that ’ s what ’ s going to happen on the Republican side as well , is that it will return to its center-right roots , ” she said .
One of those fellow moderate New England Republicans , former Sen. Judd Gregg of New Hampshire , joined Collins to introduce her and vouch for her record of accomplishments .
Gregg said he saw Collins lead in a bipartisan way that consistently delivered results for Maine , the Seacoast and nation .
That included Collins ’ pivotal role in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Shipyard off of their Base Realignment and Closure ( BRAC ) lists , he said .
Collins is in line to take over as chair of the powerful Appropriations Committee if Republicans hang on to their Senate majority , so Mainers who want a strong senator in a powerful position with the expertise and experience needed to wield that power effectively on their behalf should vote to reelect Collins , Gregg said .
“ The way I look at this is , if you had Babe Ruth in your lineup , you wouldn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ didn ’ t like the commissioner of baseball , ” Gregg said .
“ So you may not like Donald Trump , but you should not take Susan Collins out of the Senate simply because you may not like our present president.
” Collins declined to say if she ’ ll vote for Trump .
“ I have not taken a position on the presidential race because I have been focusing on my own , difficult and challenging race , ” she said .
The important thing about her relationship with the White @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she ’ ll be able to collaborate with whoever occupies the Oval Office .
More : Democrats are trying to flip the Senate in 2020 : These are the seats considered up for grabs on Election Day “ And I would say , by contrast , that my opponent , Sara Gideon , has already made it very clear that , if President Trump is reelected or if Mitch McConnell becomes the majority leader again , that she will not be able to work with them , and that she doesn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Collins said .
“ I pride myself on working with everybody.
” Gideon campaign spokesperson Will Simons said Gideon “ will always put the interests of Maine people first , and she will work with anyone to protect and expand access to health care , lower the cost of prescription drugs , and get big money out of politics , just like she has in Maine.
” Gideon , who spoke with members of the Seacoast Media Group editorial board Monday , has held a narrow lead over Collins in recent public opinion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leads are within the margin of error .
Gideon has knocked Collins for her vote to confirm Trump ’ s second Supreme Court nominee , Justice Brett Kavanaugh , a vote that has been a focal point of national attention as Democrats aim to claim a Senate majority .
Collins has said she will vote against Trump ’ s third nominee , Amy Coney Barrett , if the vote takes place before the election .
The president who wins the 2020 election should decide who the next nominee is , she said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ reelection appears to be much more competitive than in past cycles , Collins pointed to two things : a general state of heightened division and an influx in outside money .
“ I think what ’ s happened in Maine reflects the nation as a whole , ” Collins said .
“ There is increasing polarization .
There is a feeling that you either despise President Trump or you love President Trump , and that is affecting the atmosphere in Maine .
There are fewer people trying to bring us together , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many families have told me that they can ’ t talk about politics anymore because it gets too angry too fast.
” The tense political atmosphere has been exacerbated , she said , by the stressors of the COVID-19 pandemic , including widespread economic hardship .
An influx of so-called “ dark money ” into Maine politics has funded a steady drumbeat of negative and inaccurate ads , Collins said .
“ They distort my record .
They attack my integrity .
...
They even distort a picture of me for goodness ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I think that constant barrage , which has been going on for two solid years in Maine , and my being so outspent by the dark-money groups and my opponent has altered some people ’ s perception of me , ” she said .
Collins said she ’ s faced tough opponents before .
In 2008 , for example , Tom Allen , a Harvard-educated congressman with deep family roots in Maine , challenged her bid for a third term .
“ We had vigorous debates about political philosophy , about votes , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or said I voted in a way that I didn ’ t , or attacked my integrity , ” Collins said .
“ It was a far higher-level debate.
” More : Dems rally local voters with a simple ask : Who is the person who will 'impact on your everyday life' Collins questioned the fairness of Maine ’ s ranked-choice voting system for federal office .
“ I think that this system is a very strange system to use , ” she said .
There are four candidates in the Senate race @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Savage and Max Linn .
Voters are asked to rank their preferred candidates from first through fourth .
If none of the candidates secures a majority of first-rank votes , then the last-place finisher is eliminated from the race and the results are retallied .
Votes cast for the eliminated candidate are reallocated to each voter ’ s second-rank pick .
The process repeats until one candidate secures a majority of the votes .
“ I don ’ t think that ’ s fair , ” Collins said , arguing those who vote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the opportunity to vote a second time on the same ballot , while those who vote for Collins or Gideon would have just their first-rank pick counted .
Collins said she would prefer a true run-off system , like the one in place in Louisiana , over Maine ’ s ranked-choice voting arrangement .
“ But those are the rules , ” she said .
“ They ’ ve been upheld by the court .
And those are the rules I ’ ve got to play by .
”

Facing fire from the right and left, Sen. Susan Collins beckons voters to political center
Show Caption Hide Caption Maine Dem. Gideon wins primary, will face Collins Maine House Speaker Sara Gideon has beaten two Democrats for the right to challenge U.S. Sen. Susan Collins this fall. (July 15) AP
As the last Republican representing any of the six New England states in either chamber of Congress, Sen. Susan Collins of Maine isn’t fighting only for her reelection to a fifth term.
Collins, who has garnered a reputation as someone who regularly reaches across the aisle to work with her Democratic counterparts on shared priorities, said she’s also fighting for an ethos of moderate leadership, like that of Maine’s former GOP senators Margaret Chase Smith and Olympia Snowe, to rebalance the divisive political dynamics in Washington.
“We who are in the center need to be as energized as those on the extremes,” Collins told members of the Seacoast Media Group, part of the USA TODAY Network, editorial board Wednesday.
Collins acknowledged her party’s current standard-bearer, President Donald Trump, has reshaped the GOP to some extent. His style doesn’t align with her style, she said. But she expressed optimism about the future of her party and its representation from the Northeast.
“I’m comfortable with the New England brand of Republicanism, which has always believed in personal responsibility, individual freedom, smaller government, lower taxes generally, economic growth, small business and most of all providing opportunity to people,” she said.
More: GOP senators try to further distance themselves from Trump, but it may be too late to save their majority
In much the same way that former President Bill Clinton reined in the Democratic Party’s leftward tilt in the 1990s by touting the so-called “Third Way,” there’s now an opportunity for GOP leaders to push for moderation, Collins said.
“I think that’s what’s going to happen on the Republican side as well, is that it will return to its center-right roots,” she said.
One of those fellow moderate New England Republicans, former Sen. Judd Gregg of New Hampshire, joined Collins to introduce her and vouch for her record of accomplishments.
Gregg said he saw Collins lead in a bipartisan way that consistently delivered results for Maine, the Seacoast and nation. That included Collins’ pivotal role in persuading military officials to take Portsmouth Naval Shipyard off of their Base Realignment and Closure (BRAC) lists, he said.
More: Sen. Cory Gardner, tied to President Trump's 'vindictive' base, faces conundrum in Colorado
Collins is in line to take over as chair of the powerful Appropriations Committee if Republicans hang on to their Senate majority, so Mainers who want a strong senator in a powerful position with the expertise and experience needed to wield that power effectively on their behalf should vote to reelect Collins, Gregg said.
“The way I look at this is, if you had Babe Ruth in your lineup, you wouldn’t send him down because you didn’t like the commissioner of baseball,” Gregg said. “So you may not like Donald Trump, but you should not take Susan Collins out of the Senate simply because you may not like our present president.”
Collins declined to say if she’ll vote for Trump. “I have not taken a position on the presidential race because I have been focusing on my own, difficult and challenging race,” she said.
The important thing about her relationship with the White House, Collins said, is that she’ll be able to collaborate with whoever occupies the Oval Office.
More: Democrats are trying to flip the Senate in 2020: These are the seats considered up for grabs on Election Day
“And I would say, by contrast, that my opponent, Sara Gideon, has already made it very clear that, if President Trump is reelected or if Mitch McConnell becomes the majority leader again, that she will not be able to work with them, and that she doesn’t want to work with them,” Collins said. “I pride myself on working with everybody.”
Gideon campaign spokesperson Will Simons said Gideon “will always put the interests of Maine people first, and she will work with anyone to protect and expand access to health care, lower the cost of prescription drugs, and get big money out of politics, just like she has in Maine.”
Gideon, who spoke with members of the Seacoast Media Group editorial board Monday, has held a narrow lead over Collins in recent public opinion polls, though some of those single-digit leads are within the margin of error.
Gideon has knocked Collins for her vote to confirm Trump’s second Supreme Court nominee, Justice Brett Kavanaugh, a vote that has been a focal point of national attention as Democrats aim to claim a Senate majority.
Collins has said she will vote against Trump’s third nominee, Amy Coney Barrett, if the vote takes place before the election. The president who wins the 2020 election should decide who the next nominee is, she said.
When asked why her current bid for reelection appears to be much more competitive than in past cycles, Collins pointed to two things: a general state of heightened division and an influx in outside money.
“I think what’s happened in Maine reflects the nation as a whole,” Collins said. “There is increasing polarization. There is a feeling that you either despise President Trump or you love President Trump, and that is affecting the atmosphere in Maine. There are fewer people trying to bring us together, and I can’t tell you how many families have told me that they can’t talk about politics anymore because it gets too angry too fast.”
The tense political atmosphere has been exacerbated, she said, by the stressors of the COVID-19 pandemic, including widespread economic hardship.
An influx of so-called “dark money” into Maine politics has funded a steady drumbeat of negative and inaccurate ads, Collins said. “They distort my record. They attack my integrity. ... They even distort a picture of me for goodness’ sake,” she said.
“I think that constant barrage, which has been going on for two solid years in Maine, and my being so outspent by the dark-money groups and my opponent has altered some people’s perception of me,” she said.
Collins said she’s faced tough opponents before. In 2008, for example, Tom Allen, a Harvard-educated congressman with deep family roots in Maine, challenged her bid for a third term.
“We had vigorous debates about political philosophy, about votes, but he never lied about my record or said I voted in a way that I didn’t, or attacked my integrity,” Collins said. “It was a far higher-level debate.”
More: Dems rally local voters with a simple ask: Who is the person who will 'impact on your everyday life'
Collins questioned the fairness of Maine’s ranked-choice voting system for federal office. “I think that this system is a very strange system to use,” she said.
There are four candidates in the Senate race: Collins, Gideon and independents Lisa Savage and Max Linn. Voters are asked to rank their preferred candidates from first through fourth. If none of the candidates secures a majority of first-rank votes, then the last-place finisher is eliminated from the race and the results are retallied. Votes cast for the eliminated candidate are reallocated to each voter’s second-rank pick. The process repeats until one candidate secures a majority of the votes.
“I don’t think that’s fair,” Collins said, arguing those who vote for Savage or Linn may effectively have the opportunity to vote a second time on the same ballot, while those who vote for Collins or Gideon would have just their first-rank pick counted.
Collins said she would prefer a true run-off system, like the one in place in Louisiana, over Maine’s ranked-choice voting arrangement.
“But those are the rules,” she said. “They’ve been upheld by the court. And those are the rules I’ve got to play by.”


usatoday--2020-10-19--Supreme Court will rule on Trump administration policy forcing asylum-seekers to remain in Mexico

WASHINGTON – The Supreme Court agreed Monday to decide the fate of a Trump administration policy that forces migrants seeking asylum to remain in Mexico while their applications are pending .
The decision to hear the case is a victory for the Department of Homeland Security , because the policy has twice been declared illegal by lower federal courts .
Even so , those rulings have been put on hold , and it has been in effect since January 2019 .
Attorneys for those challenging the policy say it endangers thousands of Central Americans traveling through Mexico to reach the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ harm at the hands of Central American gangs , Mexican cartels and corrupt government officials .
“ Asylum-seekers face grave danger every day this illegal and depraved policy is in effect , '' said Judy Rabinovitz , lead counsel in the lawsuit for the American Civil Liberties Union .
More : Asylum-seekers in US face years of waiting , little chance of winning their cases But the Supreme Court in March let the policy remain in effect while deciding whether to hear an appeal from the Justice Department , which warned that many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Mexico would rush into the United States if a lower court 's injunction was allowed to take effect .
The actions , known as Migrant Protection Protocols , represent one of several administration efforts to reduce the number of asylum-seekers entering the country .
Trump has cut back and , at times , completely suspended the refugee and asylum systems that allow those fleeing war , violence or persecution to seek safe haven .
The asylum policy is one of several issues being fought out in the courts that could become moot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's election and is inaugurated in January .
The case is unlikely to be scheduled for argument at the high court before February .
More : Supreme Court will decide future of President Trump 's border wall with Mexico The Department of Homeland Security implemented the policy along the borders of California , Arizona , New Mexico and Texas to deter asylum-seekers from crossing the southern border .
Applicants have been sent back to seven Mexican border cities , from Tijuana to Matamoros .
In February , the U.S. Court of Appeals for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violates federal immigration law , which allows asylum-seekers who have expressed `` credible fear '' of persecution to remain in the United States .
Under the policy , asylum-seekers may come back to the United States only to appear for their court hearings .
Immigration officials are instructed not to ask asylum-seekers whether they fear returning to Mexico .
The policy `` has had serious adverse consequences '' to asylum-seekers who have shown proof that they faced discrimination , sexual and physical violence , corrupt law enforcement , hunger and homelessness after returning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fletcher wrote .
The Supreme Court likely will hear the case early next year and decide the policy 's fate by June .

Supreme Court will rule on Trump administration policy forcing asylum-seekers to remain in Mexico
Show Caption Hide Caption Applying for asylum in Tapachula Migrants are told to apply for asylum from Mexico. What it’s like in Tapachula Nick Oza, The Republic | azcentral.com
WASHINGTON – The Supreme Court agreed Monday to decide the fate of a Trump administration policy that forces migrants seeking asylum to remain in Mexico while their applications are pending.
The decision to hear the case is a victory for the Department of Homeland Security, because the policy has twice been declared illegal by lower federal courts. Even so, those rulings have been put on hold, and it has been in effect since January 2019.
Attorneys for those challenging the policy say it endangers thousands of Central Americans traveling through Mexico to reach the United States by subjecting them to potential harm at the hands of Central American gangs, Mexican cartels and corrupt government officials.
“Asylum-seekers face grave danger every day this illegal and depraved policy is in effect," said Judy Rabinovitz, lead counsel in the lawsuit for the American Civil Liberties Union.
More: Asylum-seekers in US face years of waiting, little chance of winning their cases
But the Supreme Court in March let the policy remain in effect while deciding whether to hear an appeal from the Justice Department, which warned that many of the more than 25,000 asylum-seekers sent to Mexico would rush into the United States if a lower court's injunction was allowed to take effect.
The actions, known as Migrant Protection Protocols, represent one of several administration efforts to reduce the number of asylum-seekers entering the country. Trump has cut back and, at times, completely suspended the refugee and asylum systems that allow those fleeing war, violence or persecution to seek safe haven.
More: President Trump's immigration crackdown inundates Supreme Court
The asylum policy is one of several issues being fought out in the courts that could become moot if Democrat Joe Biden wins next month's election and is inaugurated in January. The case is unlikely to be scheduled for argument at the high court before February.
More: Supreme Court will decide future of President Trump's border wall with Mexico
The Department of Homeland Security implemented the policy along the borders of California, Arizona, New Mexico and Texas to deter asylum-seekers from crossing the southern border. Applicants have been sent back to seven Mexican border cities, from Tijuana to Matamoros.
In February, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit ruled that the policy violates federal immigration law, which allows asylum-seekers who have expressed "credible fear" of persecution to remain in the United States.
Under the policy, asylum-seekers may come back to the United States only to appear for their court hearings. Immigration officials are instructed not to ask asylum-seekers whether they fear returning to Mexico.
The policy "has had serious adverse consequences" to asylum-seekers who have shown proof that they faced discrimination, sexual and physical violence, corrupt law enforcement, hunger and homelessness after returning to Mexico, appeals court Judge William Fletcher wrote.
The Supreme Court likely will hear the case early next year and decide the policy's fate by June.


usatoday--2020-10-19--For family caregivers, COVID-19 is a mental health crisis in the making

This story was published in partnership with The 19th , a nonprofit , nonpartisan newsroom reporting on gender , politics and policy .
When COVID-19 emerged , Jyl Choate ’ s family entered into strict lockdown .
They had no choice : Choate , 51 , doesn ’ t have just herself to think of .
Beyond caring for her husband and two children , she is responsible for her 87-year-old mother .
“ Nobody wants to kill grandma , ” said Choate , who lives just outside of Atlanta in Marietta , Georgia .
“ If any of us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get it.
” Choate ’ s whole life revolves around her mother : 14 hours a day , seven days a week , she makes sure her mom eats , exercises , takes her medications and goes to doctors ’ appointments .
Even before COVID-19 , she stopped working to stay on top of her mother ’ s needs .
Now , the pandemic has strained her family ’ s finances .
Choate is more stressed than ever , sleeping maybe four or five hours a night .
If not for the health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to help care , even just for a few hours every now and then , to alleviate some of the burden .
Now the risk of exposure is too great to allow anyone else into the home .
Already , her mother has a host of medical conditions , including heart disease , COPD , osteoarthritis and macular degeneration .
COVID-19 could be a death sentence .
If her mother falls — which happens often — Choate has tried to take care of her at home , doing all she can to keep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ She recently had to break that rule , taking her mother in for emergency care .
But because of the pandemic , she isn ’ t allowed in to visit her mom and provide the assistance she normally would have .
Those worries have political ramifications for Choate , who wrote in a vote for Jeb Bush in 2016 .
She is a lifelong Republican in a state looking increasingly competitive for 2020 .
But she can ’ t vote for Donald Trump , she said — especially after the president , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ don ’ t be afraid ” of COVID-19 .
“ We ’ ve got friends who died , but ‘ It ’ s OK , don ’ t be scared.
’ I ’ m supposed to tell my 87-year-old mother don ’ t be scared ?
” she said .
“ Don ’ t turn around and tell me I have nothing to be scared of when I have been locked down with my entire family since March.
” She watched the vice presidential debate between Kamala Harris and Mike Pence with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , she said , was the decision whether to break with her party and vote for Joe Biden , or to just stay home .
Almost 42 million Americans , or 16 percent of all adults , serve as caregivers for relatives 50 or over .
The majority of the people doing this unpaid , labor-intensive work are women , and , on average , they are just shy of 50 themselves , according to data compiled by the AARP .
Many have jobs outside the home , or are also primary parents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gotten little attention on the campaign trail .
But it ’ s at the forefront for those who are preparing to vote while they navigate a pandemic that has taken caregiving — already a grueling task — and rendered it all-consuming , with no promise of relief coming anytime soon .
And though there isn ’ t good data yet to show how many people have taken on caregiving burdens because of the pandemic , experts agree it ’ s likely a growing segment of the workforce , as resources like adult day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Caregiving is hard to start with .
But given isolation , [ and the ] inability to access services [ because of quarantine ] , it ’ s made it even more difficult , ” said Scott Beach , who directs survey research at the University of Pittsburgh ’ s Center for Social and Urban Research , and is currently studying the pandemic ’ s impact on caregivers .
“ It ’ s gone from a tough situation to even worse.
” Already , people who are caring for others appear less @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And now , emerging research shows psychological consequences , too .
An August report from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention found that two-thirds of unpaid caregivers for adults had at least one mental health condition , including anxiety , depression and suicidal ideation .
A survey conducted by the University of Pittsburgh found that from April through May family caregivers were more likely to experience anxiety , depression , isolation , fatigue , trouble sleeping and food insecurity — with worse outcomes for women caregivers .
Those conditions have likely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of the researchers on the survey .
“ They are being stretched thin .
This is at the same time that those who are working may be seeing cuts in their salaries or compensation , ” said Jamila Bookwala , a psychologist and dean of the faculty at Lafayette College .
“ We ’ re talking about the brewing of — I don ’ t want to call it perfect — it ’ s the imperfect storm .
This is going to take a toll for a long , long time.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on caregivers are spotlighting shortcomings in the nation ’ s family caregiver infrastructure .
They ’ re flaws that already existed , but have taken on outsize importance in the face of a pandemic .
Already , there isn ’ t a uniform policy for paid family leave , which means people who suddenly must assume caregiving responsibilities often lose income as a result .
The Families First Act , which mandated that during the pandemic , companies with fewer than 500 employees provide paid family leave , targeted that benefit for parents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offers no such protection for people taking care of older relatives , or ones who are ill .
Even nuances in the government ’ s unpaid family leave mandate , which in theory covers all midsize employers , mean that almost half of all workers don ’ t qualify , a group that largely includes women and especially non-White women .
Paid leave is only part of the equation , though .
If someone takes time off to care for a relative , that can result in an eventual demotion at work .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ older doesn ’ t have any definite end-date .
Once the paid leave period ends , caregivers still have to find a way to navigate work and their family responsibilities .
Family caregiver groups have also argued that Medicaid — the largest individual insurance payer for long-term care — could be leveraged to better support unpaid caregivers , who may take pay-cuts to support relatives , and often pay for caregiving supplies out of pocket .
Others say Social Security or other tax credits could play a role , too , even in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ A vulnerability in our system and society has been exposed , ” said Lisa Winstel , who heads the Caregiving Action Network , which lobbies on behalf of caregivers .
The burden is acute for 21-year-old Robbie Goldberg , who lives in Framingham , Massachusetts .
She ’ s a part-time student at the local university — all of her classes are online right now — and the sole caregiver for her two elderly parents .
When COVID-19 hit , she had to quit her job at a child care facility @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virus .
Her mom has , among other conditions , chronic bronchitis , asthma , depression and opiate dependence , which all heighten the risk of viral exposure .
Her dad is in better health , but at age 80 , he ’ s also vulnerable to coronavirus complications .
Goldberg ’ s responsibilities include preparing all the meals , making sure her parents take their medications and sitting in on all their virtual doctors ’ visits .
In theory , she said , she would love to hire someone to help just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it feels like the cost and exposure outweigh the benefit.
” It ’ s taken a toll on her mental health .
Already , Goldberg had both ADHD and chronic anxiety .
Since leaving her job , she has lost her health insurance and , in turn , access to therapy .
The pandemic has heightened her own anxiety , and she ’ s had to change her medications , too .
“ It ’ s stressful to realize the outside world is no longer safe for your family , ” she said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ either Biden or Trump , though in 2016 , she was an avid Hillary Clinton supporter .
But she imagines that a Biden administration might be more attentive to caregivers like herself — less because of Biden , she said , and more because his running mate , Sen. Kamala Harris , is also a woman .
“ Kamala Harris seems like the kind of person who might understand that there are people who do work at home , ” she said .
“ They ’ d probably be willing to listen to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among caregivers doesn ’ t account for race .
But systemic factors in terms of whom COVID-19 most affects means Black and Latino people in many ways face a heavier burden .
Proportionally , they are already more likely to be caregivers , said Stipica Mudrazija , a senior research associate at the Urban Institute , who studies aging and long-term care .
At the same time , Black women and Latinas in particular are more likely to have lost jobs in the pandemic , and — if they ’ ve held onto @ @ @ @ @ @ @ guaranteed paid leave .
“ There are these structural factors making it all that much harder , ” Mudrazija said .
Under normal circumstances , Black caregivers in particular are more likely to place cultural value on taking care of family , and therefore less likely to show emotional strain from the work , said Peggye Dilworth-Anderson , a professor of health policy and management at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill .
But the pandemic has taken a disproportionate toll on Black people , which means caregivers are facing heightened @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black caregivers are experiencing heightened anxiety , difficulties accessing medical care , difficulties having people come in to support them , and they are becoming exhausted , ” she said .
Ira Britt , who lives in Greensboro , North Carolina , has spent the past few months caring both for her mother and her husband — her mother has dementia , and her husband just finished chemotherapy .
Both are on insulin .
Britt , 69 , organizes her whole life around making sure both have meals they can eat and are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tries to read or exercise regularly , but there simply isn ’ t time right now .
She does all the grocery shopping — Britt is at Walmart every Wednesday morning at 7 a.m. sharp , when the store is emptier and there ’ s less risk of exposure — because while her age elevates her own COVID-19 risk , it ’ s nothing compared to what her family members would face .
Britt has seen multiple friends younger than her die of the virus .
She is doing her best to manage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the past few months .
She prays , and does all she can to clean any potential source of germs and limit her and her family ’ s exposure to the outside world .
Still , there ’ s only so much she can do .
Before the pandemic , Britt had never suffered anxiety attacks .
She had her first one recently , waking up at 3 a.m. , terrified of an impending dentist appointment .
What if the dentist ’ s office wasn ’ t properly sanitized ?
And what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and passed it onto her family ?
“ I wasn ’ t concerned about myself — it was , ‘ Who is going to take care of them , who is going to make sure they are taken care of ?
’ ” she said .
“ I have never experienced anything like that .
”

For family caregivers, COVID-19 is a mental health crisis in the making
Show Caption Hide Caption Tips on how to deal with money stress and ways to seek help Marriage and family therapist Adriana Alejandre shares tips to handle anxiety over money and how to look for help during quarantine. Just the FAQs, USA TODAY
When COVID-19 emerged, Jyl Choate’s family entered into a strict lockdown. They had no choice: Choate, 51, doesn’t have just herself to think of. Beyond caring for her husband and two children, she is responsible for her 87-year-old mother.
“Nobody wants to kill grandma,” said Choate, who lives just outside of Atlanta in Marietta, Georgia. “If any of us get the virus, she will probably get it.”
Choate’s whole life revolves around her mother: 14 hours a day, seven days a week, she makes sure her mom eats, exercises, takes her medications and goes to doctors’ appointments. Even before COVID-19, she stopped working to stay on top of her mother’s needs. Now, the pandemic has strained her family’s finances. Choate is more stressed than ever, sleeping maybe four or five hours a night.
If not for the health crisis, Choate might have hired someone to help care, even just for a few hours every now and then, to alleviate some of the burden. Now the risk of exposure is too great to allow anyone else into the home. Already, her mother has a host of medical conditions, including heart disease, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, osteoarthritis and macular degeneration.
COVID-19 could be a death sentence. If her mother falls – which happens often – Choate has tried to take care of her at home, doing all she can to keep her from going to the hospital. She recently had to break that rule, taking her mother in for emergency care. But because of the pandemic, she isn’t allowed in to visit her mom and provide the assistance she normally would have.
Those worries have political ramifications for Choate, who wrote in a vote for Jeb Bush in 2016. She is a lifelong Republican in a state looking increasingly competitive for 2020. But she can’t vote for Donald Trump, she said – especially after the president, who recently contracted the coronavirus, told voters “don’t be afraid” of COVID-19.
“We’ve got friends who died, but ‘It’s OK, don’t be scared.’ I’m supposed to tell my 87-year-old mother don’t be scared?” she said. “Don’t turn around and tell me I have nothing to be scared of when I have been locked down with my entire family since March.”
She watched the vice presidential debate between Kamala Harris and Mike Pence with rapt attention. Hanging in the balance, she said, was the decision whether to break with her party and vote for Joe Biden or to just stay home.
Almost 42 million Americans, or 16% of all adults, serve as caregivers for relatives 50 or over. The majority of the people doing this unpaid, labor-intensive work are women, and, on average, they are just shy of 50 themselves, according to data compiled by the AARP. Many have jobs outside the home or are also primary parents for young children.
The issue has gotten little attention on the campaign trail. But it’s at the forefront for those who are preparing to vote while they navigate a pandemic that has taken caregiving – already a grueling task – and rendered it all-consuming, with no promise of relief coming anytime soon.
And though there isn’t good data yet to show how many people have taken on caregiving burdens because of the pandemic, experts agree it’s likely a growing segment of the workforce, as resources like adult day care and assisted-living facilities prove perilous.
“Caregiving is hard to start with. But given isolation, (and the) inability to access services (because of the quarantine), it’s made it even more difficult,” said Scott Beach, who directs survey research at the University of Pittsburgh’s Center for Social and Urban Research, and is currently studying the pandemic’s impact on caregivers. “It’s gone from a tough situation to even worse.”
Already, people who are caring for others appear less likely to attend to their own health. And now, emerging research shows psychological consequences, too. An August report from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention found that two-thirds of unpaid caregivers for adults had at least one mental health condition, including anxiety, depression and suicidal ideation.
A survey conducted by the University of Pittsburgh found that from April through May family caregivers were more likely to experience anxiety, depression, isolation, fatigue, trouble sleeping and food insecurity – with worse outcomes for women caregivers. Those conditions have likely persisted since May, said Beach, one of the researchers on the survey.
“They are being stretched thin. This is at the same time that those who are working may be seeing cuts in their salaries or compensation,” said Jamila Bookwala, a psychologist and dean of the faculty at Lafayette College. “We’re talking about the brewing of – I don’t want to call it perfect – it’s the imperfect storm. This is going to take a toll for a long, long time.”
Experts say the psychological and financial burdens on caregivers are spotlighting shortcomings in the nation’s family caregiver infrastructure. They’re flaws that already existed, but have taken on outsize importance in the face of a pandemic.
Already, there isn’t a uniform policy for paid family leave, which means people who suddenly must assume caregiving responsibilities often lose income as a result. The Families First Act, which mandated that during the pandemic, companies with fewer than 500 employees provide paid family leave, targeted that benefit for parents who need time for children. It offers no such protection for people taking care of older relatives, or ones who are ill.
Even nuances in the government’s unpaid family leave mandate, which in theory covers all midsize employers, mean that almost half of all workers don’t qualify, a group that largely includes women and especially non-White women.
Paid leave is only part of the equation, though. If someone takes time off to care for a relative, that can result in an eventual demotion at work. Plus, caregiving for someone who is older doesn’t have any definite end-date. Once the paid leave period ends, caregivers still have to find a way to navigate work and their family responsibilities.
Family caregiver groups have also argued that Medicaid – the largest individual insurance payer for long-term care – could be leveraged to better support unpaid caregivers, who may take pay cuts to support relatives and often pay for caregiving supplies out of pocket. Others say Social Security or other tax credits could play a role, too, even in just alleviating the financial burden caregivers face.
“A vulnerability in our system and society has been exposed,” said Lisa Winstel, who heads the Caregiving Action Network, which lobbies on behalf of caregivers.
The burden is acute for 21-year-old Robbie Goldberg, who lives in Framingham, Massachusetts. She’s a part-time student at the local university – all of her classes are online right now – and the sole caregiver for her two elderly parents.
When COVID-19 hit, she had to quit her job at a child care facility to avoid exposing her parents to the virus. Her mom has, among other conditions, chronic bronchitis, asthma, depression and opiate dependence, which all heighten the risk of viral exposure. Her dad is in better health, but at 80, he’s also vulnerable to coronavirus complications.
Goldberg’s responsibilities include preparing all the meals, making sure her parents take their medications and sitting in on all their virtual doctors’ visits. In theory, she said, she would love to hire someone to help just with cooking. In practice, “it feels like the cost and exposure outweigh the benefit.”
It’s taken a toll on her mental health. Already, Goldberg had both attention deficit hyperactivity disorder and chronic anxiety. Since leaving her job, she has lost her health insurance and, in turn, access to therapy. The pandemic has heightened her own anxiety, and she’s had to change her medications, too.
“It’s stressful to realize the outside world is no longer safe for your family,” she said.
Goldberg isn’t excited about either Biden or Trump, though in 2016, she was an avid Hillary Clinton supporter. But she imagines that a Biden administration might be more attentive to caregivers like herself – less because of Biden, she said, and more because his running mate, Sen. Kamala Harris, is also a woman.
“Kamala Harris seems like the kind of person who might understand that there are people who do work at home,” she said. “They’d probably be willing to listen to people.”
'I'm speaking': Kamala Harris reclaims floor from Mike Pence at debate Sen. Kamala Harris swiftly reclaimed her time when Vice President Mike Pence interrupted her at the vice presidential debate. USA TODAY
Current data tracking mental health among caregivers doesn’t account for race. But systemic factors in terms of whom COVID-19 most affects means Black and Latino people in many ways face a heavier burden.
Proportionally, they are already more likely to be caregivers, said Stipica Mudrazija, a senior research associate at the Urban Institute, who studies aging and long-term care. At the same time, Black women and Latinas, in particular, are more likely to have lost jobs in the pandemic, and – if they’ve held onto work – are less likely to be guaranteed paid leave.
“There are these structural factors making it all that much harder,” Mudrazija said.
Under normal circumstances, Black caregivers, in particular, are more likely to place cultural value on taking care of family, and therefore less likely to show emotional strain from the work, said Peggye Dilworth-Anderson, a professor of health policy and management at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. But the pandemic has taken a disproportionate toll on Black people, which means caregivers are facing heightened worry about their loved ones.
“Black caregivers are experiencing heightened anxiety, difficulties accessing medical care, difficulties having people come in to support them, and they are becoming exhausted,” she said.
Ira Britt, who lives in Greensboro, North Carolina, has spent the past few months caring both for her mother and her husband – her mother has dementia, and her husband just finished chemotherapy. Both are on insulin.
Britt, 69, organizes her whole life around making sure both have meals they can eat and are taking their medicines. Normally, she tries to read or exercise regularly, but there simply isn’t time right now.
She does all the grocery shopping – Britt is at Walmart every Wednesday morning at 7 a.m. sharp when the store is emptier and there’s less risk of exposure – because while her age elevates her own COVID-19 risk, it’s nothing compared to what her family members would face. Britt has seen multiple friends younger than her die of the virus.
She is doing her best to manage her mental health, which has worsened in the past few months. She prays and does all she can to clean any potential source of germs and limit her and her family’s exposure to the outside world.
Still, there’s only so much she can do. Before the pandemic, Britt had never suffered anxiety attacks. She had her first one recently, waking up at 3 a.m., terrified of an impending dentist appointment. What if the dentist’s office wasn’t properly sanitized? And what if she were exposed to the virus and passed it onto her family?
“I wasn’t concerned about myself – it was, ‘Who is going to take care of them, who is going to make sure they are taken care of?’” she said. “I have never experienced anything like that.”
This story was published in partnership with The 19th, a nonprofit, nonpartisan newsroom reporting on gender, politics and policy.


usatoday--2020-10-20--Former Astros GM Jeff Luhnow on sign-stealing punishment: MLB's goal was to 'calm the panic'

Former Houston Astros general manager Jeff Luhnow feels he was unfairly targeted as a scapegoat in the sign-stealing scandal that raised questions about the legitimacy of the Astros ' 2017 World Series title and ultimately cost him his job .
If he had known about it , Luhnow said , he would have tried to shut down the system in which video technicians stole opposing teams ' signs and relayed them to Astros coaches and players on the field .
`` It was bad .
It shouldn ’ t have happened .
Our team broke the rules .
And I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gained from breaking the rules , '' he told reporter Vanessa Richardson of Houston 's KPRC television in his first one-on-one interview since he was fired in January .
`` But , unfortunately , had I known about it , I would have stopped it .
Nobody came to me and told me it was going on , and I just didn ’ t know.
” Luhnow said he cooperated fully with a three-month MLB investigation into the allegations and was `` shocked '' when he was implicated in the scandal .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Manfred he would be willing to take a lie detector test to prove his innocence .
In releasing his findings , Manfred suspended Luhnow and Astros manager A.J .
Hinch for a year .
The team fired both later in the day .
`` I was not expecting a year-long suspension , I was certainly not expecting for the team I spent eight years building to fire me and let me go , '' he said .
'We ’ ll be back ' : The Astros , the team America loved to hate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ALCS How did MLB pull off the World Series ?
: ' I did n't think there was any way' In the end , Luhnow said he felt MLB was n't as concerned about finding the truth as it was delivering `` a punishment that was perceived as severe '' by the other 29 clubs .
`` I know the Dodgers , for sure , were adamant about some big punishments .
And they wanted the manager , and they wanted the general manager to go down in this scandal .
And they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` And I think the investigation was not attempting to really uncover who did what , and who was really responsible .
The goal of the investigation was to deliver punishments that Rob could feel good about and that would calm the panic . ''
Later in the 37-minute interview , Luhnow was asked about the incident during the 2019 playoffs in which a team employee was overheard making insensitive remarks toward a group of women reporters .
The Astros fired assistant GM Brandon Taubman , but not before issuing a statement calling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
Luhnow placed the blame on two members of the Astros legal and PR teams for putting out the statement , and said he was forced to `` take one for the team '' when he had to walk that statement back in public .
`` That ’ s not my area of expertise .
I was busy preparing for the World Series , '' he said .
`` There are people in the company ; the legal department , the marketing department , the PR department ; those are the people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And they botched this one big time.
” Despite being no longer associated with the Astros , Luhnow said he still roots for the team to succeed .
He also said he would n't mind getting back into baseball once his suspension ends – under certain conditions .
`` It would depend on the owners , '' Luhnow said .
`` I was not expecting to be treated the way I was treated at the end by the owners of the Astros .
If I trusted the owners and the team had potential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ again , I know I could . ''

Former Astros GM Jeff Luhnow on sign-stealing punishment: MLB's goal was to 'calm the panic'
Show Caption Hide Caption Why the Astros scandal could actually be good for baseball SportsPulse: Yes, on the surface, the Astros cheating scandal threatens the integrity of the game. And yes, it can also be a good thing for baseball by breathing drama, emotion and intrigue into a sport that frankly needs it, says Gabe Lacques. USA TODAY
Former Houston Astros general manager Jeff Luhnow feels he was unfairly targeted as a scapegoat in the sign-stealing scandal that raised questions about the legitimacy of the Astros' 2017 World Series title and ultimately cost him his job.
If he had known about it, Luhnow said, he would have tried to shut down the system in which video technicians stole opposing teams' signs and relayed them to Astros coaches and players on the field.
"It was bad. It shouldn’t have happened. Our team broke the rules. And I’m sure there was some advantage gained from breaking the rules," he told reporter Vanessa Richardson of Houston's KPRC television in his first one-on-one interview since he was fired in January.
"But, unfortunately, had I known about it, I would have stopped it. Nobody came to me and told me it was going on, and I just didn’t know.”
Luhnow said he cooperated fully with a three-month MLB investigation into the allegations and was "shocked" when he was implicated in the scandal. He said he even told MLB commissioner Rob Manfred he would be willing to take a lie detector test to prove his innocence.
In releasing his findings, Manfred suspended Luhnow and Astros manager A.J. Hinch for a year. The team fired both later in the day.
"I was not expecting a year-long suspension, I was certainly not expecting for the team I spent eight years building to fire me and let me go," he said.
'We’ll be back': The Astros, the team America loved to hate, fought to the end in the ALCS
How did MLB pull off the World Series?: 'I didn't think there was any way'
In the end, Luhnow said he felt MLB wasn't as concerned about finding the truth as it was delivering "a punishment that was perceived as severe" by the other 29 clubs.
"I know the Dodgers, for sure, were adamant about some big punishments. And they wanted the manager, and they wanted the general manager to go down in this scandal. And they got it," Luhnow said. "And I think the investigation was not attempting to really uncover who did what, and who was really responsible. The goal of the investigation was to deliver punishments that Rob could feel good about and that would calm the panic."
Former #Astros GM Jeff Luhnow describes the documents he was able to obtain, including years of texts from Astros employees.
"The people who were involved that didn't leave naturally to go to other teams are all still employed by the Astros." pic.twitter.com/vAENtwTYLG — Vanessa Richardson (@SportsVanessa) October 19, 2020
Later in the 37-minute interview, Luhnow was asked about the incident during the 2019 playoffs in which a team employee was overheard making insensitive remarks toward a group of women reporters.
The Astros fired assistant GM Brandon Taubman, but not before issuing a statement calling the allegations "misleading and completely irresponsible." Luhnow placed the blame on two members of the Astros legal and PR teams for putting out the statement, and said he was forced to "take one for the team" when he had to walk that statement back in public.
"That’s not my area of expertise. I was busy preparing for the World Series," he said. "There are people in the company; the legal department, the marketing department, the PR department; those are the people that are involved in crisis management. And they botched this one big time.”
Despite being no longer associated with the Astros, Luhnow said he still roots for the team to succeed. He also said he wouldn't mind getting back into baseball once his suspension ends – under certain conditions.
"It would depend on the owners," Luhnow said. "I was not expecting to be treated the way I was treated at the end by the owners of the Astros. If I trusted the owners and the team had potential, and I wanted to do it again, I know I could."
Follow Gardner on Twitter @SteveAGardner